[ { "id": 204253, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 21, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n18\n\nBIRDS OF HONG KONG\n\nCAPTAIN A. M. MACFARLANE, R.A.\n\nBased on a lecture delivered on September 22, 1960,\n\nThe birds of Hong Kong are notable for their variety. Over 330 different kinds of birds have been recorded here since 1860, and the list covers a wide range of types, with very few families found in China left unrepresented. I propose to cover the more common species, both residents and visitors, and to touch on a few of the rarities besides.\n\nI would normally hesitate to point out to residents of the Colony the geography of their surroundings, but a few features are worth remembering from a bird-watcher's point of view. First, Hong Kong is just inside the tropics, and therefore lies at the southern breeding limit of some of the typically northern birds such as the Black-capped Kingfisher, and at the northern breeding limit of some of the typically tropical or sub-tropical birds, such as the sunbirds and flowerpeckers. Secondly, the year is divided into quite definite seasons, some much longer than others, and so we get summer visitors who breed here, such as the Black-naped Oriole and Hair-crested Drongo; winter visitors such as certain ducks and many species of hawks and thrushes; and of course, passage migrants that pass through the Colony, sometimes in immense numbers, in spring and autumn to and from their breeding grounds in the far north. Examples of the more noticeable of these migrants are the waders, the swifts and the flycatchers. Thirdly, the Colony has a wide range of bird country within its small limits, from the top of Tai Mo Shan, over three thousand feet high, down through the wooded valleys such as the Lam Tsuen valley and the Tai Po Kau Forestry Reserve, across the open paddy-fields and marshes bordering Deep Bay to the rocky coasts and open sea off Hong Kong Island and Lantau. Therefore a bird-watcher can select different areas and hope to see different birds accordingly. Lastly, to the regret of all but bird-watchers, Hong Kong is subject to occasional fierce storms and even typhoons. If these last occur, then it is worth every effort to go out and brave the storm, for unusual birds are blown in, especially of marsh and coastal species.\n\nDuring the last few years, members of the Hong Kong Bird-Watching Society have found that just over 60 species nest regularly in the Colony. Despite the apparent scarcity of birds in the summer months, this number compares quite favourably with an area of English coastline of the same size. Although", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204293, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 61, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n57\n\npainstaking scholar. In his journals and letters he notes with appreciation books received for recreational purposes and also for the education of his children. The collection is representative of the period and contains more curiosities than rarities,\n\nOnly about two hundred volumes remain which are of Far East interest. This section seems to have suffered the depredations of time and insects more than any other, but what is left is perhaps of sufficient interest to warrant description. There are a fair number of eighteenth century books but in all only five seventeenth century and of these only two are about China,\n\nThe earliest is Atlas Extreme Asiae Sive Sinarum Imperii (Atlas of furthermost Asia and Imperial China) by Martin Martinius of 1654. It lacks a title page and of the fifteen maps three are missing. It includes a brief note on Korea and Japan. It has a thirty-six page supplement \"De Bello Tartarico Historia\" many separate editions of which appeared in French and Dutch translations. The work is listed in Cordier as Novus Atlas Sinensis a Martino Martinio Soc. Iesv, a later edition than the one here described. According to the same authority there were two Latin editions and many translations.\n\nOnly one of the two copies listed of China Monumentis by Athanasius Kircher, S.J. is now in the Library. It is a copy of the first 1667 edition listed in Cordier as being the finest, a folio, complete with the engraved frontispiece and the numerous plates.\n\nAmong the eighteenth century books there is a copy of the first edition of the first English translation to be made of Camoës' epic poem, The Lusiad (Os Lusiadas) by William Julius Mickle. Mickle published a translation of Book Five only in The Gentleman's Magazine for March, 1771 and a little later the first canto. These were followed by the whole poem in 1775 when its publication was supported by a long list of subscribers. The translator visited Portugal as secretary to Commodore Johnstone in 1779 where he was received with much acclaim.\n\nThere is a copy of the first collected English edition of The Works of Peter Pindar, Esq. in three volumes (two earlier collected editions had appeared in Dublin), but unfortunately the first volume is missing. Peter Pindar, the pen name of John Wolcot, was well known as a pungent satirist in his day. This collected edition was published in 1794 by John Walker of Paternoster Row, London, to whom Wolcot sold all the rights of his published and future work in 1793. This arrangement subsequently led to disputes and a law suit which was decided in the author's favour and he enjoyed a comfortable annuity for the rest of his long life until 1819. The Works contain A pair of Lyric Epistles to Lord Macartney and Odes to Kien Long which recall how much in the public eye was the British Embassy to Peking at this time.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204585, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "CHANGES IN CHINESE LANGUAGE\n\n55\n\nand as te-mo-k'e-la-si #or te hsien-sheng ✯ (Mr. Democracy\"). But now these transliterations have become antiquated and replaced by i-hui for parliament, kê-hsüeh ** for science, and min-chu R± for democracy. But a few good transliterations have survived such as chi-he for geometry, lo-chi for logic, yu-mo ✯✯ for humour, wu-t'o-pang ✯‡₺ Ħ for utopia, sha-wen chu-i ✯✯‡ for chauvinism. Yet even in Hong Kong, where many Chinese use English, transliteration remains the less common method for introducing terms of foreign origin. Some popular transliterations are, however, in use such as pâk-ch'e for parking a car, in-shoh for insurance, sz-toh ✰✰ for store, fei-lam for film and chak K for cheque. The Chinese living in multi-lingual communities like Malaya or Singapore resort more frequently to transliteration; but their tendency to do so has not exerted a significant influence on the language as a whole. Transliteration of Western terms having in general been found to be a clumsy practice, many Chinese translators, especially before the May 4th Movement, have preferred to borrow certain terms from the Japanese.\n\nIn Chinese, many words can be used in more than one grammatical function, having either completely different meanings or different connotations of one meaning, depending on their position in the sentence. This peculiarity has sometimes been thought to make for a lack of that precision needed in scientific usage. But this so-called imprecision also makes for elasticity in the creation of new terms. For instance, the character pi # can, depending on its place in a sentence, signify \"writing brush\", \"to write\", \"writing\" or \"handwriting\"; moreover, it can be found in combinations such as kang-pi meaning pen; sui-pi M. sketch or essay; pi-chi . to take notes; ch'in-pi #, one's own handwriting; or finally chu-pi, editor or editorial writer of newspaper. How widely the meaning of a character may vary is best shown by the character su originally meaning \"plain and unadorned\". However, Chinese dictionaries usually list about ten meanings under this character, as well as numerous combinations in which it forms a part, such as su-shih . vegetarian diet; su-miao ✯, sketch; yin-su #, factor; and yüan-su ƒ‡. chemical element all newly coined expressions. Similar combinations in common use are: ke-ming, revolution;\n\n¡", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204685, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "150\n\nBOYD, J. D. I.\n\nBRAGA, J. M. -\n\nBREUIL, Mrs. N. du\n\nBROMHALL, J. D.\n\nBROOKS, D. E.\n\nBRUUN, F. -\n\nA-1 9th Floor, 2 Oaklands Path, H.K.\n\n-\n\nP. O. Box 951, H.K.\n\n86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K.\n\nFisheries Research Station. The Fish Market,\n\nIsland Road, Aberdeen.\n\nRadio Hong Kong, Rodney Block, G/F.,\n\nWellington Barracks, H.K.\n\n908, Takshing House, H.K.\n\nBURKHARDT, Col. V. R. - 86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K.\n\nBYRNE, D. J. -\n\nCALCINA, P. G. *\n\nCHAN, Dr. H. C.\n\n-\n\nCHAN, Hok-lam\n\nCHAN, Leonard\n\n+\n\nCHAU, Hon. Sir T. N. *-\n\nCHAU, Wah-ching\n\nCHENG, T. C..\n\nCHEONG-LEEN, Hilton\n\n+\n\nc/o China Light & Power Co., Ltd. Argyle\n\nSt., Kowloon.\n\nCommercial Investment Co., Ltd., Union\n\nHouse, 12th Floor, H.K.\n\nBank of Canton Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Department of History, Chung Chi\n\nCollege, Ma Liu Shui, N.T.\n\nc/o Pâzer Corporation, G.P.O. 323, H.K.\n\n8, Queen's Road, West, H.K.\n\nEnglish Department, Chung Chi College,\n\nMa Liu Shui, N.T.\n\nUnited College of H.K., Bonham Road,\n\nH.K.\n\nG.P.O. Box 584, 310 Yu To Sang Building,\n\nH.K.\n\nCHESTERMAN, Prof. W. D. 4 Felix Villas, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nCHEUNG, O.\n\nCHING, Henry\n\nCHING, Joseph\n\n-\n\nCHIU, Miss B. T.\n\nCHIU, Ling-yeong\n\nCHOA, Dr. G. H.\n\nCHOW, Edward T.\n\nCLARK, Mrs. N. E. COHN, Dr. A. J. -\n\nCOLE, M.\n\n1002, Alexandra House, H.K.\n\n9, Village Road, 1st Floor, H.K.\n\nc/o U.S. Consulate-General, 26 Garden\n\nRoad, H.K.\n\nDepartment of Botany, The University, H.K. 167, Yee Kuk Street, 3rd Floor, Shumshuipo,\n\nKowloon.\n\nQueen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K. 3 Village Terrace, Happy Valley, H.K.\n\n71, Peak Road, H.K.\n\n116, Leighton Road, Lei Shun Court, 6th\n\nFloor, \"F\", H.K.\n\n16, Conduit Road, H.K.\n\n*Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204731, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON\n\n25\n\nendangering the lives of the entire foreign community in Canton. Finding the foreigners resolute they were allowed to return to their Factories, but were told that the bond must be given on the following day, and no excuse would be given. Yesterday Elliot, Snow, and Van Basil31, sent in written communications to the officers who all came again to the Consoo House stating that they could not give the bond required, but that they would avail of the first vessel sailing for their countries to make known to their sovereigns and governments that this new law relative to opium was now published, and that all who brought any here within a certain time must suffer the penalties. Elliot's and Van Basil's Chops were to this effect, but Snow said that if they insisted up his signing the bond for himself and countrymen he could not do it but must ask for permission to leave the country. This was unsatisfactory and his letter was returned as well as Van Basil's.\n\nToday we heard nothing further of the matter, but this morning the Commissioner, the Viceroy32 and the Hoppo33 left Canton for the Bogue, which looks a little as if they did not mean to enforce it.\n\nWe are all quiet, provisions supplied us but no stranger allowed to be in the Factories.\n\nThursday, 11th April, 1839\n\nWe anxiously expected news today from the Bogue but none came and we are surprised that the Chinese have received no letters. The uncertainty of what will be the termination of all this business give us great uneasiness. It appears evident that the English will all leave the place the first opportunity that offers and their doing so may give rise to some serious confusion. Captain Elliot it appears intends the moment he gets without the Bogue to communicate to the Commissioner his sentiments on this piratical act he has perpetrated, of [the] seizure of the opium or causing it to be delivered by seizing our persons and keeping us in prison. The Yum Chae34 may be enraged at that and God knows what he may do with those foreigners who happen to be in Canton when he hears from Captain Elliot that retaliation will be visited upon the Chinese for seizing this property. We are in a most entire trap, that is evident. Took supper on board the linguist's boat. Moller and Fearon with me.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204746, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "38\n\n10 Linguist purser.\n\nW. C. HUNTER\n\nSee note 39, (J.L.C-B)\n\n11 Elliot's last day. On 25 March Elliot formally requested the Viceroy that passports should be issued within three days for all the English ships and people at Canton and that if passports were not issued he would consider the men and ships of his country as forcibly detained and act accordingly. Blue Book, Correspondence relating to China, 1840, p. 367. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n12 Edward Elmslie. Secretary and Treasurer to the British Superintendents of Trade, Captain Charles Elliot and the Deputy Superintendent, A. R. Johnston, (J.L.C-B.)\n\n13 Houqua. Known to Westerners at Canton as Howqua 7. His family name was Wu Ch'ung-yüeh (1810-1863). He was the fifth son of the famous Hong merchant Wu Ping-chien whom he succeeded as head of the firm in 1843. For his biography see Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period, II, 867-8. (F.L.C-B.)\n\n14 Nam Hoe. Also written Nam Hoi. This means Nan Hai Hsien #i.e. the Magistrate having jurisdiction over the western part of Canton city and the District lying to the westward of the walls which included the area in which the foreign Factories lay. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n15 Kwang Hup. The author may be referring to the Kwangchou hsieh \"the Canton brigade\", and so to its commander. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n16 The Governor. The Governor of Kwangtung province at this time was I-liang (1791-1867). For his biography see Hummel, op. cit., I, 389. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n17 K'an-ch'o (J.L.C-B.)\n\n18 An-tsou (J.L.C-B)\n\n19 Columbia & John Adams. According to the Chinese Repository Vol. 8, p. 56 the Columbia was a U.S. frigate and the John Adams was classed as a sloop-of-war. The Columbia was commanded by Commodore George C. Read. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n20 Johnston, Alexander Robert Johnston, H.M. Deputy Superintendent of Trade. When the Government of Hong Kong was set up he was deputy first to Elliot and later to Sir Henry Pottinger and in this capacity he administered the Government of the Colony on various occasions from 1841 until 1843. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n21 Pwan Kei Kua. Probably the merchant whose name was also spelt by Westerners at Canton at that time Ponkhequa and Puan Khequa. This was P'an Chengwei (1791-1850). See Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period, II, 605, (J.L.C-B.)\n\n22 Saoqua. His family name was Ma Tso-liang and the name of his Hong was Shun Tai Hong A. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n23 Sturgis. Russell Sturgis (1805-1887) of Boston was first named Nathaniel Russell Sturgis, Jr., but he was always known as Russell Sturgis after his name was changed by decree of the Middlesex County Court. He graduated from Harvard in 1823, married in 1828 but was widowed four months later. After an extended tour of Europe he returned to Boston and for a while practised law. He remarried and in 1833 took his family to the orient where he became a partner of Russell & Sturgis of Manila and Russell, Sturgis & Co. of Canton. Later in 1842 when the latter firm became incorporated with Russell & Co., China, he became a partner in 1842. In May 1844 he retired to Boston, his second wife having died in Manila in 1837. Being far too young to give up work altogether he decided to return to China in 1849 but while passing through London he", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204748, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "40 \n\nW. C. HUNTER \n\nat Samarang where he served for 3 years. He died at Delft in 1863. (L.T.R.) \n\n32 Viceroy. The Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi at this time was Teng Ting-chen who held this post from early 1836 until early 1840. See Hummel, op. cit., II, 716. (J.L.C-B.) \n\n33 Hoppo. The Superintendent of Maritime Customs at Canton in 1839 was Yu (?). (J.L.C-B.) \n\n34 The Yum Chae. Cantonese pronunciation for the characters (mandarin Ch'in-ch'ai) meaning \"an Imperial Commissioner”. (J.L.C-B.) \n\n35 Innes, James Innes (1787-1841), the \"storm petrel\" of Canton was the 7th Chieftain of the Inneses of Dunkinty, Scotland. He came out to China about 1825 and operated as a Free Trader mostly on his own, but for a time in the firm of Innes, Fletcher & Co. His dealings in opium had not a little to do with precipitating the trouble in 1839. He died in July 1841 and was buried in the Old Protestant Cemetery, Macao. (L.T.R.) \n\n36 Chaye Beale. Thomas Chaye Beale was a member of the firm of Magniac & Co. in Canton as early as 1826. He severed his connections with this firm in the early thirties, and operated on his own till 1845 when he set up a house of agency in Shanghai with Lancelot Dent under the name of Dent, Beale & Co. In 1851 he was Portuguese Consul and Vice-Consul for the Netherlands at Shanghai. (L.T.R.) \n\n37 Se-yin. This is probably a reference to the characters Ssu-ying, the officer in command of a ying which corresponded in some ways to a battalion. However, the rank of a ying commander corresponded more to the Western rank of captain or major. (J.L.C-B.) \n\n38 Ta-lao-yeh. The phrase ta-lao-yeh signifies \"revered elder”. (J.L.C-B.) \n\n39 The linguists. Linguists (t'ung shih) were supposed to be able to act as interpreters between the Canton officials and the foreign merchants when instructions needed to be conveyed. The foreigners, for their part, usually enlisted the help of the Hong merchants when they wanted a document translated into Chinese or they needed an interpreter at an important interview. They repeatedly declared that the linguists were useless when it came to linguistic matters. In fact, the linguists appear to have been rather low-grade men of not much education, and able to speak only pidgin English. However, by law a foreign merchant trading at Canton was bound to employ a linguist. Since it was forbidden by the statutes of the Ch'ing dynasty to teach the Chinese language to foreigners, it was reasonable that linguists should be licensed to cope with their language problems. However, in order that the foreigners should not learn much about affairs in the interior, the qualifications needed by a linguist were low and their pidgin vocabulary was restricted to matters of trade. This was part of a deliberate policy which grew up among the officials at Canton, and the linguists merely acted as another cog in the mechanism whereby communication between the foreign merchants and the officials, however minor, was prevented, and the foreigners dealt instead with a number of different unofficial functionaries such as the compradores and linguists. Thus, the foreign merchants were kept at an arm's length and also kept in ignorance. \n\nThe linguists and their servants mentioned in this journal appear to have acted as general clerks and messengers, as much as linguists. The prefix A or Ah (ya) signifies the status of servant. (J.L.C-B.)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204837, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "A RECONNAISSANCE OF MA WAN\n\n115\n\nAs it happened, the north end of Lantao remained almost untouched for 150 years. It was leased to Britain in 1898 for 99 years, but little development was undertaken until 1960, when large schemes of reclamation and resettlement were prepared. The slumbering rural character of the island is now beginning to change rapidly.\n\nWhy was Ma Wan chosen for survey? Nearness to Macao? Access to the Pearl River and Canton? Ships occasionally came down the China coast from the east, and took a short cut to Canton through the Kap Sui Mun Channels, but Parish's report seems to suggest that this was regarded as a hazardous piece of sailing. These ships, however, would all have to pass Ma Wan, and so the island was at that time the best-known in Hong Kong waters. Also, the approach in a square-rigged sailing vessel to the then uncharted coast gave a confusing variety of small islands, promontories, and near-islands. The approach from the west was probably better known, and was easier to find. But it is to be regretted that Parish was forced by his orders and the bad weather to waste so much energy on such an unsuitable site.\n\nCONCLUSIONS\n\nWhen the East India Company's trading monopoly to China came to an end in April 1834 the position of English merchants at Canton changed. Lord Napier was sent out as Superintendent of Trade, though the Foreign Secretary, Lord Palmerston, tended to regard him as a representative of the King. Napier soon came into conflict with the officials at Canton over what may be called matters of national prestige, and relations between England and China began to deteriorate. More especially relations were embittered over the increasingly large amount of opium being brought to China from India in British-owned ships. It was illegal to import opium into China by Chinese law, and as a result a swarm of Chinese middlemen co-operated with the foreign merchants in smuggling opium along the coast, especially in the province of Kwangtung. However, in 1821 the Kwangtung authorities were much stricter in enforcing the anti-opium smuggling regulations and as a result the foreign merchants could no longer bring it up to Canton, but instead took it to the \"outer anchorages\" where permanent receiving ships were stationed during the trading season (approximately October until April). The main base for opium smuggling was the island of Lintin", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204860, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "138\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nbetween man and woman. True, there are many Chinese poems by men professing affection for other men in terms which would bring serious embarrassment if not public prosecution to an English poet; true also that in old China, where marriages were arranged by the parents, a man's need for sympathy, understanding, and affection often found their answer in another man\n\n15\n\nOne of the things that often lead to a misunderstanding of Chinese poetry is the insistence, to the point of excess, on the associative power of Chinese characters. One often hears that the genius of China is in its written language, in the curves and squares and dashes of its mystic signs. However, to the Chinese there is much less mysticism attached to their ideograms. They are taken for granted. No doubt association is important in Chinese poetry but it is allusion which provides the chief difficulty to readers, foreign and native alike. It is often impossible for people who have no classical Chinese background to go beyond the first line of some Chinese poems.\n\nPerhaps Mr. Liu's chief contribution to an understanding of this art is his application of Western methods to the criticism of Chinese poetry and his attempt at a synthesis between the traditional Chinese views of poetry and the verbal analytical approach of the West. This is contained in Part III of the book which begins with a criticism of the four schools of critics, namely, The Moralists, the Individualists, the Technicians and the Intuitionalists, and continues with a description of how these views might be reconciled. Imagery, symbolism, allusion, antithesis and other poetical devices are then described, contrasting Western and Chinese uses of them.\n\nThere will always be two types of readers: the man in the street and the academician. To whichever category one may belong, to those who are looking for something peculiarly Chinese or to those who look upon poetry as an exploration of different worlds (world as \"emotion and scene\")—there will be much to enjoy in Mr. Liu's well-conceived volume The Art of Chinese Poetry.\n\nT. C. LAI.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204879, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 182, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "157\n\nCHAN, L.\n\nCHAN, Hok-Lam\n\nCHAPMAN, Dr. G. W. -\n\nCHẦU, Hon. Sir Tsun-nin\n\nCHAU, Wah Ching\n\nCHEN, Yih\n\nCHENG, Dr. Irene\n\nCHENG, T. C. -\n\nCHESTERMAN, Prof. W. D.\n\nCHEUNG, Oswald\n\nCHING, Henry\n\nCHING, Joseph\n\nCHIU, Miss Bek To\n\nCHOA, Dr. Gerald H.\n\nCHOW, Edward T.\n\nCHUN, Dr. C. T.\n\n=\n\nCLARK, Mrs. E. E.\n\nCLARK, Mrs. N. E.\n\n+\n\nCLUTTERBUCK, Miss A.\n\nCOBBAN, K. M.\n\nCOHN, Dr. A. J.\n\nCOLE, M.\n\nCRAGG, N. F.\n\n-\n\n-\n\nCUMINE, E.\n\nCUMMING, M. S.\n\nDAIKO, P.\n\nD'ALMADA, C. P.\n\n+\n\n-\n\n+\n\n-\n\nc/o Pfizer Corporation, G.P.O. Box 323, H.K.\n\n3327 Graduate College, Princeton University, Princeton, N.Y., U.S.A.\n\nc/o The Nethersole Hospital, Bonham Rd., H.K.\n\n8 Queen's Road, West, Hong Kong.\n\nEnglish Dept. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T.\n\n406A Bank of East Asia Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Confucian Tai Shing School, H.K.L.L. No. 4405, Sam Po Kong, Kowloon.\n\nUnited College, Bonham Road, H.K.\n\n4, Felix Villas, H.K.\n\n1002, Alexandra House, H.K.\n\n9 Village Road, 1st floor, H.K.\n\nc/o U.S. Consulate-General, 26 Garden Rd., H.K.\n\n168 Ebury Street, London S.W.1., England.\n\nQueen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\n3. Village Terrace, Happy Valley, H.K.\n\nNew Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon.\n\nTytam Villa, 30 Tai Tam Road, H.K.\n\nc/o The H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K.\n\nThe Helena May, Garden Road, H.K.\n\nFlat 33, Mount Austin Mansions, 8 Mt. Austin Road, H.K.\n\n116, Leighton Road, Lei Shun Court, 6th floor, \"F\", H.K.\n\n16 Conduit Road, H.K.\n\n11, Peak Pavillons, 12 Mt. Kellett Road, H.K.\n\n14, Embassy Court, H.K.\n\nc/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K.\n\nP. O. Box 201, H.K.\n\nCasa Branca, Lot No. 270, Silver Strand, Clearwater Bay Road, N.T.\n\n• Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204926, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "27\n\nTHE POPULATION OF CHINA\n\nA LETTER ON THE POPULATION OF CHINA,\n\naddressed to the Registrar General, London:\n\nBy SIR JOHN BOWRING. Read to the Society, 8th August, 1855.\n\n(Editor's Note:-Beginning with the present volume the Society will reprint a selected article from the Transactions of the old China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society whenever it is convenient to do so. There were published in Hong Kong six Transactions of the China Branch between the years 1847 and 1859. The only known complete extant sets of the Transactions in the Colony are the microfilmed sets recently acquired by the Library of the University of Hong Kong and by the Society. The present selection is taken from Transactions, Part V, 1855, pp. 1-16. The author was Governor of Hong Kong, 1854 to 1859, and an able early President of the Society. The subject is one of continuing, intriguing interest. The article is reprinted here in its original, unrevised form.)\n\nGovernment House, Hong Kong, 13th July, 1855.\n\nSir, I wish it were possible to give a satisfactory reply to your inquiries as to the real Population of China.\n\nThere has been no official census taken since the time of Kia King, 43 years ago. Much doubt has been thrown upon the accuracy of these returns, which give 362,447,183 as the total number of the inhabitants of China. I think our greater knowledge of the country increases the evidence in favour of the approximative correctness of the official document, and that we may with tolerable safety estimate the present population of the Chinese Empire as between 350,000,000 and 400,000,000 of human beings. The penal Laws of China make provision for a general system of registration; and corporal punishments, generally amounting to 100 blows of the bamboo, are to be inflicted on those who neglect to make the proper returns. The machinery is confided to the Elders of the district, and the census is required to be annually taken; but I have no reason to believe the law is obeyed, or the neglect of it punished,\n\nIn the English translation of Father Alvares Semedo's history of China published in London A.D. 1655, is the following passage\n\n\"This kingdom is so exceedingly populous, that having lived there two-and-twenty years, I was in no less amazement at my", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205215, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 171, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n165\n\nMalay title dato. As for Mo-lo-cha, an abusive expression for an Indian, I see the Portuguese element mouro, 'a Moor'. The slang term for Indian in Macanese is still moro- the area round Belilios Terrace in Hong Kong was once known as mato moros, 'hill of the Moors' because of the large number of Indians living in the district. This name was transformed by folk-etymology to the good old Christian matamoros ‘kill the Moors'. Santiago (or St. James) is nicknamed 'matamoros' in Spain to this day.\n\nMoreover the Indians in Malaysia are referred to by the Portuguese of Malacca as moros, whether they be Muslims or not. The Muslim Malays are never so named. In the Philippines the non-Christian inhabitants of Mindinao and other southern islands are also known as moros, a name given them by the Spaniards.\n\nThe old pidgin records collected by Leland in the nineteenth century also give moloman as the pidgin English word for Indian, so that there is no more reason to derive mo-lo-cha from Maharajah than to imagine that Hong Kong ever was a fragrant harbour.\n\nUniversity of the West Indies. St. Augustine, Trinidad.\n\nROBERT WALLACE THOMPSON\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Itcheong-U-Lam and Ian-Kuong-lam, Ou-Mun Kei-Leok (Monografia de Macau), Macao, 1950.\n\n2 Chang lu Lin and Yin Kuang Jen, Ao Men Chi Lüeh (Gazetteer of Macao), Canton, c. 1751.\n\nSee also Bawden C. R. \"An eighteenth century Chinese source for the Portuguese dialect of Macao\" in Silver Jubilee Volume of the Sinbun-Kagaku-Kenkyusyo, Kyoto, 1954, and Thompson, Robert Wallace, \"Two synchronic cross-sections in the Portuguese dialect of Macao\", Orbis, tome VIII, No. 1, Louvain, 1959,\n\nA NOTE ON LAND MEASUREMENT AND TENANT RENTALS IN HONG KONG.\n\nLand Measurement\n\nUnder the laws of the Colony of Hong Kong all land is Crown Land, albeit some of it is under lease. The right to resumption of leased lands for a public purpose is retained in all leases. The following notes on local Chinese custom have mostly been acquired during investigations for the purpose of presenting the Crown's", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205399, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 161, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "154\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n1626 the Manchus were stopped in their tracks at Ning-yüan by the foreign artillery. But this setback was not to last very long. They saw the usefulness of these weapons and set about casting some themselves. These proved effective in the conquest of the northern frontier (1643-44) and in the years to follow as their armies plunged on down across both the Yellow and Yangtze Rivers to Kwangtung and Kweichow.\n\nColumbia University\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\nNOTES\n\n1 In this I have consulted Mr. C. N. Tay of the American Museum of Numismatics, New York City.\n\n2 The inscription on the cannon is given below. This cannon was found lying on open ground in the Tsiu Keng sub-district in the northern part of the New Territories. It was reported by Mr. R. E. dos Remedios, Senior Land Assistant in the District Office, Taipo in August 1966. The cannon was completely exposed and must have been in this condition for a long time. It is not clear how it came to be there.\n\n* This cannon, which was mentioned in passing in the note on the Tung Chung Fort, at p. 148 of Vol. 4 of the Journal (1964), was dredged from the sea in 1956, either from Kowloon Bay in the course of work on the extension to Hong Kong airport or from Fat Tong Mun (otherwise called Joss House Bay) in the approaches to Hong Kong Harbour—sources differ. It is now mounted with a plaque in Chinese and English outside the Central Government Offices (East Wing), Hong Kong. It was heavier than the one recently discovered; 300 catties as compared with 300 catties. The Chinese inscription, which is much the same, is also given below.\n\n4 An insight into the happenings of these troubled times is preserved in the family record of the Tsui (徐) clan formerly of Shek Pik on Lantau island, to which their ancestor had removed in the 16th Century. The family came from Mong Ngau Tun (望牛墩) in Tung Kwun district (東莞) where they had settled in the Sung dynasty from Kiangsi province. There was fighting in Tung Kwun against the Manchus after their success in the North. The record which gives no precise date for this occurrence, though it must have been within a few years of the change of dynasty in 1644 — reads\n\n—\n\nSau Yeung-kap, a civil officer, and Li Shing-tung, a general, instigated an uprising against the new dynasty in Tung Kwun. As the revolt gathered momentum, oxen and horses were killed for food, and rice and corn became as expensive as pearls. For miles, one could see nothing animate; the fields were covered with dead bodies. In some places, human flesh was eaten by the starving people, and piles of human bones filled the ruined houses.\n\nA detachment of the Manchu army was sent to besiege the district city, then occupied by the rebels. In the conflict that ensued, human beings were massacred as though they were ants, and law-abiding people and bad characters alike were destroyed.\n\nFortunately, our clansmen, then living at Mong Ngau Tun, escaped this calamity. However, many of our former neighbours and fellow-natives in Ming Ka Lane lost their lives and [as the record says in another place] all the dispensations of the previous dynasty were regarded as scrap paper.\n\n(I am grateful to Mr. Gilbert Louie for this translation. Ed) Readers will note that Li Shing-tung (Li Ch'eng-tung) is mentioned in Prof. LO Hsiang-lin's Additional Note where he is described as Governor of Kwangtung.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205447, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 209, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "202\n\nSCHWARZ, Miss Marjorie D.*\n\nSCOTT, A. C.\n\nSCOTT, J. M.\n\nSELLERS, D. M. SELLETT, G.*\n\nSERSALE, Miss S. M.\n\nSHEKURY, Miss E.\n\nSHEPHARD, A. J.\n\nSHING, D.\n\n-\n\n-\n\nSHU, Dr. H. T.\n\n-\n\nSIEGEL, H. W.\n\nSIMPSON, R. F.\n\nSINFIELD, G. H. C.*\n\nSLEVIN, B. F.\n\nSMALL, Dr. D. H. SMITH, Leslie*\n\nSMITH, Miss M. H. SMITH, S. H.*\n\nSMYTH, Miss L.\n\nSO, Dr. Chak-lam\n\nSOONG, N.\n\nSPERRY, H. M.*\n\nSTANLEY, Major H. F. -\n\nSTANTON, W. T.* STARRETT, A. V. STEWART, Miss E. M.\n\nSTOKES, J.\n\n-\n\nSTONEY, G. S..\n\n+\n\n+\n\nc/o Mrs. R. L. Smyth, 1635 Green Street, San Francisco, California, U.S.A.\n\nAsian Theatre Program, University of Wisconsin, U.S.A.\n\nHong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corp., H.K.\n\n70, Mt. Nicholson Gap, Stubbs Road, H.K.\n\n\"Pinecrest\", N.K.I.L. 3543 Tai Po Road, Kowloon,\n\n11-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K.\n\n14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon.\n\nAdministrative Officer, Police H.Q., H.K.\n\nFlorida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K.\n\n70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K.\n\nc/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K.\n\n\"Woodside\", University of H.K., Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nApt. No. 406, 1061 Don Mills Road, Don Mills, Ontario, Canada.\n\nc/o 1st floor, Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K.\n\nDental Unit, Kennedy Road, H.K.\n\nFlat 10-B, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K.\n\n52 Mount Nicholson Gap Flat, H.K.\n\nc/o Messrs. Scott & English Ltd., P. O. Box 1555, H.K.\n\nPhysiotherapy Dept., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon,\n\nDept. of Geography & Geology, The University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nAsia Magazine. 31 Queen's Road, Central. H.K.\n\nLime Rock Road, Lakeville, Connecticut, US.A.\n\nH.K. Tourist Assn., Caroline Mansion, H.K.\n\nDina House. Duddell Street, H.K.\n\n5 Douglas Apts., 22 Old Peak Road, H.K.\n\nFlat 3A, 4 Mt. Davis Road, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nQueen's College, Causeway Bay, H.K.\n\nFlat 1, \"Ravencourt\", 24 Mount Austin Rd., H.K.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205528, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "NOTES ON HONG KONG LIBRARIES\n\n65\n\nbe removed for use within the Court, in Chambers, or the Registry, but were not to be taken further: whether this applied only to barristers and solicitors, who were privileged to use the Library subject to the rules, or also to the Judiciary and Law Officers who were entitled to use it, is not clear.\n\nMr. J. W. Norton-Kyshe, the Registrar of the Supreme Court, whose useful history of the laws of Hong Kong is the source of the information on its Library, managed to persuade the Government in 1896 that an annual grant should be made for the purchase of books. In 1897 this amounted to $500, and in the following year it was doubled,12\n\nCertainly the history of Hong Kong libraries in the nineteenth century is by no means restricted to those which have been considered in this article, although they are probably the most important. There must, for example, have been libraries in the various schools, both Government sponsored and others, though the condition of school libraries in the Colony even today suggests that they would not have been particularly well organised fifty or more years ago. Government departments other than the Supreme Court must also have had collections of books. All these possibilities, quite apart from the existence of private libraries, both Chinese and English, need to be investigated. What has been discovered so far, however, contributes to refute the common notion of Hong Kong as a cultural desert, and to indicate that library history in Hong Kong goes back almost as far as the history of the Colony itself.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 V. H. G. Jarrett, under the pseudonym of 'Colonial' contributed a series of articles to the South China Morning Post between 17th June, 1933 and 13th April, 1935 on \"Old Hong Kong\". Typescripts of these articles were rearranged alphabetically by subject and bound in four volumes (unpaginated) in the S. C. M. P. Office. By kind permission of the Managing Director, a Xerox copy of this set is available in the University of Hong Kong Library. This extract is from the article headed \"Public Library.\"\n\n2 Hongkong Register, vol. 25, 1852, pp. 94-5.\n\n3 At this date (1852) prices were normally quoted in Spanish or Mexican dollars, equivalent to about 4/2d sterling.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205678, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 220, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "215\n\nSMITH, S. H.*\n\nSMYTH, Miss L.\n\nSO, Dr. Chak-lam\n\nSOONG, N.\n\nSPANKIE, D. R. A.\n\nSPERRY, H. M.*\n\nSTANLEY, Major H. F. -\n\nSTANTON, W. T.*\n\nSTARRETT, A. V.\n\nSTEWART, Miss E. M.\n\nSTOKES, J.\n\nSTONEY, G. S.\n\nSTONEY, Mrs. G. S.\n\nSTOWE, C..\n\n+\n\n-\n\nc/o Messrs. Scott & English Ltd., P. O. Box 1555, H.K.\n\nPhysiotherapy Dept., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon,\n\nDept. of Geography & Geology, The University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nAsia Magazine, 31 Queen's Road, Central, H.K.\n\nEconomic Survey Section, British Trade Commission, Room 704 Shell House, H.K.\n\nLime Rock Road, Lakeville, Connecticut, U.S.A.\n\nH.K. Tourist Association, Realty Building, H.K.\n\nDina House, Duddell Street, H.K.\n\n5 Douglas Apts., 22 Old Peak Road, H.K.\n\nFlat 3A, 4 Mt. Davis Road, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nQueen's College, Causeway Bay, H.K.\n\nFlat 1, \"Ravencourt\", 24 Mount Austin Rd., H.K.\n\nAs above.\n\nFlat No. 112, 75 Macdonnell Road, H.K.\n\nSTRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G.\n\nc/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd.,\n\nSU, Dr. Chung-jen*\n\nSU, Ming-hsuan\n\nSVENDSEN, Mrs. H. C.\n\nSWIRE, A. C.* -\n\nTALBOT, H. D.\n\nTAN, Khek-seng*\n\nTANG, Mrs. M. -\n\nTANG, Sir Shiu-kin*\n\nTARARIN, Peter A.*\n\n+\n\n-\n\nUnion House, H.K.\n\n155, Blue Pool Road, Flat A, 1/F, H.K.\n\n45 Hankow Road, 9th Fl., Flat C, Kowloon.\n\n30 Kennedy Road, 7/F, H.K.\n\nMessrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K.\n\nDept. of Geography, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nA1, 7th floor, Villa Monte Rosa, 41A Stubbs Road, H.K.\n\n7C Bowen Road, Bowen Mansions, Apt. 402, H.K.\n\nThe Kowloon Motor Bus Co., Ltd., Room 1701 Central Building, H.K.\n\n623 N. Harper Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif. 90048, U.S.A.\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy E Life Member", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205743, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "MILITIA, MARKET AND LINEAGE\n\n43\n\nbad informal connections with Hong Kong's officialdom and that its activities were a foretaste of the future.\n\nBy March of 1899, British officials began to appear in the territory. A party was busy near the Sham Chun river, marking out the frontier with China. Meanwhile, the officer in charge of the Hong Kong police was touring the territory, considering alternative locations for police stations. This official—Captain Superintendent F. H. May arrived at Ping Shan on 27th March. His first action was to post a proclamation saying that the Hong Kong government would not interfere with the land, buildings, or customs of the people. He then designated a hill behind Ping Shan as the site for a police station. A crowd gathered and the argument began. “It says that land, buildings, and customs will not be interfered with but will remain the same as before. Why should they, therefore, when they first come into the leased area, wish to erect a police station on the hill behind our village? When has China ever erected a police station just where people live? The proclamation says that things will be as before. Are not these words untrue?”