[ { "id": 204466, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "LIFE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n87\n\nHeaven. In Canton itself there was a serious plot to seize the city in October 1894, which led Consul Fraser to write in his next report\n\nThere is little doubt that dissatisfaction with the administration of their native country is growing among the Southern Chinese, and if no attempt at reform is made, may result in a serious insurrection\". He mentioned the plot but remarked that its failure was due more to the ineptitude of its organisers than to the vigour of the local authorities.33 His colleague at Pakhoi, in the south-east of the province, was more critical.\n\nSuch as is Chinese civilisation, Pakhoi is of its outskirt only and shows a lower level than I have seen anywhere else in this country. Piracy is in the blood of the race. A glance through the year's diary shows a monotonous record of petty coast raids, hoverings of pirate junks (which still terrorise the neighbouring coastline) and robberies of every degree of dignity from the sacking of the larger pawnshops to the plunder of a returned emigrant from the Straits or Sumatra. Of Chinese local authorities at Pakhoi itself there are practically none, the highest native Civilian within 20 miles being an officer of the rank of sub-district deputy magistrate armed with an amount of authority that barely enables him to call in question the theft of a matchbox. It would be invidious to say this much of the Pakhoi neighbourhood without adding that most of the adjacent areas are worse.34\n\nWhilst these reports were confined to individual districts there can be little doubt that the general unrest was known and felt in the New Territory. It will be recalled that SUN Yat Sen was a Cantonese and some of his followers are credited with swelling the ranks of the village bands which offered resistance to the British troops who entered the New Territory in 1899.35 This tale of unrest and lawlessness, and weakness on the part of the civil authorities, provides a background to the unsuccessful reform movement of 1898, sponsored by the southern party at Peking, whose sequel was the incarceration of the emperor by his formidable aunt, the Empress Dowager, the stringent capital measures against the reform party and their dispersal overseas or in foreign concessions in China. The leader of the movement and adviser to the emperor was KANG Yue Wei, a prominent scholar and mandarin, and himself a Cantonese.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205082, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "The Five Great Clans\n\n33\n\ntried to retain and modernise this tradition by building modern schools for their children and teaching a curriculum equal to that in the cities of Victoria and Kowloon. The Tangs of Kam Tin and the Lius operated schools with a modern curriculum at least as early as the 1930s, and have since installed them in modern buildings. Other modern schools may be seen at Ho Sheung Heung, Kam Tsin, Tai Po Tau, and San Tin. Usually, the schools have been built on lineage initiative and money, with the Government meeting a proportion of the cost. Boards of Governors are generally composed of lineage members only, though teaching staff may be drawn from any surnames.\n\nBut far from consolidating the position of the clans, as education did in the old days, the new education has cut off the young men (and the young women) from their lineages by educating them up to a level where they are employable only in the city, where they quickly learn to renounce village values and the lineage way of life. Some of the older men recognise the danger which this constitutes to the lineage system, and they try hard to reconcile the modern education with old values, striving to keep the young people based on the village even if facing towards the city. The Lius have recently initiated the practice of sending all their school-children to take part in the worship of the First Ancestor's grave on the 9th of the 9th month,80 a practice which certainly would not have been permitted in the past.\n\nAncestor worship in its manifestations above the level of the family was and is on a larger scale in the five clans than in smaller clans. The five own large ancestral halls (often as large as three M) for the corporate worship of their founding ancestors, and most of their villages have more than one hall, often as many as three or four, each one serving as the focal point for a branch or sub-branch of the lineage. Comparatively few lineages or clans outside the five have ancestral halls of any size; in many, a converted house does duty as the hall, while perhaps no other lineage is able to boast of more than one hall. Wealth again is the factor which enables the five to build and maintain halls.\n\nAll of these clans observe ancestral rites on a large scale and at great expense. The major ceremony of the year is Chung Yeung, on and around the 9th day of the 9th month, when the grave of the founding ancestor is worshipped. Since these graves", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205202, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 158, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "152\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nThe only revision of these volumes since their publication in 1959 is the deletion of a postscript, which the author regards as premature at that time, on the communes.