\n\n54\n\nThe Resistance Movement -- 28th March to 18th April, 1899.\n\nThe day after May's visit to Ping Shan, discussions were held in the ancestral halls of Ping Shan and Kam Tin. In both instances, agreement was reached that resistance should be offered to the British. Following the two meetings, a third took place in an ancestral hall at Ha Tsuen. Representatives of all three Tang lineages were present and previous decisions to offer resistance were ratified. Messages were sent to leaders throughout the marketing area, asking them to attend a meeting at Yuen Long market the next day.\n\nSteward Lockhart later argued that the resistance leaders feared for their positions of power and privilege. At the Ha Tsuen meeting, a wider range of anxieties were expressed: “... that under English law a poll tax would be collected; that houses would be numbered and a charge made therefor; that fishing and wood-cutting would be prohibited; that women and girls would be outraged; that births and deaths would be registered; that cattle and pigs would be destroyed; that police stations would be erected, which would ruin the Fung Shui [Mandarin: Feng Shui] of the place. In short, that the evils that would arise would be so great", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205787, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "KING MONGKUT AND THE KINGDOM OF SIAM\n\n87\n\nPursuing this conciliatory line Brooke came to Bangkok determined to win the confidence of the Siamese and to allay their fears. He wrote to a friend:\n\n\"I shall not seek to make a treaty in a hurry. I shall try to remove apprehensions and obstacles and pave the way for the future. The King is old and a usurper; he has two legitimate brothers, clever and enlightened, who ought to be raised to the throne.... A treaty extorted by force would be but a wasted bit of parchment... The Prince Chow-fa Mongkut is an educated man, reads and writes English and knows something of our literature and science\".2\n\nWith such admirable sentiments Rajah Brooke arrived at the mouth of the Menam. Everything went wrong. The Sphinx ran aground attempting to cross the bar at Paknam. When he met the Praklang (the Foreign Minister), every point he raised was opposed. Was there any need for a treaty? What was wrong with the Burney treaty of 1826? When Brooke asked for more freedom of trade the Praklang replied that trade was already free. As for the British having a Consul at Bangkok and being exempt from Siamese law, both proposals were unnecessary and improper. Later talks with the Siamese Ministers made no more progress. They asked Brooke to put his points in writing but letters between the two sides made no more progress than conversations. It was clear that the Siamese did not want a treaty or any improvement in trade or diplomacy with Britain.\n\nThe Brooke mission was obviously failing. And as frustration grew Sir James's conciliatory attitude changed. Finally he advised force. In a dispatch to the Foreign Minister he wrote:\n\n“Should these just demands firmly urged be refused, a force should be present immediately to enforce them by a rapid destruction of the defences of the river which would place us in possession of the capital and by restoring us to our proper position of command, retrieve the past and ensure peace for the future, with all its advantages of a growing and most important commerce.\"3\n\nBrooke alleged, with some justice, that the Burney Treaty had been broken by the Siamese. Monopolies had been restored, trade was no longer free and taxes on British vessels had increased. In", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205798, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "98\n\n: R. BRUCE 100\n\nR. BRUCE was delighted. But it was then, enjoying his astronomy, showing off his English, and gratifying his vanity in front of foreign dignitaries, that he contracted a fever from which he never recovered. He returned to Bangkok and was dead within a few weeks. The work which he had started was carried on by his Prime Minister, Praya Suriwongse, who acted as Regent of the country until the Crown Prince Chulalongkorn came of age. His reign was successful but the way had been opened by his father, King Mongkut.\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\nSir John Bowring, The Kingdom and People of Siam, London, Parker and Son, 1857.\n\nW. A. R. Wood, A History of Siam, Bangkok 1924.\n\nD. G. E. Hall, A History of South-east Asia, London, 2nd edn., 1964.\n\nA. L. Moffat, Mongkut, the King of Siam, Cornell U.P., 1961.\n\nA. B. Griswold, King Mongkut of Siam, New York, Asia Soc., 1961,\n\nWalter F. Vella, 'The Impact of the West on Government in Thailand' in Publications on Political Science, Vol. 4, No. 3, pp. 317-415, University of California Press, 1955.\n\nVarious Journals of the Siam Society, Bangkok.\n\nThe quoted passages listed 1-6 are from the following:-\n\n1.\n\n2.\n\n3. From 'Siam and Sir James Brooke' by Nicholas Tarling in the Journal of the Siam Society, vol. XLVII Part 2, November 1960.\n\n4. From The Kingdom and People of Siam by Sir John Bowring, London, 1857.\n\n5. From Mongkut, the King of Siam by Abbot Law Moffat, Cornell University Press, 1961.\n\n6. From 'English Correspondence of King Mongkut' in the Journal of the Siam Society, vol. XXII, July 1928.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205800, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 106, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "100\n\nR. BRUCE\n\nwas delighted. But it was then, enjoying his astronomy, showing off his English, and gratifying his vanity in front of foreign dignitaries, that he contracted a fever from which he never recovered. He returned to Bangkok and was dead within a few weeks. The work which he had started was carried on by his Prime Minister, Praya Suriwongse, who acted as Regent of the country until the Crown Prince Chulalongkorn came of age. His reign was successful but the way had been opened by his father, King Mongkut.\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\nSir John Bowring, The Kingdom and People of Siam, London, Parker and Son, 1857.\n\nW. A. R. Wood, A History of Siam, Bangkok 1924.\n\nD. G. E. Hall, A History of South-east Asia, London, 2nd edn., 1964.\n\nA. L. Moffat, Mongkut, the King of Siam, Cornell U.P., 1961.\n\nA. B. Griswold, King Mongkut of Siam, New York, Asia Soc., 1961.\n\nWalter F. Vella, 'The Impact of the West on Government in Thailand' in Publications on Political Science, Vol. 4, No. 3, pp. 317-415, University of California Press, 1955.\n\nVarious Journals of the Siam Society, Bangkok.\n\nThe quoted passages listed 1-6 are from the following:-\n\n1.\n\n2.\n\n3.\n\nFrom 'Siam and Sir James Brooke' by Nicholas Tarling in the Journal of the Siam Society, vol. XLVII Part 2, November 1960.\n\n4. From The Kingdom and People of Siam by Sir John Bowring, London, 1857.\n\n5. From Mongkut, the King of Siam by Abbot Law Moffat, Cornell University Press, 1961.\n\n6. From 'English Correspondence of King Mongkut' in the Journal of the Siam Society, vol. XXII, July 1928.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205846, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "146\n\nRONALD C. Y. NG\n\nthe immediate vicinity of the well recognized market towns. The other important factor is probably related to the state of law and order in some of the outlying areas during this period of China's internal upheaval. The complacent mandarin in San On Un would most likely have left Lantau and its adjacent islands to the unlawful elements and concentrated instead on the places with overland contact. In view of the notorious history of piracy on these islands, which were ideally situated in relation to the trade routes focusing on and weaving between the flourishing ports of Portuguese Macau, British Victoria and Chinese Canton, the officials in Nam-tau-shing, the administrative seat of San On district, would have been unable to render the priest much protection had he ventured to these parts. Volonteri, however, was not wanting in courage and in spirit of adventure, but the pirates of the Pearl River estuary were very different men from those he encountered in Swabue, on whom he had written, 'the pirates seem to fear the humble priest and not the priest the pirates; they make some rare appearances but the presence of the padre impels them to retreat at once'. How far this can account for the comparatively poor outline and incorrect location of the off-shore islands as well as for the lack of information on the settlements there must await fresh materials on Volonteri's work in San On, but the villagers on Lantau vouchsafed to me that in the time of their forefathers, piracy, preying on ships and peasants alike, was a greater hazard to the population than the vagrant weather conditions.\n\nFinally, the bilingual feature of the map must be noted. It is apparent that the document was intended primarily for English-speaking users. As there are several current systems of transliteration, in the present case the one based on Williams' Dictionary, the inclusion of the original Chinese names adds to the work that rare, but highly desirable, quality of precision and refinement. In a way, the document is simultaneously a map and a gazetteer of the District. The degree of cooperation between Volonteri and Liang was remarkable and out of the hundreds of villages cited bilingually there was not a single occasion where the name in one language did not correspond to the other. This is probably due to Fr. Volonteri's ability to read, perhaps not so much as to write presentably, the Chinese script which enabled him to check every detail. Credit should also go to his colleague for juxtaposing", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205968, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG CADETS, 1862 - 1941\n\n43\n\nin academic performance, and a significant number excelled at sport. The fathers of the cadets were in most cases members of the older professions — law, medicine, and especially the church, although two, for example, were M.P.s.29 Few, if any, of the fathers were businessmen or shopkeepers, and none could be regarded as aristocratic. In sum, the typical cadet came from a solid, though not rich, upper middle-class family, went to a public school, but not to the most prestigious, and then went up to one of the older universities, where he read classics or history and was noted for his application to study and interest in healthy recreation. The bounder, the aesthete, the hearty, and the rake, were not represented in the ranks of the cadets. The origins of the Scots were humbler; many had schoolmasters for fathers, whereas the Irish tended to come from the smaller landed families, from the parochial gentry rather than the squirearchy.\n\nTwo things should be noted about the curriculum vitae of the typical cadet. Firstly, it fitted him for the type of job he was expected to carry out as a colonial civil servant in Hong Kong – the need to apply himself with diligence and intelligence to a series of prosaic tasks, and to sustain interest in the minutiae of bureaucratic life; and secondly, the common social background and education of the cadets helped to create an esprit de corps, a class and caste feeling, and an intuitive understanding of other cadets, which helped maintain morale and discipline within a hierarchical service. Cadets, it may be surmised, understood one another without the need for excessive interpretation of motive.\n\nGiven this common background, training, and the fraternity of class, cadets came to the field with many shared assumptions about, and attitudes towards, the people they governed in the colonial territories. Robert Huessler, for example, argues that the attitude of British Colonial officials 'was not unlike that which they maintained from childhood towards the lesser orders at home. One ruled the people and protected them from local and foreign injustice. Otherwise one lived apart'.30 Perhaps a better analogy would be the model prefect at an English public school. The model prefect is expected to be fair, just, upright, dignified, and withal concerned about his charges. However, he is not likely to support ideas of equality and permissiveness; he must exercise authority.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205976, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG CADETS, 1862 - 1941\n\nNOTES\n\n51\n\n1 Since the end of war with Japan in 1945 both Hong Kong and its Government Service have experienced major changes of circumstance and outlook. Whilst the cadet or administrative grade continues in being there are now (April 1970) administrative officers in a total permanent Civil Service establishment of there are Chinese officers, the first of whom was appointed in 1948.\n\n2 The title was later changed to \"Cadet on Probation\". In 1862 cadets received a salary of £200 per annum on arrival in the Colony and at the end of two years' study or as soon afterwards as they were declared qualified by a Board of Examiners £400 per annum. In 1924 the salary was still only £350 on arrival and £400 after passing the final examination; in 1936 the amounts were £450 and £525 respectively. Information on the Cadet Service is to be found in the various General Orders of the Hong Kong Government.\n\n3 The following books have information on the origin of the scheme: E. J. Eitel Europe in China, Hong Kong, 1895, p. 365; G. B. Sayer Hong Kong: Birth, Adolescence, and Coming of Age, London, 1937, p. 194; J. W. Norton-Kyshe The History of the Laws and Courts of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1898, vol. 2, pp. 8-11; and Sir Charles Collins Public Administration in Hong Kong, London, 1952, pp. 126-127.\n\n4 Aucuparius: Recollections of a Recruiting Officer, London, 1962, p. 164. Major Sir Ralph Furse was Director of Recruitment, Colonial Service, 1931-48; and Adviser to the Secretary of State for Colonies on Training Courses for the Colonial Service, 1948-50.\n\n5 For a sketch of Caldwell's career see G. B. Endacott A Biographical Sketch-book of Early Hong Kong, Singapore, 1962, pp. 95-99. Daniel Richard Caldwell was of mixed blood, born at Singapore, and married to a Chinese. He was a brilliant linguist and occupied, at one time or another, various senior posts in the Hong Kong Government. His proved association with Ma Chow Wong, a frequenter of pirates, ruined Caldwell's career. Caldwell was found unfit by a Commission of Inquiry to continue in the public service. He died in 1875.\n\n6 E. J. Eitel \"Chinese Studies and Official Interpretation in the Colony of Hong Kong”, China Review, vol. 16, 1877-8, p. 5.\n\n7 Norton-Kyshe, op. cit., vol. I, p. 579.\n\n8 January 28, 1867,\n\n9 See note 6.\n\n10 Norton-Kyshe, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 8-9.\n\n11 Ibid., p. 10. The revised regulations for Hong Kong Cadetships, published in the Government Gazette, 7 September 1872, gives the heads of examination as follows: \"(A) Obligatory — 1st. Exercises designed to test Handwriting and Orthography; 2nd. Arithmetic, including Vulgar and Decimal Fractions; 3rd. Latin, and one of the following languages: Greek, French, German, Italian; 4th. English Composition, including Précis writing; (B) Optional 5th. Pure and Mixed Mathematics; 6th. Ancient and Modern History, and Geography; 7th. Elements of Constitutional and International Law, and Political Economy; 8th. Geology, Civil Engineering and Surveying\". Every candidate was expected to show a competent knowledge of the first four subjects, but could select any two of the optional subjects.\n\n7", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205979, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "54 \n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE \n\nSt. Andrews 2, Aberdeen 2, Glasgow 1). Sir Joseph Kemp attended Cape University, South Africa and Edward Wynne-Jones the University of Wales. \n\nThese university-educated gentlemen represent a social stratum lying somewhere between Mathew Arnold's Barbarians and the Philistines. A large number of them had been educated in schools animated by the ideas and ideals of Arnold's father, Thomas Arnold, the headmaster of Rugby. \n\n28 Alexander Macdonald Thomson (1863-1924), Educated at Aberdeen University. Lecturer in Mathematics, Naini Tal College, India, 1884-5; Assistant Professor of Mathematics, Aberdeen, 1887; entered the Hong Kong Civil Service, and attached for one year to the Colonial Office, 1887; Treasurer 1898-1918. Retired in 1918. He is the only cadet who retired to live in the United States (San Mateo, California); most cadets, including the Scots, settled in the Home Counties on retirement. \n\n29 Norman Lockhart Smith (1887-1968) was the son of Hugh Crawford Smith, M.P., Newcastle-on-Tyne, and Lewis Audley Marsh Johnston (1865-1908) the son of William Johnston, M.P., Ballykilbeg, Ireland. \n\n30 Robert Huessler Yesterday's Rulers, Syracuse, New York, 1963, p. 98. \n\n31 In H. R. Wells and Lam Tong Chinese Documents and Petitions, Hong Kong, 1931, some examples are given in Chinese, with English translations. There are also some interesting specimens of petitions received by the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs from Chinese in Hong Kong. In the section on the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs in the General Orders of the Hong Kong Government, 1924, we read: \"Before taking action affecting bodies or classes of people, the Chinese Government is in the habit of issuing proclamations explaining the action to be taken and the reason for it and the Chinese in Hong Kong expect the same notice to be given. It is desirable that whenever the Head of a Department finds it necessary to take notice of any slackness in complying with the law, or to put a stop to gradual encroachments on the part of individuals, or to bring some new regulation into force, he should first consult the Secretary for Chinese Affairs and ask him to notify the people affected in the same way\". \n\n32 Margery Perham Lugard, vol. 2, London 1960, p. 302. \n\n33 Ibid., p. 367. \n\n34 Geoffrey Robley Sayer (1887-1962), Educated at Highgate School, London, and Queen's College, Oxford. Hong Kong Civil Service 1910; Director of Education 1934-6; retired 1938. \n\n35 Stephen Francis Balfour (1905-1945). Educated at King's College, Cambridge. Hong Kong Civil Service 1929; died in internment during the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong. \n\n36 Walter Schofield (1888-1968). Educated at the University of Liverpool. Hong Kong Civil Service 1911. First Police Magistrate 1934-1937; retired 1938. Schofield was noted for his work pre-war on the geology and archaeology of Hong Kong, in which fields he was a pioneer scholar. \n\n37 Roger Soame Jenyns (born 1904). Educated at Eton and Magdalene College, Cambridge. Hong Kong Civil Service 1926; resigned in 1931 to join the British Museum. He is a noted expert on the arts of the Far East and has written extensively in that field. \n\n38 Robert Andrew Dermod Forrest (born 1893). Educated at Aberdeen University. Hong Kong Civil Service 1919; Inspector of Vernacular Schools; Immigration Officer 1940. Lecturer in Tibeto-Burman Linguistics at the School of Oriental and African Studies at London University.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206046, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "A NEW LOOK AT CANTONESE EXPLETIVES\n\nM-W (OM) Character\n\nBasic Meaning\n\n121\n\nSOAS\n\n準備 ZEORNBREI CHUN-PEI\n\nimmediate intention\n\n將近 ZHEONQGRAN TSEUNG-KÂN\n\nnear future\n\n將來 ZHEONQLROY TSEUNG-LOI\n\nremoter future\n\n再 ZOI TSOI\n\n就 ZOR CHOH \"FA ZRAU TSAO\n\n就嚟 ZRAULRAY TSAO-LAI\n\n住 ZRY CHUÊ\n\nLÀ\n\nrepetition or continuation\n\ncompletion\n\nsubjunctive\n\nimmediate future\n\ncontinuation\n\nPARADIGMS\n\nSerial Analysis\n\nSOAS\n\n1 AEIOU ZROU\n\n2 AEJO U XOOCRIR-ZROU\n\n3 AEJO U XOOCRIR-MRHZROU\n\n4 AEJO U XOOCRIR-MREIZROU\n\n5 AEJO X (WRUU) SHEONQ-ZROU\n\n6 AEJO X (WRUU) SHEONQ-MRHZROU\n\n7 AEKO U WRAAK (ZEAR)-ZROU\n\n8 AEKO U WRAAK (ZEAR)-MRHZROU\n\n9 AEKO U WRAAK (ZEAR)-MREIZROU\n\n10 AEK SU (CREOY) FHEY-ZOO (ZRAU)\n\nApproximate English equivalent\n\nInf: to do. Indic: intends to do, tries to do, do, does, did, will do, be done.\n\nImper: do! let's do! Subj: if one does, etc. apparently do or have done to.\n\napparently are not doing (being done) or about to (be) done.\n\napparently will shortly do (be done) or have not done (had done to), do to each other. refrain from doing to each other.\n\nmay have (been) done, may be doing (having done to), may be about to do (be done).\n\nmay not be doing (being done to) or about to do (be done).\n\nmay be about to do (be done) or may not have (been) done.\n\nunless I do it, unless it be done.\n\n11 AEK SU (CREOY) FHEY-MRHZROU (ZRAU)\n\n12 AEM RV ZROU-LHA\n\n13 AEM S V CEARNG-ZROU\n\nunless I do not do it, unless it be left undone. (N.B. There is an idiomatic elliptical use here: \"It might be best not to do it.\")\n\ndo!\n\nplease do.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206291, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 108, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "102\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nto Hong Kong, practiced law, was a member of the Legislative Council from 1929 to 1937.\n\nAnother Government employee—although his family was not as distinguished as that of Tso Aon, but who does appear on a number of our elite lists was the Overseer of Coolies in the Surveyor General's Department. Cheong Assow\n\nwas appointed to this office in September, 1844. He also invested in real estate, which upon his death in 1897 was divided among his seven sons. In 1848 the Surveyor General suggested that Assow was underpaid, as he found him an invaluable man in his department:\n\n+\n\nThe headman Assow I cannot speak too highly of, he is intelligent, honest, and careful, and displays great zeal for the Department. He understands English perfectly, and I can trust him to make measurements for me upon lines that are clearly defined, which he performs with great accuracy. His wages are very small for a man of his usefulness, and I should wish much that they were raised as he is one of the most deserving Chinamen I ever met. His education under me (for he has now been in the Department nearly five years) has progressed so satisfactorily that he is of more service than many of the English overseers I have employed, whose wages are never less than $30 per mensem.36\n\nTHE GROUP EMPLOYED BY MISSIONS\n\nAnother group which identified itself with Hong Kong was a small number of Christians who came here from Malacca, Singapore and Macao under the patronage of missionaries. As Christian converts they had renounced the traditional practices connected with the veneration of ancestors and thus had cut themselves off from participation in the ritual observances which bound the Chinese family together. There seemed little chance that they could expect to be welcomed back to their home villages. In a sense they were as marginal to the social structure of China as were those who had had to flee China because of criminal activities. Unlike the tradesmen and small merchants they did not view Hong Kong as an opportunity to make a quick fortune which they could take back to their home village", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206294, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 111, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\n+\n\n105\n\nHe was not only perhaps a good preacher but a remarkably good man of business. He undoubtedly made a good use of his time, money and opportunities. He was a man who, from comparatively small beginnings, invested small sums of money in lots of land which he held on to, undoubtedly became in course of some years a man of considerable means and property. As a man in this position he took a very sensible view of the character and disposition of the gentleman under whom he was working in his special services as a preacher. He came to the conclusion that Dr. Chalmers, the head of the Mission by whom he was employed, would not like a man engaged in such services to have too great an interest in money. It was not wise for him to pose as a man possessing very much property, and if it were known that he did possess so much, more assistance might be looked for from him on behalf of the mission, than he cared to give.40\n\nBe that as it may, his wealth did enable his sons to acquire a good education and thus qualify themselves for leadership in the Chinese community.\n\nIn 1873 his son Ho Kai (f) went to study in England. He returned with degrees in medicine and law and an English bride. His wife soon died and her bereaved husband endowed Alice Memorial Hospital to her memory. Ho Kai was said to have been the first Chinese in Hong Kong to wear western style clothes. He was a recognized leader of the Chinese. He was a member of the Legislative Council from 1890 to 1914 and was knighted in 1912.41\n\nAnother son of the Rev. Ho Fuk Tong, Ho Wyson alias Ho Shan Po (1) also studied law in England. He did not have the gifts of leadership of his father and brother. An account of him written in 1891 states that although he \"is a thoroughly well read lawyer,... (he) is handicapped in court practice by a bashful modesty and a deficiency in what is known as 'the gift of gab'. He is also handicapped in general business by his phenomenally limited office hours. It is a joke in legal circles that Wyson's hours are from twelve to three, with an interval of one hour for tiffin\".42 He died in 1891.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206300, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\n111\n\nEngland had spoiled him. He had received much attention and had been presented to the Archbishop of Canterbury who had been impressed enough to give him a gift of theological works to start his library. But the Hong Kong Bishop's hopes of using him as an agent for the Church of England's mission among the Chinese were soon dimmed. He was deficient in Chinese and had to begin a course of study in the Chinese Classics. At the same time the English he had acquired during his stay abroad was not sufficient to write grammatical English. In spite of these deficiencies he was appointed as an assistant Tutor in the newly opened St. Paul's College. When the Bishop went to Shanghai in 1853 to investigate the rumours concerning the Christian aspect of the Taiping movement, he took with him Chan Tai Kwong and another prospective evangelist, Lo Sam Yuen. The two Chinese tried to get through the Imperial lines and reach Nanking; but they ran into frequent outbreaks of hostility between the warring groups and were forced to return to Shanghai.\n\nChan Tai Kwong's interest, however, was neither in being an evangelist nor a teacher, or even perhaps an emissary of Christian interests to the Taipings. He was attracted to the business world and the prospect of wealth. The advantages of his connections and his ability to speak English furnished a ready entry into Hong Kong's business world. In 1856 he left St. Paul's College and served for a time as an interpreter in Government, as well as taking advantage of some business offers. He was taken on by a group of Chinese engaged in the opium trade.\n\nFinanced by Leong Attoy, Li Tuk Cheong and Li Chun, the latter two members of the Li family Wo Hang firm, he bid for the opium monopoly in 1858. It was granted to him, but his firm soon ran into financial difficulties and he was forced to throw up the contract after several months. The Sheriff foreclosed on the property of Chan Tai Kwong. He then appears to have left the Colony, perhaps going to Singapore. However, in December, 1867, he was appointed as Chinese clerk and shroff to the Hong Kong Court of Summary Jurisdiction. Here he often served as arbitrator in disputes among Chinese. He continued with the Court until his death in 1882. His son-in-law George Orley, a Sanitary Inspector, was appointed administrator of his estate which was valued at $3,000.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206423, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 240, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "214\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\ninto a modern system of law. No less important is the way in which this book tells us much of western attitudes towards Chinese law and of the ways in which the westerners attempted to come to terms with a system which was so unlike their own. Though we might today criticise Jamieson's comparative law approach and his defective anthropology, his book was a creature of its own time and of his own intellectual experience, and as such it must take a place on the sinologists' bookshelves.\n\nNotes\n\n1. A. M. Kotenev, Shanghai: its Mixed Court and Council, (Shanghai: North China Daily News and Herald Ltd, 1925; now reprinted by Ch'eng Wen Publishing Company, Taipei, 1968).\n\n2. But see now Hao, The Comprador in Nineteenth Century China, Cambridge (Harvard U.P.), 1970.\n\n3. pp. 124-126.\n\nHong Kong, 1971.\n\nDAFYDD EVANS\n\nCHINNERY AND CHINA COAST PAINTINGS, Henry and Sidney Berry-Hill, 64 pages text, 144 photographs, F. W. Lewis. Publishers, Ltd., England 1970, U.S.$30.00.\n\nThe writers operate a picture gallery in New York City. In 1963 they published George Chinnery 1774-1852, Artist of the China Coast, which was reviewed in this Journal, Vol. 4, 1964, pp. 128-132.\n\nIn spite of severe criticism of their previous efforts, the authors, in another volume under the present title, persist in claiming that Chinese Port Scenes painted in Cantonese style were influenced by Chinnery and therefore are \"Chinnery School\". Even though there are numerous pictured examples in both books that Chinese Port Scenes before, during, and after Chinnery do not change and bear no resemblance to English painting, the authors plod on with their futile theory. For some 26 illustrations in the List of Plates marked \"Chinnery School\", substitute “Chinese artist\".\n\nObviously this book is written for the inexperienced collector. It lacks bibliography, an index, and a comprehensive table of contents. The text is largely a lyrical history of China from Macartney through the Arrow War. It positively oozes opium and frequently lacks accuracy.\n\nPage 240\n\nPage 241", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206497, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "RAJA JAMES BROOKE AND SARAWAK\n\n39\n\nthe \"local authorities\" rather than from the sovereign prince of Sarawak, as was usual. Thus the anomalous status of Sarawak in the view of some officials remained, and this technicality provided an opportunity for a subsequent permanent undersecretary in the Foreign Office to declare that Brooke had not been recognized as a reigning prince. Julian Pauncefote opined in 1877,19\n\nRaja Brooke has not forfeited his claims of British nationality by accepting the position of ruler of Sarawak and as a matter of constitutional law it is competent to Her Majesty to recognize him as a sovereign prince but no such recognition has yet taken place.\n\nJames Brooke died in 1868, happy at having received his country's recognition, and confident that it was merely a step toward the desired British protectorate. In this he was prophetic. Although a formal protectorate was not granted until 1888, Britain made it quite clear by a pronouncement late in 1868 that her paramount interests on the northwest coast of Borneo constituted it a British sphere.20\n\nRaja James Brooke was presented at court on two occasions, in 1847, and again in 1857. His nephew and successor, Charles Brooke, visited England in 1869 and asked to be received officially. He was told that he might write on his card and be presented as \"Mr. Brooke, Raja of Sarawak\". The second white raja was incensed and refused to appear until finally, in 1874, he was presented as \"His Highness, the Raja of Sarawak”, and granted a place just below the Indian maharajas in the order of precedence at Court.\n\nUntil 1888, Britain's empire building in Borneo was done largely by proxy, by Englishmen indeed, but by the agency of political structures and vehicles outside the direct control of Whitehall. That was the role of the Brooke raj, and later of the chartered company that ruled North Borneo, so far as they were a part of the British empire. One of Brooke's friends, John Abel Smith, M.P., was quite accurate when in 1866 he noted rather sourly,21\n\nThe English government is quite alive to the importance of Sarawak to British interests, but as long as Raja Brooke\n\n19 Pauncefote minute, 2 January 1877, FO12/43.\n\n20 FO to Hennessy, 2 December 1868, FO12/34A.\n\n21 Owen Rutter (ed) Rajah Brooke and Baroness Burdett-Coutts, London, 1935, p. 272.\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206526, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 74, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "68\n\nHENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE\n\nLondon. His official rank corresponded with that of a Lieutenant-Governor, so that he received a salute of only fifteen guns compared with the seventeen of first-class Crown-Colony Governors, such as that of Hong Kong. But, as R.F. Johnston pointed out: 'his actual powers, though exercised in a more limited sphere, are greater than those of most Crown-Colony Governors, for he is not controlled by a (Legislative) Council.'33 Lockhart's official duties, which of course kept him extremely busy, were nevertheless limited in nature, and the tempo of life in the Territory did not change dramatically during his tenure of office, for after the lease was signed, little was done with the Territory. At first, it was thought that the port could be transformed into a fortified naval base like Hong Kong, but to do so would have been extremely costly and would have involved the construction of a long breakwater and extensive dredging work in the harbour. In fact, the port was never utilised as a strategic naval base; it became merely a naval rest centre and a place where the British China Squadron lay at anchor when it paid its annual summer visit to North China. A few visitors also arrived from time to time and stayed at its European-style hotel, and an English school34 attracted boys from China, Japan, and Hong Kong.\n\nLockhart was administering a mainly agricultural region, equivalent in area to a small-sized Chinese district magistracy (hsien). The leased Territory, with its population composed principally of fairly well-to-do peasant farmers, fishermen, craftsmen, and artisans, was in composition like that of the New Territories which he had left. Lockhart did not feel called upon to alter drastically the life of this old, settled community, nor indeed was it the intention of the Colonial Office that he should. The Order-in-Council under which British rule in Weihaiwei was inaugurated stated: 'In civil cases between natives, the Court should be guided by Chinese or other native law and custom, so far as any such law or custom is not repugnant to justice and morality.'\n\nLockhart attempted, then, to preserve as much of the fabric of Chinese society as was possible. In his report for 1902, he wrote: \"With the policing of the territory at Hong Kong as a guide, it might have been thought that this question (the maintenance of peace and good order) was one easy of solution; but it required no long residence here to reveal that the conditions existing in the new territory of Hong Kong and those of Wei-Hai-Wei are widely different. In the former case, the natives had lived for about half a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206537, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART\n\n79\n\nrelationships between ruler and ruled, proper behaviour according to status. Lockhart was a scholar-administrator in the Confucian sense.\n\nThe profession of Colonial Civil Servant is coming to an end with the dissolution of the British empire. Lockhart, then, is a representative of a stage in the evolution of English society — the stage of imperial expansion that is now over and can never return. In contemporary Hong Kong the European official is not likely to be a Chinese scholar, for the system of language training that produced a Lockhart has been radically curtailed?. Yet if an official is of a scholarly turn of mind, he is now more likely to be found reading history, politics or economics. The scholar-administrator of Lockhart's type is not to be found. He has become a specialist or bureaucrat. There is no doubt that Lockhart would have been saddened by this consummation.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Sir William des Voeux, My Colonial Service..... London, 1903, vol. 2, p. 211.\n\n2 George Watson's College was founded by George Watson, first accountant of the Bank of Scotland, who died in 1723. It became a day school in 1878. The Senior School has now about 890 boys.\n\n3 Sir Everard Duncan Home Fraser, K.C.M.G. (1859-1922). Educated at Aberdeen University. Passing a competitive examination, he was appointed a student interpreter in China in 1880, being promoted Acting Consul at Foochow in 1886. At the time of his death, Fraser was Senior Consul in Shanghai and, therefore, chairman of the Consular Body.\n\n4 In Britain the first chair of Chinese was created in 1838 at University College London. In 1846 Samuel Fearon, the Registrar General of Hong Kong, was appointed Professor of Chinese Language and Literature in King's College, London. The next incumbent of the chair at King's appears to have been James Summers, who was twenty-four at the time of his appointment in 1852. Summers had been for a few years a tutor at St. Paul's College, Hong Kong; but Hong Kong society was highly critical of the elevation to a chair of a mere stripling (see J. W. Norton-Kyshe, History of the Law and Courts of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1898, vol. i, p. 348). Summers resigned at the end of the 1872/73 session and apparently departed for China and Japan. He was succeeded by Robert Kennaway Douglas (1838-1913), who was also Senior Assistant in the Department of Printed Books in the British Museum. It was presumably Douglas who first introduced Lockhart to Chinese. (On Douglas see the short obituary in T'oung Pao, vol. xiv, 1913). For a long time the sole chair of Chinese in Britain was that at King's College until a chair was created in 1876 for Dr. James Legge at Corpus Christi College, Oxford. Professor Douglas had few full-time students, only a Frenchman and a Pole; Legge had only one student and Sir Thomas Wade at Cambridge 'n'avait qu'un auditeur: il est vrai qu'il était Chinois'. (See Henri Cordier, 'Les Études Chinoises', T'oung Pao, 1898, p. 48).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206615, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "H.K.'S CENTRAL MARKET AND THE TARRANT AFFAIR\n\n157\n\npay during his suspension to the date at which his post was abolished, but he could do no more. The injustice was acknowledged but, as the Friend of China put it, it was \"but miserable redress in a pecuniary light.\"32\n\nTarrant's connection with the Central Market ceased on 28 December 1849 when he assigned his quarter share of the profits to Chow Aqui, one of Hong Kong's biggest Chinese businessmen at that time.33 Chow had extensive property interests in the Lower Bazaar area, had run Hong Kong's first theatre and had had the opium monopoly for a few years. Curiously enough, allegations had been made a few years previously that he was able to use Government police officers to protect his monopoly and Caine was inevitably linked with the allegation. The lease of the Market came to an end in 1850, the term being expired but Chow was given a renewal for two years from 10 March 1851 at the same rent and the lease was further renewed on two subsequent occasions.35\n\n16\n\nThis account illustrates two quite diverse matters. First, it shows the extent to which Chinese in Hong Kong adapted themselves to the institutional demands of a British colony. Although the whole system of law was alien to them, the transactions memorialised in the Land Office show the extent to which the possibilities of English Law were utilised to their commercial advantage, even though on some occasions it is difficult to follow at this remove the complexity of their dealings. If they did sometimes find themselves on the losing side in the Supreme Court, there were a significant number of Chinese businessmen in Hong Kong itself whose names recur over the years and who were, presumably, successful. Several have been named in this article but there were perhaps about a dozen or so in this category.* They, in addition to the Europeans, learnt to take advantage of the British system.\n\n37\n\nThis account also touches on the problem of the integrity of the colonial Government of the time. While it is true that the Chinese who came to the island may not have expected what the European would have regarded as an incorrupt government, it is also true that the circumstances of the colony in its early days gave opportunities for corruption which some were not slow to use. Though there was little at this time or later that could definitely be proved against\n\n* On this subject see Rev. Carl T. Smith's article \"The Emergence of a Chinese Elite in Hong Kong\" at pp. 74-115 of the 1971 Journal. (Ed).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206658, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 206, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "200\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nU.S.A. and Britain. One day, his uncle, an expatriate Chinese in New York, noticed a Water Pine in a garden bearing the Village Representative's name as donor. Mr. Man was obviously very proud of this. He also recalled that some 15 years ago the Director of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries had given him ten seedlings to plant in the village, but unfortunately none had survived.\n\nMany prominent persons have come, paused to admire the longevity of these two trees and heard of the interesting story about them. They are probably the oldest living trees of this species in the New Territories. They are valued not only for their longevity but also for their capacity as producers of viable seed. In 1969, germination tests were carried out with this seed and results showed 60% germinative capacity. Requests for the supply of seed have frequently been received from overseas by the Conservation and Forests Division of the Agricultural and Fisheries Department.