\n\nThe volume is attractively printed on good paper, with a sturdy binding. The paperback edition of these two works will be welcomed by the specialist who may have missed them in their first printing, and by the general reader who wishes a scholarly, jargon-free work on the impact on the family and village of the early years of Communist rule in China. Students will find here a model of sociological analysis, enhanced by the author's clarity of expression.\n\nUnited College\n\nThe Chinese University of Hong Kong.\n\nJAMES A. BEAUDRY\n\nA GUIDE TO THE ARCHIVES AND RECORDS OF PROTESTANT CHRISTIAN MISSIONS FROM THE BRITISH ISLES TO CHINA 1796 - 1914. Leslie R. Marchant. University of Western Australia Press, 1966. 134 pages. 35s.\n\nThis exceedingly handy and invaluable book has three main purposes. First, it provides a comprehensive guide to those Protestant missionary societies in the United Kingdom and Ireland which supported active mission work in China from 1796 until 1914. This in itself is a distinctive service, for these have never previously been listed together satisfactorily in a single publication.\n\nSecondly, the book gives a detailed list of the archives and records of the societies that have them. These collections are fully described in the entry of the particular societies having custody of them. In the case of transferred archives, the reader is referred from the donating or absorbed society to the appropriate present-time repository. This arrangement enables the researcher both to locate easily each society's records and to see the total list of holdings in each repository.\n\nThirdly, the book presents a “definitive list\" of the publications of each society. Again, this is a welcome service, for there has not previously been a complete index of missionary journals and periodicals published in the United Kingdom. This is useful for the researcher because certain gaps found in the archives can often be filled by these publications.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205473, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "10\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\ncertain groups with different secular or even religious goals? And could religion ever provide a rallying point for a total community or set of neighbouring communities under what conditions would this be possible? In this paper I want to see how far data available to me in the literature and sometimes my own research notes, enables examination of such questions for rural society a century ago.1\n\nRural China was by no means homogeneous in the nineteenth century. It was dotted with villages of different size and composition: some, particularly in the southeast, consisted of single lineages or \"clans” — units with members tracing descent to a common ancestor; others comprised two or more lineages or branches of lineages perhaps being linked with similar units elsewhere. There were communities which were scarcely “villages\" in the physical sense in mountainous areas particularly, there were groups of scattered farmsteads and there were some communities on the flatter plains which consisted of villages which had expanded and grown into each other forming large units of population. In many areas there were, also, numbers of dislocated peasants living outside villages and difficult to organize and control from village centres.\n\nReligion entered into the organization of such communities everywhere to some extent. The nineteenth century was a time when villages had to provide a great deal in the way of their own control and often appealed to religious ideas to do so. The central administration was functioning less and less efficiently and itself used religious ideas in order to foster solidarities with the rural units.\n\nSpace does not permit me to deal with all known forms of religious and semi-religious association in rural life which are relevant to problems of cohesion. I will discuss four kinds here. Organized on a local basis were: cults operated by kin-groups and connecting individuals to their ancestors by virtue of their position in such groups; cults fostered by the State and connecting individuals to other kinds of dead, seeking thereby to inspire feelings of loyalty to its cause; and cults dedicated to popular gods of concern to man as member of a local community or of a grouping found at the local level. Cutting across local territorial units to some extent and connecting man to spiritual\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205624, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nA REAPING KNIFE FROM LANTAU ISLAND, HONG KONG\n\n161\n\nPlate 21 shows a locally-made agricultural tool from Pui O Lo Wai, a three hundred year old mixed settlement of Hakka and Cantonese on Lantau Island.* It is said to have been made about thirty years ago.\n\nIt is very simply made from the fork of one of the lesser branches of a common local tree, the China Fir. A slender blade has been added that could have been made by one of the itinerant blacksmiths who visited Lantau each winter until recent years, or else have been purchased in the shops of the nearby market centre of Cheung Chau.\n\nThe size of the handle of such a knife could obviously vary from branch to branch though there were obvious minimum and maximum limits dictated by usability. In our example the handle measures approximately 13″ and the blade is 4″ long. Despite appearances the blade is not broken off at the tip but was made with the squared-off end.\n\nThis knife, together with the more usual type shown at Plate 22, was used to cut the rice stalks in the paddy fields. The first type was — and is generally used for the first crop which is harvested in June and July. This is a wet crop because the fields are not dried out at reaping time as in the case of the second crop (October-November) when the second knife is normally favoured.\n\nThe construction of the first knife enables the user to gather four or five stalks between the arms of the handle and draw them together, after which a deft flick of the wrist turns them over to be dealt with by the cutting edge of the blade. In cases where the stalks are lying flat or at an angle and may be tough through being wet the advantages of using such a knife are obvious.\n\nI do not know if it is in general use on Lantau, or elsewhere in the New Territories.\n\nHong Kong 1968.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\n* See my article \"A Mixed Community of Cantonese and Hakka on Lantau Island\" in Aspects of Social Organisation in the New Territories (ed. Marjorie Topley) published by the Hong Kong Branch, R.A.S. in 1965, pp. 21-26.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206618, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "160\n\nDAFYDD EMRYS EVANS\n\n23 A writ of fieri facias (abbreviated to fi. fa.) is the means whereby a judgment is executed against the property of a person found liable to another in damages in a civil suit. It enables his property to be sold to meet the sums awarded against him. The writ was frequently employed at this time in suits for arrears of Crown Rent.\n\n24 Memorial 359.\n\n25 When property is mortgaged to secure sums advanced by the mortgagee to the mortgagor, the latter is said to have an 'equity of redemption'. The purpose of this is to make certain that his interest in relation to that of the lender is kept in balance, so that the lender can always be forced to release the security when the reasons for giving it are no longer present, i.e., when the sums advanced are repaid. The equity of redemption is treated as an item of property which the mortgagor is free to dispose of—it is the right to reconveyance when the security is discharged or repayment of the loan.\n\n26 Under the Ordinance No. 3 of 1844, all transactions in and concerning land, as well as judgments, wills and so on which involve land, must be registered in the Land Office. A transaction is quite effective even if the Ordinance is not complied with but subsequent purchasers or persons having dealings with property automatically have notice of any registered transaction which will therefore take precedence even over prior unregistered transactions.\n\n27 Ong Chok may in fact have been Ong Lok. The latter frequently dealt in property and is described in Memorials as a 'compradore'. He had extensive property interests in the Taipingshan district.\n\n28 Memorial 384.\n\n29 Memorial 385.\n\n30 Memorial 418.\n\n31 The Chinese used then and still do use to a certain limited extent a lunar calendar.\n\n32 Friend of China, 23 June 1849.\n\n33 Memorial 541.\n\n34 Lease Register Vol. C, f. 219.\n\n35 Lease Register Vol. F, ff. 38 and 47.\n\n36 It was suggested that Chinese merchants were not averse to bribery because they were accustomed to bribing Chinese Government officials.\n\n37 But it should be noted that there are a good many lots in the Taipingshan area in which there were no recorded dealings for a good many years. It is unlikely that there were no dealings at all. It is more likely that the dealings were simply not recorded.\n\n38 Towards the end of the 1840's and in the early 1850's the number of non-residents investing in property in the colony rose markedly, most of them coming from those districts of Kwantung Province adjoining Hong Kong and Macao. The Taiping rebellion may have caused some part of the flow of capital.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206793, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "64\n\nCHIU LING-YEONG\n\nof tusks (ivory), hides, feathers (kingfisher) and hairs (skins) and that of fish, salt, clams and oysters can, on the one hand, meet the needs of the treasury and, on the other hand, satisfy the demands of the Chiang-hui region.27\n\nIt was due to the opening of the Ta-yü Ling Pass which enabled the Persians and Arabs to transport their goods from Canton to other centres without any difficulty. The convenience of transportation also enabled Persians and Arabs to move from one place to another; thus they were no strangers to many of the cities.\n\nIn the capital, life was more colourful than in any other cities. In T'ang times, there were two great markets in Ch'ang-an, the Tung-shih (the Eastern Market) and Hsi-shih (the Western Market). The Hsi-shih was also known as Chin-shih (the Gold Market), and the Tung-shih was also known as Chün-ming-men (the Bright Spring Gate).28 The Hsi-shih was more or less treated as the foreign settlement in the capital. There you could find all kinds of bazaars situated by the side of the main road. Wineshops employed exotically beautified Western girls with blue eyes and golden hair to serve their customers with rare wines in cups of amber or agate. Sweet singing and seductive dancing were also introduced in order to increase their sales.29 These blue-eyed and golden-haired beauties confounded our versatile poets. Li Po, on more than one occasion, dedicated his works to these beauties, like:\n\nThe zither plays \"The Green Paulownias at Dragon Gate',\n\nThe lovely wine, in its pot of jade, is as clear as the sky.\n\nAs I press against the string, and brush across the studs, I'll drink with you, milord;\n\nVermilion will seem to be grass-green when our faces begin to redden.\n\nThe Western houri with features like a flower\n\nShe stands by the wine-warmer, and laughs\n\nWith the breath of spring,\n\nDances in a dress of gauze!