\n\nThe condition of these two remarkable trees remains reasonably healthy but they will undoubtedly lose vigour with advancing age. How to perpetuate them is a matter of concern. The best way of achieving this would be to propagate seedlings and to plant them out in localities similar to their natural habitat. In the last two decades seedlings of Water Pine were planted in the Royal Hong Kong Golf Course at Fanling and at Tai Po Kau and Tai Lam Chung forest reserves, but only a few have survived. The largest surviving group is on the Golf Course where 10 trees are growing. The biggest of these is now 18 feet tall and 15 inches in girth, with an average growth rate of 0.2 inches per year over the last 10 years. In view of the rarity of the species, it is advisable to plant more of them in suitable localities throughout the New Territories and on Hong Kong Island. The species has not yet been included in the collections in the Botanic Gardens but planting stock is being made available and this omission will be rectified in the next planting season.\n\nEditor's Note. This article is reproduced with kind permission of the Director, Agricultural and Fisheries Department, Hong Kong, from the department's publication Wildlife Conservation, Newsletter No. 12, April 1971. The bulletin is prepared for game wardens, and is in English and Chinese. Persons who are interested may be provided with copies, if available, on application to the Department. The author, Mr. Shen Dze-chia, Assistant Forestry Officer until his recent retirement, is a graduate of the University of Nanking.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206667, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 215, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n209 \n\nat Castle Douglas. It was a very large building as befitted the size and importance of the Press, and can be seen on the old photographs on view in the entrance corridor at University Hall. \n\nAn account by the Rev. Fr. Leon Trivière states: \n\nThe press used 67,899 matrices, which shows how much work was carried on at this house. Thousands of examples of catechisms, prayer-books, works on dogma and morality, spirituality and meditation, the pastorate, canon law, sermons, catechesis, liturgy were brought out. These books were published in 28 languages: Chinese, Annamite, Latin, French, English, Chamorro, Tibetan, Laotian, Malay, Tho (Cao-Bang), Cambodian, Japanese, Thai (Chau-Laos), Banhnar, Portuguese, Kanaka, Lolo, Tagalog, Yap, German, Italian, Siamese, Kanao, Korean, Dioi, Palau, Spanish and Ainu. Notable among the publications of Nazareth Press was an amazing collection of dictionaries printed in twelve languages. A certain number of them were honoured by the Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-lettres, and sought after by great Universities such as Oxford, Cambridge, London, etc. ...or by famous Libraries specialising in Oriental Languages. Numerous works by missionaries attached to the École Française d'Extrême-Orient, the Académie Stanislaus and other bodies engaged in scientific research, were printed at Nazareth \n\nNazareth House. Considerable building alterations and additions were made to Castle Douglas by the Mission, including, some years after its occupation, an extensive reconstruction of the original building which was in danger of collapsing. The additions included dormitory accommodation, a chapel, a library and the printing house. The new House was first used in May 1896 and the chapel was blessed in October of that year. A life of prayer and work on editing, translating, printing and proof-reading was inaugurated at the former Castle Douglas, and was to continue until the Japanese Occupation in 1941-1945. The house continued to be used by the Fathers in those years, but printing stopped. Work began again after the war; but with the establishment of the People's Government at Peking in 1949, continental China was soon closed to foreign missionary effort, and in 1953 the Central Council in Paris decided to give up Nazareth House. It was bought by the University of Hong Kong in 1954, to be used as a Hall of Residence for students.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206859, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 136, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "130\n\nSUNG HOK-P'ANG\n\nSUNG HOK-PANG (宋學鵬) (1880-1962)\n\nA MEMOIR\n\nFifty to sixty years ago, there were in Hong Kong some Chinese scholars who could impart to Westerners knowledge of the Chinese language and culture. Among those who were able to write in both English and Chinese methodical and systematic text-books on the Chinese language, especially on the Cantonese dialect, the name of Sung Hok-pang was prominent. Likewise, fifty to sixty years ago, quite a number of Chinese literary men in Hong Kong depicted the scenery and historic sites there in poetry or prose for pleasure or for commemoration. Among the few who took pains to go and investigate the customs of the people and the historic remains of the New Territories, again Sung Hok-pang was scarcely rivalled in eminence.\n\nFor us who live in Hong Kong and wish to discuss the study and transmission of the Chinese language or the geography and history of Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories, it is essential that we understand Mr. Sung's contributions in these areas.\n\nMr. Sung's original name was Sung Yick-lam (宋錫林). His other name was Sung Pao-lam (宋寶林) but he was generally known as Sung Hok-pang. He was born in 1880 in Fa Yuen of Kwangtung, but from childhood he was reared in Hong Kong. Since he became well versed in both Chinese and English literature and was very enthusiastic about education, he was highly esteemed. In 1905 he was appointed Headmaster of the Belilios Girls' School. Later, in 1911, he also conducted Cantonese classes in the Government Technical Institute for cadet officers and for foreigners comprising merchants, scholars and officers. In 1913, besides being Headmaster, Mr. Sung was also appointed Inspector of Schools in the New Territories. As a result of his inspection and investigation, the Hong Kong Government followed his suggestions, and subsequently many of the schools in the New Territories received subsidy. Also, a new post of Chinese Inspector was established and Mr. Sung was appointed to this. In 1914 he helped organise the Government Evening School of Education and was head of this institution. In 1916 he was appointed Senior Vernacular Master attached to Queen's College, as well as adviser in matters pertaining to the teaching of Chinese in all government schools. In 1925 Sir Cecil", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206978, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "ADVENTURERS IN HONG KONG\n\n43\n\nWhen the King had started upon his homeward passage, the Hong Kong police went from house to house collecting the pinchbeck orders which his Majesty had scattered broadcast among his acquaintances; and these pieces of jewelry they subsequently sold by auction for the benefit of the goldsmith who had fashioned them, for the King, like many of his prototypes in history, had proved himself to be a bad paymaster.40\n\nThe Duel\n\nDid Mayréna and Morès fight a duel in Hong Kong? We do not know for certain; we can only use circumstantial evidence to argue that they probably did. In his memoirs Des Voeux would hardly admit that he allowed a duel to take place in a British colony by his negligence, for under English law duelling was a criminal offence.41 But an encounter between the two adventurers could have easily occurred without attracting public attention—early one morning, say, at Deepwater Bay, then a crescent of lonely sparkling sand, not overlooked by any residence; or in a clearing in the sylvan Glenealy Ravine, a solitary spot frequented only by a few health-conscious walkers.\n\nMayréna and Morès were expert in the use of the foil, épée, and sabre; each, previously, in single combat had killed his man; former soldiers, they were extremely brave men, not likely to slink away from an affront. It should be stressed, however, that duelling was a ritual, designed primarily to remove a public stain from a man's social character: the end of a duel was not copious blood-letting, but rather an affirmation that a gentleman had preserved his social standing and the integrity of his personality.42 To utilise theological concepts again, duelling was a type of sacrament: it was a consecration of the gentleman, and of the core element in this class of person—honour. It seems plausible, then, to suggest that the two duelled but only under certain limiting conditions set out in the procès-verbal. A procès-verbal was the set of rules, established beforehand by the seconds of the duellists, which defined the conditions of the duel—often a single shot fired over the opponent's head or blithely into the distance, a thrust or a parry, would suffice to accomplish the ritual. No doubt Mayréna and Morès did simply that—they flexed their muscles, brandished their spurs in public. Then all was over; honour satisfied; each returned to the Hong Kong Hotel and to loud wassail.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206991, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "56\n\nH. I. LETHBRIDGE\n\n41 In 1838 Charles Mirfin was killed in a duel on Wimbledon Common. The principal escaped abroad but the seconds were found guilty, sentenced to death, but later reprieved. In 1841 the Earl of Cardigan wounded Captain Tuckett in a duel and was accused of 'assault with intent to murder'. In 1852 a group of Frenchmen were indicted for duelling on English soil, sent for trial, and imprisoned. It must have been well known to both Mayréna and Morès that duelling was a criminal offence under English law and that the guilty could not escape easily from a term of imprisonment, even in Hong Kong. In 1872 the Spanish Consul in Hong Kong and the Peruvian Consul in Macao fought a duel at Chinese Kowloon. The Peruvian Consul was wounded by a pistol shot. They were each fined $200 at the Supreme Court in Hong Kong, although the duel had not taken place on Hong Kong soil!\n\n42 ...the duel is a leisure-time institution... In civilised communities it prevails as a normal phenomenon only where there is an hereditary leisure class, and almost exclusively among that class' (Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class, New York, 1934, p. 239.)\n\n43 Alfred Capus (1858-1922) was a well-known journalist and man-about-town.\n\n44 Maurice Mac-Nab (1856-1890) was a chansonnier, poet and notorious noctambule. The Rat Mort was a well-known café-chantant in Montmartre, the haunt of decadents, harlots and pleasure-seekers. The composer Charles de Sivry (1848-1900) was for a long time accompanist at the Cabaret du Chat-noir. He was the brother-in-law of Arthur Rimbaud.\n\n45 At table, for example, the courtiers were expected to wait until the King introduced a topic of conversation.\n\n46 John Fortescue Owen, born in 1869, entered the Federated Malay States Civil Service in 1889 and was appointed Junior Officer and Magistrate, Pahang, in that year.\n\n47 See W. Lineham, 'A History of Pahang', Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 14, Part 2, 1936, p. 135.\n\n48 Sir Hugh Clifford, 'The King of the Sedangs', Asia, July-Dec., 1926, p. 920.\n\n49 Edouard Drumont (1844-1917) wrote a famous book, La France Juive, (1886), in which he attempted to demonstrate that France was controlled from behind the scenes by a pack of Jews.\n\n50 R. H. Sherard gives an account of a personal interview with Morès in the Santé prison in The Real Oscar Wilde, London, n.d., pp. 401-2.\n\n51 Morès did not mean to kill Mayer: Mayer impaled himself by running upon Morès's foil.\n\n52 The Marquise offered a large reward for the capture of the assassins. There is a story that she tried to hire a number of cowboys to effect the rescue. She died in 1921 and in her will—a copy of which is in Somerset House, London—she left a sum of money for the erection of a monument at Mechiguig. In 1928 a large granite cross was placed on the spot where Morès fell. Lesley Blanch in her book The Wilder Shores of Love (London, 1954) claims that the Arab-loving Isabelle Eberhardt went in pursuit of Morès' assassins, but I have found no confirmation of the story.\n\n53 Times, 20 July, 1896.\n\n54 Soldiering was also an aristocratic sport, better than the chase. Many people volunteered to fight in wars which did not concern them; see, for example, the career of St. Leger Grenfell, who fought with John Hunt", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207072, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "HONG KONG PLACE NAMES\n\n137\n\nTan Ka175, three kinds of Hakka137 and Hoklo138, Pun Yue Cantonese is widely understood but less widely spoken, particularly among the old men and women whom one consults for place-names. To this difficulty, combined with a simple misprint, is to be attributed the map name of the mountain north of the Lam Tsuen140 Valley. It is Tai To Yan1—Razor Cliff. The Nam Tau dialect pronounces this Tai Tau Yang, which became Tai Tan Yang by misreading the final letter of Tau.\n\nEven with field workers who are fluent in the local languages, it is not easy to keep the record straight. Country people the world over take a delight in mystifying strangers. Add to this the Chinese convention against direct question and answer, and it will be seen that the chances of a surveyor, working against time, getting a correct list of the names of topographical features, or even of the chief villages, are not good. The wonder is not that there are so many mistakes, but that any of the names are right.\n\nFinally, the best maps (such as they are) are not readily available even to many public servants, and the mountaineer and hiker, from whom corrections might come, often has to content himself with an old battered copy of an extinct edition.*\n\nFor all these reasons I welcome Mr. Tregear's gazetteer as I welcomed his map. As far as I can see from a careful check of the draft, all the important names are there, and they are down correctly. Such omissions as there are result from the fact that some features have an English name but no Chinese one—or if they have, nobody can be found who remembers it.\n\nOne thing which has not been included is a translation or explanation of each name. The reason will become clear to anybody who cares to read the second part of this paper, in which I have listed the principal elements of local place-names, for the understanding of some of which we have to extend our inquiries back to the days before the Chinese came to these parts.\n\nBefore the Chinese\n\nIn a talk to the Rotary Club130 of Hong Kong on 8th November, 1955, I said:\n\n'Under our very noses, and separated from our time by not more than 600 years, we have a linguistic problem which no one has\n\n* The position is now greatly improved as a result of new and extensive re-mapping of the Colony. See JHKBRAS 9, 1969: 131-140.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207730, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 118, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "A HAWAIIAN KING VISITS HONG KONG, 1881\n\n103\n\nTo place medicines on board and every necessary article as required by the Hong Kong Emigration law, also to pay all fees for clearing the passengers from their port, bearing all the expenses to bring them from the interior, to victual them until their departure, to erect a hospital on deck and everything in accordance with the Hong Kong Law for the consideration of Twenty-five Dollars ($25) payable as required, (balance to be settled before departure of the ship) for every passenger over 15 years of age and twelve dollars and a half ($12.5) for every child under 15 years of age and over one year old, nothing being paid for babies under one year.\n\nIf an English doctor be engaged Wohang allows one dollar per head and the Hon. W. Hillebrand to find the necessary medicines.\n\nWohang agrees also to engage a competent interpreter and a Chinese doctor if required at the rate of twenty-five dollars ($25) each per month.\n\nOn arrival in Honolulu the Hon. W. Hillebrand's agent to have the option of keeping the interpreter and doctor at the before-named rate of wages or to dismiss them in paying them a present of ($50) fifty dollars each....\n\nTwenty of the passengers have to act as cooks as required by the local law...six have also to act as overseers and two as stewards on board during the passage....\n\nWohang is bound to put up a rail partition to separate male and female passengers on board....\n\nIn witness whereof... 3rd day of June, 1865.\n\nAPPENDIX B\n\nW. Hillebrand Wohang\n\nSee Plate 17 of this Journal at rear of the volume.\n\nAPPENDIX C\n\nLabor Contract, 1890*\n\nTHIS MEMORANDUM OF AGREEMENT, Made and entered into at\n\nHonolulu,\n\nand\n\nby and between\n\n... hereinafter called the Employer,\n\nhereinafter called\n\nthe Laborer-\n\nMT\n\nWITNESSETH THAT:\n\nWHEREAS, the Laborer has arrived at the Hawaiian Islands, upon the understanding that he be there employed as an Agricultural Laborer, under the laws of the Republic of Hawaii; and in consideration of the sum of $54 in U.S. Gold Coin, advanced and lent to him by his said Employer for defraying passage money and expenses from his home in China to the Hawaiian Islands, and for clothes, receipt of which is hereby acknowledged,\n\n* Interior Dept., Misc.: Immigration-Contract Forms (Archives of Hawaii).\n\nThe Chinese text is at p. 106 following.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207734, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 122, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "IN SEARCH OF THE CHINESE NAME FOR \"LI SUN\"\n\nTIN-YUKE CHAR*\n\nIn other pages of this Journal, the article on Hawaiian King Kalakaua and his visit to China in 1881, while on his way around the world, was based on the report to Hawaii by a member of the entourage.1 He wrote that the King was met in Tientsin by Li Hung-chang's secretary and interpreter, \"Li Sun,\" who spoke English and gave the information that he was a graduate of Hamilton College in Clinton, New York, and that he had a son who was a student at Yale in New Haven, Connecticut.2\n\nIn The Sandalwood Mountains, an annotated collection of readings and stories on the early Chinese in Hawaii, was included an excerpt from this same report, written by William Armstrong who accompanied the Hawaiian King as Minister of State and Royal Commissioner of Immigration.3\n\nRomanization of Chinese names vary confusingly because of dialectal differences in the Chinese language and because of diverse backgrounds of transliterators. Only in more recent years have writers in the English language settled on a standard style, e.g., Dr. Sun Yat-sen, Dr. Wing-tsit Chan*, hyphenating two-element given names and not capitalizing the second element. Until the Chinese characters for the romanized name are determined, one is never sure of the person's true identity. Therefore, some time was given on research for the name of an intriguing person whose name, when first came upon, was written as \"Li Sun.\" Other romanizations found for his name were Chan Lai Sun and Tsang Lai Sun. He himself signed his name thus:\n\nChan Jaime\n\n* Mr. Char (MEL), of the Hawaii Chinese History Center is a well-known researcher into that subject, and has previously contributed to this Journal.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207735, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 123, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "108\n\nTIN-YUKE CHAR\n\nTo identify Li Sun's name as written in Chinese characters and to gather more information on this interesting person, a letter was written to Hamilton College on April 8, 1975. A reply from the President's office said, “A search of our records revealed that Li Sun (listed as Chan Lai Sun in our files) attended Hamilton College for two years, in 1846-48. He was awarded the honorary degree of Master of Arts during his visit to the College in 1873 [as a member of the Chinese Educational Mission].\" Frank K. Lorenz, Reference Librarian at Hamilton, also wrote, \"Unfortunately we cannot determine what Chan's full name was in Chinese. We have a dozen letters from him, under the letter head of the Chinese Educational Commission, but they are entirely in English (very fluent and colloquial English at that) and are all signed \"Chan Laisun.\"\n\nThus began the search for Chan Laisun's name in Chinese.\n\nYung Wing, a commissioner of the Chinese Educational Mission in 1873 made this report: \"The educational commission was to consist of two commissioners, Chin [Ch'en] Lan Pin [  ] and myself. Chin Lan Pin's duty was to see that the students keep up their knowledge of Chinese while in America; my duty was to look after their foreign education and to find suitable homes for them. Chin Lan Pin and myself were to look after their expenses conjointly. Two Chinese teachers were provided to keep up their studies in Chinese, and an interpreter was provided for the Commission. Yeh Shu Tung [***] and Yung Yune Foo [***] were the Chinese teachers and Tsang Lai Sun was the interpreter.” He was most likely selected because he had been educated in English and was familiar with the Chinese dialects of the Southern maritime provinces from where most of the students were chosen by Yung Wing who was himself from the Heung Shan (now Chung Shan) district of Kwangtung.\n\nTsang Lai Sun was identified with the Chinese characters 曾蘭生 (Tseng Lan-sheng in kuo-yu pronunciation) in the Chinese translation of Yung Wing's book. Thus, it appears that this Tsang Lai Sun was the same person as Chan Lai Sun as listed in Hamilton College records and also Li Sun who met the Hawaiian King.\n\nChan wrote in a letter to Professor Edward North of Springfield, Massachusetts, that he would be enclosing a family photograph about which Mr. Lorenz wrote on July 30, 1976, “..\n\nwe cannot", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207736, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 124, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "IN SEARCH OF THE CHINESE NAME FOR “LI SUN”\n\n109\n\nlocate a photograph of Chan Lai-sun. It is not very surprising that there is none from his College days, as photography was not yet widely adopted in the 1840's. And no photographs were usually taken of honorary degree recipients in the late nineteenth century. As to the reference in the 1872 letter to Professor North, the family photographs are not in the correspondence file. They were evidently separated out when the alumni correspondence files were established. I have searched the miscellaneous North papers, but with no success. There is an old trunk of North memorabilia which I will also search as soon as time permits. . .\n\nChan's letters to Professor North from October 28, 1872 to September 10, 1873 and selections from Hamilton College Literary Monthly, July 1869 to February 1887, made possible a tentative biographical sketch. Also very helpful were Carl T. Smith's two articles in the Chung Chi Bulletin of the Chinese University of Hong Kong.\n\nChan Laisun (hereafter this name will be used just as he used it in his signature) was born 1829 in Singapore, the son of a poor gardener. Chan attended the Chinese day and boarding schools conducted by the American Board missionaries. His mother tongue was Malay, although his father was from the Ch'aochow prefecture of Kwangtung Province. His parents died leaving him an orphan.\n\nThe Reverend Joseph S. Travelli of Sewickley, Pennsylvania, and his wife served as missionaries of the American Board. Soon after their arrival in Singapore, their attention was attracted by a Chinese boy waiting on the table of the American Consul, and they took him into the school which they established for Chinese children for English and Chinese studies.\n\nWhen the school was disbanded in 1842, Chan was taken to the United States and put into Mr. Randall's School in East Bloomfield, New Jersey until 1846. Then the Reverend Samuel Wells Williams of the American Board arranged for him to receive free instruction at Hamilton College. His college term ended in June 1848, and he returned to China with Reverend Williams as an assistant with the American Board mission in Canton until 1853. He had lost almost all knowledge of the Chinese he had known and had to engage a language tutor to relearn Chinese. In July 1850, he married Ruth Ati (1827-1917), one of two girls Miss", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207737, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 125, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "110\n\nTIN-YUKE CHAR\n\nAldersey brought over from her Batavia, Java mission school to become assistant leaders in her Ningpo school. Ruth and Laisun had a family of six children: Elijah, Spencer, Willie, Annie, Lena, and Amy.\n\nChan later left his mission work and went to Shanghai in 1853 where he became quite successful through his connections with an English mercantile firm. On a corner of the American Board's property in Shanghai, he built a school house where his wife opened a girls' school. As he was acquainted with Yung Wing and was qualified, he was engaged to accompany the Educational Mission to America in 1872. He took along his wife and six children. His two eldest sons were ready to enter college in two years and his two eldest daughters received part of their education in England.\n\nIn 1875 Chan was detached from the Educational Mission and appointed interpreter to Li Hung-chang, Governor-general of Chihli. Thus, he met Hawaiian King Kalakaua in Tientsin in 1881.\n\nThe February 1887 issue of the Hamilton College Literary Monthly had this letter from Chan, \"We all love the United States, for many reasons. Our hearts are still there, although we are back in China. I am in Tientsin, with the well-known viceroy, Si [Li] Hung Chang, as his Secretary, and Interpreter. Annie, our eldest daughter, is married to a Dane, Captain of the Chinese government revenue cruiser; and is the happy mother of a beautiful son. Elijah, the eldest boy, graduated from the Yale Scientific School in 1887. He then went to Freiburg in Saxony, and remained there eighteen months. On his return to China, he was commissioned to open the copper mines in Eastern Mongolia. His prospects are very bright. He was offered the post of chief engineer for the government railroads, but declined to accept it. He is the first scientific engineer China has produced. His field is the largest ever offered to a single individual, for the mineral resources of China are almost infinite.”\n\nFrom Carl Smith's article, it was learned that another son, Spencer Tsang Lai Sun, married Man Kwai, daughter of the Reverend Ho Fuk-tong (1818-71) of Hong Kong.\n\nA further lead to more information was given by Chi Wang of the Orientalia Division, United States Library of Congress. In Shu Hsin-ch'eng's Chinese book on Chinese Students in Foreign Countries, the interpreter of the Educational Mission was identified by his official name, Tseng Heng-chung. The same is true in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207739, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "CHAN LAI-SUN AND HIS FAMILY:\n\nA 19TH CENTURY CHINA COAST FAMILY\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nProfessor John K. Fairbank of the Harvard-Yenching Institute in an address to the Society during his visit to Hong Kong in 1976, referred to the importance of the study of what he termed \"China Coast Culture\", meaning thereby the type of social groups, values, institutions, etc., that emerged from the commingling of diverse traditions in the port cities of China. He suggested that an understanding of the forces that created this social milieu and an analysis of its structure and operation might provide models for life as it is developing in an age of rapid cultural interchange.*\n\nThis study of one family which was a part of the China Coast culture illustrates some strands in its creation and emergence as a distinct way of life, with its own values and manners. This new life style is seen in such features in the family of Chan Lai-sun as the intermingling of Chinese and foreign home decoration; changed attitudes toward certain Chinese practices, such as the social mingling of sexes, foot binding, dress and the wearing of the queue; the employment in a Chinese setting of language, educational and scientific skills acquired by a Western-style training; and marriage across racial boundaries.\n\nMr. Tin-yuk Char has provided interesting information on the career of Chan Lai-sun. In the light of his suggestion that more information might be forthcoming, I can add a few more facts from material I have collected on the family.\n\nThe careers of Chan Lai-sun and his children are examples of the role marginal Chinese played in the Westernization of China. Chan's mother was probably Malay. His wife Ruth A-tik was born in Indonesia and was not of pure Chinese ancestry. In a list of members of the Presbyterian Mission Church at Ningpo for 1850, she is described as \"Indo-Chinese\". Both as children came under the patronage of foreigners and both received an English language education. Miss Aldersey, the patron of Ruth A-tik, first in Batavia\n\n* This is my interpretation of his remarks and may not be an altogether accurate assessment.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207740, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "CHAN LAI-SUN AND HIS FAMILY\n\n113\n\nand then in Ningpo, mentions Ruth and her friend Christiana A-kit in the Annual Report of the London Tract Society for 1847:\n\nI have two young women Indo-Chinese converts, who, fleeing from persecution, joined me in this country [Batavia]. They have applied themselves to the study of the English language since their arrival in the north, and one of them in particular is thirsty for the intelligence which that language opens out to her. Her desire for information has reference especially to religious subjects.\n\nAs we shall note A-tik's home after her marriage to Lai-sun was what nineteenth century missionaries called “pious\", but piety was connected with a concern for a modern education for Chinese girls and for some years she taught in the missionary school in Shanghai.\n\nA missionary educator visited their home at Shanghai, and her account published in 1857 in the American Episcopal Church journal, Spirit of Missions (v. 22, p. 350), gives evidence of the manner in which they combined their western type education and connections with the Chinese community in which they lived.\n\nAt the time of the visit Yung Wing, later the initiator of the Chinese Educational Mission in which Lai-sun participated, was a guest in the home. The missionary visitor noted that Yung Wing greeted her \"with quite an American air”, though he had to admit he had forgotten her name. When Yung Wing, even then interested in education, asked if he could visit the girls' school under the missionary's charge, she politely turned him down as she felt that since the girls were so modest and unaccustomed to a male presence at the school, it would unduly upset them, but she turned to Mrs. Chan and her friend Christiana A-Kit, wife of Kew Teen-shang, and asked their opinion on the matter. They said they never objected to associating on social and friendly terms with Christian gentlemen. \"But\", said Kit, \"when merchants or other heathen men call to see Attee's husband, she always retires.\"\n\nYung Wing remarked, \"When I was in the United States as a student, I often visited young ladies' seminaries and they never objected, in fact, I think they rather liked it.”\n\nThe missionary lady took the occasion to probe a little deeper into the attitudes of American educated Chinese, posing the question,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207742, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "CHAN LAI-SUN AND HIS FAMILY\n\n115\n\nHe served as chief secretary at the Chefoo Convention in 1876, and until the time of his death assisted at the many transactions Viceroy Li had with foreign powers. He was to have joined Li in his mission to Japan after the Sino-Japanese War, but Li excused him saying, “You are old and so am I; but I have to go because there is no help for it.\"\n\nAt the time of his death Chan Lai-sun was survived by his widow, two sons and two daughters. He was predeceased by his son William and a daughter. The death notice of his widow, who died at the age of 92 on 17 Jan. 1917, was published in the Chinese Recorder (v. 58, p. 258). Her son Spencer T. Lai-sun had died only thirteen days before.\n\nSpencer had been educated at Queen's College, Hong Kong, before being taken to the United States by his father at the inauguration of the Chinese Educational Mission in 1872. He and his elder brother, Elijah, attended Yale. According to his obituary (South China Morning Post, 23 Jan. 1917), Spencer had an “extraordinary command of English” and was remarkably well informed on Chinese affairs, being one of the first to forecast the gravity of the Boxer Uprising. He was simultaneously on the staff of a Chinese language newspaper, the Hu Pao, and of an English language paper, the North China Daily News, both published at Shanghai. In 1911 he abandoned his newspaper career and as an expectant Taotai joined the staff of Viceroy Tuan Fang at Nanking. Early in his career in 1885 he undertook a special mission to India. When a reporter of the Times of India interviewed him, he was impressed with Spencer's European style clothing and the absence of a queue, for the latter he was said to have been given special permission by the Chinese authorities.\n\nDuring his school days in Hong Kong, Spencer had become acquainted with the family of the Reverend Ho Fuk-tong, being most likely a regular attendant of the Chinese congregation which met in the afternoons at Union Church. He married Ho Man-kwai, the daughter of the pastor. She died in Shanghai in 1894 at the young age of twenty-eight, leaving a young daughter, Daisy.\n\nThe other two daughters of Chan Lai-sun married Europeans. The husband of the eldest daughter was a Danish ship captain, N. P. Andersen. He had seen service in the Taiping Revolution and had a long career in the Coast Staff of the Chinese Customs. He was somewhat older than his wife and married in middle age.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207743, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 131, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "116\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nMrs. Andersen was one of the founders of the Chinese Red Cross Society, serving as its first Vice President. In recognition, the Chinese Emperor granted her a large honorary board. Their only daughter, K. Ruth Andersen, married in 1905, Donald R. McEuen, son of a former Captain superintendent of Police at Shanghai.\n\nA younger daughter of Chan Lai-sun married a businessman, Mr. W. Buchanan, presumably the same as listed in the 1884 Chronicle and Directory of China as a land agent and broker with J. P. Bisset and Co. of Shanghai.\n\nThis, then, is a record of a Chinese family living in a marginal situation. Both Lai-sun and his wife were born in Southeast Asian overseas Chinese communities. Both in childhood became caught up in English language missionary education, which served to further alienate them from Chinese tradition. Lai-sun started his career as a missionary assistant, but to make better provision for his growing family turned to business, associating himself with foreign businessmen, not as compradore but as assistant and partner. However, the very fact of his marginal background qualified him, as a member of Li Hung-chang's staff, to make a particular contribution to China's developing relations with foreign powers. His children received a solid western-style education. Of the two sons who grew to maturity, one was an engineer the other a journalist, and both for a part of their career served the Chinese government. The daughters left the Chinese community, but the eldest took her place in public life as a founder of the Chinese Red Cross.\n\nThis partial reconstruction of the life history of one China Coast family is perhaps more than a mere historical exercise in reconstructing a family history from scattered sources. It can also be viewed as an illustration of the social processes at work in creating a distinctive culture in the port cities of China, including Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207909, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 297, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "282\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n\"It was a serious offence to be a member of a secret society and, under Hong Kong law, possession of what was called the membership cloth or any of the regalia of such a society was regarded as sufficient proof of membership. The cloth was what a member had, instead of a card, just a scrap of cotton material, seven by four inches with the name of the holder and details of the society. I remember arresting a man in Hong Kong who was on his way to China and finding he had a membership cloth that had been stamped with a large gold seal on which were printed, in English, the words 'affiliated to the Chinese Freemasons of America' round a design of the Square and Compasses in the second degree.”\n\nThe Hon. Editor recalls seeing a similar sign \"Chinese Freemasons\" on a door in China Town, Vancouver, B.C. during his recent visit there in May 1977, but unfortunately did not take down the full English and Chinese text.\n\nSANDAL WOOD MILLS AT TSUN WAN*\n\nThe following extracts from various publications relate to this now almost forgotten but long established local industry, located at Tsun Wan in the New Territories of Hong Kong. Formerly a small market centre serving the surrounding villages, Tsun Wan is now a large industrial town.\n\nFrom J.H. Stewart Lockhart's Report on the New Territory, The Hongkong Government Gazette, 8th April, 1899, p. 544.\n\n“A large establishment exists near Tsun Wan for the manufacture of joss-powder, out of which joss-sticks, used in the worship of idols, are made. The powder is made from fragrant wood, which is pounded into dust by means of water-wheels, six of which were seen at work.\n\nAlthough there is a large force of water throughout the territory available for water-power, this is the only instance in which we saw water utilised for manufacturing purposes.\"†\n\n* Usually romanized as Tsuen Wan: see A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (Government Printer, n.d. but c 1960) p.\n\n† On his short visit, and necessarily cursory inspections, Mr. Stewart Lockhart appears to have missed the use of water wheels to crush clay at the Wun Yiu pottery kilns: see CSO1904 Ext/6929 in the PRD Hong Kong. For mention of Water Wheel Licences see Hong Kong Administrative Reports, Assistant District Officer, New Territories, Southern District, 1912 (p. I 15), 1913 (p. I 13) and 1914 (p. I 10).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208007, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "BEHIND JAPANESE BARBED WIRE: STANLEY INTERNMENT CAMP, HONG KONG\n\n1942-1945\n\nGEOFFREY CHARLES EMERSON*\n\nOn Monday morning, December 8th 1941, a few minutes after 8 a.m. and a few hours after the attack on Pearl Harbor, bombs dropped on Kai Tak airport and the battle of Hong Kong had begun. 17 days later, on Christmas Day 1941, Hong Kong surrendered. At that time there were approximately 3000 non-Chinese civilians of the Allied powers in Hong Kong. Until early January 1942, these people were on the whole left alone, most of them remaining at home because it was very dangerous to go out due to the breakdown of law and order which occurred with the surrender on Christmas Day.\n\nOn 4th January 1942, a notice appeared in the Hongkong News (the only English-language newspaper published during the occupation) for all enemy nationals to assemble at Murray Parade Grounds (today the site of the Hilton Hotel). Many people, especially those on the Peak and in the University area, did not see this notice, but eventually about 1000 gathered at the Parade Grounds, and after registration they were marched through the centre of Hong Kong and interned in a number of hotel-brothels located on the waterfront (near the present Macau Ferry Pier).\n\nThe American journalist Joseph Alsop, who was one of those caught in Hong Kong in 1941, wrote the following in The Saturday Evening Post:\n\nAfter trudging a mile and a half, we turned abruptly into a narrow alley and were halted before the grilled door of an ancient, dilapidated and very dirty building. Painted on the peeling plaster was an announcement in Chinese that it was the Stag Hotel, offering comfortable rooms at cheap rates. In reality, it was a Chinese brothel of the third class.†\n\n* Text of a paper read at a meeting of the Society on 13 April 1977. Mr. Emerson, M.Phil. (Hong Kong) is Vice Principal of St. Paul's College, Hong Kong, and President of the Hong Kong History Society.\n\n†The Stag Hotel was situated in Queen's Road Central to the west of the Central Market.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208225, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 264, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "248\n\nLIST OF MEMBERS\n\nORDINARY MEMBERS:\n\n+\n\nAIKEN, Mrs. L. · AKERS-JONES, Hon D., C.M.G., J.P. ALLCOCK, R. C. ALLEN, O. J. R. ANDERSON, J. S. ANGOVE, W. B. ARCHER, Hon. Mrs. S. + - ARSAN, Mrs. K. AU, K. N. ·\n\nRoom 2411, Plaza Hotel, Hong Kong, Island House, Tai Po, N.T. Dept. of Law, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. Flat B2, 29 Severn Road, The Peak, Hong Kong, Diocesan Boys' School, 131 Argyle Street, Kowloon. Cathay Pacific Airways Ltd., Operations Building 4/F, Kai Tak, Kowloon. 41, Stubbs Road, Apt. 21, Hong Kong. 43 Stubbs Road, Flat C-1, 5th Floor, Hong Kong. Grantham College of Education, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon.\n\nBARD, Dr. S. M., O.B.E., J.P. Hong Kong Museum of History, Star House, 4/F, Kowloon, BARR, J. W. E9 Repulse Bay Towers, 119A Repulse Bay Road, Hong Kong. BARRETT, Fr. Cyril S. J. Wah Yan College, Queen's Road East, Hong Kong. BARRETTO, R. O. 1903 Hang Chong Building, Queen's Road C., Hong Kong. BENNETT, Dr. J. R.. Dept. of English, New Asia College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. BERKHOUT, P. The Shell Co. of Hong Kong Ltd., P.O. Box 22, Hong Kong. BERTRAM, J. 601 Swire House, Hong Kong. BIRCH, Dr. A. Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. BLAIKLEY, P. E. - 4 Middleton Towers, 140 Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. BLAKE, Mrs. D. Paul Y Construction Co., Bank of Canton Building 18/F, Hong Kong.\n\nBLOOMFIELD, Miss Frena - 38A, 1/F, Kennedy Road, Hong Kong. BOND, M. W. - BOYLAN, Mrs. C.. BRAGA, P. BRANDON, Miss J. BRIGGS, Hon. Sir Geoffrey, Q.C. BROADBENT, Miss M.\n\n404 La Hacienda, 31 Mount Kellett Road, Hong Kong. Cathay Pacific Airways, P.O. Box 1, Hong Kong. 61A Bisney Road, Pokfulam, Hong Kong. St. Stephen's Girls' School, 2 Lyttelton Road, Hong Kong. Courts of Justice, Hong Kong: Helena May Court, Garden Road, Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208235, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 274, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "258\n\nLIST OF MEMBERS\n\nORDINARY MEMBERS:\n\nTHOMA, Dr. R. -\n\nTHOMAS, R. W.\n\nTHOMAS, Mrs. S. E.\n\nTHOMPSON, Mr. & Mrs. K. V.\n\nTISDALL, B.\n\nTOH, Miss E.\n\nTOMLIN, Mrs. S.\n\nTSANG, K. F.\n\nTSO, Mrs. P.\n\nTURNER, H. D.\n\nTWITCHETT, Miss Y.\n\nTYLER, Mr. & Mrs. M. R. -\n\nVEEVERS, Miss K. J.\n\nVETCH, Mr. & Mrs. H. -\n\nVINE, P. A. L.\n\nVISICK, Mrs. M.\n\nWALDEN, J. C. C., J.P.\n\nWALKER, D. C.\n\nWATERS, D. D.\n\nWATSON, Dr. J. L.\n\nWATT, James\n\nWATT, Mo-Kei\n\nWEN, Dr. Ch'ing-hsi\n\nWHOLEY, J. W.\n\nWILKINSON, Miss A.\n\nWILLIAMS, B. V. -\n\n44 Mount Kellett Road, Mountain Lodge\n\n3A, Hong Kong.\n\n31 Conduit Road, 9/FL., Hong Kong.\n\nRose Villa, Lot 369, 124 Miles Tai Po Road, Tai Po, N.T.\n\nM3B Baskerville House, 13 Duddell Street, Hong Kong.\n\n7 Stanley Mound Road, Stanley, Hong Kong.\n\n1903 Hang Chong Building, 5 Queen's Road C., Hong Kong.\n\n12A Broadwood Road, 1/FL., Hong Kong.\n\nArchitectural Office, P.W.D., Murray Building, Hong Kong.\n\nDept. of Extra-Mural Studies, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong.\n\nDept. of History, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong.\n\nIsland School, Borrett Road Hong Kong.\n\nP.O. Box 9423, Hong Kong,\n\nMedical & Health Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, Hong Kong,\n\n10A Belmont Court, 10 Kotewall Road, Hong Kong.\n\n304 Chartered Bank Building, Hong Kong.\n\nDept. of English, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong.\n\n1 Homestead, The Peak, Hong Kong.\n\nPrice Waterhouse & Co. Prince's Building 22/F, Hong Kong.\n\nEducation Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Ave., Hong Kong.\n\nUniversity Services Centre, 155 Argyle Street, Kowloon.\n\nChinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T.\n\nCheong K. Co., Cheong K. Building, 84 Des Voeux Road C., 2/Fl., Hong Kong.\n\nRhenish Church College, 30 Hereford Road, Kowloon.\n\nAgriculture & Fisheries Dept., 393 Canton Road, Kowloon.\n\nPrincess Margaret Hospital, Lai Chi Kok, Kowloon,\n\nHong Kong Housing Authority, Housing Authority Headquarters, 101 Princess Margaret Road, Kowloon.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208457, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 181, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\n165\n\nany contingency of administration which faced the small and self-contained villages of the rural districts in which the great mass of the Chinese people dwelt.\n\nAuthor's note: On rereading this effort of an aspiring young Sinologue in Peking some 45 years ago, the author realizes how quaint it must seem today for the \"state of the art\" is far advanced since then, with a proliferation of on-the-ground studies of Chinese rural life done by sociologists and social anthropologists in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. They provide concrete information on village governance richer than all one could find in 1933, C.M.W., 15 October 1979.\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\nI. WORKS CITED IN THIS PAPER.\n\nAddison, James T.; Chinese Ancestor Worship: a Study of its Meaning and its Relations with Christianity. No place, Chung Hua Shen Kung Hui, 1925.\n\nAlabaster, Ernest; Notes and Commentaries on Chinese Criminal Law and Cognate Topics, London, Luzac, 1899,\n\nBazin; \"Recherches sur les Institutions Administratives et Municipales de la Chine\" (Journal Asiatique. 5th Series, vol. 3, 1854, p. 6-66; vol. 4, 1854, p. 249-348), (The two papers are differentiated by the Roman numerals I and II.)\n\nBishop, Carl W. Man from the Farthest Past. New York Smithsonian Institution, 1930. (Smithsonian Scientific Series, vol. 7.)\n\nBishop, C. W.; \"Prefatory Note on the Worship of Earth in Ancient China.\" (Excavation of a West Han Site. Shanghai, no pub., 1932, p. 1-20.)\n\nBishop, Carl W.; \"The Rise of Civilization in China with Reference to its Geographical Aspects\" (Geographical Review, Oct. 1932, p. 617-631.)\n\nBoulais, Guy; Manuel du Code Chinois. Shanghai, Imprimerie de la Mission Catholique, 1924. (Variétés Sinologiques 55.)\n\nBuck, John L.; Chinese Farm Economy; a Study of 2866 Farms in Seventeen Localities and Seven Provinces in China. Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1930.\n\nChen Huan-chang; The Economic Principles of Confucius and His School, 2 vols. New York, Columbia, 1911.\n\nChina National Government. The Civil Code of the Republic of China. Translated into English by Hsia, Ching-lin: Chow, James L. E.; Chang, Yukon, 2 vols. Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1930-31. vol. 2.\n\nChina Year Book 1932. (Woodhead, H. G. W. Ed.) Shanghai, North-China, 1932.\n\nChinese Repository. See: \"Clanship Among the Chinese.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208458, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 182, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "166\n\nC. MARTIN WILBUR\n\nChing Ho; A Sociological Analysis. The Report of a Preliminary Survey of the Town of Ching Ho, Hopei, North China. (Hsu, Leonard, S., Editor.) Peiping, Yenching, 1930.\n\n\"Clanship Among the Chinese\". (Chinese Repository, vol. 4, 1836, p. 411-415).\n\nCreel, Herrlee G.; Sinism; a Study of the Evolution of the Chinese World View. Chicago, Open Court, 1929.\n\nDe Groot, J. J. M.; Les Fêtes Annuellement Célébrées à Emoui (Amoy); Étude Concernant la Religion Populaire des Chinois. 2 vols. Paris, Leroux, 1886.\n\nDe Groot, J. J. M.; The Religious System of China. 6 vols. Leyden, Brill, 1892-1910.\n\nDemiéville, P.; \"Hou Che Wen Ts'ouen (MILŻ#)\" (Bulletin de l'École Française d'Extrême-Orient, vol. 23, 1923, p. 489-499).\n\nDes Routours, Robert; \"Les Grands Fonctionnaires des Provinces en Chine sous la Dynastie des T'ang.\" (T'oung Pao, vol. 25, 1928, p. 219-330).\n\nDuyvendak, J. J. L. (translator); The Book of Lord Shang, a Classic of the Chinese School of Law, London, Probsthain, 1928.\n\nFerguson, John C., \"Political Parties of the Northern Sung Dynasty\" (Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 58, 1927, p. 36-56).\n\nFerguson, John C.; \"Southern Migration of the Sung Dynasty\" (Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 55, 1924, p. 14-27).\n\nFerguson, John C.; \"Wang An-shih\" (Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 35, 1903-04, p. 65-75).\n\nGiles, Herbert A.; A Chinese Biographical Dictionary. Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1898.\n\nGiles, Herbert A.; A Chinese English Dictionary. 2nd ed., 2 vols.; Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1912.\n\nGranet, Marcel; Chinese Civilization, London, Kegan Paul, 1930.\n\nHirth, Friedrich; The Ancient History of China to the End of the Chou Dynasty, New York, Columbia, 1911.\n\nHsieh, Pao Chao; The Government of China (1644-1911). Baltimore, Johns Hopkins, 1925.\n\nHu, Shih; \"The Establishment of Confucianism as a State Religion During the Han Dynasty” (Journal of the North China Branch of Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 60, 1929, p. 20-41).\n\nHu, Shih: \"Religion and Philosophy in Chinese History\" (in Symposium on Chinese Culture. (Zen, Sophia H. Chen, Editor). Shanghai, Institute of Pacific Relations, 1931, p. 24-58).\n\nHu, Shih; \"Wang Mang, the Socialist Emperor of Nineteen Centuries Ago” (Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 59, 1928. p. 218-230).\n\nHuang, Han Liang; The Land Tax in China. New York, Columbia, 1918.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208820, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 277, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "250\n\nORDINARY LOCAL MEMBERS\n\nPICKFORD, Mr. John B.,\n\nE/M Department,\n\nPublic Works Department, Caroline Hill,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nPORDES, Mr. Frederick, 47/50 Gloucester Road, Lap Heng Building, 1st Fl., HONG KONG,\n\nPRESCOTT, Mr. Jon A., 67B Perkins Road, Jardine's Lookout, HONG KONG.\n\nPRYOR, Dr. E. G.,\n\nColony Planning Division, Crown Lands & Surveys Office, Murray Building, 18/Fl., HONG KONG.\n\nQUESTED, Mrs. Rosemary, Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nRAM, Mrs. Jane, 80 Kennedy Road, Lee Building, HONG KONG.\n\nREDDING, Dr. S. G., Extra-Mural Dept., University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nREID, Mr. A. J. H.,\n\nc/o Kleinwort, Benson (H.K.) Ltd., American International Tower,\n\n33/Fl.,\n\n16-18 Queen's Road Central, HONG KONG.\n\nREYNOLDS, Mrs. Johanne, 19 Middleton Towers, 140 Pokfulam Road, HONG KONG.\n\nREYNOLDS, Prof. W. A., 19 Middleton Towers, 140 Pokfulam Road, HONG KONG.\n\nRHODES, Mr. Peter F., School of Law, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG,\n\nRIBEIRO, Mrs. Susan, 6M Bowen Road,\n\nFlat 7D,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nRICHARDS, Mrs. J. K.,\n\nc/o Dept. of Geography and Geology, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nRICHARDS, Mr. S. F.,\n\nDept of Geography and Geology, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nRIGG, Mrs. Jillian R.,\n\nRiggs Associated Services Ltd., 4th Floor, Dominion Centre, 37-59 Queen's Road East, HONG KONG.\n\nROBERTSON, Mrs. A. G., 5A Hatton House, 15 Kotewall Road, HONG KONG.\n\nROBERTSON, Mrs. W. G., Park Mansions, 1/F, 4 Mile Taipo Road, KOWLOON.\n\nROCHE, Mrs. J. T., 3 Old Peak Road, HONG KONG,\n\nRODGERS, Mr. Robert D., B1, Harbour View Mansions, 11 Magazine Gap Road, HONG KONG.\n\nROHRS, Mr. Kenneth R., Flat 11A,\n\n23 South Bay Close, Repulse Bay,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nROPER, Mr. G. W., Caine House,\n\nPolice Headquarters, Arsenal Street, HONG KONG.\n\nROWARK, Mrs. Sally, Dept of English Studies and\n\nComparative Literature, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208994, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 156, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "124\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nLast year the Pang clan village of Fanling held its great ta chiu. It happens once every ten years. The film you saw at the beginning was taken there, and many of the photographs on display too. I was lucky enough to be able to spend nearly all the days of the ta chiu in Fanling. To my surprise, I found myself constantly being greeted and spoken to in English -- not in Hong Kong English, but in the different local dialects of different geographical regions in the United Kingdom. The speakers ranged in age from 3 to 25 years. All were children of the restaurant emigration which has taken place since about 1953. With their parents, they had come back for the occasion. To this village of less than 3,000 inhabitants, more than 500 people had come back by air at great personal expense. Asked why they had spent so much money, the parents all gave the same reply: \"We want our children to know our customs and traditions\"; \"We want our children to know....\" A similar thing happened in Ho Chung in December, and this year the villages of the Lam Tsuen valley expect the same. These people understand about personal identity; they know the immense value of the intangible; and they can still experience their cultural heritage. But whether the future will allow them to continue to do so we cannot tell. Even if it does (which I think rather unlikely) there are already far, far larger numbers of young (and older) people in our towns who have no chance at all of experiencing the intangibles of their cultural heritage at first hand. The only way they can be given even a small part of what is, after all, their right to their own past is through the kind of work that historians and anthropologists have done and are still for a short time able to do in the New Territories.\n\nMost of you will not know that I am both the oldest and the pioneer social anthropologist in Hong Kong. It is a fact—now I suppose an historical fact—that I started the whole thing off, way back in 1950; and I have spent most of my academic life teaching, reading, researching, and writing about it. It is my hope and intention to continue this kind of work and, in cooperation with my historian friends, help to see it through to a triumphant conclusion sometime before the year 1990. That is why I accepted an invitation to come to the Chinese University, and, to answer the question I set at the beginning, that is also my justification for daring to speak to such an audience as this on the cultural heritage of the New Territories.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209204, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "THE CHINESE CHURCH, LABOUR AND ELITES AND THE MUI TSAI QUESTION IN THE 1930'S 93\n\nposition and their work often depended on the social and economic status of the person who had bought them.\n\nIn the nature of the case, some were sexually exploited by the male members of the family. Some were treated very cruelly by their mistresses. If they were attractive, they were often taken by the head of the family as a concubine.\n\nEveryone acknowledged that, like all social institutions, there were abuses in the system, but the traditional view was that its advantages outweighed its negative side. There were several arguments to support this view.\n\nOnly the poor sold their children. If they could not sell them, many would be killed off as infants. Their lot in a foster home was much better than it would have been in their natural home. They were fed, clothed, and when of proper age, a marriage was arranged for them with a suitable partner. Everyone benefited by the system: the child who escaped death or starvation, the natural parent who was lifted out of poverty, at least for the moment, and the purchaser who acquired a servant.\n\nIn Chinese society, it had long been an unquestioned aspect of the social order. The buying and selling of human beings did not sit well with the English conscience of the latter half of the nineteenth century. However, most colonists felt it was best to leave undisturbed the modus vivendi which had been established in Hong Kong between British law and moral standards and Chinese social practice.\n\nAfter some eighteen years on the bench in Hong Kong, Chief Justice John Smale, not long before his retirement in 1881, openly stated that, in his opinion, the practice of buying and selling children for domestic servitude was a form of slavery, and hence its continued toleration in a British colony was a blot on the honour of England. He received support from anti-slavery groups in England, but his views were not generally welcomed in Hong Kong, either by the Chinese or expatriates. There was some stir over the question for a short time, and then interest in it died away, not to be re-aroused until the question again came to public attention in 1917.\n\n1917 - The Question Raised\n\nMr. C. G. Alabaster, in defending a client charged with kidnapping, raised a legal point regarding the status of children purchased as servants. The report of the case focused the attention of the English", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209207, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "96\n\nThere is no slavery carried on.\"\n\nCARL T SMITH\n\nIn commenting on the questions raised in Parliament the editor of the South China Morning Post said there could not be much harm in the traditional Chinese custom when throughout the eighty years of the Colony's history no steps had been taken to abolish it. The children in domestic service had the full protection of the law and there was no evidence that they were frequently ill-treated. What few cases are brought before the courts are sharply dealt with. He did admit that some reform might be needed, \"to guarantee the child's rights and those of its parents\", but any changes should only be introduced gradually and with the co-operation of the leading Chinese, \"whose services have never been withheld in any case having for its aim the uplifting and enlightenment of the people\".3\n\nReaction in Hong Kong -- Mass Meeting at Tai Ping Theatre – July 1921\n\nThe Chinese elite \"establishment\" in Hong Kong was disturbed by the discussion in Britain of one of their long established customs. They and the Hong Kong Government were also annoyed by a letter published in the correspondence column of all four English newspapers written by Mrs. Haselwood, the wife of a Commander in the Naval Dockyard. Her husband was officially warned that unless he stopped his wife from airing the question, he would be superseded and sent home. He refused to submit and was shortly sent home where he retired on half-pay. The Haselwoods, however, continued their campaign in Britain. When the Hong Kong Government was asked to explain Commander Haselwood's early termination of service in Hong Kong, it replied that the activities of his wife were \"causing annoyance to the Chinese community\".\n\nThe leadership of the Chinese community was sufficiently aroused by the statements being made in the English press concerning the practice that it called a mass meeting to be held at the Tai Ping Theatre in July, 1921. The meeting was convened by the two Chinese representatives on the Legislative Council, the Hon. Ho Fook, brother of Sir Robert Ho Tung and one-time compradore of Jardine, Matheson and Co., and the Hon. Mr. Lau Chu-pak, compradore of Messrs. A. S. Watson and Co. Also particularly mentioned were S. W. Tso, a solicitor, Chow Shou-son, a Hong Kong-born former official of the Chinese Government who had extensive business interests in Hong Kong, and Chau Siu-ki, shipping and insurance magnate.\n\nThe theatre was crowded with about three hundred including a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209214, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "THE CHINESE CHURCH, LABOUR AND ELITES AND THE MUI TSAI QUESTION IN THE 1920's 103\n\nto England had continued the campaign to bring the Hong Kong situation to the attention of the British public. The Haselwoods and other interested people had enlisted the support of the Anti-Slavery and the Aborigine Protection Society, the Industrial Committee of the National Council of Women of Great Britain and Ireland, the Women's Committee of the Fabian Society, the International Woman Suffrage Alliance, the League of Nations Union, as well as Members of Parliament.\n\nIn Hong Kong a team of volunteer lecturers had spoken in churches, schools, the YMCA, the YWCA, and labour unions. One of the members had paid for the services of a professional lecturer to address passengers on boats travelling between Hong Kong and Canton.\n\nLiterature was produced both in English and Chinese. All the Parliamentary questions and answers were translated and sent to the Chinese press, along with original articles and correspondence with Members of Parliament, philanthropists and societies abroad. Locally, a literary competition had been held. The winning entry, a ballad, had been published and distributed both in Hong Kong and throughout China. The cost was underwritten by two wealthy contractors, Mr. Li Ping (probably a Roman Catholic) and Mr. Lam Woo (1869–1932) a founding member of St. Paul's Anglican Church and an Executive Committee member of the Society. A magazine of some 400 pages published by the Society contained articles treating the question in various literary forms.\n\nAt the time of the meeting 1,370 members had enrolled in the Society.\n\nOn instructions from the Colonial Office the Governor of Hong Kong issued a proclamation on April 14, 1922 stating:\n\nSlavery is not allowed to exist in the British Empire, and therefore it must be understood that mui tsai are not the property of their employers. Those of them who wish to leave their employers and who have reached the age of discretion must be allowed to apply to the Secretary for Chinese Affairs who will consider their cases.\n\nGirls are warned that they must not leave their present employment until they have some employment to go to for fear they should fall into the hands of procuresses.\n\nMasters and mistresses are specially warned against any attempt", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209218, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "THE CHINESE CHURCH, LABOUR AND ELITES AND THE MUI TSAI QUESTION IN THE 1920'S 107\n\nson-in-law of Ho Tung\n\nT. N. Chau, a barrister\n\nLi Wing-tin\n\nSimon Tse Yan, also known as Tse Ka Po\n\nFung Ping-shan, donor of the Fung Ping Shan Library building\n\nat Hong Kong University\n\nChau Yu-ting, a wealthy import-export merchant\n\nYung Tse-ming, compradore of the Chartered Bank\n\nHo Wing, son of Ho Fook, adopted son of Ho Tung and compradore of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank\n\nWong Ping-shuen, and\n\nIp Lan-chuen\n\nWong Ping-shuen advocated a slow approach, \"The time was not yet ripe for drastic action. Conditions in China had to be radically changed before it would serve any useful purpose to legislate on the question\".\n\nThe Secretary of the Chinese Chamber of Commerce, Mr. Ip Lan-chuen, contended that Hong Kong was too close to China to attempt abolition at this time.\n\nLi Po-kwai, the Chairman, vividly portrayed the dangers to the mui tsai if she were released from servitude at the age of eighteen. She would do \"mad and silly things\" which would lead to her downfall.\n\nChow Shou-son spoke out as \"being dead against the Bill\". If left alone the custom would die out in time as had the practice of foot-binding. After making his speech in Chinese, for some reason he shifted to English to conclude it, saying, “It is the opinion of the Chinese community and the Chinese people generally that the system should not be abolished”.\n\nMr. M. K. Lo interjected a moderating tone into the discussion when he reminded the meeting that it would have been better if the Chamber had expressed opposition to abolition sooner and more clearly, instead of keeping relatively silent until the Government had drafted and introduced a Bill.\n\nMr. Wong Kwong-tin objected to the Ordinance because it did not provide protection to the owners of mui tsai and was therefore grossly unfair. He gave a warning to the British Government they should be very careful in interfering with an old Chinese custom which had become an unwritten law.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209290, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 193, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "BRO TSUNG LAI SHUN IN MASSACHUSETTS\n\nIn Gratton and Ivy's History of Freemasonry in Shanghai and Northern China is an account of the formation of Union Lodge No 1951 EC of Tientsin. The first two paragraphs read:\n\nFreemasonry in Tientsin commenced its official life with the formation of this Lodge, and until the year 1902, it was the only Lodge working under the English Constitution. It is therefore the senior Lodge in Tientsin and its members have always taken a prominent and active part in the work of the Craft. In the early days it was no uncommon thing for the members residing in Taku, and Tongku to saddle their ponies and ride to Tientsin especially to attend the Lodge Meetings. In those days railways and Banks in this area were non-established, and the firm of Messrs. G. W. Collins and Co., were for years the Lodge bankers.\n\nThe first meeting of the Lodge was held on the 7th January 1881, in the hall of the English Methodist Mission in Taku Road. Bro. A. B. Menzies, P.M. Doric Lodge, No. 1433, E.C. being in the Chair, Bro. J. Innocent, Newall Lodge, No. 1434, E.C. Acting Senior Warden, Bro. J.M. Moore, Doric Lodge, No. 1433, E.C. Acting Junior Warden, Bro. C.A. Schultz, Tuscan Lodge, No. 1027, E.C. Acting Senior Deacon, Bro. James Stewart, Tuscan Lodge, No. 1027, E.C. Acting Junior Deacon, Bro. T.G. Downey, St. John's Lodge, No. 34, U.S.A. [probably of Baltimore, Maryland] Acting Inner Guard, and Bros. G. Von Mollendorff, Germania Lodge, G.C. G.W. Collins, St. John's Lodge, No. 175, S.C. J.J. Hatch, Ionic Lodge, No. 1781, E.C., J.D. Addicks Ancient Landmark, Mass. Const., W. Swain, Ancient Landmark, and Tsung Lai Shun of Hampden Lodge, Massachusetts Constitution,\n\nThis is the only reference in the book to Bro Tsung, and additional information has been sought. Bro Tsung is the first master mason of Chinese race known to have lived in China.\n\nReprinted with permission from Chater-Cosmo Transactions (1980 vol. 2). See also Carl Smith, \"Chan Lai-sun and his family: a 19th century China coast family\", JHKBRAS 14 (1974). - Hon. Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209294, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 197, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "BRO. TSUNG LAI SHUN IN MASSACHUSETTS\n\n183\n\nrobe. Their headgear was particularly ill-adapted to our winters, and after a while they were forced to make application to their rulers in China for permission to adopt hats which would give them better protection. In due time the permission came and in consequence, a few days later, the Lai-Sun women appeared on the streets waving masses of Chinese clothes crowned by the very latest creations of the up-to-date American milliner. And the combinations were often startling.\n\n+\n\nThe family were punctilious in the discharge of their social obligations, in this respect, too, living up to their Chinese customs. It seems that the social customs of China demand that the ordinary \"call\" be repaid as soon as possible. The Lai-Suns were very particular about this matter. They usually returned a call on the following day, and commonly the entire family participated in this function. Persons who received these visitations describe them as decidedly novel and interesting. And the appearance at the door of a house of the eight smiling Celestials was a spectacle whose general significance strongly suggested the sallying forth of the famous Peterkin family—\"Mr. and Mrs. Peterkin, Elizabeth Eliza, Solomon John and the two little boys in their India-rubber boots.\"\n\nDuring the latter part of their residence in this city the Lai-Suns lived in a house on Bay street, Mr. Lai-Sun having at that time returned to China. The exact reason for his return was not made public at that time, but the general explanation was that the conservative element in the Chinese government had succeeded in discrediting the policy that had sent the Chinese young men to this country. And so Mr. Lai-Sun went back to China, and in the course of a year or so his family followed him.\n\n[The first page of the following article is missing]\n\nCHINESE STUDENTS FAMOUS AT HOME\n\n(continued From First Page)\n\nsilk rustling, they made an imposing procession. Mr. Lai-Sun had impressive dignity and the family were punctilious in the extreme regarding their social obligations, there never being any neglect of the proper etiquette, if the Lai-Suns were able to ascertain precisely what the occasion demanded.\n\nThe Lai-Suns spoke English fluently and were evidently people of means. The daughters of the family were amiable and attractive and made a remarkable record of marrying out of their race. One, Annie,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209295, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 198, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "184\n\nBRO TSUNG LAI SHUN IN MASSACHUSETTS\n\nmarried and English naval captain named Anderson. She was highly honored by the Chinese government for her Red Cross work during the war with Japan. The second daughter, Lena, married a man named Buchanan, and the youngest daughter, Amy, was betrothed to a Scotch-man, but died two weeks before the date set for the wedding.\n\nSince those early days Chinese students here and elsewhere have not been uncommon, and they have usually made a good record. Their presence has not had quite the same significance that that of the first mission students had. In the '70s, the Chinese boys came here without knowing our language and they wore oriental garments, which fellow schoolboys made fun of. Nowadays a Chinese schoolboy speaks pretty good English and his clothes are the last word in American sartorial nicety. He may or may not don the Chinese robes when he goes back home, but there are fewer queues in Chinese officialdom than there were a few years ago.\n\n[A subsequent poem in this extract is dated 6 June 1922, giving the earliest possible date for the second article.]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209398, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 55, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "33\n\nThis contrasts with the situation in Hong Kong, for instance, where Chinese were tried by colonial judges principally according to English law, and also with Singapore where a similar situation obtained.\n\nLand Regulations: the Constitution of the International Settlement\n\nEarlier I have made mention of the Land Regulations without clearly explaining what these were. As these Land Regulations formed the Constitution of the Settlement on which nearly the entire structure of government was built it seems proper to give some more details about them,\n\nIn the course of the Settlement's history (1845-1943) three sets of Land Regulations were issued: in 1845, 1854 and 1869. They all dealt in various degrees with the delimitation of the settlement's boundaries, the mode of renting land, the way in which foreign land-renters or ratepayers could elect a Municipal Council, the organisation of the Municipal Council and other administrative details. The way in which these sets of Land Regulations originated differed from each other.\n\nThe 1845 Land Regulations\n\nThe first set was issued by the taotai Kung Mu-chiu, on November 29, 1845. According to the preface these had been drafted by the Chinese and British authorities, meaning Kung and consul Balfour, \"in communication together\". This first Constitution had a distinctly Chinese flavour, as was to be expected. The basic principles of Chinese rulers were: first, paternalism, which held that a great number of detailed rules had to be laid down in writing and that one of the main tasks of administrators was to prevent the cropping up of unrest among the population, second, the so-called Ai-min principle (literally \"love the people\") which said that the feelings of the people should be respected, and third, the principle of mutual responsibility through the pao-chia system. In one form or another all these foundations of the Chinese state were represented in the 23 articles of the Land Regulations (the number of articles alone already indicates the Chinese obsession with detailed rules): e.g. paternalistic attitudes were to be found in articles IV, VI, IX, X, XI and others; the Ai-min rule in articles II, V, VII and IX; and the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209445, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 102, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "80\n\nELIZABETH SINN\n\nChinese patriot. This complex mixture of material interests and ideals may in fact have been shared by many Chinese leaders in Hong Kong, and is an important element in our understanding of this group in their role in Hong Kong's history.\n\nWorkers were ready to strike, and social leaders were ready to encourage and abet them. It was this combination of fears, aspirations and national fervour which responded to Chang's call for anti-French actions, and caused the initial strike. And it is very important to note that even while the general strike ended on 5th October, as late as November no one would work for the French.\n\nThe fining of the cargo boats brought the confrontation to a new level, and being unanticipated it led to a new twist of events. Most contemporaries recognized the fines as the cause of the general strike. The notice by the boat people testifies to this. First of all, it represented a miscarriage of justice; we have seen the Ordinance did not apply to workers who refused employment for whatever pay. Moreover, as Marsh himself admitted afterwards, the fine of $5 was exceptionally high.*2 It is therefore likely that in Hong Kong there was among the Chinese population a feeling of being more sinned against than sinning. True, most Chinese would not have understood the fine points of English law, but it did not take that kind of legal knowledge to have a gut-feeling of being wronged.\n\nFining Chinese who refused to work for the French who were at war with China also gave the appearance that the British were being pro-French. Chang Chih-tung certainly thought so. A few days before the strike began, the French admirals had been received in Hong Kong with great pomp. Dissatisfaction was expressed against the Hong Kong Government for its inability and unwillingness to prevent French ships from stopping and searching junks around Hong Kong waters. Moreover, the Hong Kong Government, upon hearing of Chinese plans to burn French ships, immediately despatched patrol boats to prevent this. To Marsh, it might be the most natural thing to protect the ships of a friendly power from attack. To the Chinese, it probably seemed over-zealous. To them, at this moment of national crisis, it was much easier to be irritated by the Government's actions.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209462, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "97\n\n* For Fang Han-ch'i, see Note 10. Li Ming-jen\n\n\"I-pa-ssu nien Hsiang-kang pa-kung yün-tung\" (\"The Strike in Hong Kong in 1884), Li-shih yen-chiu (Historical Studies), 1958:3 (March, 1958) 89-90.\n\nLloyd E. Eastman, \"The Kwangtung anti-foreign disturbances during the Sino-French War\", Papers on China, 13 (1959) 1-31,\n\nLewis M. Chere, \"The Hong Kong Riots of October 1884: Evidence for Chinese Nationalism\", JHKBRAS, Vol. 20 (1980), p. 54.\n\n* Chinese Prisoners, Papers respecting the confinement and trial of Chinese prisoners in Hong Kong 1857 (155, Sess. 2) XLIII, Great Britain, Parliamentary Papers (Shannon, Ireland: Irish University Press, 1971) Vol. 24: China, pp. 151-188. For a narration of the event see James Pope-Hennessy, Half Crown Colony: A Hong Kong Note Book (London: Jonathan Cape, 1969), pp. 55-58.\n\nMarsh to Parkes, 4th October, 1884, enclosed in F.O. to C.O., 2nd February, 1885: CO129/224. Marsh to Parkes, 6th October, 1884, Telegram enclosed in F.O. to C.O., 9th December, 1884: CO129/219.\n\nTsungli Yamen to Parkes, 10th October, 1884, enclosed in F.O. to C.O., 13th December, 1884; ibid.\n\n**For Paou-chong, see Ordinance No. 13 of 1844; for Tepo, see Ordinance No. 3 of 1853; for the Registrar-General, see Ordinance No. 7 of 1846. The Registrar-General's duties were redefined by Ordinance No. 6 of 1857, and again by Ordinance No. 8 of 1858.\n\nFor the Chinese elite, see Carl Smith's works cited in Note No. 59. See also his \"An Early Hong Kong Success Story: Wei Akwong, the Beggar Boy\", Chung Chi Bulletin No. 45 (December 1968), pp. 9-14; \"English-educated Chinese Elites in Nineteenth Century Hong Kong\", Symposium Paper, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, (November 1972), pp. 65-96; and H.J. Lethbridge, \"A Chinese Association in Hong Kong: the Tung Wah\", \"The Evolution of a Chinese Voluntary Association in Hong Kong: The Po Leung Kuk\" and \"The District Watch Committee: The Chinese Executive Council of Hong Kong?\" in his Hong Kong: Stability and Change.\n\n**Marianne Bastid, \"The Social Context of Reform” in Paul A. Cohen and John E. Schrecker, ed., Reform in Nineteenth Century China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1976), pp. 117-127; 118.\n\nLi Tak Cheong was a director in 1872, chairman in 1883, and a hip-li in 1873 and 1884. Ho Amei was chairman in 1882 and a hip-li in 1883. Leong On was a founding chairman, and chairman again in 1877 and 1887, and was a hip-li in 1872, 1878 and 1888.\n\n**Ho Kai's father, Ho Fuk Tong and his brother-in-law Wu T'ing-fang were both founding chi-shi.\n\nSee Note No. 34.\n\nMarsh to Derby, 24th March, 1886, Despatch No. 91: CO129/225.\n\n**This refers to a meeting called by Europeans in Hong Kong to discuss the rise of crime which they believed resulted from the leniency of the new Governor Hennessy. Some of the Chinese leaders however supported him and the meeting developed into a confrontation between Europeans and Chinese residents in Hong Kong. See James Pope-Hennessy, Verandah (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd.), pp. 203-205. This was also fully reported in the Daily Press and China Mail throughout October 1878.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209481, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 138, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "116\n\nW. ALLYN RICKETT\n\n' Mao Zedong, “Hunan nongmin yundong kaocha baokao,” Mao Zedong xuanji (Beijing: Renmin Chubanshe, 1964), 16.\n\n* See Patricia Griffin, The Chinese Communist Treatment of Counter-Revolutionaries: 1924-1949. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976.\n\nIt is interesting that in many cases involving homicide resulting from marriage or family problems, the accused was formally sentenced in accordance with the Marriage Law of June 1950, which in itself simply stated that persons guilty of such an offense would bear criminal responsibility before the law.\n\n\"The right of defense was provided for in Art. 12 of the \"Provisional Regulations of the Shanghai People's Court Governing the Disposal of Civil and Criminal Cases\" (Aug. 11, 1949) and in Art. 6 of the \"Organic Regulations of the People's Tribunals\" (July 20, 1950), but was left out of the \"Provisional Organic Regulations of the People's Courts\" (Sept. 3, 1950). I know of no case where defense was actually permitted during the pre-Constitution period. Even appeal was very rare. The first public notice of the use of lawyers that I know of involved thirteen American nationals charged with espionage who were tried and then released in November 1954 by a military tribunal.\n\n冉\n\n* According to an editorial in the Guangming Ribao (Jan. 27, 1957), by 1957 there were some 670 legal advisory offices with 2,100 professional lawyers scattered throughout the country. Fees were paid by clients to the legal advisory office according to their ability to pay. Lawyers were paid salaries by the advisory office. As a defense counsel, people's lawyers were not considered an agent of the accused. They constituted an independent party at the trial and were not bound by the will of the defendant. Their duty was to help clarify the facts and present whatever extenuating circumstances might assist the judges in rendering a fair sentence.\n\n* Codification had been called for as far back as the Yenan Period and in 1948 it was discussed by the Central Committee of the CCP. This led to the formation of a Law Codification Committee in 1950. However, nothing seems to have been done until after the passage of the Constitution. Finally in Nov. 1956 it was announced that a draft criminal code consisting of some 261 articles had been completed by the Law Section of the Standing Committee of the NPC and had been turned over to the Standing Committee's Bills Committee for discussion and amendments.\n\n* Renmin Ribao, Dec. 12, 1957 and Zhenfa yanjiu, 1958, No. 1, 18-23. * Zhengfa yanjiu, 1958, No. 1, 10-17.\n\n10 For an excellent survey of developments during the period 1978-80, see Shao-chuan Leng, \"Criminal Justice in Post-Mao China: Some Preliminary Observations,\" China Quarterly, 87 (Sept. 1981), 440-469.\n\n\"For an English translation of all seven laws, see Foreign Broadcast Information Service, Daily Report: PRC, 27 and 30 July 1979. The Criminal Code and Criminal Code of Procedure have also been translated by Jerome Cohen, The Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, 73,1 (Spring 1982), 135-203, and by Chin Kim, The American Series of Foreign Penal Codes, No. 25 (Littleton, Colorado: Fred B. Rothman & Co., 1982).\n\n12 Article 43 of the Criminal Code limits the use of the death penalty to only \"the most heinous offenses\" (homicide, rape, arson, robbery, dike-breaching, planting explosives, embezzling public property, and counter-revolutionary crimes). It also stipulates that unless immediate execution is mandatory, a two-year reprieve may be granted. If the offender shows evidence of repentance, the death penalty may be converted to a life or term sentence.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209493, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 150, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "H. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nshe opened a shop in Hong Kong, selling curios and objets-d'art. In 1927 she took a consignment of Chinese antiques, many from her late father's collection, to New York to sell. On October 10, 1927, she met her future husband in that city. Sir Travers Humphreys avers she was not, to English eyes, good-looking; others claimed she was attractive.20 But all agree she was charming and good-natured, much involved in charitable work.