\n\n'Will you be going somewhere, Milord, now, before you are drunk.'30\n\nThe presence of these beautiful girls was the principal cause of the intoxication of many of these poets whose work enables us to trace the activities of the foreigners in China. In the T'ang period,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206893, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 170, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "164\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\ntraditional Buddhist scenes. Wat Suwannaram on Klong Bangkok Noi is one of the best known temples for murals. The building was constructed in the reign of Rama I and its paintings, dating from the time of Rama III, were executed by two artists, Luang Vichit Chetsada and Kru Khonpae, whose names have, unusually, come down to us. The wall inside the entrance illustrates the conquest of the Buddha over the spirit of evil, Mara, and the wall behind the altar shows the Buddha descending to the earth, the Traibhumi. At the upper levels on the long side walls are rows of orahan or followers of the Buddha, and between the windows the jataka tales, the stories of the last ten incarnations of the Buddha-to-be, are represented, the whole of the left-hand wall being given over to the very last jataka, the Vessuntarajataka, or renunciation. The paintings are remarkable for their delicacy and charm.\n\nSome more examples of traditional Siamese painting were to be seen in the collection in Krisnavara House, the home of the epigraphist and art historian Alexander B. Griswold, which was opened specially for the tour. Mr. Griswold's collection of rare Sukhothai porcelains and ancient stuccos and bronzes was much appreciated.\n\nThe Siam Society, a learned body established in 1904, has a traditional northern house, the Kamthieng museum, re-erected in one corner of its fine grounds. The Society was the setting for an introduction to traditional Siamese folk opera, likay. Especially for the tour, the Hom Huan troupe of actors performed with verve the story of Chantakorop. The prince of this name falls in love with a fickle girl Mora who has come from a magic casket and who agrees to be his wife, but she is then attracted by a bandit leader and enables him to kill Chantakorop. The prince is taken up to heaven by the god Indra, the bandit leader runs away from his new wife who is alone and hungry in the jungle. Indra, disguised as a bird, offers her food on condition she marries the bird. She agrees and is transformed into a gibbon as a reward for her fickleness.\n\nLikay is an old theatrical form, possibly of southern or Malay origin, but having by syncretism absorbed most other Thai theatrical forms including the masked dance khon. Once extremely popular, it is now dying out in the capital. It is rumbustious and bawdy, and incorporates popular songs, traditional dance and improvised dialogue. The costumes are gay, extravagant and imaginative. The small orchestra of six performed on traditional instruments.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206953, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 24, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "18\n\nA. I. DIAMOND\n\neven when the inclination is there, the ability to make sound judgments about what should be preserved in the interests of academic study is often lacking.\n\nIs this to imply that archivists are endowed with a special prescience which enables them infallibly to make the sort of predictions about records which administrators cannot make? No, of course, it is not; but the ability to make consistent and reasonably certain judgments about the research value of archives depends to some extent on a sound knowledge of, and experience in, historiography and research methodology in the person who attempts the business, and these are attributes which archivists may be expected to have if they are properly qualified. Moreover, if an archivist is doing his job properly, he will not rely solely on his own judgment in the selection of records. He will seek the advice of authorities in every academic discipline to which the records he has to consider relate. Even this will not preclude the possibility of mistakes, but it will at least lengthen the odds against them.\n\nIn modern governments, where archive services are well developed, the role of archivists in the scheduling of records for disposal is accepted as part of the administrative scheme of things, and generally, well-established lines of communication exist for consultation between archivists and academics in the various fields of study.\n\nI hope that such cooperation will develop between the Public Records Office of Hong Kong and the two Universities. It is doing so already, as a matter of fact. I have had the advice of academic staff on several occasions in the appraisal of records, and I hope that as time goes on, our panel of learned advisors will expand.\n\nArchivists are concerned nowadays not only with the making of disposal schedules but with the execution of them as well.\n\nThe prodigious quantities of records produced by archive-making bodies in modern societies and the rising costs of storage for them have combined to encourage the development, particularly by governments, of facilities for shared bulk storage for what are termed \"intermediate records\".