\n\nLess is known about Dr. Miao. Wai-sheung's relatives and friends never met him. He was a year younger than his wife. He was born in Chekiang (Chiang Kai-shek's native province) and, at the time of his trial, had a mother and sister living in Shanghai in the Chinese city. He claimed his father was a member of the Chinese Legislative Council (sic) and a Justice of the Peace. Miao studied law in China and later at Loyola University, Chicago. He was described as being extremely tall and slim, fluent in inaccurate English. His wife, a Cantonese, was petite, under five feet tall; so they were a noticeable couple together. They were married according to the rites of the American Episcopal Church. Siu was a devout Christian. Miao was probably a Christian, for Christianity was a sign of modernism in the early 1920s among the westernised, educated elite in Shanghai (later Marxism or Nationalism was to largely supplant all forms of religion and YMCA fraternalism among Chinese students and intellectuals). A newspaper report stated, in any case, that Miao 'professed Christianity before he died' (i.e., was hanged).91\n\nAfter marrying in New York, they honeymooned in Buffalo, then Albany where the bride had a minor operation to facilitate sexual relations (probably dilation of the hymen). About four or five weeks after their wedding, they left for a two-months' vacation in Europe before returning to China. They landed at Glasgow, stayed in Edinburgh a day or two, and on June 17, 1928, stopped at Grange-in-Borrowdale, a Cumberland village, close to Derwentwater. On the next day, January 18, they went for a walk in the morning, returned for lunch, and left for another walk, hand-in-hand, at two o'clock. Miao returned home at about 4 p.m. and said his wife had gone to Keswick, about four miles away, to buy some warmer underwear. She did not return\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209501, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 158, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "136\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nOf the forty-eight Chinese sent to Europe in 1876 by the Foochow Arsenal in order to acquire knowledge of modern shipbuilding and allied skills, the majority went to Britain. Another party came in 1881 to study naval and military science and technology. Increasingly, numbers of privately-supported students started to arrive to further their education. In 1916, there were over 300 Chinese students in Britain, of whom approximately a quarter were financed by the Chinese Government and the rest private students. Favoured disciplines were medicine, law, and economics; engineering, mining, and chemistry were also popular. At the older British universities, Chinese students were no longer absent or rare but formed a normal component of the student population, together with Indians and Africans. They were still 'exotics' in the 1920s but their presence in small packets in various university towns must have convinced some that the gap between the races was not unbridgeable, that each had many points in common. Moreover, they spoke English (some imperfectly), but not pidgin English, the lingua franca of the coolie class. The changing composition of the Chinese population in Britain must have influenced, one surmises, English attitudes to Chinese, have weakened stereotypes to some degree, although this process of normalisation was to take several decades before it made a significant impact, in the post-1945 period.4\n\nMiao Chung-yi was neither a student in Britain nor did that country become his domicile; but he may be selected as representative of the student or educated class. Hong Kong Chinese, and Chinese from the former British possessions in South-East Asia, tended to study in Britain; those from Shanghai and especially northern China, where there were many America-supported universities and institutions, were likely to go to the United States (as Miao did). The number of Chinese studying abroad has grown greatly since the 1920s; the trend, until recent times, has been ever upward. According to Ng Kwee Choo, in 1968 there were about 45,000 overseas Chinese in Britain, of whom 30,000 (mainly from the New Territories) were immigrant workers, and the rest 15,000 mostly students or nurses, etc. (these figures do not include British-born Chinese; so the figure given by Ng greatly underestimates the number of people recognizably Chinese in Britain).50", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209503, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "138\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nstatus of China in the world polity and of Chinese in general as citizens of the world).\n\n54\n\nNo one believes today that Chinese motivation needs a separate system of explanation, that the Chinese mind has its own eccentric circuitry. Freud, that Columbus of the Mind, revealed that in the unconscious · the deep, dark, oceanic under-world of the individual human beings are very much alike in their mechanisms. This great step forward in social perception has helped to bridge the gap between the races (still opposed of course by politics) and has made murder less incomprehensible, less inexplicable when committed by foreigners; and judges, counsel and juries (perhaps) less perplexed by the act.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 George Orwell, Decline of the English Murder and Other Essays (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1965) 9.\n\n* 'Our great period in murder', Orwell writes, our Elizabethan period, so to speak, seems to have been roughly 1850-1925. Orwell was writing in 1946, but with hindsight it is plausible to suggest the 'great period' could be extended to the eve of World War I.\n\n* See: Jean Chesneaux, The Chinese Labour Movement 1919-1927 (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1968) 122.\n\n• See, in particular, Harold Z. Schriffrin, Sun Yat-sen and the Origins of the Chinese Revolution (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1970). Also Nym Wales, The Chinese Labor Movement (New York: John Day, 1945), which contains the biographies of some revolutionary seamen.\n\n• Edward Marjoribanks, Famous Trials of Marshall Hall (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1950) 384. At his trial Lock was described as a 'Chinese shipping agent'.\n\n• Sir Henry Dickens in The Recollections of Sir Henry Dickens, K.C. (London: Heinemann, 1934) 244-245, writes: He was a good advocate but it cannot be truly said that he was a great one. He had not the gift of far-seeing discretion which is required in a great advocate. He was much too ready to talk at length when addressing a jury, without having previously weighed the possible consequences of what he said'. An old lag once called from the dock to Sir Henry (1849-1933). 'You ain't a patch on your father!', which greatly amused him.\n\nT\n\nSee Marjoribanks, op cit. Doris Lock did not die from her wounds until January 28, 1926. See The Times of January 29, 1926.\n\n* There is a full discussion of the origin of the M'Naghten Rules in Nigel Walker, Crime and Insanity in England, vol 1 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1968).\n\n* Marjoribanks, op cit, 383. See also The Times February 4 and 8, 1926.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209512, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 169, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "147\n\na (a)\n\naay\n\nBy\n\n(aai) aaw (au) (ai) aw (au)\n\naam\n\nam\n\n(aam) aeng (ang) \n\naap (aap) ack\n\nang (ang) ap (ap)\n\nak (ak)\n\ne (e)\n\neng\n\n(eng)\n\nek\n\n(ek)\n\n¡ (e)\n\niw (iu)\n\nimm (im)\n\ning\n\n(ing)\n\nip\n\n(ip)\n\nik\n\n(ik)\n\na (oh) oy\n\n(oi)\n\nong\n\nok\n\nu (oo) uy\n\nung\n\n(ung)\n\nuk\n\n(uk)\n\nö (oeng)\n\nű (ue)\n\nöng\n\n(eung)\n\nök\n\n(euk)\n\nung\n\nük\n\nIn the above chart, KHW finals -uy, -aeng/k, -ong/k and -üng/k have no SC homophones.\n\nKHW -uy resembles SC -ooi, but has a short vowel instead of the long /oo/ of SC. The vowel in KHW -aeng/k is similar to the vowel in (Received Pronunciation) English man. The transcriptions -aeng/k, rather than -aang/k were chosen to illustrate this point. The vowel in KHW -ong/k is noticeably more fronted than that of SC -ong/k, with the result that it is sometimes difficult to distinguish between KHW -ong/k and -ông/k. Finally, KHW -üng/k are finals similar to SC -uen/t but have a short, instead of a long, vowel and a velar, instead of a dental, final consonant. Examples of these finals are:\n\n'fear' 'big'\n\n'satiated'\n\n/-a/\n\n伯 p'al\n\n/-aay/\n\n* taay4\n\n/-aaw/\n\nI paaw3\n\n/-aam/\n\nsaam1\n\n'three'\n\n/-aeng/\n\n生 saeng1\n\n'raw'\n\n/-aap/\n\n# tyaap4\n\n'diverse'\n\n/-aek/\n\n辣 laek4\n\n'pepper-hot'\n\n/-ay/\n\n米 may1\n\n'rice'\n\n/-aw/\n\n好 haw3\n\n'good'\n\n/-am/\n\n心 sam1\n\n'heart'\n\n/-ang/\n\n新 sang1\n\n'new'\n\n/-ap/\n\n入 yap4\n\n'enter'\n\n/-ak/\n\n☐ yak4\n\n'day'\n\n/-e/\n\n蛇 se2\n\n/-eng/\n\n病 peng4\n\n'snake'\n\n'sick'\n\n/-ek/\n\n吃 hek3\n\n'eat'", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209602, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 259, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "237\n\nAnd then a good old China Hand you'll Be.\n\nSuch references brought drama down to the daily life of the theatre goer in Hong Kong.\n\nHOME GROWN PLAYWRIGHTS\n\nThe Hong Kong Daily Press in 1894 published a play by Henry E. Pollick entitled \"Soso: A Drama of the Day\". It does not seem to have been staged in Hong Kong.\n\n\"The Cook: an Idyll of the Peak\" was produced at the Theatre Royal in 1912. It was written by R.M. Crosse, of the Royal Artillery. The plot revolved around a search for a cook when a mess of the 445th Regiment, comfortably stationed at the Peak, had to replace their competent cook who had disappeared a few days before the expected arrival of the Brigadier General.\n\nTwo years later Mr. Crosse wrote another more ambitious piece which he characterized as \"a musical stunt in two acts\" entitled \"The Idol's Eye\". The first act was set in England at a garden party. The second act's setting was the How Kwik monastery in the Province of Kwangtung. One of the principal characters Lai On is the \"boy\" of an official in the Chinese Maritime Customs. He penetrated into the monastery to secure the Idol's jade eye by the pretext of becoming a novice. In case any should have been put off from attending by the problem of the language a Chinese character might use, they were informed that “Lai On speaks both grammatical and ‘Pidgen' English during the piece. Grammatical English is used where Lai On would naturally talk and think in Chinese. 'Pidgen' is reserved for his conversation with foreigners\". The How Kwik monastery scene enabled Mr. Crosse to introduce Chinese religious ceremonies and temple music into the play.\n\nAt the time, the public was being captivated by musicals with an Oriental setting, and Mr. Crosse, who was soon to return to England, hoped to have his work produced there. I do not know if he was successful.\n\n† Pollick may not have been a resident of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209622, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 279, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "257\n\napproximately between 1900 and 1915. We find that of the four born before 1898, three had attended class for an average of four years, one attended for only one year, and then worked first in the farm for a few years and then in the construction of the railway. Amongst the six born after 1898, however, three never went to school and one claimed that he learnt to read a little when he worked as a shop assistant in a small tea-house at Shamshuipo. Around 1900, at least two teachers are known to have given up teaching, one to work in the Land Office of the New Territories administration and the other to work for his brother-in-law at Taipo. Liao Chung-nan, the siu-tsai who formerly taught a small class at high fees in his own home as mentioned above, eventually had to move to teach at the Wan Shih Tang at a lower fee of about $5 per pupil.\n\nThree government schools providing an elementary English education were set up between 1905-1906, one being situated at Taipo, about six miles from Sheung Shui. Unlike in urban Hong Kong, response to this new educational provision was not great. The school at Ping Shan fared most badly and was closed in 1907 to be replaced by one set up in Cheung Chau. The average attendance throughout 1905-1912 in these three schools was twenty, out of a total of 224 schools in the whole Territories with an average attendance of sixteen each.15 The Report of the District Officer of 1912 states: “Government schools on a small scale have been opened at centres in the New Territories providing an elementary instruction in English, the fee for these is 50 cents per month. There is not, however, a great demand for this instruction of a more modern type in most of the districts, for the people still cling to the old-fashioned learning.”16 We have no record of village people from Sheung Shui attending the Taipo government English schools before 1913.\n\n1913. The social and economic changes resulting from the change of government were still small and the opportunities for new jobs were still limited, and the jobs were mostly confined to manual labour. New demands had not yet appeared to bring marked changes in popular literacy which remained basically rooted in the traditional and relatively confined village society, but it was perhaps beginning to lose its former hold both as a basic education for the masses and, at a more advanced level, as the avenue to position and wealth.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209682, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 339, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n317\n\narea stretches back only to the seventeenth century were originally Hakka, even when the unanimous tradition of themselves and their neighbours is that they were not, is surely a rather cavalier approach to the need for historical caution.\n\nOn the Chaochiu/Hoklo/Hai-Lufeng residents it is surely unhelpful to downplay the very real and massive cultural, linguistic and socio-economic divisions between these groups and to force them all into a straitjacket of \"Hokkien\": rich business-men immigrants from Chiu Chow or Swatow or the fertile villages nearby have really nothing in common (not even a mutually intelligible language) with penniless coolie immigrants from the thin, infertile sand flats of Hai-Lufeng, or with the boat people descendants of the trading junk families from south Fukien. And “Waichow Hokkien\" is a highly inaccurate title for Hai-Lufeng people! Blake writes his work with an obvious Hakka bias - he lived in a Hakka household and saw other ethnic groups to a large extent through Hakka eyes. This on occasion colours his work, and nowhere more clearly than in this attitude to the \"Hokkien\".\n\nFinally, Blake occasionally drafts into a rather turgid prose over-full of sociological jargon \"ethnic groups are variegated amalgams of both the symbolic motivational dimension and the social organisational dimension of human existence\" and \"the continuum of ethnic group consistency may be analysed in terms of the following variables: (1) categorization (2) interpersonal affiliation (3) occupation (4) incorporation, and (5) government regulation\" for instance which can be heavy on the reader who prefers his books written in English.\n\nP. H. HASE\n\nChinese-English Glossary of Common Terms in Traditional Chinese Medicine (XRD), compilers Ou Ming, Lu Xian, Li Yanwen, Lai Shilong, Chen Xianging, Huang Yuezhong, Chen Jifan, Shen Chao, and Zhen Weiwen, executive editor Ou Ming, Joint Publishing Co. (Hong Kong), 1982 xi + 322 pp.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209712, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 369, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n347\n\nChinese period. Perhaps because of this, the historian H. B. Morse commented in his International Relations of the Chinese Empire (3 volume, 1910) (Vol. I, p. 694) that it was \"history written to support the utmost pretentions of the Hongkong residents\" meaning its western inhabitants and especially the British. Saving Professor Lo Hsiang-lin's book on pre-1842 Hong Kong (1959) much of it done by his students and only part of it available in the English version (1963), we have had to wait all this time for someone to provide a clear and comprehensive account of the Chinese history of the region. It is fitting that it should have been written by China's scholar gentry, rescued from obscurity by a contemporary Chinese scholar businessman, aided and embellished by a British scholar long familiar with Hong Kong, and supported and published by the Hong Kong University Press.\n\nThe book is the result of collaboration between Peter Ng, who wrote a master's thesis for the University of Hong Kong on this subject in 1961 and Dr. Hugh Baker who revised and edited it for publication. I have used Peter Ng's thesis in connection with my own work for many years, and was consulted by the Hong Kong University Press when it was considering who might edit it for publication. I suggested that Dr. Baker, if available, would be the best person, but hinted that this would be a difficult task not because of any shortcomings in Mr. Ng's work but because a good deal of extra work would be necessary to make it suitable for the English-speaking public. It is therefore not surprising that, in the preface, the joint authors agree that the task was greater than they had anticipated. The work could have gone on and on, and it says much for Dr. Baker's will power that he was able to bring his complementary labours to a close so that we could all benefit.\n\nChinese gazetteers were never conceived for foreigners, as the Hong Kong University Press now intends. They were meant to provide a useful handbook of information on local subjects, for the benefit of senior officers in the district administration, particularly for the district magistrates and prefects who by the \"law of avoidance\" practised by the civil administration in imperial times, were required to be natives of other provinces of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209806, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "43\n\ntime at Tai Po (1949-51), a separate District Officer (now Sir Donald Luddington) had undertaken the Court duties. My Court duties in Yuen Long provided yet another insight into local custom. For instance, if it were not for the several cases that arose in the Small Debts Court, I might never have understood the workings of money loan associations. The frequent Land Courts (often two a day in 1955) provided a wealth of information about agricultural leases, inheritance, graves, and fung shui,\n\nIn 1951, I served for a time in the former Secretariat for Chinese Affairs where my duties required me to spend part of every day attempting to resolve family disputes, mostly matrimonial. This provided much background material on the status of parties.\n\nIn those more settled days, when communications were difficult and New Territories villages lacked newspapers, radio and television, tradition tended to rule the conduct of villagers, just as rice cultivation ruled the village economy. Traditional customs no longer carry the same weight these days, and in some cases are all but forgotten. Rice cultivation continues in only a few remote corners of the New Territories. Its implements and associated equipment (such as ploughs, harrows, winnowing machines) are hardly recognised by the new generation which may have little idea of how their grandparents lived. Wealth in those days was equated with the number of rice fields owned, and rice depended on a plentiful supply of water. Hence the old Chinese saying \"Shui wai choi\" (**水為財**), meaning \"Water makes riches\". The English reply might be that, since then, much water has flowed under the bridge.\n\n2.\n\nSuccession\n\n(a) By Chinese custom there is no such thing as testamentary disposition of property. All a man's \"will\" can do is permit his widow(s) to remarry, and to moralize for the sons' edification. There may have been some doubt in the past whether by English law a New Territories domiciled person can make a valid will disposing of New Territories property otherwise than as custom would have directed anyhow. But this of course is no", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209808, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "45\n\n(f) Cases have been known where a rich landowner during his lifetime has assigned property into the name of a thrifty concubine. Although under the English law of real property, the concubine would thereby be free to dispose of her property as she pleased, the custom is that she may not alienate the land but may enjoy its benefit only during her lifetime, after which the property reverts to the Tso (†) or main family.\n\n3. Adoption\n\nLeaving aside maternal instincts which often lead a childless married woman to adopt a boy or girl, the primary purpose of adoption under Chinese custom is to provide a male for the inheritance of land, and for worshipping the ancestors. It is a business transaction rather than an emotional satisfaction.\n\n(a) Generally, a patrilineal nephew or clansman of a younger generation is adopted. In many cases, however, the generation of the adopted child is not important. He may even be of the same age as the adoptive parents.\n\n(b) Adoption need not take place during the lifetime of the adoptive parents. One or other of the adoptive parents may have died, and I have met a case where both parents had been dead a year before adoption took place.\n\n(c) Adoption is a formal process that not only requires action on the part of the adoptive parents but also requires the approval of the elders of the family and the clan who normally signify it by attending a feast to eat ceremonial pork. This explains an adoption after the death of the adoptive parents.\n\n(d) The adopted person renounces all rights of succession and inheritance in his natural family. Instead, he acquires these rights in the family by which he has been adopted.\n\n(e) Occasionally, an adopted son attempts to renounce his adoption. I have met one case of this where all parties agreed and which was accordingly approved. Whether the renunciation revests in the son the succession rights in his natural family which he lost by adoption is a difficult question and I think must depend on the particular circumstances of each case.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209896, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "133\n\nNOTES\n\n1 See John A. Brim \"Village Alliance Temples in Hong Kong\" in Arthur P. Wolf (ed) Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society (Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1974) pp. 93-103. More recently, David Faure has given examples from the eastern New Territories in articles published in this Journal. See pp. 76-85 of \"Hong Kong and China in the Village World” in Vol. 21(1981); pp. 172-179 of “Saikung, the Making of the District and its Experience during World War II\" in Vol. 22(1982); and his Note (with Lee Lai-mui) \"The Po Tak Temple in Sheung Shui Market\" in the same Volume, pp. 271-279. A book is forthcoming.\n\n2 This is the theme of my own studies, particularly in The Hong Kong Region 1850-1911, Institutions and Leadership in Town and Countryside (Hamden, Conn, Archon Books with Dawson, Folkstone, 1977) and The Rural Communities of Hong Kong, Studies and Themes (Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1983), hereafter Hayes 1977 and Hayes 1983.\n\n3 A study of one of the smaller villages of Hong Kong island, Tai Tam Tuk, is given at pp. 61-73 with 250-255 of Hayes 1983. This provides some information on the coastal market centre, Shau Kei Wan, to which the villagers went regularly (pp. 65-6 and 253) but, generally speaking, this entire subject is still badly under researched.\n\n4 The Hong Kong government's census returns, printed in the Hong Kong Government Gazette from 1853 (and before that in the China Mail into which government notifications were placed) show the rapid growth of population, almost all of it newly urbanized. G.B. Endacott's A History of Hong Kong (London, Oxford University Press, 1958) devotes half its length to the first thirty years and gives population figures at pp. 64-66, 85, 98, 116 and 125 for this period. The population rose from 20,338 in 1848 to 121,825 in 1865.\n\n5 See Revd. Carl T. Smith \"The Emergence of a Chinese Elite in Hong Kong\" in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch, Royal Asiatic Society (hereafter JHKBRAS) 11(1971), pp. 74-115.\n\n6 The native place of the Chinese land population of the Colony was overwhelmingly Kwangtung province (227,615 out of 234,443 at the 1901 Census, with the population of the newly acquired New Territory taken separately. The Report was published in Sessional Papers (Papers laid before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong) 1901, No. 39 of 1901. See paras. 23-24, and the detailed breakdown of origin by districts of the province at Table XI. This detail is not available for earlier printed reports and is included here to indicate the diverse origins of the urban population, most of whom may be presumed to have been from the rural countryside of Kwangtung.\n\n7 \"It is not regarded as a promising missionary station, because it is the resort of the lowest class of the natives\", wrote Revd. William Aitchison, a newly arrived American missionary to China, in 1854, a view imbibed from English and American Colleagues at Hong Kong, Revd. Charles P. Bush, Five Years in China The Life and Observations of Revd. William Aitchison, Late Missionary to China (Philadelphia, Presbyterian Publication Committee, 1865) pp. 91-2.\n\n8 Ap Lei Chau or Aberdeen Island () is an island, 0.455 square miles in area, on the southern side of Aberdeen Harbour—see the Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (Hong Kong Government Printer, 1960) p. 97.\n\n9 Evidence given by a local inhabitant (b. 1815) in a hearing under the Squatter Ordinance 1890—see Notes of Proceedings of the Squatters", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210171, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "121\n\nBritish ignorance of their position under Chinese law and practice, and incoming Chinese settlers' disregard of it. In 1858, their land at Tsim Sha Tsui, on account of its proximity to Hong Kong and its fine position on the harbour, was being occupied for all manner of business by persons who gave no thought to paying rent to the Tangs. They caused a public notice to be prepared, which found its way in translation into the English language paper the Friend of China on 24th July 1858. This was two years before this part of Kowloon was first leased, then ceded, to Britain in the course of the year 1860. The printed version was as follows:\n\n\"Tung Wing-Fook-Tong [sic] of the Sun On district, was formerly sole proprietor of the Island of Hong Kong, and of the hills and coast of the North Side of the Harbour under the general name of Tsin Shat-Choy\n\nLately Tung Wing-Fook-Tong petitioned the Magistrate of Sun-On to examine Tung's claim to Tsin Shat-Choy and the Magistrate issued a proclamation declaring that Tung Wing-Fook-Tong is the real owner of the Property.\n\n51\n\nThe editor of the newspaper was not sympathetic, being downright sceptical of the Tung (Tang) claims to Hong Kong:\n\n\"As to his having been a Lord of this Isle, as well as of Tsim-shat-choy,\" he wrote, \"in a word, we do not believe a word of it\".\n\nIndeed, he went further, dismissing the unfortunate Tangs as being 'mythical as the Hong Kong agents for Holloway's pills' 52\n\nYet the fact remains that the Chinese records corroborate the Tang family's claims to Hong Kong and much else, and their exchanges with the various Chinese authorities at the district, prefectural and provincial level in the 1840s reveal some essential characteristics both as to their own situation as owners of Hong Kong and as to the mind and operation of the imperial bureaucracy. The Tangs were essentially absentee owners, entitled through the registered ownership to be regarded as the true owners of the sub-soil and eligible to exact a rent charge from tenants on it.\"3 The officials with whom they dealt in the course of pressing their", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210692, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "26\n\nWALTER GREENWOOD\n\nspecially selected to reorganise and run the Registry (there had been some unhappy experiences in the past), \"The worst of it,\" he wrote, \"will be that this appointment of Mr. Ackroyd will constitute a precedent. He will be constantly vibrating between the Bench and the Registrar's Office. Succeeding Registrars will deem themselves entitled to the same chances, and instead of devoting themselves wholly to their work will be constantly on the look-out for acting appointment”. He ended by saying that he had no personal interest in the matter and would decline either office if offered it, and had not the slightest ill-will towards Ackroyd. The Government went ahead and appointed Ackroyd who does not appear to have taken any offence.\n\nIt may be convenient at this point, before turning to his life outside the law, to deal with other aspects of his character and situation. If his public statements and actions are a true guide he was a man of faith: faithful to his church and religion, to his native country and fellow countrymen and to his monarch. He was one of the leading Roman Catholic laymen in Hong Kong and regularly attended church services and functions. In 1878 he wrote to the press in defence of Bishop Raimondi who had been attacked in an editorial. The same year, speaking on a public occasion, he said that Roman Catholics did not expect favours but expected not to meet with prejudice and ignorance. He went on \"If there has been any difficulty, and there sometimes have been difficulties attending Catholics in Hong Kong, it has arisen, I will not say from any want of goodwill, but a certain amount, I do not like to say of prejudice, but of pre-judgment, a certain feeling of hostility to Catholics almost inevitable in English non-Catholics. At the same time I have spoken to missionaries and they all join in saying that nowhere, under no government, are they so free, are they so well treated, are they so perfectly certain that they will not be interfered with in the legitimate exercise of their office than under Her Majesty's Government”. In 1894 after the death of Bishop Raimondi he described him as a dear friend and said \"for the past twenty-five years he has been to me an educator in the path of duty\". In 1891 when his re-marriage was announced (he married a German lady in Colombo in December 1890) he was described as Knight of St. Gregory the Great, but I have not been able to trace his appointment. In 1880 speaking at a St. Patrick's Day Soiree he", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210816, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 167, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "150\n\nCARL SMITH\n\nMr. Legge and he discussed how they might work out the plans laid down by the London Missionary Society for the reorganisation of the Anglo-Chinese College in Hongkong.\n\nBy this time Ho Fuk-tong was no longer an enrolled student, but assumed, along with Mr. Legge, duties as a teacher.\n\nIt soon was evident he was not cut out to be a teacher and it was decided he should devote most of his time to evangelisation and preaching. In this he was a master.\n\nThe story is told of how, when preaching about the afflictions of Job, the audience became so enthralled by his powers of description that they began to imitate his dramatic gestures.\n\nHe did not altogether abandon scholarship, for he wrote Christian literature and made translations into Chinese. In this he and Mr. Legge worked together just as they shared preaching responsibilities. The Chinese congregation they served is now Hop Yat Church on Bonham Road. Inside the church is a marble plaque with a picture of the Rev Ho Fuk-tong and his wife Lai She.\n\nIt was agreed that Ho Fuk-tong should be ordained, thus elevating him to the same ecclesiastical level as Mr. Legge. The ordination service in 1846 at Union Church evoked a newspaper notice.\n\nIt stated that as a student of the Anglo-Chinese College at Malacca, \"he seems to have acquired a remarkably correct knowledge of the English language.\" He had a dignity of bearing which impressed the reporter, for he wrote: \"He deported himself with true modesty, and with a becoming seriousness which must have impressed those present with personal esteem, and a confidence he will faithfully discharge the solemn duties he has undertaken upon himself.\"\n\nHo Fuk-tong not only showed ability as a preacher and scholar but also as a shrewd manager of money.\n\nA barrister, speaking in a case concerning his will, said: “He undoubtedly made good use of his time, money and opportunity.\"\n\nH\n\n--", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210817, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "151\n\nHe came of a humble family; his salary was not large and could have earned much more using his English language ability in a business firm or in Government service — but by exercising thrift, he was able soon after his arrival in Hongkong to buy property in the Lower Bazaar (Sheung Wan).\n\nAs the income from his property increased, he continued to invest in real estate. Linking his destiny with the advancing fortunes of Hongkong, he profited by its growth. By the time of his death in 1871, he had a large fortune.\n\nHis wealth enabled him to provide a good education for his sons. The most prominent of them was Sir Ho Kai. He received a university education in Britain, both in law and medicine, and was the benefactor of the Alice Memorial Hospital.\n\nWhen the Hongkong College of Medicine was established in 1887, Dr Ho Kai was one of the lecturers. His sister, Ho Miu-ling, wife of the Honourable Wu Ting-fang, twice Minister of the Chinese Government to the United States, also endowed a hospital. Both institutions are now a part of the Nethersole Hospital group.\n\nIt is fitting that the Ho Fuk Tong College at Tuen Mun, New Territories, perpetuates his name. Dr Ho Chung-chung, recently retired Headmistress of the Hongkong True Light Middle School, though not a direct descendant, was of the same Ho family.\n\nFrom 1843 to the present, members of the family of Ho Fuk-tong have contributed to education in Hongkong.\n\nTHE LIFE AND TIMES OF AN AMERICAN BITTEN BY THE “CHINA BUG”\n\nThe original plan for the Anglo-Chinese College in Malacca was for a cosmopolitan student body. East and West would meet to study each other's language and culture.\n\nIn its first few years, there were some half-dozen foreign students. Most of them were adult missionaries learning the Chinese language. There were, however, three teenagers: James Bone, of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210840, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 191, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "174\n\nchurch.\n\nCARL SMITH\n\nWith the loss of the patronage of the mission, A-sow had to find other employment. This was not difficult as a Chinese with a good knowledge of English was in demand.\n\nIn August 1855, he was employed as the third interpreter in the Chief Magistrate's office at a salary of $50. The first interpreter was a former classmate, Tong A-ku, better known as Tong King-sing (Tang Ching-hsing) later associated with the development of the China Merchants' Steam Navigation Company.\n\nA-ku had been educated with his two brothers at the Morrison Education Society School, but when it was disbanded in 1849, he and his younger brother were received into Dr. Legge's school. The elder brother, A-chick, or as he was known in later life Tong Mow-chee, transferred to St. Paul's College.\n\nIn January 1856, A-sow was advanced to second interpreter with a salary increase of $25. The next year Tong A-ku left and A-sow had another substantial increase when he moved up to first interpreter. At the same time his former position was filled by his brother-in-law, Ho A-lloy.\n\nA-sow was dismissed from the Magistrate's office in 1858 because of his association with members of Hongkong's criminal element. This was revealed in the course of a Civil Service Abuses Inquiry. There were those, however, who felt an injustice had been done in his dismissal.\n\nHe then moved to the newly organised Chinese Maritime Customs Service. The honesty of its employees were at times in question.\n\nYung Wing (Jung Hung), one of the former students of the Morrison Education Society School and initiator of the Chinese Educational Mission to the United States, in his biography states that after his return to China following his graduation from Yale College, he was employed for a time in the Customs at Shanghai, but soon left as he could not countenance the corruption involved.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210847, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 198, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "181\n\nIt also mentioned difficulties encountered by Chinese students in schools conducted by foreigners during the Opium War.\n\nA-chick wrote: “Mr. Brown is the best teacher that I know in my life, and his school is too. In this part of the country I think there is no such school as his.\n\n\"Here there is a school for Deaf and Dumb in New York. But if Chinese were so, he would not learn anything, neither how to read nor write, until he died.\n\n\"When school first formed had five boys - after about nine months some went home, because English were at war with China. Afterwards eldest of them whose name was A-ling went home, because he did a very bad thing and committed a great sin against God, as in the law of Moses and the prophets.\n\n\"A-tseuk was taken home by his father. One day, as the English were fighting with the Chinese, his father came to Mr. Brown's school and wanted to take A-tseuk home. On the same day Mr. Brown was not at home. Then he wished to take him back without asking Mr. Brown. But A-tseuk wouldn't go, and his father gave him a flogging and he cried, and after about an hour they went. Next morning, father came and wanted to take his things home, when Mr. Brown saw him he rebuked him and he went home.\n\n\"Now in this school our teacher has appointed a monitor to keep the boys still when the teacher is out, and the school in order, and they ring the bell to call the boys into study their lessons and say them to the teacher.\"\n\nThe letter shows that A-chick had made good progress in English after two years' study.\n\nA year and a half after writing it, he was qualified to serve as an interpreter.\n\nIn 1842 the Treaty of Nanking was signed and the British were granted the right to trade at six treaty ports. This privilege meant", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210855, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 206, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "189\n\nIt was not only the pious part of the community in San Francisco that noted the arrival of A-chick in 1852. His appearance brought forth press comment. He did not fit the general stereotype of the Chinese immigrant. The Alta California in May, 1852, headed an article: “An Educated Celestial.\" It began with the statement: \"A well-educated and intelligent Chinaman is a being rarely met with in this country, although the Chinese population is so large.\n\nThe article then mentioned the occasion on which A-chick attracted public notice and proceeded to introduce him to the reader.\n\nHis advent in California was important because of his fluency in English. The courts in San Francisco faced much the same problem as those in Hongkong in dealing with cases involving Chinese. There was no proper interpretation of evidence.\n\nThe paper noted: \"A great deal of difficulty has been occasioned by the want of a good interpreter and in many cases in which celestials were parties, it has been impossible to elicit the facts, for want of a person who is well versed in the language.”\n\nSuddenly A-chick appeared in court, an object of surprise and amazement, “speaking our language with remarkable correctness and fluency, and exhibiting the marks of a highly polished and refined education,”\n\nThe reason for his presence in court was the belligerent threats of one Mr. Simmons against him and a companion. Mr. Simmons had threatened “to stave in their heads and pull their pig tails out by the roots.\" The incident reflected the hostile treatment frequently experienced by a Chinese in those days.\n\nBut in A-chick Mr. Simmons had dealings with no ordinary Chinese. Knowing the workings of the law by reason of his employment in the Hongkong courts before coming to California, he was not to submit meekly to such bullying. He asked the court for an order against Mr. Simmons. In defence, Mr. Simmons said he had used abusive language because the two Chinese had been rude.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210873, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 224, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "207\n\nwife. He began his career as a teacher of English in Government Chinese schools. After two years, he was appointed an interpreter in the Police Magistrate's office. His brother-in-law, Ng Mun-sow, was already in the office and when he was dismissed, A-lloy stepped up into his position.\n\nHe left Hongkong Government service in 1867 and accepted a position under the Viceroy of Kwangtung.\n\nHe was to be in charge of an opium tax collecting office in Hongkong for the Chinese Government. Much opposition to this was voiced in the English language press, and A-lloy was attacked as a tool used to subvert British authority in Hongkong.\n\nHe then left Hongkong to become legal adviser on foreign affairs to the Governor of Fukien. He had received no formal legal training, but his years as interpreter in the courts of Hongkong gave him, as a newspaper account mentioned, “a surprisingly intimate knowledge of the forms and routines of our country.”\n\nHis activities in Fukien roused the indignation of the Hongkong papers. One of them characterised him as \"this peripatetic conglomeration of legal imposture and contemptible impudence.\"\n\n**\n\nWhatever his reputation in Hongkong, in China it had been enhanced by his acquiring, either by purchase or conferment, the degree entitling him to wear a white button on his hat.\n\nIn 1879 a change of policy in the Fukien provincial government resulted in the dismissal of most of their English-speaking Chinese employees, Ho Shun-chee, as A-lloy was then calling himself, left and joined the Chinese diplomatic mission to the United States. The Ambassador, Chen Lan-pin, was a Canton man and had recruited most of his staff from the Canton-Hongkong area. Ho Shun-chee served as interpreter.\n\nIn 1880 he passed through London. He took the opportunity to send a note to Dr. Legge, saying: \"Shortly before leaving Hongkong for America to join the Chinese Embassy under His Excellency...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210917, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 268, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "251\n\nShan. Po Shan Road is named after him.\n\nLeung On, alias Leung Hok-chau, was a man of maturity. He was the highly respected compradore of Gibb, Livingston and Company. For many years he had been prominent in affairs within the Chinese community and had been chairman of the organising committee for the Tung Wah Hospital. His standard of English, however, was a handicap in aspiring to the membership of the Legislative Council.\n\nWong Shing was Wei Yuk's father-in-law. He was a man of high principles, but quiet and reserved. He had been in the first class of the Morrison Education Society School in Hongkong and with three of his classmates had been taken to the United States to further his education by the headmaster of the school. His health, however, did not permit him to finish his studies. He returned to Hongkong and took up employment with the London Missionary Society, in a short time becoming manager of the society's printing establishment. For a brief period he was with the Chinese Educational Mission in the United States, but now he was looking after his properties in Hongkong and managing other business interests. He had no ambition to be a prominent public figure but when Ng Choy's successor as Councillor was named at the close of 1883, it was Wong Shing.\n\nIn January 1883, however, it appeared that Dr. Ho Kai was the most likely candidate for the seat. He had left Hongkong when still a young boy to receive an education in Scotland and England. He was a brilliant student earning degrees both in law and medicine.\n\nWhen he returned to Hongkong in 1882 he was thoroughly Anglicised, had a beautiful English bride and wore European clothing. He was also a professing Christian. Europeans did not doubt that such a man would be sympathetic to their views about the Chinese and Chinese matters.\n\nHo A-mei was of a different sort altogether. He had served the Kwangtung Government for a number of years in an official capacity.\n\nPage 26.8\n\nPage 26.8\n\nPage 26.8", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211037, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "73\n\ntion of schools, contained in the Government Gazette, included: “An Upper Grade School means one in which at least part of the Staff is European. Lower Grade Schools are those under purely native management” (Hong Kong Government Gazette, 30th June, 1905, p. 1023). Earlier, Bishop Hoare, the Anglican Bishop of Victoria and South China announced at the annual prize distribution of a school noted for its ethnically ‘mixed' admissions policy that he \"did not believe it was a good thing to put two races side by side in the school. He did not think they mixed. There was a gulf between the Chinaman as a Chinaman and an Englishman as an Englishman, and he did not think it was a good thing for Chinese boys to be educated side by side with English boys” (Hong Kong Daily Press, 30th January, 1901, p. 3). Amongst the largely supportive correspondence in the letters to the editor pages of the local press provoked by the report of Bishop Hoare's speech, there is a letter from a local Chinese resident, Wang Chung-yu, who argued, “Now, to exclude Chinese from certain schools means to go against the law of nature and to aggravate the hatred between Chinese and foreigners.... My experience goes to show that, as a rule, European boys in school generally depreciate things Chinese, and therefore there is no need to fear that European boys may learn any bad method of thinking peculiar to the Chinese.” (Hong Kong Daily Press, 7th February, 1901, p. 3).\n\n48 Sweeting (1983), p. 274.\n\n49 Despite the lack of warmth and closeness in the personal and social relations between the two communities, there was, in a sense, a reciprocal interest by certain Westerners for \"Things Chinese\". This interest was largely intellectual (anthropological and literary) and is, perhaps, best exemplified by Dyer Ball's large publication, which in later editions became increasingly larger, actually entitled Things Chinese. See the Introduction and Prefaces of J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press reprint, with Introduction by H.J. Lethbridge, 1982 of the 5th Edition revised by E. Chalmers Werner, 1925). Interestingly enough, Dyer Ball also published a book entitled Cantonese Made Easy, which by 1904 had reached its 3rd Edition.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211083, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 144, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "119\n\nGovernor Hennessy had made him a Justice of the Peace in one of his bids to tie the Chinese more closely to the Government. The editor of the Hong Kong Telegraph described Wei Yuk as “a gentleman of great intelligence besides his wealth and position, exercising vast influence in all local matters appertaining to the Chinese.\" He served on the Legislative Council from 1896 to 1914 and became known after receiving a knighthood as Sir Wei Po-shan. Po Shan Road is named after him.\n\nLeung On, alias Leung Hok-chau, was a man of maturity. He was the highly respected compradore of Gibb, Livingston and Company. For many years he had been prominent in affairs within the Chinese community and had been chairman of the organising committee for the Tung Wah Hospital. His standard of English, however, was a handicap in aspiring to the membership of the Legislative Council.\n\nWong Shing was Wei Yuk's father-in-law. He was a man of high principles, but quiet and reserved. He had been in the first class of the Morrison Education Society School in Hongkong and with three of his classmates had been taken to the United States to further his education by the headmaster of the school. His health, however, did not permit him to finish his studies. He returned to Hongkong and took up employment with the London Missionary Society, in a short time becoming manager of the Society's printing establishment. For a brief period he was with the Chinese Educational Mission in the United States, but now he was looking after his properties in Hongkong and managing other business interests. He had no ambition to be a prominent public figure but when Ng Choy's successor as Councillor was named at the close of 1883, it was Wong Shing.\n\nIn January 1883, however, it appeared that Dr. Ho Kai was the most likely candidate for the seat. He had left Hongkong when still a young boy to receive an education in Scotland and England. He was a brilliant student earning degrees both in law and medicine.\n\nWhen he returned to Hongkong in 1882 he was thoroughly Anglicised, had a beautiful English bride and wore European clothing. He was also a professing Christian. Europeans did not", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211091, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "127\n\ncame Governor in 1877. It was rumoured that the law was to be repealed. This created uneasiness among the foreigners and a discussion concerning the unfairness of class legislation among the Chinese.\n\nBy 1877 a new type of Chinese had arisen in Hongkong. There was an ever-increasing group of wealthy merchants, compradores, landowners, and professionals. These men had a financial stake in the welfare of Hongkong. A few had been born and educated in Hongkong and regarded it as their permanent home.\n\nThis new class became increasingly aware of the contribution the Chinese were making to the growth and prosperity of Hongkong. They resented being looked down on as inferiors and being victims of discriminatory treatment. Some, such as Ho A-mei, were not afraid to voice their opinion on these matters.\n\nIn 1857, this type of Chinese resident could almost have been numbered on a person's two hands. Twenty years later, they were of a quantity and quality that could not be ignored. This contrast between 1857 and 1877 is set forth in a series of rhetorical questions asked by a writer to an English-language newspaper using the pseudonym \"1850.\" He asked: \"Where (in 1857) was the rice trade in steamers? Where was trade in steamers to California and Australia, who carried it on in sailing vessels? Where were Chinese directors of insurance and steamboat companies?\"\n\nHe then answers his questions with another set: \"And what changes time has since brought. Are our Chinese fellow citizens of the present day nothing more than shopkeepers? Is it at all compatible with the position of those who are directors and managers of companies, with large interests in real estate, to carry a pass with them after nine o'clock?\"\n\nThese questions were asked at the time rumours circulated that the light and pass regulations were to be repealed. A discussion about them was carried on in the press. This was soon after John Pope Hennessy became Governor. Even before his arrival in Hongkong, he had a reputation for advocating equal treatment of the local population in British colonies.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211096, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 157, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "132\n\nchairman. Upon assuming the chair, A-mei delivered a lengthy speech. It was followed by another by Ho Tung. Sin Tak-fan, a solicitor's clerk, translated the speeches and they were published in the English newspapers.\n\nThe impression given by the transcript of Ho A-mei's speech was that it had not been carefully prepared. It did have, however, a loose structure, but tended to be repetitive, with the same point made several times. One got the impression, however, that he spoke with some passion and therefore captured the interest of his audience.\n\nHo A-mei introduced the topic of the meeting by giving a brief history of the \"light and pass\" Ordinance. He pointed out that when it was first enacted conditions in Hongkong were different, because then \"we had fewer policemen in Hongkong than we have now and the streets were not so well lighted. Then we, of course, had numerous cases of robbery, but we had fewer policemen.” In his opinion the regulations had decreased the number of robberies at that time.\n\nA-mei next plunged directly into the heart of the issue: “But, Gentlemen, this is class legislation, and on principle it ought not to be in any way encouraged.\" He made the sweeping statement that in having such a law Hongkong was unique, for nowhere else in the world, he claimed, was such a system in force. The main objection he voiced, however, was that \"the system was intended against the Chinese only, and it had to be condemned on principle.\"\n\nHe held that if everyone in Hongkong were subject to the requirements, \"then we would, of course, humbly submit, but as it is directed against only the Chinese, we must resist it.”\n\nThis mention of resistance brought forth strong condemnation from some Europeans, the Governor included. Ho A-mei's remarks were regarded as seditious and dangerous to the peace and order of the Colony. He later publicly explained that he meant only peaceful resistance, such as petitions and appeals for equal treatment.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211102, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "138\n\nhave no other effect than that of inciting his hearers to defy any law in the Colony.\n\nIn our day it is difficult to think of that much-honoured, decorated, revered and praised “grand old man of Hongkong,” Sir Robert Ho Tung, being so maligned by a Hongkong editor. However, when these words were published in 1895, Ho Tung was only on the way to making his multi-millions. This was one of his first appearances in a public meeting which attracted the notice of the English press.\n\nThe vitriolic journalist then gave the well-worn advice to dissidents: \"If you don't like it here, go elsewhere.\"\n\nHe did not expect his advice to be heeded, for Hongkong Chinese, he claimed, found \"it pays them best to live in any country except their own, under any government except Chinese. That is why Mr. Ho Tung and Mr. Ho A-mei stay in Hongkong, and glad they ought to be for the privilege; they would not be allowed to talk such screeching rubbish in any other country.\"\n\nThe editor was ready to give Ho Tung his marching orders. “Let Mr. Ho Tung go to Canton and try to hold a public meeting and say what he thinks of the officials of his own country and state his reasons for not trusting himself and his business in their grasp, and if he does not care to go, it would do this Colony no harm to send him there.\"\n\nIf the Hongkong Government had followed the advice of the China Mail, it might have lost forever one of its most famous sons.\n\nA regular columnist of the Mail, who styled himself “Brownie,” expressed a more moderate opinion than the editor. He felt that “after making all allowances for the translation of Mr. Ho Tung's remarks, I am inclined to exonerate that gentleman from any seditious leanings, and can only marvel at his appearance and attitude at the Tung Wah's meeting.\" He intimated that it would be well for the young Ho Tung to avoid getting mixed up with Ho A-mei and his party.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211103, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 164, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "139\n\nHe advised \"that it would be well if he cut loose from those whose sentiments towards the British Government are well known and who would like to make fools of all those who are weak enough to be guided by them.”\n\nThe tone of the China Mail editorial was echoed in the remarks the Governor made a few days later on the occasion of the annual visit of the old and new directors of Tung Wah Hospital. He was displeased with the directors because they were resisting the efforts of the Government to introduce Western medical practice into the hospital as a supplement to Chinese methods. In addition, he was still upset by the uprising of the Chinese against the measures introduced to control the bubonic plague in 1894.\n\nThen to top it, in March 1895, the coolies had gone on strike to protest against efforts to apply certain sanitary laws to common lodging houses. The strike was considered to be seditious because it was in opposition to a law of the Colony.\n\nThe Governor was in no mood at the time of the visit of the Tung Wah directors for more agitation by the Chinese. Now not the coolies but respectable, English language educated gentlemen were advocating resistance to law. It was all too much. With leaders to the Chinese community before him, he could not miss the opportunity to voice his displeasure over the statements made at the recent protest meeting. Any allegations that the Chinese were victims of class legislation were, in his opinion, preposterous.\n\nAccompanying his displeasure was a veiled threat. He said he was convinced \"some people were evidently trying to stir up strife, and if they continued he should have to take measures to suppress it.\"\n\nSome felt that the Governor was over-reacting. It was not well for the future of the Colony if the leadership of the Chinese community and the Government were drawn up into two opposing camps, hurling insults and threats at each other, but never meeting to consider differences.\n\nThe incident raised the issue of the best way for Government to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211105, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "141\n\nOf the issues raised in the editorial comments on the Chinese protest meeting chaired by Ho A-mei, English language education and the consultative process are still Hongkong concerns.\n\nHOW AN OBNOXIOUS LAW WAS ABOLISHED\n\nThe China Mail in commenting on the protest meeting against the light and pass regulations held in 1895 emphasised the theme of sedition and the threat to internal security. It approved the warning the Governor had given the speakers.\n\nThe Telegraph, however, upheld the principle of freedom of speech and the right of the Chinese to express their opinions. Its editorial was colourful and strongly worded.\n\nToday the English language press seldom openly attacks a Government official. Journalism in Hongkong is much too polite and gentlemanly for this. The Chinese press, however, has its own subtle way of ridiculing public servants.\n\nThe Telegraph spoke out boldly in criticising the tone taken by Governor Robinson in his remarks to the Directors of Tung Wah Hospital. In its opinion, what was needed was a “Government gag.”\n\nIt stated that \"His Excellency Sir William Robinson is badly in need of an automatic patent safety gag, so arranged as to shut everybody's mouth as soon as there is any occasion for absolute freedom of speech. We have seen many ebullitions of petty resentment on his part... but we have seldom seen such a determined onslaught on the divine right of freedom of speech as the one hinted at so plainly threatened is the word, for it rather more than hinted ---- in his recent address to the Tung Wah Committee”.\n\nThe Governor had probably spoken \"off the cuff\". If he had given the matter more careful consideration, he probably would have expressed himself in a less abrasive manner. However, his words reflected a popular method of dealing with Chinese. One did not listen, discuss nor bargain. With the backing of superior power, one told them what was expected of them.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211109, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 170, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "145\n\nThe question arose again in 1897. At that time the pass requirement was abolished, except when invoked under special order by the Governor in Council, but the light requirement remained. This gave rise to confusion among the Chinese, for many thought both requirements had been abolished.\n\nIn commenting on the misunderstanding the Daily Press suggested that all regulations should be done away with. The abolition would be a gracious act in the year of Queen Victoria's Jubilee. The editor felt that ‘if this were done as a concession to the Chinese on the occasion of the Diamond Jubilee, it would afford extreme pleasure to the native community, in fact it would not be easy to find any form of Jubilee Memorial that would afford the Chinese more genuine satisfaction than the repeal of a law which they regard as obnoxious.”\n\nImmediately after, the requirements were repealed. This long delayed move could only serve to improve relations between the various sections of the Hongkong community.\n\nWHY EARLY EXPATS FEARED CONSUL MOVE\n\nAnother issue on which Ho A-mei expressed his opinion publicly was the appointment of a Chinese consul for Hongkong.\n\nIn July 1891, when the matter was under discussion, he wrote a letter to a Chinese paper published in Hongkong advocating the appointment. A translation of his letter was published for English readers in the China Mail.\n\nIt was a long-standing issue, having first been raised by the Chinese in 1868. The request became involved in negotiations for the revision of the Tientsin Treaty between Britain and China. The treaty was signed in 1858, but it provided for a review after ten years.\n\nAt times the Chinese request for a consul in Hongkong was given favourable consideration by the British Foreign Office, but it was consistently opposed by the Hongkong Government and the foreign merchants trading with China.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211130, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 191, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "166\n\nIn addition to the embarrassment such persons were to “respectable” Europeans, it was felt the employment by the Chinese of members of their own class also created a wrong impression.\n\nOne of the resolutions passed at the meeting to protest against the blockade stated that the actions of the Chinese were \"most inimical to British prestige in Hongkong and the neighbouring provinces of China, the impression being general, on account of the prominent part taken by Englishmen in the matter, that the system is connived at by the British Government, which is powerless to resist it.\"\n\nAny situation where British honour or prestige was felt to be undermined stirred up basic insecurities. Other statements made at the meeting reflected popularly held attitudes towards the Chinese.\n\nOne of the speakers gave a somewhat simplistic analysis of the manner in which the Government functioned in China. He stated: “China contains two classes, the governors and the governed. The one class squeezes and the other is squeezed and the richer the subject, the more certain he was to be so.”\n\nHe believed that many Chinese were attracted to Hongkong not because of the opportunities it offered for making money, but simply to escape the uncertainties of life in China.\n\nMr. Whittall in his speech at the meeting had introduced the question of a Chinese consul in Hongkong. Another speaker elaborated on the dangers he felt were inherent in the proposal.\n\nHe claimed that a consul would be regarded by the Chinese as the real ruling power in Hongkong, especially “as they do not understand all the details of English law, they would at once submit themselves to his direction.”\n\nA Chinese consul would never be able to fulfil the usual function of a consul in a foreign port, which, according to the speaker, was to act as a mediator in case of disputes between the people of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211220, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 281, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "256\n\nI had been interested in social history in England and started to look for books about the New Territories, in particular on the Southern District, but soon found there was practically nothing. After a while, I realized that papers had been written but they were usually in journals that were not easy to get hold of in Hong Kong; and there was not very much anyway in English. I suppose that spurred me on to do more than I might have done. I was rather cross about it, I recall, because I gathered that many of the local settlements had been there for many centuries. The Shek Pik village alone was established in the middle of the Ming Dynasty, in the 15th century, and possibly before that.\n\nFaced with a challenge, I began to look around for materials that would tell me more about the district and its people. I soon noticed that the temples and some other buildings contained inscribed tablets, sometimes about the repair of the building and sometimes about law cases in the long ago when the District Magistrate, or the local people after asking the Magistrate, had stone tablets put there commemorating legal decisions. I collected copies of these inscriptions and other documentary material, like land deeds, family papers, account books and genealogies (a point to which I will return later in this talk). I interviewed persons in their homes, and they were nervous for reasons not connected with the impositions of research. Once some people were very fidgety, and I couldn't understand why. This was in a fishing village on the shores of Junk Bay. I looked down, and saw that I was sitting on what I hoped was an expended tin of explosives! They liked fishing with dynamite, and they still do. In fact, there was a letter from a lady from Tolo Harbour in the South China Morning Post only the other day asking 'how come they are still dynamiting?' This goes right back to 1904 and probably earlier, when the reports of the Alice Memorial Hospital contained reports about fishermen coming in with missing hands or legs.\n\nI persuaded other District Officers to get their staff to record these tablets, too, and built up a collection of inscriptions with other people's help of about 30 or 40 of them. However, I couldn't do anything with them. My Chinese was not good enough to handle that material. In any case, some of the tablets were defaced and some characters were hard to read or even missing. It required", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211447, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "139\n\nAs reasonable as these amounts seem to us today, Father could not continue without financial help. Highly motivated, he again turned to his brothers for assistance, because he felt that men without an education were like 'dumb cattle driven by others.' First Uncle replied on 6 July 1898 that he felt 'miserable' because he could not help. He compared himself to a well, drawn dry and needing time to be refilled, because his responsibilities had increased with so many relatives dependent upon him. However, he promised to do what he could. Second Uncle, who had gone to Shanghai, wrote on 29 August 1898 that he was in no position to assist and added that he was glad Father was earning money by teaching and that Father should go on to college and study law, medicine or dentistry.\n\nThe next year, on 3 May 1899, First Uncle again wrote, urging Father not to discontinue his schooling until the end of the year unless he had the consent of Grandfather, even though the job offer he received from a local newspaper might be tempting. Father must have finished the school year, for on 7 July 1899, First Uncle wrote to congratulate him on his graduation, noting that he had accepted a position with the Honolulu Chinese Times Bar as translator and reporter, and regretted that he was unable to advise him about going into business because conditions were not the same in different places. Second Uncle also wrote on 19 July 1899, commending Father for choosing a 'good' subject to deliver at the graduation exercises and encouraging him to continue to study while working.\n\nFather probably was looking for a job and business opportunities at the same time. He corresponded with friends in Kauai, in Hilo, and as far as Australia. A friend, Au Goon Bick, who had gone to Kapaa, Kauai, wrote in July that he was working for Lum Keed and that Yim Goon Siu of Honolulu was visiting him then. (Yim was the uncle of Cousin George Yim and was also working for the Honolulu Chinese Times. He later went to Shanghai where he ran a printing business.) Yim also wrote several times to Father about this Kauai trip - how he became seasick as soon as the boat passed Waianae and how he forgot his discomfort as soon as he met a number of young ladies with whom he had much fun singing. He expressed surprise that one of them, a sister of Wong Fat and a student at Kamehameha School, could speak English as well as both the Heong Shan and Nam Long dialects. (I suspect that", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211480, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 196, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "172\n\nteachers. Miss McCorriston, the geography teacher, inspired me to devote much time at home in drawing and colouring maps to pinpoint certain places. Miss Kelley determined that we should know English grammar backwards and forwards and had us forever parsing and diagramming. Miss Davis was an avid horsewoman who stood tall and erect as she whipped up our speed in doing arithmetic mentally while she called out the numbers in quick succession. I cannot recall what Mrs. Crockett taught, but it was in her class that Miss Daniels (who was later married to Charles King), a part-Hawaiian singer of some size and weight and exuding the warmth and joviality of her race, came once in several weeks to lead us in singing Hawaiian songs, using a tuning fork to keep us in key. I cannot recall who my history teacher was. Last but not least of the teachers was Miss Gertrude Whiteman, quite elderly and often the butt of laughter from some of the girls when she adjusted her wig. She was especially kind to me, probably because she knew my Father and also had special affection for the Chinese, having raised a Chinese girl as her foster child. I missed four months of the last year because of our trip to China, but I was able to graduate with the rest of my classmates in June, 1920.\n\nThe transition from elementary to secondary school was not easy. There was much less involvement between teacher and student, and the relationship between them was quite impersonal. As a freshman, I was completely crushed by my English teacher, Dorothy Stendahl, who was also my Sunday School teacher and an intimate friend of Mary Lam, one of my early playmates. Miss Stendahl selected many of us Chinese for her class. She was not only stern and exacting, but also very sarcastic, and I felt she was picking on me unnecessarily. As a result, I had a miserable year and dreaded going to her class. Some years later, I had occasion to meet her socially, but I could not warm to her. Perhaps she did not realize that I had come from a protected home, was exceedingly shy and sensitive, and was not able to deal with aggressive mannerisms.\n\nI had two years of Latin with Clara Ziegler, who would urge me on with my translation of Caesar in Gaul by jabbing her left palm with a finger of her right hand in rapid succession and would finally comment, in frustration, \"You are not like Me Lan!\" My sister had preceded me in her class and had been an excellent student. To myself, I would respond, \"Who wants to be like Me Lan?\" It was poor psychology on Miss Ziegler's part, as it only made me more determined to prove myself.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211481, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 197, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "173\n\nZiegler's part and bad for my self-esteem.\n\nI studied English under Mrs. Roberts in my sophomore year and under Miss Floralyn Cadwell in my junior and senior years. When I entered the University of Hawaii four years later, Miss Cadwell was by that time married to an Irish-English gentleman, Mr. Lalia Conway, and was active in community dramatics. Now on the staff of the university, she had me again, this time concentrating on English composition. She was from an old Santa Barbara family who had journeyed to California by way of the Cape. There was a sweet and dreamlike quality about her. We became life-long friends. I owe much to these two English teachers in learning to appreciate English literature.\n\nGeometry was taught by Mr. Cole, a plain Quaker-like instructor. Somehow I did not seem to understand the relationship between points and lines so that I almost flunked the course. Later when I was pressured to teach that subject at True Light Middle School, I was surprised that the government supervisor considered me a good teacher. Perhaps my experience gave me an understanding of the difficulties confronting a student.\n\nMr. Cole is remembered not for the subject he taught, but as a thin, stern teacher, who seemed to be too friendly with Margaret M. Lam, a neighbour of ours. She sat in the seat in front of his desk where she would talk softly with him and would giggle from time to time, intriguing yet somehow annoying to me. Mrs. Wilson taught me first and second year algebra and Miss Wikander, history. I took a year of typing and have never regretted it. All in all I did quite well and the four years went by much too soon.\n\nBecause Mother was concerned that the Barbour Scholarship which Ruth received might not be renewed, I offered to go to work in case she needed some help in the future. Therefore, I took a business course at the Phillips Commercial School for a year and landed my first job as secretary to Judge William J. Robinson, to whom I was referred by Alice Ho Wong, the daughter of Ho Fan, an old family friend. Judge Robinson practised law in the Union Trust Building on Alakea Street, near King Street, and did a good deal of work for the trust company, which was incorporated by Portuguese business men. In the fall of 1928,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211540, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 257, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "DEZAKETTRE DWUKISME)\n\nJames Hayes\n\n233\n\nNOTES\n\nSee the list of printed papers given at pp. 271-272 of my book, The Hong Kong Region 1850-1911: Institutions and Leadership in Town and Countryside (Hamden, Conn., Archon Books, 1977). Perhaps I should add that whilst the progress of the survey and land settlement are described, the records of hearings in cases where disputes could not otherwise be settled are not now available, save for some reports in the local English-language newspapers.1 See Chapter 4, \"Shek Pik, A Multilineage Settlement of Cantonese Farmers\" in Hayes 1977, op cit, pp. 104-128. I have also used some of the documentary material in my paper Education and Management in Rural South China in the Late Ch'ing at pp. 575-592 of Vol. 1 of Proceedings of the Sixth International Symposium on Asian Studies 1984, (Hong Kong, Asian Research Service, 1985).\n\n1 Although surviving “Chi Tsai” from the New Territories are few in number, they are not rare either. I have come across them here and there in my research, but unfortunately dismissed them as being of no particular interest or value, compared with the Block Crown Leases and actual customary deeds of sale and mortgage.\n\nOne entry from my Notes, for instance, taken at Chuk Yuen Village, New Kowloon, in July 1963, states, \"Her husband's father was Lam Hei (), and she showed me a few chits for lot numbers claimed at the Land Court in 1901. They included one interesting receipt for 13 tax receipts, presumably Ch'ing land tax receipts, which must have been submitted as proofs of ownership at the land settlement following the lease of the New Territories to Great Britain in 1898“. A collection of some dozens of chi tsai from New Kowloon villages is in the Public Records Office, Hong Kong (HKMS104): these will be the subject of a separate note in due course.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211615, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 30, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "Cinema, at North Point (constructed in the early 1950s), is suspended; or the English style, Kentish-Rag, stone retaining wall on the south side of Battery Path in Central. One wonders if the latter was commissioned by some homesick Englishman.\n\nAnd, while parts of the Territory have been disparagingly called \"concrete jungle”, there are modern structures of merit. Depending on your taste, the St. John's Building (Lower Peak-Tram Station), Admiralty Centre; and the Macau Ferry Terminal spring to mind. The foyer at the Landmark, and the high-rise, high-tech Exchange Square, with its \"electronic plumbing\" so tenants can plug in for centralised computer services, are also of merit. Other recently completed buildings show an impressive degree of distinction and aesthetic sensitivity.\n\nIn an article written by Doctor Alan Birch in 1978, previously Reader in History at Hong Kong University, he stated that 95 per cent of the Territory's buildings had been erected from 1946 onwards (even if the deterioration of some belies their age). Although that was probably a very approximate estimate, since then many more old buildings have been torn down. Hong Kong is a city-state where, with the exception of the plot on which Saint John's Cathedral stands (which is freehold), all land is leasehold held from the Crown: this demands that landholders maximise their income from the land in as short a time as possible.\n\nTo give some idea how dramatically the skyline has changed: until World War II the seven-storey Peninsula Hotel, on the Kowloon waterfront, which served as the Japanese army headquarters during the occupation, was considered tall. Since then, the skyline has changed dramatically every decade.\n\nCatherine II (Catherine the Great) (1729-96), Empress of Russia, who together with her many architects erected royal palaces and public buildings, said that building was a disease, like alcoholism. Not too dissimilarly, in Hong Kong, Aw Boon Haw, the son of a Chinese herbalist, who together with his brother, Boon Par, produced the famous \"cure-all\", Tiger Balm, was told by a sooth-sayer that he would lose his fortune and die if he stopped building. When he eventually departed he had erected 26 castles around Asia, as well as the well-known Tiger Balm Gardens in both Singapore and Hong Kong. These, which contain figures depicting stories in Chinese history or mythology, were built to promote Aw's well-known pharmaceutical products.\n\nPage 30\n\nPage 31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211772, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 187, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "162\n\n* 12\n\nactors On the occasion of a performance of Buckingham's Take that Girl Away and Selby's A Fearful Tragedy in the Seven Dials, on February 15 1860 it was observed that \"the weak point of our Amateurs has been the selection of their pieces\".1 From time to time this argument crops up; but, as with all opinions about the theatre, it was a matter of taste. A regular writer for the Herald, \"The Man on the Bund\", had the audacity to react adversely to the choice of Tom Taylor's Still Waters Run Deep, performed on April 23 1857, which he thought \"one of those incongruous mixtures of French novel morality and English domestic life as offensive and preposterous as ludicrous\". In a letter to the Editor \"Another Man on the Bund\" (!) was furious about this attitude: \"Are we to take the opinion of this would be critic, this damp orator, in preference to the unanimous opinion of the rest of the community? What meant those thunders of applause repeated again and again in a manner that has never been heard in Shanghai. (...) My own and the general opinion is that the 'Man on the Bund' at the time of writing was (...) labouring under a severe attack of bile (...) (see also Calendar, 23.4.1857).\n\n14\n\nIn quite a different vein, writing about Colman's Heir at Law (1797) and Townley's High Life below Stairs (1759) the chronicler “would recommend our Amateurs to expunge from their plays all profane oaths and ambiguous phrases. In the time they were written too many of them were in keeping with the language and manners of the day, but nowadays no Gentleman would sully his breath with such irreverent epithets; they neither add wit or point to the dialogue and grate harshly on all refined ears especially in the presence of ladies\".2 Of course no examples were given.\n\nWhen it came to the professional, travelling, companies a generally favourable attitude was maintained. \"Standards of excellence\" were kept up by Lewis' Australian Drama Company;3 and, discussing the 1865 performances, another critic thought that \"where so much talent is shown it is almost invidious to single out any one actor or actress in preference to the rest\".\n\n18\n\nIn the musical field the efforts of the amateurs, although they were less numerous than in dramatics, were also duly appreciated. About a concert in aid of the Lancashire Relief Fund, given on April 17 1863, the Herald thought \"it was pleasing to see the gentlemen (...) entertain con amore their less gifted fellow residents with a charming chamber", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211802, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 217, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "192\n\n12.12.1850 (Thur)\n\nG.A.A. BECKETT: \"Roofscrambler\" (1835)\n\nT: Burlesque\n\nW.H. MURRAY: \"Diamond cut Diamond\" (1843)\n\nT: Farcical interlude (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nTh: Theatre Royal (A)\n\nR: NCH 14.12.1850. From the file I have been using the pages on which the review appeared were missing, so no further information can be given.\n\n28.1.1851 (Tue)\n\nJ. KENNEDY: \"Love, Law and Physic\" (1812)\n\nT: Farce\n\nW.B. RHODES: \"Bombastes Furioso\" (1810)\n\nT: Burlesque tragic opera (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nTh: Theatre Royal (A)\n\nR: In only a short impression the Herald wrote that \"the performances went off with much spirit amidst repeated plaudits and continual bursts of merriment. The present company seems likely to become highly popular and the public are much indebted to them for according such seasonable diversion at this dull period of the year\" (NCH 1.2.1851).\n\n21.4.1851 (Mon)\n\nG. COLMAN Jr: \"Heir at Law\" (1797)\n\nT: Comedy (5 acts)\n\nJ. TOWNLEY: \"High Life below Stairs” (1759)\n\nT: Farce (2 acts)\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nTh: Theatre Royal (A)\n\nN: Final performance of the season.\n\nR: About the actors the critic thought it \"uncourteous to select where all did their best and there was much to praise; we will, therefore, only say in allusion to Heir at Law that STEADFAST maintained the character of the fine old English bachelor with spirit”. In the same issue appeared a letter from \"A Stranger\": \"The character of Dr. Pangloss (in Heir at Law) was performed with much quiet humour and the pedantic stolidity of an L.L.D. and A.A.S. (sic!) were exceedingly well portrayed, though at intervals much too low to enable the back part of the audience to catch the full force of the quotations\". The Herald added that the part of Dr. Pangloss is, perhaps, the most difficult in the play, for an Amateur to sustain; the curt witticisms and various learned quotations require an experienced actor to give with effect\".\n\nHigh Life below Stairs \"flagged somewhat from the previous exertions of the actors, but we must not omit to notice the excellent acting in the representative of the Lord Duke's servant'\n\nDespite this and in spite of the editor not being very much satisfied with some of the language in the plays he thanked “our young friends for their kindly endeavours to promote amusement amongst the community, they were spared neither trouble, time nor expense to cater for the intellectual appetite of Shanghai in the classical drama” (NCH 26.4.1851).\n\n26.1.1852 (Mon)\n\nD. BOUCICAULT & C. MATHEWS: \"Used Up\" (1846)\n\nT: Comedietta (2 acts)\n\nH. CAREY (music: J.F. LAMPE): \"The Dragon of Wantley\" (1837)\n\nT: Burlesque opera (3 acts)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212004, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 419, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "394\n\nNOTES\n\nSee the map of the Kwangtung coast-line, Chapter 32 of Yuet Tai Kee, Wan Li edition 郭斐粵大記卷三十二\n\nShek Pai Wan is the old name of Aberdeen Harbour or Heung Kong Tsai Wan *** (which in Chinese means Little Hong Kong Harbour).\n\n1 Some of the incense products were sent north to the Provinces of Kiangsu and Chekiang\n\nSee Chapter 3 of Lin Tien-wai and Siu's Articles on the Early History of Hong Kong, the Commercial Press Ltd., Taiwan, R.O.C., 1985.\n\nSee 'The Lime Kilns and Hong Kong's Early Historical Archaeology', Special Session, Volume 7, Journal of the Hong Kong Archaeological Society, 1876-78.