\n\nIn the jargon of records management, intermediate records are those which, though no longer in current use by an office, and having no permanent value, are nevertheless required, for legal or", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207178, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 249, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n243\n\nNonetheless, despite these flaws in relating earlier scholarship on this subject and related studies, the real value of this book is that it is the first written in English and devoted to the chu-kung-tiao among Chinese folk literature.\n\nUniversity of Hong Kong, 1975.\n\nCHUANG SHEN\n\nTHE NINE SACRED MOUNTAINS OF CHINA, AN ILLUSTRATED RECORD OF PILGRIMAGES MADE IN THE YEARS 1935-36, by Mary Augusta Mullikin and Anna M. Hotchkis. Vetch and Lee Ltd., Hong Kong 1973, 155 pages, 22 coloured reproductions, 56 black and white reproductions, including 3 drawn maps, 10 vignette drawings and 13 pages of valuable index, where the Chinese characters are added to the Wade-Giles romanizations.\n\nThe book carries a short epilogue in which these two intelligent and enterprising ladies phrase the quintessence of their travelogue: by telling a story with the meaning that happiness is to have just enough for the most simple daily needs, to be free from worldly cares and to have the freedom to wander through the world at will. It was this view of life that gave them the stamina to visit, in just one year, the nine sacred mountains which are spread all over China under the prevailing, most adverse, conditions.\n\nTheir being able to artistically record their fresh impressions enables the reader to get a first-hand information through ink-sketches. Moods are conveyed by ink and wash, water-colour or pastel techniques. A. M. Hotchkis has produced 76 of the 88 illustrations. The other 12 are by M. A. Mullikin, including the sketch-maps. These illustrations depict with great skill the landscapes they travelled through, the various means of travelling they used, the mountains and the shapes of their trees, the monastic buildings in their surrounding scenery and their atmosphere and architectural details, temple interiors, and those who live and travel there, the monks and pilgrims.\n\nThe text is kept in the form of a diary which lets the reader closely follow each step in the realistic proportions of time and space, adding vivid descriptions of sights and sounds. The text transmits precise information by giving all the proper names in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208101, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "124\n\nGREGORY E. GULDIN\n\nWe Fujianese are conservative and don't just start talking or making friends with strangers. Anyway, you'll only meet your best friends through already close friends or relatives or \"tong xiang\".\n\nThis ethnic feeling of separateness (as well as the reality of separation) has led to the emergence in Little Fujian of what Milton Gordon (1964:30) has called an \"ethnic sub-societal network\" that enables Fujianese to form nearly all of their solidary and stable relations—relatives, friends, and neighbors—with Southern Fujianese like themselves. Furthermore, even the characteristically unidimensional and fleeting nature of many urban roles (Southall 1973: 82) turns out to have a remarkable ethnic coloration in Little Fujian, as witness social interaction in the Chun Yeung Street market, for example, where shopkeepers, clerks and customers are all Fujianese. In North Point, because of patterns of ethnic selection and preference, these roles are at the same time both unidimensional and ethnic.\n\nLittle Fujian: Sub-Neighborhood and Community\n\nEthnically-significant patterns do then exist among the Fujianese of North Point. Does this in itself qualify North Point's Little Fujian as a community? Some sociologists suggest that residential segregation is crucial to the maintenance of ethnic community or solidarity (Joy 1972; Lieberson 1970) but Drieger and Church (1947:30) have rightly criticized this unidimensional insistence on residential segregation as too crude a diagnostic.\n\nUnfortunately, they too propose (1974:36) a crude diagnostic that of the ethnic percentage of a neighborhood's population. A better approach would be the realization that a sense of community is not automatically reached when the actual ethnic population counters reach a certain total but when the intensity of ethnic social interaction reaches a point that it gives an overall ethnic flavoring to the social interaction of a specific group. Enveloped in the substantially ethnically-enclosed networks of Little Fujian, the Fujianese of North Point without doubt live in such a social reality.\n\nA quick analytical divorce between the concepts of “neighborhood\" and \"community” is also imperative; “ethnic neighborhood” (or \"ethnic sub-neighborhood” if need be) should refer to a spatially segregated or clustered resident population while “ethnic community”...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208178, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 217, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n201\n\nA detailed account of our findings, based on the compilation, classification and analysis of field resources, will be forthcoming on completion of the pilot study. For reasons I will touch on below, I am optimistic that the paper will be of value to Government, and will reflect the co-operation and trust enjoyed by all concerned with the project.