\n\n7 See note 1.\n\nIt was said that Hong Kong Tsuen had been robbed by pirates in the time of the Lung Ching Reign in the Ming Dynasty. (See Hui Tei-shan's \"A Brief Research on the History and Geography of Hong Kong and Kowloon\" Chapter 6 of Kwangtung Wen Mu X, 1940).\n\nSee Siu's \"Nam Tau Chai: the Middle Defensive Military Zone of Kwangtung in the Ming Dynasty'' in Essays of Research into Ming-Ching History, Chu Hai College, 1984.\n\n10 The Coastal Evacuation was carried out in the 1st year of the Kang Hsi Reign (1661).\n\nSee the map of the Coastal Defence of Kwangtung, Chapter 3 of the Kwangtung Tung Chi, 1731 edition.\n\nSee Chapter 2 of the San On Yuen Chi, 1819 edition\n\n12 See Chapter 178 of the Kwangtung Tung Chi, 1822 edition.\n\n13 See the Original Gazetteer and Census, May 15th, 1841.\n\n14 See p. 15 of Lai Chun Wai's Hong Kong 100 Years.\n\nThe English name given to Chik Chu is Stanley.\n\n16 Notable political events in China after 1841 were the 2nd Opium War (the Anglo-Chinese War), the Tai Ping Rebellion, the Boxer Rebellion, the Revolution of 1911 and the Sino-Japanese War of 1937-45. These changes assisted the increase of population in Hong Kong. Also, another rapid increase of population occurred because of the change of government in China in 1949.\n\nTAI YU SHAN FROM CHINESE HISTORICAL RECORDS\n\n1 In the past, Tai Yu Shan, known as Tai Hai Shan was also called Tai Kai Shan, Tai Yi Shan Mun Island. It lies to the west of Hong Kong Island. It has an area of 53.55 square miles, and is the largest island in Hong Kong.\n\nThe name 'Tai Hai Shan' first appeared in Chapter 87 of Yu Ti Ji Shing, a book published in the Sung Dynasty. It records,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212429, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 371, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "348\n\nthe police, the courts and the judiciary, and correctional services. Among the topics examined are armed robbery, drug abuse, vice, commercial crime, illegal immigration, and smuggling.\n\nWacks, Raymond, editor, HUMAN RIGHTS IN HONG KONG, Hong Kong, Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. xxiii + 542 pp. Index. In this important work fourteen scholars at the University of Hong Kong examine the future of human rights in Hong Kong in the context of the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, which comes into effect on 1 July 1997, the Bill of Rights, enacted in Hong Kong in June 1991, and international conventions and statutes that guarantee human rights. The editor is Professor of Law and Head of the Department of Law at the University of Hong Kong.\n\nWolf, Margery, THRICE TOLD TALE: FEMINISM, POSTMODERNISM AND ETHNOGRAPHIC RESPONSIBILITY, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992. 153 pp. Bibliography. Index. Even for the non-specialists who are not concerned with scholarly arguments over research methods and terminology, the tales Professor Wolf tells are fascinating.\n\nPang Pang, THE DEATH OF HU YAOBANG, translated from the Chinese by Si Ren, paperback. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Center for Chinese Studies, 1989. viii + 74pp. The book was written immediately after the death of Hu Yaobang on 15 April 1989, before the events of June that year. It is an account of Hu's last days in the Beijing Hospital, juxtaposed with revealing interviews with people closest to Hu. Very good easy reading.\n\nPeters, Emrys L., THE BEDOUIN OF CYRENAICA: STUDIES IN PERSONAL AND CORPORATE POWER. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990. Emrys L. Peters articles, edited by Jack Goody and Emanuel Marx, for the interested reader and anthropological students.\n\nRoberts, Priscilla (editor), SINO-AMERICAN RELATIONS SINCE 1900, Hong Kong: Centre of Asian Studies, 1991. iv + 563 pp. This important volume on Sino-American relations in the 20th century consists of papers presented at an international conference held at the University of Hong Kong in January 1990. There are more than 30 papers presented in Chinese and English. The Chinese papers", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212876, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "170\n\nto the [good] fung-shui of these graves.\n\nMembers of the clan are upset by your notice. Please be considerate, and do not cause damage to the fung-shui graves of our family. [Followed by 56 names of descendants]*\n\nIn an equally strong response, a Wong lineage long resident in Yuen Long, was greatly perturbed by an official notice posted in 1988 at their grave at Tsing Lung Tau, Tsuen Wan. This time, the government required them to remove it for development, in connection with a large private residential project being undertaken by a realty company which had acquired the site from the Crown. The clan concerned had this to say in their letter to the District Office:\n\nConcerning damage to fung-shui and harm to an ancestral grave: please have regard to our situation and cancel the order, so as to preserve the fung-shui and calm the people's minds.\n\nWe have lived in Shui Pin Village for several hundred years, engaging in agriculture and always being law-abiding people with nothing untoward in our history. The founding ancestor of our Wong clan was first buried at Tsing Lung Tau in the 3rd year of Chien Lung [1738], and the grave was repaired in the winter season of the first year of Tung Chih [1862]. Several hundred years and seven generations have now passed since the original burial.\n\nThis site was previously Chinese territory, now loaned to the English under the Sino-British Convention [of 1898]. If the [English] government wishes to use the people's land, the people's agreement is necessary.\n\nThrough all these years our Wong clan's founding ancestor's grave has produced many descendents. Who would have thought that we would now hear that the government wished to use the site? After hearing this news we were extremely concerned [for our future prosperity]. If you investigate the fung-shui [you will find that it had produced many] persons who attained great age in the past.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213158, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 226, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "208\n\ngenerally perceived to be diligent, law-abiding citizens who make few demands on the social services. As such they are treated with much more tolerance than other ethnic groups who tend to be more vocal in demanding their rights. For their part the Chinese try to maintain a low profile.\n\nIt was not until I went to America that cultural identity became an issue. As I mentioned earlier, in England I never considered myself other than Chinese. Yet when I went to America in 1991 to do a one-year research fellowship at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, I was made to reflect on this point. In America I was more sensitive to this new environment and people's treatment and attitudes towards me were a complete revelation. I noticed that strangers typically assumed that I was an overseas student who could speak only minimal English (and they would over-exaggerate their speech for my benefit), or they would assume that I was an Asian-American, who would speak with an American accent. When I spoke in an English accent I would instantly captivate their undivided attention. My English accent made me very popular in America, for not only was I a novelty to them (a Chinese speaking flawless English) but most Americans are Anglophiles. Typically the American would proceed to ask me about my background, and I would inform them that I was British. Under these circumstances it seemed natural and automatic that I introduce myself as British, my 'Chineseness' becoming an afterthought. In an immigrant society like America, it was accepted that I could be British first and then Chinese.\n\nOn returning to Hong Kong, it raises the question of whether I am \"coming home\". It seemed a most natural move for me to come back to Hong Kong to work. Over the years I had made fairly frequent visits to the Territory. While I was completing my PhD, I had witnessed more and more of my Chinese friends and relatives of my generation making this transition, and I felt eager to rush back to join them. The economic recession in England during the past decade was undoubtedly a major factor in influencing all of our decisions - the substantially better job prospects, higher earning power, and exciting pace and style of life were all attractions to this generation of young Chinese professionals.\n\nYears after I have returned from America and finished my PhD, if someone was to ask me now how I perceive myself, then I would give the answer that Lee Kuan Yew, the ex-Prime Minister of Singapore once gave, which is that:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213186, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 8, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "PRESIDENT'S REPORT\n\nCONTENTS\n\nHON AUDITOR'S REPORT\n\nARTICLES:\n\nCarl Smith - The German Speaking Community in\n\nHong Kong, 1846-1918\n\nDan Waters - Foreigners and Fung Shui\n\nviii\n\nxiv\n\n1\n\n57\n\nKeith Stevens - The Taking of Chapu, May 1842\n\n119\n\nJames Hayes - The Royal Asiatic Society, Hong\n\nKong Branch\n\n129\n\n0\n\nElizabeth Sinn - The Study of Local History in\n\nHong Kong: A Review\n\n·\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n147\n\nAnthony Siu Kwok Kin - Notes on Cheung Pao Tsai ...... 171\n\nAnthony Siu Kwok Kin - A Short Biography of\n\nLai Chun Bun\n\n175\n\nWong Wing Ho - Yet More on the Man the\n\nEmperor Decapitated\n\n179\n\nRichard Webb - Earth God and Village Shrines\n\nin the New Territories\n\n183\n\nSPECIAL FEATURE\n\nAn English Bibliography for China Studies -\n\ncompiled by Betty Wei Peh Ti\n\n193\n\nvii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213411, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 7, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "CONTENTS\n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT ......\n\nHON AUDITOR'S REPORT\n\nvii\n\nxxiv\n\nARTICLES:\n\nEdwin Haydon - Chinese Customary Law in Hong Kong's New Territories: some Legal Premises.... 1\n\nD.H. Liu - The Peking Opera 43\n\nAlfred Y.K. Lau - An Outline of the Urban Development of Sai Ying Pun in the Nineteenth Century 59\n\nDavid Faure - The Emperor in the Village: Representing the State in South China 75\n\nAnne and Stephen Selby - China Coast Pidgin English......... 113\n\nRichard Webb - the Use of Hill Land for Village Forestry and Fuel Gathering in the New Territories of Hong Kong 143\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES:\n\nJohn Hodgkiss - Life on the Fringes: The Biology of Mangroves and the Role They Play in Hong Kong 155\n\nR.G. Horsnell - The MacIntosh Cathedrals 171\n\nKeith Stevens - Singapore's Disappearing Temples and The Decline and Apparent Demise of a Popular Religion Cult 181\n\nKeith Stevens - Two Groups of Chinese Deities Rarely Seen on Chinese Altars ........... 187\n\nDan Waters - The Chinese Labour Corps in the First World War: Labourers Buried in France 199\n\nPeter Vine - Experiences as a War Crimes Prosecutor in Hong Kong.\n\nBOOK REVIEW\n\nvi\n\n205\n\n217", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213441, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "then considering whether the New Territories should be exempted from the application of any legislation in force in Hong Kong in 1898. The Attorney General apparently took the view that as regards any English law in force in the Colony such an exemption would not arise, since it would be exempted from application to the New Territories by the first provision of section 7 of the Supreme Court Ordinance, 1873, even though that particular law might not be inapplicable to the circumstances and the inhabitants of the Colony of Hong Kong. In other words, he does not appear to have been looking at the theoretical needs of the inhabitants of the area along the south bank of the Shum Chun River in 1843, which area later became the New Territories in 1898, but at their requirements at the time he considered the matter in December 1898.\n\nA former Solicitor General of Hong Kong has drawn attention to the distinction between the provisions of what is now section 17 of the New Territories Ordinance and of what is now section 5 of the Supreme Court Ordinance. To this matter, it will be necessary to revert later when we consider the customary law on particular subjects. It is, however, fitting to observe at this point that the legislature in enacting section 17 of the New Territories Ordinance did not specify the date for the recognition of \"Chinese custom or customary right affecting such land.” The plain meaning of the words, it is submitted, leads one to the conclusion that the Chinese customary law to be so recognised and enforced is that which affects the land at the time of the hearing of the proceedings. The legislature must be presumed to have been logical; it would be unlikely to select modern Chinese customary law for application in land cases and the Law of the Manchu Ts'ing Dynasty obtaining in the Province of Kwangtung in 1843 or in 1899 for application in other proceedings arising in the New Territories. Here again, it is submitted, is an additional argument in support of the view that in all types of proceedings, both those involving land and otherwise, the Chinese customary law applicable, if it is to be applied, is modern Chinese customary law obtaining in the New Territories.\n\nHaving so defined the date for recognition of Chinese customary law, the question then arises as to what that Chinese customary law comprises. In 1911, that question was difficult to answer, and we may with advantage digress a moment to consider the words of the Chief Justice delivering the judgment of the Full Court in the case of LI", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213443, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 39, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "6\n\nfrequently in consultation with rural committees and village representatives.\" For example, during the year 1956-57, of 138 land disputes which the District Officers dealt with, 30 were settled through rural committees or other local bodies, 92 were settled out of court and 16 were decided in court.” And in the following year, of 112 land disputes, 19 were settled through rural committees or other local bodies, 70 were settled out of court and 23 were decided in court. The method of disposal of one such case is recounted in the District Commissioner's report for the year 1948-49:\n\n\"For the first time since 1913 a land dispute, which had dragged on for nearly a year, was resolved when one of the parties satisfied the District Officer Taipo of his good faith by decapitating a cock in a local temple, a supreme test of honesty. As the dispute was not formally heard under Part II of the Ordinance, the legality of this expedient will fortunately not be subject to review by a Judge.\n\n1920\n\nThirdly, the Full Court ruled that it had no jurisdiction to entertain a further appeal from the decision of a judge of the Supreme Court under section 23 of the New Territories Regulation Ordinance, 1910,\n\nThere are, however, a further eight unreported cases of the Supreme Court sitting in its appellate jurisdiction from decisions of the land officer in land cases arising in the New Territories. The cases all date to the first post-war decennium until 1956. The pre-war records of the Supreme Court were destroyed during the Japanese occupation 1941-45; and since 1956 there has been no appellate proceeding of this type.\n\nWithout proof by evidence in court, it would clearly be dangerous to rely upon works describing customary law obtaining generally or in certain areas of China in the past, as information as to customary law obtaining in the New Territories for Chinese customary law \"is subject to divergencies not only from Province to Province but sometimes from clan to clan in the same neighbourhood.\" Such books may have some comparative value. It is, however, to be regretted that it is difficult in Hong Kong today to trace even one copy of those works written in English to which reference was made by the 1948 Committee.*2\n\nApart, then, from the Report of that Committee, which covers the wider field of Chinese customary law generally obtaining in Hong Kong", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213448, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "the public examinations which they never obtained.\"7%\n\nThe Tanka have always been despised by the land-dwellers and intermarriage between land and sea-dwellers is probably non-existent.” Nevertheless the Tanka \"are the principal sea-faring people of South China, owning large sea-going junks and engaging in deep-sea fishing.\n\nThe Hoklo* speak “a Min dialect similar to those spoken in the Province of Fukien and in the Chruchow, Hoilukfung and Kiungchow areas of Kwangtung Province \"They have frequented the territories since some unknown era.\" The Hoklo are few in numbers and are mostly to be found in the eastern waters of the area. Balfour has an interesting observation to make on all four communities:-\n\n“Our analysis of the existing population has revealed that the order of migration into the region corresponds roughly with the height above sea level of each part of the community. The Tanka and Hoklo, who were the earliest people, live on the seacoast, the Punti, who came next, occupy the fertile plains and valleys, and the latest comers the Hakka, are to be found mostly in the uplands\n\nA Restatement of the Customary Law,\n\n1983\n\nTwo general types of omission have been made on principle in this restatement: firstly, all doubtful points of customary law, for the courts may in due course be called upon to decide them; secondly, mere social customs without legal force, for they are the concern rather of the sociologist.*\n\nThe Customary Law of the Land-dwellers, the Cantonese and Hakka Land\n\nThe most important part of the customary law obtaining in the New Territories undoubtedly concerns its land if for no other reason than that all questions affecting such land, in view of the preservation of Chinese custom by statute, should prima facie be governed by such custom.** Such is not the position in regard to proceedings which do not involve land, then by virtue of section 5 of the Supreme Court Ordinance, English law as existing in 1843 as modified by subsequent", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213461, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "24\n\nsuch a custom is to be expected in the area.\n\nSuccession\n\nIf, as is usually the case in the New Territories, succession involves land then, by virtue of the legislation already discussed, prima facie Chinese customary law governs the disposal of the property. It seems probable that the English Rule against Perpetuities does not apply to gifts of land in the territories.138 As has already been observed it is the custom there to dedicate land for ancestral worship, temples and nunneries. Nor did the learned Chief Justice, Sir Leslie Gibson, in 1949 find himself unable to accept that part of Chinese customary law.139\n\nBy that law testamentary disposition of property was unknown140 and even now rarely occurs in the New Territories. The legal position is further confused by the existence of the Chinese Wills Validation Ordinance, 1856, (No. 4 of 1856) which declares that Chinese wills or testamentary writings made in the Chinese manner shall be deemed valid. Apparently the only testamentary writing sanctioned by Chinese customary law is to permit one's widow to re-marry and to moralize for one's son's edification. Furthermore, it is probable that the English doctrine of freedom of alienation by will does not apply to such testamentary disposition as may occur in the New Territories but that such disposition must follow the Chinese customary law of succession.141\n\n142\n\n146\n\nall sons of the\n\nUnder that law obtaining in the New Territories, deceased whether born of a \"kit fat\" or \"tin fong\" wife or by a concubine inherit as tenants in common. Sometimes the father of the eldest grandson receives a double or larger share. No daughter inherits any part of the property. Occasionally the widow or concubine will also inherit a share but usually she only has control over the land in the capacity of a manager or trustee and cannot dispose of the land without the consent of the tso (祖) or family. If there is no son of the deceased then the nearest male relative inherits the property. Should there not be one suitable, a son is adopted to inherit.147\n\nAdoption\n\nThe main object of adoption under Chinese custom is to provide a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213474, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "37\n\nThis passage was one of the two extracts from Command paper 403 quoted in Appendix 10 to the Committee Report, 1953, and was considered by the Committee to be still relevant (Chap II para 39) See also the Explanation in Appendix 22 to that Report at pp 313-315\n\n101 Wilson's notes. This was the type of land which gave rise to one of the two reported cases dealing with land in the New Territories viz. TANG CHOY HONG vs TANG SHING MO & OTHERS (1949) 33 HKLR 58, See also the decision dated 30th January 1950 of the land officer in Ping Shan Land Case No. 233/75B/48, LEUNG MUN TONG & OTHERS vs WONG KAM KWAI (unreported) - “It is an almost universal custom throughout the New Territories that land which is reserved for ancestor worship, commonly known as \"Ching Sheung\" land, may not be sold \"\n\n(On appeal - Civil Appeal No. 9 of 1950 (also unreported) the order only was varied by Williams Ag CJ)\n\nThe English Rule against Perpetuities probably does not apply to gifts of ancestral land in the New Territories - vide intra under “Succession” and note 137\n\n \n Cap 153\n \n\n10 vide Committee Report, 1953, Chap III para. 39 and Appendix 10 as to money loan associations see below\n\n106 vide s. 19, New Territories Ordinance (Cap. 97)\n\n107 Committee Report 1953, para. 1.3\n\n10 Mr PC Woo, whose views on Chinese custom were highly valued by the 1948 Committee has informed me in a private communication that these terms are not proper legal ones but are slang used by villagers\n\nop cit para 19\n\nReport, DCNT, 1950-52, para 37\n\n1 (1950) 34 HKLR 297 at pp. 304-306\n\n112 Tsun po Land Court Case No. 4 of 1950 (unreported)\n\nper Mr B D Wilson in Ping Shan Case No. 45 of 1954, TSING KAN & OTHERS vs LAI CHEUNG (unreported) the appeal against this decision Civil Appeal No 17 of 1954, LAI CHEUNG vs THE KWOK YUEN (unreported) - was dismissed by Reynolds J on grounds that the Court had no jurisdiction, see also almost identical wording by same land officer in Ping Shan Land Case No 5 of 1953, TANG CHING LOK TSO vs TO HOP CHOI (unreported), the appeal in this case - Civil Appeal No 15 of 1954 (unreported) was similarly dismissed by Reynolds J", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213476, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "39\n\nCivil Code (see also Committee Report 2953. pp. 193 and 251)\n\nIn the matter of the state of YOUNG SING, YOUNG LING SHI & 2 OTHERS vs YOUNG HONG NING (unreported) the original record was destroyed during the Japanese occupation but a contemporary newspaper report is to be found in the South China Morning Post of the 2nd, 3rd and 4th July 1940.\n\n12. I am indebted to the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs for giving me permission to peruse their files on the subject (particularly SCA3/251/51 and SCA2/351/54).\n\nPR File SCA2/351/54\n\nWilson's Notes\n\nWilson's Notes, 61; Van der Valk, op. cit. p. 76 where this custom is described under the title of \"T'ung-yang-hsi\".\n\nMorris, Hong Kong and Malaya, E.T.M.S.O. 1937, p. 14, for the custom generally see Burkhardt, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 173.\n\nHvide Committee Report Appendix IV, p. 120 and Chap. I, para. 13 but in Ping Shan Land Case No. 24 of 1954, JANG LAP TEUNG vs TO SHU KAN (unreported) the Assistant Land Officer (Mr. B.D. Wilson), in the absence of proof that perpetual leases could be made under Chinese custom relied upon the English Rule against Perpetuities. (This case was the subject of Civil Appeal No. 24 of 1954 TO SHU KAN vs. JANG LI YAU TSO (unreported) but Reynolds, J. held that he had no jurisdiction to hear and determine the appeal).\n\n19 (1949) HKLR 58.\n\n1 Wilson's Notes; Gompertz, op. cit. para. 16 and compare Jamieson, Chinese Family and Commercial Law, Shanghai 1921, pp. 30-31.\n\nTM Committee Report, 1953, Chap. V, para. 400 at p. 54.\n\n* Now Cap. 30, and see Committee Report, 1953, Chap. II, para. 17 at p. 9.\n\nDe Wilson's Notes.\n\nCommittee Report, 1953, Appendix IV, p. 120 and Chap. II, para. 13, after Williams, Ag. C.J. in Civil Appeal No. 16 of 1947, CHEUNG SAU TIM vs CHEUNG YUI LAM, (1948) 32 HKLR 1, at p. 6.\n\nThis statement is from Wilson's Notes.\n\nT'ung-yang-hsi = a wife married when both parties were previously unmarried.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213554, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 150, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "119\n\nadapted This pamphlet, costing a penny or two, was continually in the hands of servants, coolies and shopkeepers. The author was a Chinaman whose ingenuity should immortalize him. I have often wondered who the man was who first reduced the \"outlandish tongue\" to a current language. Red candles should be burnt on altars erected to his memory, and oblations of tea poured out before his image, placed among the wooden gods which in temples surround the shrine of a deified man of letters.\n\nF\n\nAccepting this widely-reported account of the \"Devil's Talk\" pamphlet to be correct, it is easy to understand how the vocabulary became established; after all, to the classically-trained Chinese mind, what appears in print becomes canon law. For fussy English-speakers to correct something which had been laid down in a Chinese textbook would have been no easy undertaking.\n\nBe quite clear on one point. Throughout the period of the Hong merchants and up to Treaty days, Pidgin English was not merely a means of communication between Europeans and their menials. It was a vital tool in a rapidly growing China trade in the southern Chinese ports. Hunter describes his discussions in Pidgin with the famous Hong merchants—How Qua, Ming Qua, and Pan Kei Qua—among the commercial elite of Canton. Hunter also describes one of the commanders of the Tai-Ping Rebels, Ho A-Luh, as speaking very good Pidgin English.\n\nBy the middle of the nineteenth century, China Coast Pidgin had become a well-established medium of communication. From the 1850s on, the restrictions to foreign trade and traders progressively broke down, so that the conditions which had made Pidgin's development a necessity disappeared. But the opportunities for contacts between European and Chinese people increased, and the conventions of the language were well enough engrained that it survived. The young makee-larns gradually progressed in their mastery of English, while the people with transient contacts—tradesmen and servants—picked up where they had left off. In his book “Rambles in Eastern Asia”, B. L. Ball records:\n\n“I saw a Chinaman who spoke good English, and appeared so polite that I stopped a while, and entered into conversation with him.\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213557, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 153, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "122\n\nFirst, the extracts in the Sing-Song are clearly artificial productions written as a literary joke. Given what we understand of the way Pidgin developed and how it was used, there is little chance that texts of the sort published by Leland would have circulated other than as an after-dinner entertainment among Western-educated people with a knowledge of Pidgin. We know from the writings of W.C. Hunter that this sort of entertainment did, in fact, take place.\n\nWe are not saying here that Pidgin-English Sing-Song is a hoax. Leland never claims that the texts are authentic, only that they have been judged plausible by western scholars of Chinese. The style and expressions used in the texts contain a variety of American slang and minstrelsy terms, and the overall internal evidence is, to my mind, that Leland wrote most of the texts himself.\n\nLeland was never a long-time resident of the Far East, I must therefore digress slightly to explain how he could perform the feat of writing a small book of prose and verse in a language which he could only have known slightly. It also gives me an excuse to introduce you to a colourful and talented character,\n\nCharles Godfrey Leland was born in Philadelphia on 15 August 1824. He was a voracious reader by the age of nine and studied at college in New Jersey from 1841 to 1845. Then he went to Germany via Italy and spent two years at the universities of Heidelberg and Munich.\n\nKnown as the \"Gentle Giant\", he had a gargantuan appetite for food, drink and tobacco. In 1848, he moved to the Sorbonne, and manned the barricades in the Paris Commune. Returning to Philadelphia, he studied law, then turned to journalism, authorship, politics and exploration of the Western US. He joined the Confederate cause and fought in the Civil War. He was an acknowledged master of literary journalism and in 1866, he became editor of the Philadelphia press.\n\nFrom 1869 to 1879, he stayed in London and became closely associated with the humanist thinker Walter Besant. Leland took a close interest in education in the industrial arts, as well as taking up research on Gypsies and the Romany language. He was a talented linguist and was particularly interested in slang and jargon", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213564, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "說\n\n番人亦有\n\n如此之分\n\n番如稔失\n\n印則\n\n但更俱\n\n有三等之介\n\nBitt m\n\nFE\n\nE***S\n\n129\n\nFig. 5. Tong explains the pidgin form of comparison of adjectives\n\nThat is as far as we want to go in discussing the structure of Pidgin.\n\nAs a last topic, however, we want to say something about the etymology of Pidgin. Over the years, a lot of effort has gone into tracing the history of certain Pidgin words, especially where the words have entered standard English. The mass of fresh material in Tong's book lets us throw a little new light, although we have to admit that, as with most attempts at etymology, a lot of guesswork is involved.\n\nTong cites very many words derived from English, in which all syllables are represented quite fully, given the limitations of the language. To say, then, that the word \"pidgin\" itself originated just because that was the nearest that Chinese could get to pronouncing \"business\" is hard to accept. The same people who could say “di-fa-loen-si\" could presumably have said “bi-si-nei-st\", had they been so inclined.\n\nOur examination of the vocabulary in Tong brings us to believe that at the earliest stage there was a core of words derived not directly from English but from a variety of Portuguese, Malay, and English. These were then added to with a gradually more extensive vocabulary.\n\nWe consider that the following should be included in the early layer:\n\nbi-jin, kam-sha, de-lam, se-lam, but-lam, si-bui-lum, gi-lam, go-lam, ma-si-gi, gou-dang, ka-gou, tik-gı, get-ji, dim, gat-ji, dim, waan-sam, jaau-jaau, chin-chin, jo-si, hu-man, mai, ma-sa, ma-jin, mat-sa, jap-jap, gu-lei, mun-ni, bai, sa-bi", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213565, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 161, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "130\n\nThere has been some speculation that the group of words ending in -um (de-lam, ki-lam, etc) represent a specific grammatical form. But in Tong, these words are given as a basic form and in nearly all cases are derived from English words which end in -l or -ll; si-bui-lam (spoil), de-lam (tell), go-lam (call), gi-lam (kill), bui-lam (boil), and se-lam (sell). It is worth noting that all these are verbs. I speculate that these were first introduced into Pidgin in their present participle form (-ing) and that through an East China dialect, the syllable in (lam in Cantonese) was used to represent -ing in English. Let's look at some other well-known Pidgin words with less obvious derivations.\n\nChop\n\nHobson Jobson and other major sources give as the origin the Hindi word, chhap, a word denoting an official stamp or the act of emprinting. Macau patoa: chapa - Documento oficial emanado das autoridades chinesas. Marca, selo, carimbo. (G. N. Batalha). Tong Ting Shue lists the word as a measure (chop) of tea. The character used is chaap, “to insert”.\n\nChop chop\n\nMost sources give as the origin of chop-chop a Chinese word with a similar sound. Hobson Jobson offers a number of dialect pronunciations of the word pronounced in Cantonese gap. None of these is particularly near to the sound chop.\n\nTong writes it as jap-jap, the characters for \"to pick up\". This does not help. We have searched a number of Chinese dialect vocabularies and failed, so far, to find any Chinese word in any dialect denoting “quick, fast” which sounds as if it could have been the origin of chop-chop.\n\nChop-sticks\n\nThe OED and all other major sources are persuaded by the argument that the word is connected to the Pidgin chop-chop, meaning quick. That is, the Chinese eat with sticks, the sticks enable them to eat fast, therefore they should be called \"fast-sticks\". The Macau patoa word is faichi.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213634, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 230, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "205\n\nEXPERIENCES AS A WAR CRIMES PROSECUTOR IN HONG KONG\n\nPETER VINE\n\nFifty years ago I caught my first glimpse of Hong Kong through the perspex window of a DC3. I was in transit from Singapore to take up the post of War Crimes Prosecutor in Hong Kong. I was 24 and a Major in the Royal Marines in which I had served for the previous five years.\n\nMy last war-time appointment was as Gunnery Officer aboard a landing craft which mounted a 104 millimetre gun. We had made the journey from Plymouth, England to join up with other units of the Support Squadron assembled in Madras. Lord Mountbatten had planned \"Operation Zipper\" to reconquer Malaya down to the last detail when the announcement came through of Emperor Hirohito's broadcast surrender following the dropping of the atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Since it was not then clear that the Japanese military would respond to this call, Operation Zipper went ahead as planned, and this brought me to Singapore. My landing-craft never sailed again, and I was appointed to the staff of the Flag Officer Malayan area. I had free time at my disposal and I sent for the text-books and arranged with the English Law Society to have the Solicitors Final papers sent to H.M.S Sultan, Singapore where I sat the exam in March 1946. The announcement that I had satisfied the examiners came through in June, and a report appeared in the \"Straits Times\". I then received a telephone call asking me whether I would be willing to undertake War Crimes prosecution. I agreed readily as it offered me an opportunity to get in some legal work before demobilization, and I was appointed Deputy Assistant Judge Advocate General. I cut my teeth as prosecutor on a case which arose out of atrocities in the Andaman Islands, and which ended with a death sentence, and several terms of imprisonment.\n\nLists had been prepared of major criminals in Germany and Japan to be charged (mainly) with plotting aggressive war, and these major trials took place in Nuremberg and Tokyo. At the 1945 Potsdam Conference the procedure for all war crimes trials was worked out in detail. A modified military law would be followed procedurally allowing some flexibility for the introduction of affidavit evidence. For the major", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214120, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "157\n\nBearing in mind the RASHKB is sometimes seen as supporting the \"establishment”, in October 1989, four months after the Tiananmun incident, Dr James Hayes, then our President, wrote to the Chairman of the Consultative Committee for the Basic Law (Hayes 1989: xvi). As no reply was received a copy was then sent to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, in London. Again, no reply was forthcoming.\n\nIn this letter, put very simply, the President wrote that the RASHKB hoped to be able to continue its activities in the interests of Hong Kong long after 1997. Indeed, members hoped to be able to carry on in the same way as they had been able to operate before 1997. The letter went on to say that the Branch's particular functions are to increase the common stock of knowledge and understanding of Hong Kong and to build a bridge between the Chinese and expatriate sectors of the local community, promoting social interaction and friendship among residents.\n\nLike a number of other societies in Hong Kong, over the years the RAS has in its own way contributed to peace and stability. It has helped to nurture the growing sense of territory identity, for example, that has formed especially since the end of the 1960s. In spite, however, of trying to recruit more Chinese members, especially in recent years, the Branch has had limited success.\n\nI am pleased to say, a few months after the handover of the Territory to China, the Branch is continuing to operate along similar lines as in the past. For the RASHKB, in other words, it is \"business as usual”.\n\nIt is accepted that the world, including Hong Kong, changes in various ways, and our Branch will need to keep its ear to the ground and move with the times. Although we remain basically an English-speaking Society, we did conduct some lectures in Cantonese during the winter of 1995-96. These were held in conjunction with the Exhibition, Hong Kong Going and Gone mounted jointly by our Branch and the Antiquities and Monuments Office.\n\nOur Society, which has a long and honourable history, consists mainly of active members who make up a generally friendly, cosmopolitan body of people with similar interests. In spite of the fact", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214196, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 54, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "17\n\nSome Westerners and Hong Kong Chinese will tell you that Chinese humour on the circumscribed Mainland is not subtle. It is too ... and a great deal of it falls flat on the average European. Although 200 Cartoons from China (Xu, 1989) goes down quite well, in the series of four books Selected Jokes from Past Chinese Dynasties only about four per cent of the jokes appeal to the author's sense of humour. An exception is:\n\nA father and son were both fond of the bottle and one night they were both staggering back home. On entering the gate the father said: 'Strange! Why do you have three faces? You look neither like a ghost nor a man. I'll never leave my house to you.' The son replied, 'I don't want such a rickety, revolving house anyway' (1997; vol. 4, joke 86)! To give another example of the more simple humour on the Mainland. The sound 'wok', in Chinese, can mean either a Chinese round-bottom frying pan or 'trouble' or 'problem.' Thus a large trading company with a television 'dish' (wok) on the roof is known in Guangzhou as the ‘Trouble Company.' This more direct form of humour, common in Guangdong, contrasts with the complicated humour which requires a person to use his 'grey matter' more.\n\nFor instance Nury Vittachi, Hong Kong journalist, author and part-time comedian, writes that he believes what he calls 'personality humour' works best with Westerners. In such cases the comic goes into his role and recreates a conversation with his mother-in-law, the taxi driver, or whoever. This does not always work, says Nury, with Asians who prefer more direct, straightforward, 'Man goes into a bar' approach.\n\nBut Hong Kong, as opposed to China, is a relatively small place with western influences. As Harry Wong, the talk-show host and co-median of Metro Broadcasting said: 'In this city-state (Hong Kong) people are short of time. There is a ‘combat' situation and people have a better command of English. Western-style Rotary, Round Table clubs and the like, with their style of humour, are common. Put all this juxtaposition to Chinese humour, including films made in Hong Kong often consisting of vulgar, triad language, and obvious jokes with excessive action, and you have a peculiar mix' (Bolton, 1997; 300). Such exaggeration, found for instance in Chinese films, contrasts with much of the British humour which often relies on understatements. Some", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214203, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 61, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "24\n\n'Eat or don't eat!' \n\nJohn Moloney, the British comedian, found that playing to a Chinese (partly westernised) audience in Hong Kong required less of a cultural leap than when he took his act to Beijing (Syrett, 1995:4). The itinerant comedian, in fact, soon learns to steer clear of anything remotely embarrassing or linguistically complicated and to resort to the 'language of action.' This is universal and capable of bringing about smiles and even belly laughs.\n\nWhile all people, no matter the culture, are said to cry at similar incidents, people in London, Hong Kong, Guangzhou, Beijing, or wherever, may not always laugh at the same jokes. In the same way, people in the West and people in China may not always see insults in the same light. For example, Jimmy Lai, the owner of Apple Daily, in the run-up to the 1997 Handover in Hong Kong, called a senior China official a 'turtle's egg,' meaning more or less 'unnatural birth.' Although not too unpleasant, it caused a furore. Yet, as an American Old-China Hand commented to the author, 'Who would get worked up over name-calling like that?'\n\nThe last British Governor, Chris Patten, took it as a joke when he was described in catch-phrases by the Beijing Government as 'a serpent' and being 'disgraced in history for a millennium.' In fact, Patten quoted with relish his sobriquet of 'Whore of the East.' Most Britons also saw such 'insults' in much the same light as Patten, and as being faintly despicable, with the rhetoric unworthy of 5,000 years of continuous civilisation (Waters, 1995:168).\n\nIn the same way that Chinese and Westerners may see insults differently, so they often see humour differently. A Hong Kong Chinese, of Shanghainese stock, said to the author, 'I'll tell you a typical English joke which the average Chinese cannot really appreciate.\n\n'A publican and a customer were talking in a bar (E) when in came another man. He walked up the wall, walked upside down across the ceiling, and then down the wall the other side. He ordered a pint of beer, which he promptly quaffed. He then walked up the wall, across the ceiling, down the wall the other side, and out of the pub door. \"That's", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214209, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "30\n\nThe author, as a soldier himself, recalls a 'lecturette,' in Britain, while expecting the country to be invaded by Germans in 1940. His army squad was being instructed how to set booby traps. A thin wire was stretched from tree to tree, across a country road at the appropriate height, so that it could slice off the head of a motorcycle despatch rider. This was effectively demonstrated by a mock-up on film and just about everyone present, who were all generally good-hearted, genuine people, laughed. They were acting 'out of character.' But, after all, there was a war on.\n\nThe author recalls during the invasion at Salerno, in Italy, when there was a possibility that the British and American forces would be pushed off the beachhead, British soldier comrades told how they had gone on patrol and how in order to keep two German soldiers from shouting out, knifed them as they slept in their trucks. A Gurkha who was listening to the conversation immediately piped up. 'That's not fair! You should at least wake them up before you kill them!' Everyone thought it a huge joke. Today, looking back under peacetime conditions, it all seems terribly macabre and gruesome.\n\nLin Yutang is quoted as saying, 'Humour is the product of contentment and leisure.' Yet the British tommy was able to crack jokes even when faced with abysmal conditions. It is recorded that, in the defence of Hong Kong in December 1941, the men of the Middlesex Regiment 'never lost their sense of humour' (Lindsay, 1978; 136). Probably the Chinese Communist soldiers, on the 10,000 kilometre Long March, which lasted over a year in 1934-35, did not either, although their sense of humour was, no doubt, different. For instance, the Chinese soldiers used to sing, 'Don't fall behind, don't get wounded, don't get the eight silver dollars' (Lee, 1999). This can be likened to the English World War Two song, 'Pack up your troubles in your old kitbag ....'\n\nBut jokes can offend and one needs to be careful, in some countries especially, not to give the wrong slant to sexist jokes which can ruffle feathers. When talking to a Chinese, whose traditions value filial piety, you do not in the main tell mother-in-law jokes — although there are a few jokes about mothers and their relationships with sons-in-law. Again, in Chinese society, you do not say, where death is more or less a taboo subject, 'You're too slow for your own funeral', or 'He's got", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214253, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 111, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "74\n\nhim by priests he has been regarded by some foreigners as the patron deity of monks: he was and still is, however, the protector of the Buddhist Law before whom lots were drawn during the selection of the new abbot.\n\nSkanda, son of Shiva and brother of Ganesh [Tunhuang fresco] is a major protector, a destroyer of demons and a god of war, identical with Karttikaya.\n\nWei T'o in Japan is known as Idaten, whilst in Tibetan and Lamaist Buddhism he is known as Skanda: Wei T'o T'ien-shen ## [or in transliterated Chinese: Ssu-chien-t'o].\n\nAlthough the image in the Ta Pei Ssu is labelled in Chinese, Wei T'o; the well-produced and colourful Chinese guide to the Hall of the Bodhisattvas produced in Taiwan gives the title in Chinese as Wei T'o and in English as Skanda. Skanda according to Werner is the Hindu mythological god of war, usually known as Karttikaya. He is represented riding a peacock, holding a bow in one hand and an arrow in the other.\n\nHe has numerous appointments, all protective. Originally he was one of the Thirty-two Generals under the command of the Four Celestial Kings - Ssu Ta T'ien-wang (see 23 below). One such appointment is his rôle as Commander of the Heavenly Hosts, the head of the Heavenly Guard [one of the Twenty or Twenty-four Devas], the protective spirit or spirits of Buddhism and its sanctuaries. In the biographies of Hsüan Tsang, Wei T'o is described as the leader of all the kuei-shen [minor deities], and was charged by the Buddha who was at that moment on the point of entering Nirvana, with the protection of the Law.\n\nOfficially he is neither a Buddha nor a bodhisattva though commonly he is referred to as the latter and it is often claimed that for his zeal he was promoted to bodhisattva when he became the commander of the Four Diamond Kings [Chin-kang: see below]. His title would appear to be the Chinese form for the Sanskrit term \"Veda\", the body of sacred writings brought to India by invaders and from which Hinduism developed. However, it is generally said that his origin is uncertain even though, for example, Vitasoka, the younger brother of King Asoka", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214337, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 195, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "159\n\nhome and the work and pleasure of establishing common cause with fellow men and women in the whole of China could progress on a less awkward foundation.\n\n(0)\n\n(2)\n\n(3)\n\nNOTES\n\nIllustrations from the Illustrated London News are reproduced by permission of The British Library, shelfmark PP7611(42).\n\nThe following convention is used: when \"[]\" appears within a quotation, this represents that the present writer has either added letters or words missing in her copy of the original, or has supplied an explanatory comment.\n\nThe author is Associate Professor in the Department of English Language and Literature, Hong Kong Baptist University, and author of The Golden Needle: The Biography of Frederick Stewart (1836-1889), published by the David C. Lam Institute for East-West Studies, 4 Renfrew Road, Kowloon Tong, Hong Kong, 1997. ISBN: 962-8027-08-5.\n\nEducated in the United Kingdom, she has previously taught English Literature at the University of Lagos, Nigeria (she was there during the Civil War), the University of Hong Kong, and the University of Auckland, New Zealand. She has worked for Longman University of Auckland, New Zealand. She has worked for Longman Far East as an English-language editor, and she is an occasional freelance writer and journalist. She was briefly an Assistant Mistress at St Stephen's Girls' College, Hong Kong. Previous publications include articles, papers, presentations, and reviews on George Orwell, Leonard Woolf, Lafcadio Hearn, A. C. Swinburne, African Literature in English, New Zealand poetry, and numerous contributions on education in Hong Kong, with a particular focus on the creation of the Government education system under Frederick Stewart, the contributions of the first Anglican Bishop of Hong Kong, George Smith, language policy and standards from 1841 up to date, expatriate teachers, the learning of Chinese by non-Chinese, and the training and supply of translators in early Hong Kong. She has published a Bibliography of Hong Kong creative writing in English. Her entry on Frederick Stewart, commissioned by the New Dictionary of National Biography, has been accepted, and she has now been commissioned to write a revised entry on Bishop Smith, first Anglican Bishop of Victoria (who was the first Warden of St Paul's College, and based in Hong Kong).\n\nShe is married to Dr Verner Bickley, MBE, formerly Assistant Director of Education and founding Director of the Institute of Language in Education in Hong Kong (now absorbed into the Hong Kong Institute of Education).\n\nPage 195\n\nPage 196", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214580, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 438, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS \n\n407\n\nGH Choa, The Life and Times of Sir Kai Ho Kai, A Prominent Figure in Nineteenth-Century Hong Kong, Revised Edition (first published 1981), Chinese University Press Hong Kong (2000) (pp. 305).\n\nThis book is about one of Hong Kong's favourite sons, who lived from 1859 to 1914. At least he would be if more people knew about him. That is, one supposes, one of the main purposes of this book. This distinguished man deserves to be better known. So often too, after one has written a book, one discovers additional information. Dr Choa has had a second bite at the cherry.\n\nPicture if you can a 13 year-old Chinese lad going off to Britain in 1872, in a vastly different world to that which we know today. After completing secondary education he moved to medical school at Aberdeen in 1875, where he graduated with the degrees of Bachelor of Medicine and Master of Surgery. Not content he then studied law at Lincoln's Inn where he was selected as Senior Equity Scholar and Senior Scholar in Real and Personal Property. When the news arrived back, 'on a slow boat to Hong Kong,' it caused quite a stir. All Chinese basked in Ho Kai's glory. This young Chinese was beating the Brits at their own game.\n\n4\n\nBut wait! While in Britain he did an unheard of thing and took an English woman as his wife. Choa says, \"This was probably the first Anglo-Chinese marriage ever... On returning to Hong Kong in 1882, it must have caused considerable consternation. Bearing in mind that cross-cultural marriages were frowned upon in many circles in Hong Kong up to well after World War Two, one wonders how Alice and Ho Kai were received in 'polite' social circles? Unfortunately, the marriage did not last. Ho Kai's wife died a couple of years after arrival. It appears she died of typhoid shortly after giving birth to a daughter who was later sent back to England. In his wife's memory her loving husband established the Alice Memorial Hospital. He later took a second wife and raised a large family.\n\nIt is a pity we know so little about Ho Kai's first wife. Her father", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214581, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 439, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "408\n\nwas said to have been a British Member of Parliament. Alice was a gracious lady. Choa gives her maiden name as Walkden. It is sometimes elsewhere, puzzlingly, quoted as Whitcome. Did she have a step father one wonders? Or was this an unfortunate mistake by some writer and a case of give a slip-up five minutes start and the truth never catches up with it?' This could be the case. Certainly the name on the huge family memorial, in the Hong Kong Cemetery at Happy Valley, is carved as Alice Walkden.\n\nBefore the couple arrived back in Hong Kong in 1882 the then Governor, Sir John Pope Hennessy, announced to the Legislative Council that this young Chinese had taken the highest honours at Lincoln's Inn. 'It was something that a gentleman belonging to the Colony should have gained such honours.'\n\nAnyway, back in the British colony in those days the 'superstitious' Chinese generally did not take readily to 'newfangled,' western medicine and Ho Kai switched to law. But a brilliant Chinese with fluent English was rare in those days. He was enticed into business. He also entered public service and, in addition to sitting on a number of other government committees, sat on the Sanitary Board (the forerunner of the Urban Council) and, in 1890, became a Legislative Councillor. He was the third Chinese to sit on this august body. He was also a Justice of the Peace.\n\nHaving lived in the West for a number of years it is not surprising he developed strong views about social reform and the modernisation of China. He became an associate of statesman Dr Sun Yat-sen. This was at a time when China was striving to rid itself of the Qing dynasty and there was danger the country would be assimilated by colonial powers.\n\nIn his latter life Ho Kai spent most of his time serving the community. He helped, together with his colleagues, to mould the Territory in which we now live. Ho Kai was capable and, understandably, there was no need for him to take to heart the Chinese axiom: 'If you do not become a good minister be a good physician.'\n\nHe was 'lionised and eulogised' after his death by all sectors of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214584, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 442, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "411\n\nTHE GOLDEN NEEDLE\n\nTHE BIOGRAPHY OF FREDERICK STEWART\n\nDE83-1389)\n\nby Gillian Bickley\n\nBOOK REVIEW\n\nGillian Bickley (1997), The Golden Needle: The Biography of Frederick Stewart (1836-1889), with a foreword by Lady Saltoun, Hong Kong: David C. Lam Institute for East-West Studies.\n\nFrederick Stewart, born in Buchan, Aberdeenshire, Scotland, was known by his contemporaries as the “founder of Hong Kong Government education.” He was the first headmaster of the Central School, now Queen's College, which led Hong Kong English education from 1862 until 1911 when the first university in Hong Kong was established.\n\nStewart became Registrar General, then Colonial Secretary, acting as Governor of Hong Kong on several occasions. He was keenly aware of his historical context at the meeting of the two cultures of East and West, and of his role as a facilitator in the modernisation of Chinese thought. His consistent policy was to educate pupils in Western knowledge, while preserving their Chinese identity, and he insisted on equal time for Chinese and English studies. Although retiring, unassuming and modest, Stewart was highly popular among the Chinese, foreign and Portuguese communities. By the end of his life, Stewart's intimate knowledge of Hong Kong was considered unequalled among non-Chinese in Hong Kong at the time. Never married or in particularly good health, he died at the early age of 52 of double pneumonia and is buried at Happy Valley.\n\n“Unassuming and modest,” in the nicest possible way, might be a good description of the book and its author. Although the book is printed using an unusually small font, it still manages to be 308 pages long, which gives you an idea of the amount of content. As regards the author, who is an Associate Professor at the Hong Kong Baptist", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214736, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 151, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "THE BATTLE OF HONG KONG:\n\nA NOTE ON THE LITERATURE\n\nAND THE EFFECTIVENESS OF THE DEFENCE\n\nLAWRENCE LAI WAI-CHUNG\n\n115\n\nAbstract\n\nFrom the stance of a person growing up in Hong Kong, this short note re-assesses the Battle of Hong Kong of December 1941 as recorded in the English and Chinese literature largely found in the University of Hong Kong Library. It examines the views of political leaders, war historians, veterans, and civilians of different persuasions and makes some informed speculation about their focus. It argues that a common omission is the relative fighting power of the defender of Hong Kong. The essay argues that the performance of the Hong Kong garrison was much better than the defenders of Crete or Singapore. It makes a few speculative suggestions as to the effectiveness of the defence and concludes by making a case for further research into the Battle from historical and military science points of view.\n\nIntroduction\n\n\"Memories of the war in Hong Kong, of the sharp and bitter struggle which ended with the capture of the Colony on Christmas Day, are kept on a more realistic plane than most other places....It was by tacit agreement decided that the war in Hong Kong had best be forgotten.” This statement in a publication of Ricci Hall of the University of Hong Kong (Ricci Hall 1954) reflected the peculiar political context of Hong Kong as a Crown Colony in China. The Union Jack as a symbol of British reign in Hong Kong has gone, and the ruins of the Second World War, associated with Hong Kong's immediate colonial past, lie wasting. The military cemeteries in Stanley and Sai Wan, however, have been as well maintained as before. The respect for those who sacrificed their lives for a just cause has not been altered by a change in governance.\n\nAuthors from the belligerent countries have intensively studied military operations in Europe and North Africa in the Second World War since the end of hostilities. The intensity of the studies is", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214985, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "37\n\nThe labourer gave such details as age, address, knowledge of English, previous occupations and also details of the person, in China, to whom he wanted the Chinese portion of his pay to be sent. He then \"signed\" his contract and his identity card with his thumb-prints, so agreeing to the terms of service. Even though recruited as civilians, all were subject to martial law, including field punishments and courts-martial, conviction sometimes including the death penalty. They were considered as mercenaries.\n\nGroups of fifteen were invited to elect leaders, called Under-gangers. These men usually were more literate or had other qualities of leadership. It was necessary for the British officers and NCOs to treat them with respect at all times, otherwise they \"lost face,\" and their compatriots would then treat them with disdain and not obey their commands.\n\nEquipment and Pay\n\nBeing non-combatants, no Army-type uniform was issued to the labourers. They were issued with summer and winter \"native-style\" clothing. They were also issued with a fur-lined cap made of brown felt, with ear-flaps of grey fur, commonly called the \"Shandong hat\". These hats were modelled on similar hats worn by British troops in the North China garrisons prior to World War I. On arrival in France, labourers managed to acquire other types of headgear, namely civilian cloth caps, Australian bush hats, French Army kepis and even steel helmets. Pictures, whether stills or movies, show labourers of the CLC with a variety of clothing and headgear. European officers and NCOs wore regulation British Army uniforms and insignia, either with an Army General Service Corps badge2 or the insignia of their parent units during prior service.\n\nA cap badge of sorts was issued. Made of copper, it was oval, one inch by one and a half inches, and had the initials \"C.L.C.\" stamped thereon. Gangers wore chevrons on their uniform sleeves. The Chinese were proud of their contribution to the war effort and were ultimately awarded with an official motto Labor Vincit Omnia. [Labour Conquers all].\n\nIn addition to being clothed, fed and accommodated, the labourers", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215389, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "115\n\nDAR2032AM\n\nKNMUGA*Y\n\n如耶路撒冷陷落時, Agippa 號野雞 Hastings #ENBAHNB (VOTA\n\nKO 200 989 KARPRAKA\n\nASSANT (GDOM) A\n\n在隨後的歲月裡，繳何職和另一位立豬石鹼瓤鵝\n\nAMAMURAMAH · BMW IMA\n\nof Henry May · A. W Brown · WA\n\nPH M Taylor MMA Tha** M\n\n* - Wong Leung humt? • Young Him- Pongi門，麗金榴，豐義理，確镗芬·西蘭\n\nJ\n\nThe Presentation of The Tribute\n\nApril 28, 1910 was a typical April day, fine but cloudy with a light breeze, temperature 78°F and humidity 80%. Contemporary events included the arrival of Halley's comet, in its 76-year orbit, which was \"plainly discernible to the naked eye at Hong Kong during the early morning”. It\n\npromised to be \"as brilliant and awe-inspiring as it must have been at the times of the fall of Jerusalem, the death of Agrippa and the Battle of Hastings\". Mark Twain died, and a Frenchman won a £10,000 prize from the Daily Mail newspaper for flying in stages between London and Manchester at 200 feet and 33 miles per hour.\n\nThe deputation received at Government House was introduced by Dr Ho Kai with his fellow legislator Mr Wei Yuk. Those present included: the Hon. Sir Henry May (Colonial Secretary), the Hon. Mr. A.W. Brewin (Registrar General). Capt. PH. M. Taylor (aide-de-camp). Messers Lau Chu-pak, Ng Hon-tsz, Ho Fook, Ho Kom-tong, Wong Leung-him, Yeung Him-pong, Wong Kum-luk, S.W. Tso, Sin Tak-fun, Fung Wa-chun, Cheung Si-kai, Li Sui-kam, Lau Yuen-chuen, Leung Fui-chi, Yu To-shan, Chan Sik-lam, Li Yau-chun, Chau Siu-ki, Wo Wan-cho, Wo Tsai-yang, Lo Kun-ting, Siu Yim-Eai, Sam Pak-ming, Li Wing-kwong, Chan Wan-sau, Mok Man-cheung, Tam Hok-po, Leung Kin-en, Chan Kang-yi, Lau Pun-chiu, Chiu Yee-ting, Chan Pak-yee, Wo Tsa-wan, Yiu Ki-yun, Li Po-kwai, Chan Chuk-hing, Tsang Yik-kai, Chan Lok-chun, and Ho Mok-lok.\n\nThe Governor received The Tribute together with an album of red morocco leather, which bore his monogram in silver and contained the address in both Chinese and English.\n\n和一本發行紀念冊，紀\n\nDr Ho Kai CMG, Legislative Council member, (1880-1914); founder of the Alice Memorial Hospital (1886) and co-founder of the Hong Kong College of Medicine for Chinese (1887).\n\n何啟爵士，立法局議員（1880-1914年）；雅麗氏醫院的創辦人（1886年）和香港華人西醫書院的共同創辦人（1887年）。", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215542, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 319, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "269\n\n(present Boundary Street).\n\nSi Both the Cemeteries and Crematoria Section of the Food and Environment Hygiene Department and the cemetery office inside the Hong Kong Cemetery do not possess any historical records of the graves lying in the cemetery. The earliest Chinese grave that this author has come across there belongs to a 5-year-old child whose grave was erected in 1897 (S41 Section).\n\n52 At the moment, no official document regarding this restriction on Chinese on entering the Colonial Cemetery has been found, though it is described in Knollys, Henry (1885), English Life in China, London: Smith, Elder, and Co, p. 18.\n\n53\n\nst 33 HKGG Notification of 31 May 1856.\n\n$4 Fan Mo Street was renamed Po Yan Street in 1869, see HKGG Notice of 2nd October 1869. The cemetery can be found in a redrawn map of 1856, see Empson, p. 160.\n\n55 Surveyor General Report, Blue Book, 1856, p. 90.\n\n56 HKGG Notifications of 31 May and 14th June 1856.\n\n57 An 1898 by-law required each grave in 'cemeteries other than public Chinese cemeteries' to be dug to at least a depth of seven feet throughout, see HKGG Notification 532 of 26th November 1898. Another 1907 by-law required 'cemeteries other than Chinese cemeteries' should be dug to a depth of at least six feet; for other regulations, see HKGG Notification 621 of 20th September 1907.\n\n58 HKGG Notification 169 of 2nd December 1871.\n\n59 HKGG Notification of 353 of 2nd September 1882.\n\n60 HKGG Notification 322 of 12th August 1882.\n\n61 HKGG Notification 354 of 2nd September 1882.\n\n62 HKGG Notification 229 of 6th June 1885.\n\n63 The name 'Kaulung Cemetery' was not seen in any subsequent notifications or", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215584, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 361, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "311\n\n43\n\n+ At King George V School the medium of instruction was (and still is) English.\n\nMost of the pupils, when Deakin attended, were Europeans.\n\n44 Allen John Stockman Lack is a Master Mariner who served in the Hong Kong Government's Marine Department. He became Deputy Director.\n\n45 Conversation 25th February, 1999, between author and Paul Brown, a family member then working as Chief Information Officer in the Hong Kong Government Information Services Department.\n\n46 Lai Tak-wah interviewed by author on 12 February 1999.\n\n47 Lighthouse keepers frequently had mechanical engineering backgrounds.\n\n48 Tam Cheong-wai interviewed by Author on 23rd February 1999,\n\n49 Some old seafarers have requested permission to have their ashes scattered in Hong Kong Harbour. This has been done on several occasions.\n\n50 Interview by author with Master Mariner Roger Henry Parry who joined the Government Marine Department in 1973.\n\n51 Observations by author.\n\n52 Hong Kong Government Marine Department caption under picture of Waglan with no title and no date.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215773, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "5\n\nalso study how the English system of law was introduced into a largely Far Eastern society and the extent of its impact.\n\nThe nature of the Calcutta administration\n\nLackadaisical attitude\n\nOne of the most glaring problems in the Straits Settlements was the failure of the Indian authorities to establish an effective form of government. This was due to its distance and lack of accessibility which cultivated an indifferent or disinterested attitude on the part of the Indian officials.21 The Indian government was far more interested in its Indian territories than in its possessions in the Malay Peninsular.22 This led to the administrative problems in the Straits Settlements. Owing to this indifference, the men sent from India were young and inexperienced who knew nothing of the problems in the settlements but were only too eager to return to India to reap bigger rewards and promotion.23\n\nLack of representation in Legislative Council\n\nAs the administration of the Straits Settlements was highly centralised in India, the governor of the Straits Settlements had very little authority and merely supervised administration.24 All important matters had to be referred to India for a decision and the governor had no executive or legislative power.25 All the legislation for the Straits Settlements was planned by the Indian government. As the Straits Settlements had no official representation in India, it could not block any legislation that could prove detrimental to the Straits Settlements.26\n\nThus it can be established that the 'roots of the transfer movement lay in the constitutional rearrangement in the Straits Settlements of 1830 and the [Indian] Charter Act of 1833. The system of government was unsatisfactory both for the governor and the mercantile community.'27\n\nThe petition of 1857: A critical evaluation of the complaints raised\n\nThe Currency Act 185528\n\nThe Currency Act is an example cited by the Straits merchants in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215778, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 77, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "10\n\nreporting to the Government of India if they took unfair trade measures).\n\nHowever, I am more inclined to take the view that the Calcutta government was not efficient in administering the Straits Settlements, in spite of the mitigating factors. Problems were still prevalent, albeit small or insignificant as Mills makes them out to be. In this regard, the Straits Settlements were better off being under the Colonial Office, and concluding thus, the \"problems\" were justified ones.\n\nAt this point, I wish to draw attention to the different systems of law existing simultaneously in the Straits Settlements. There were the Indian laws (passed by Calcutta, modelled on English law) which were either unsuitable to the Straits Settlements or did not cover \"illegality\" in many cases, as we have seen. Then there were the English laws which were more predominant after the transfer but even before 1867 were still the official laws to be applied insofar as the public sphere was concerned. Matters were a little more complicated in the private sphere, as in the case of the local laws under the Sultans, for example, pertaining to Malay customs and religion, discussion of which is beyond the intended scope of this essay.\n\nChinese secret societies—\n\nA wealth of material can be obtained on this issue which has been well-researched by many scholars. However, with regards to the petition and the transfer, all that need be said (despite the topic's complexity) is that the merchants had a legitimate cause for complaint because the Chinese secret societies were dangerous and caused problems; for example 'rivalries of hostile societies and clans gave rise to disturbances and outrages, often of a very grave nature.' This was a real problem, and not a questionable or hazy one, and the Indian government paid little attention to the situation.69\n\nAfter the transfer, measures were undertaken by the Colonial Office to deal with the problem. \"The Straits Settlements government was now empowered to legislate fully for the requirements of the Colony and to adopt a more determined policy towards secret societies,\" for example, Act XX of 1867 legalised the 1863 practice of apprehending headmen of belligerent societies to do duty as special constables during riots;71 1869 Ordinance XIX to provide for 'the suppression of dangerous", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215779, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "11\n\nsocieties;72 William Pickering was appointed as Chinese Interpreter in 1873, and as Chinese Protector in 1877. These examples also illustrate the gradual introduction of the English system of laws (an alien system) being drawn into and manipulated to serve the purposes of an Eastern society.\n\nHowever, although the problem was reduced, it still exists until the present day. Nevertheless, the Colonial Office did try to improve the situation; a beginning was made, and hence, it could be deduced that the transfer meant a positive step in this area. In this sense, the grounds of the petition were justified.\n\nFurther to the last paragraph of the preceding section, I note again that there were several systems of law regulating the society of the Straits Settlements. In addition to the laws passed by the Indian regime,74 there was also the intervention of the British Parliament from time to time;75 and there were the Chinese secret societies which had their own courts of justice, which provides an example of an alternative system for settling disputes. Thus, amidst radical change in the mainstream administration of justice, there was also continuity in the Chinese system, and it did not die out after the transfer, but instead became a subterranean practice which still continues to exist.\n\nIndian convicts\n\nThis was the last of the problems cited in the petition, and also another hazy issue. Although the merchants complained of the fact that the 'felons sent here [were] being those whose crimes are those of the deepest dye' and that many were sent to the Straits Settlements on a permanent basis, analysis shows that in actual fact the convicts were not as dangerous nor as disadvantageous as they were made out to be.\n\nThe convicts were a source of cheap labour, and hence economically viable. Furthermore, even though they were loosely guarded, very few ever tried to escape. There were occasional violent incidents but these were few and far between, and convicts rarely rebelled against authority. Many of them settled down in the Straits Settlements after serving their prison sentences, as no provision had been made on the Indian government's part, before 1859, to repatriate", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215780, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "them. These ex-convicts married local wives, and some even rose in prominence.82 The European merchants complained mainly about the high cost of keeping the convicts (for example, as early as 1841, they grumbled about the costly body of troops to be maintained in the Straits Settlements mainly because they were penal stations).83\n\nThere were some disturbing facts about the Indian convicts pertaining to the growth of Indian-type secret societies,85 and to the spread of criminal activities among present and ex-convicts. There are no statistics to prove how far these groups were involved in crime, but there were nevertheless a few notorious incidents.87\n\nOn the whole, the convict \"problem\" was not really a problem. The Indian government did make some attempts to improve the situation. However, this only took place after the petition of 1857 to the House of Commons. Thus, even though most defects of the system were remedied by the time of the transfer to the Colonial Office, little credit can be given to the Indian government in this issue. Taking into account the context in which the convict problem was cited in the 1857 petition,88 it is not difficult to sympathise with the European merchants,8991 and hence, this \"problem\" in my opinion, was a bona fide one.\n\n## Conclusion\n\nThe transfer was governed by a series of factors. The overall argument has been broached with a revisionist's method of assessment. However, the conclusion is nonetheless an orthodox one in that having clarified the \"problems,\" most would appear to have been bona fide and convincing enough to necessitate a liberation from the Indian government's rule. In this respect, the transfer was a necessary, and hence, a justified move. The act that was eventually passed by Parliament, to change the government of the Straits Settlements from the India Office to the Colonial Office, was the result of a complex variety of causes, which also explains how legal changes were brought about, not in isolation, but in the context of and in accordance with the Straits society's requirements. The regulations of the Straits Settlements were made subject to London's control, and this is a confirmation of the primacy of the English legal system in which was entrenched the rule of law in the Straits Settlements.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215795, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 94, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "27\n\nHooker, MB, 1969, \"The East India Company and the Crown 1773 - 1858', Ma-laya Law Review 11\n\nHui-Chen Wang Li, 1959, The Traditional Chinese Clan Rules, J J Augustin Publisher, New York\n\nHunter, Guy, 1966, Southeast Asia: Race, Culture and Nation, Institute of Race Relations, London Open University Press\n\nJackson, JC, 1968, Planters and Speculators: Chinese and European Agricultural Enterprise in Malaya 1786 - 1821, Oxford University Press, London, New York\n\nJones, S W, 1953, Public Administration in Malaya, London and New York\n\nKaye, John William, 1853, The Administration of the East India Company, A History of Indian Progress, Kitab Mahal, Allahabad, Delhi\n\nKeay John, 1993, The Honourable Company, A History of the English East India Company, Harper Collins Publishers, London\n\nKhoo Kay Kim, 1966, 'The Origins of British Rule in Malaya', IMBRAS, xxxix, no 1, 52-91\n\nKhoo, Kay Kim, (1972) 1975, The Western Malay States 1850 - 1873. The Effects of Commercial Development on Malay Politics, Oxford University Press, Bangunan Loke Yew, Kuala Lumpur\n\nMak, Lau Fong, 1981, The Sociology of Secret Societies, A Study of Chinese Secret Societies in Singapore and the Malay Peninsula, Oxford University Press, East Asian Social Science Monographs\n\nMaxwell, Sir George, (c 1943 Mimeograph) Problems of Administration in British Malaya, Institute of Pacific Relations, New York\n\nMaxwell, P B, 1859, 'The Law of England in Penang, Malacca and Singapore', JA, ns iii, 26 - 55\n\nMills, LA, 1966, British Malaya 1824 - 67, Kuala Lumpur\n\nMills LA, 1942, British Rule In Eastern Asia, Oxford University Press, London", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215883, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 182, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "115\n\nfor the surveying and associated film shooting exercises.\n\nREFERENCES\n\nBooks and journal articles\n\nBard, Solomon 1988 In Search of the Past: a Guide to the Antiquities of Hong Kong. Hong Kong, Urban Council.\n\nEather, Charles Chic 1996 Airport of the Nine Dragons: Kai Tak Kowloon. Surfers Paradise, Australia, ChingChic Publishers.\n\nEmpson, Hal 1992 Mapping Hong Kong: a Historical Atlas. Hong Kong, Government Printer (Bilingual: English and Chinese).\n\nHorsnell, R.G. 2000 \"The Story of Stanley Fort,” The Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 38, 1998/1999, pp. 247-263.\n\nHorsnell, R.G. 2000 \"The Story of Gun Club Hill Barracks,” The Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 38, 1998/1999, pp. 265-280.\n\nKo, Tim Keung and Wordie, Jason 1996 Ruins of War: A Guide to Hong Kong's Battlefields and Wartime Sites. Hong Kong, Joint Publishing (Hong Kong).\n\nKo, Tim Keung 2001 War Relics in the Green. Hong Kong, Cosmos Books.\n\nLai, Lawrence Wai Chung; Ho, Daniel Chi Wing and Lung, Ping Yee 'Disused Military Structures on Devil's Peak: a Post-Colonial Planning and Building Analysis on Pre-war British Coastal Defence Structures in Hong Kong', EKISTICS, forthcoming.\n\nLee, Klaudia 2002 \"War Relics Disappearing Under the Weight of Neglect, Historians Warn,\" South China Morning Post, 17 November 2002, p. 2.\n\nRollo, Denis 1992 The Guns and Gunners of Hong Kong. Hong", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215989, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 288, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "222\n\nwhich reveal the diversities in missionary styles and traditions, review research materials available in volumes such as the following: Gerald H. Anderson, Robert T. Coote, Norman A. Homer, and James M. Phillips, eds., Mission Legacies: Biographical Studies of Leaders of the Modern Missionary Movement (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1994; see the articles on \"Mission\" and individual missionaries in Nigel M. de S. Cameron, David F. Wright, David C. Lachman, Donald E. Meek, eds., Dictionary of Scottish Church History and Theology (Edinburgh: T&T Clark Ltd., 1993); A Scott Moreau, Harold Netland, Charles Van Engen, eds., Evangelical Dictionary of World Missions (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Books, 2000); and relevant articles in Scott W. Sunquist, David Wu Chu Sing, John Chew Hiang Chea, eds., A Dictionary of Asian Christianity (Grand Rapids, Michigan and Cambridge, U.K.: William B. Eerdmans Pub. Co., 2001). For a recent article which places Legge into a broader context of missiological studies, consult Lauren Pfister, \"The Mengzian Matrix for Accommodationist Missionary Apologetics”, Monumenta Serica 50 (2002), pp. 1-25.\n\n5. See examples of this oversight in articles of the Chinese Repository (1831-1850), which was edited for most of its existence by the American missionary, Elijah Bridgman (Bei Zhiwen, 1801-1861), and the longer running Evangelical Magazine And Missionary Chronicle (below simply EMMC) edited from the 1820s to the 1850s by Legge's father-in-law, John Morison (c. 1795-1859). Special efforts in recent years have sought to correct this irregular normality in missionary literature and missionary studies, including more recently published works by Irene Eber on Bishop Joseph Schereschewesky, Michael Lazich on Elijah Bridgman, Jost Zetzsche on Chinese Bible translation and translators, and Lauren Pfister on James Legge's missionary career, as well as more general historical studies on Chinese Christians in English works by Carl T. Smith, Jessie Lutz, and Daniel Bays, as well as extensive Chinese studies in Hong Kong written by Lee Kam-keung, Timothy Wong Man-kong, Leung Ka-lun, and Ying Fuk-tsang. A new generation of younger scholars in mainland China are also writing new accounts of the early Roman Catholic and Protestant missionary histories, but while the Catholic studies often refer to the Chinese Christians involved, the Protestant studies are still largely hampered by lack of research into the Chinese converts, missionaries, and pastors during these earlier periods.\n\n6. The early History of Anglo-Chinese College has been the subject of a monograph by Brian Harrison, Waiting for China: The Anglo-Chinese College at Malacca, 1818-1843, and early Nineteenth Century Missions (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1981), and special biographical details about a number of students are found in Carl Smith's two major works, Chinese Christians: Élites, Middlemen, and the Church in Hong Kong (Hong Kong; Oxford University Press, 1985) and A Sense of History: Studies in the Social and Urban History of Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Educational Publishing Co., 1995). In these works Smith briefly describes among others the three Chinese students who joined Legge in an interview with Queen Victoria and Prince Albert in February 1848: Lee Kim Leen, Song Hoot Kiam, and Ng Mun Sow. See Chinese Christians, pp.82, 148-149 and A Sense of History, pp. 339ff. This event was memorialized in a painting of 1848 that later became part of a commemorative", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216346, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 105, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "54 \n\nChina Coast Pidgin English in JHKBRAS, Vol.35, pp.113-141. See also note 75 below.\n\n56 Morse, International Relations, Period of Conflict, p.75.\n\n57 cited in Parkinson, op.cit., p.341.\n\n58 See pp.179-180 of my The Hong Kong Region 1850-1911: Institutions and Leadership in Town and Countryside. Hampden, Conn., 1977.\n\n59 Chinese text at No.28 in Vol. 1 of the three volume set of Hong Kong's Historical Inscriptions published by the Hong Kong Urban Council in 1986.\n\n60 Inscribed tablet dated 11th lunar month of the 6th year of Daoguang (1826) at the \"New Temple\" near the Barrier gate at Macau, which refers back to an earlier tablet on the subject dated in early Jiaqing.\n\n61 China No.4 (1864) Commercial Reports from Her Majesty's Consuls in China for 1862, p.62.\n\n62 Ibid, p.39.\n\n63 Ibid., p.67.\n\n64 See Bodde, Derk, and Morris, Clarence (1967). Law in Imperial China, Exemplified by 190 Ch'ing Dynasty Cases. University of Pennsylvania Press.\n\n65 Morse, Chronicles of the East India Company, op.cit., Vol.III, pp.263-9\n\n66 Ibid., Vol.IV, pp.281-3.\n\n67 The journal kept during his imprisonment was later published. See 'Edited by a Barrister', Journals kept by Mr. Gully and Capt. Denham during a captivity in China in the Year 1842. London, Chapman and Hall, 1844. This episode, and the much worse one involving the nearly 300 passengers and crew of a military transport from India, the Nerbudda, are also mentioned by Ouchterlony, pp. 499-509).\n\n68 Journals, op.cit., pp. 3-4.\n\n69 Gutzlaff, Sketch of Chinese History, op.cit., p.42.\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 } ]