\n\nThe experiences of the last several months have convinced me that an extension and formalization of the present pilot study would be a beneficial undertaking for Government. Such a project, carried out by Government over a number of years, would facilitate the work of officers in the New Territories Administration. The project would accomplish this in at least two ways 1) by generating and strengthening 'grassroots' relationships between officers and the rural population (a natural dividend of active interest in the understanding and preservation of local culture) and 2) by supplying authoritative information regarding a series of problems which officers must deal with on a daily basis.\n\nIn particular, the study of oral tradition and history enables the officer to understand, and place in context, the rapidly changing social structure of the New Territories. This point bears closer examination.\n\nChinese folk-tales divide themselves into two broad, but distinct, categories: those that are recorded and embellished in clan genealogies, officially-compiled or sponsored documents (gazetteers), and acceptable literature, and those which, though passed on “orally” from generation to generation, are ignored, diluted or distorted in the written tradition. This simple classification bears directly on a central problem facing scholars studying Chinese communities and the officials administering them.\n\nWestern scholars and officials have, until very recently, stressed the absolute dominance of large corporate descent group (i.e. clans, lineages, fongs,…) in rural social-political structure. This stance coincided well with that of their Chinese counterparts, whose work was largely dictated by subservience to Neo-Confucian ideology. Social phenomena which clash with, or undermine, corporate patrilineal ideology… marriage alliances and customs, conflicting class interests between clansmen, inter-lineal relations of landlord/tenant types, business associations which ignore clan boundaries, military defeats, official incompetence… have been, for the most part, lost", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208205, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 244, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "228\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nA FURTHER NOTE ON FENG YUN-SHAN AND GÜTZLAFF\n\nSince the publication of my Additional Notes on Carl T. Smith's Notes on Friends and Relatives of Taiping Leaders in the last issue of this Journal (Vol. 16, 1976: 132-134) I have acquired some fresh materials on Feng's relationship with Gützlaff (Additional Note (1)). The material is found in Prescott Clarke's paper The Coming of God to Kwangsi (Department of Far Eastern History, The Australian National University, No. 7, March, 1973) and Carl T. Smith's copy of \"The full report of a Taiping deserter\" from the Hong Kong Overland Register, 27th September 1853. A critical study of the contents therein enables me to arrive at a more definite conclusion on the subject under discussion.\n\nClarke's able and well-written paper deals with the life and works of Karl Gützlaff on the basis of exhaustive research in Europe and Hong Kong. He believes that Gützlaff's influence on the Taipings has either been \"dismissed or forgotten\" (p. 147). Its title suggests the close contact of Gützlaff's work with the promotion of Christianity in Kwangsi, but immediately calls for clarification. Should it imply that the worship of God was mainly, if not wholly, through the introduction of Gützlaff's work, it seems to me that the credit due him is overestimated.\n\nUndoubtedly, a few points in the paper which are well-documented and verified can be accepted as Gützlaff's contribution to Taiping Christianity. For example, there were six stations established in Kwangsi in 1848-50, including Kwei-ping, each being run by a few members of the Chinese Union as a unit. Some members did join the Taipings after the uprising in 1851, but they could only hold unimportant positions in the lower echelon thus being unable to exert any significant influence on the movement. Indeed, they had to forsake what had been taught by Gützlaff and assimilate the Christian faith and obey the military rulings of the Taipings.\n\nHowever, a decidedly significant and valuable contribution that Gützlaff made to the Taipings was the use of his version of the translated Bible and some tracts he had written. Through the new version of the Bible the Taipings adopted the term \"Huang Shang Ti\" (1) for God a term which Gützlaff had borrowed from the Chinese ancient classics. This process identified the Chinese God with the Christian God more closely than the term \"Shang Ti\".", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208726, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 183, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "156\n\nJULIAN F. PAS\n\nmonastic temple are not the same at all. A monastery is a residence for monks or nuns usually not open to the public, whereas a monastic temple is usually a public worship hall built on the monastic premises, but open to outsiders. Of great importance here is the difference between the large monasteries and the hereditary temples controlled by a small number of monks (or nuns), as discussed by Holmes Welch (The Practice of Chinese Buddhism). Both types do not operate in the same manner, and although Welch's observations do not necessarily apply to Taiwan, the distinction has to be kept in mind. What is a 'bone temple' and how is it different from a pagoda? The term 'bone temple' is peculiar: does it mean that bones are stored in the temple hall? From my own field work experience, I know that there are pagodas in which urns are stored, containing the ashes of Buddhist devotees who have been cremated. Is such a pagoda a bone temple? The word 'bone' does not seem appropriate. In Buddhist temples I also have seen side altars with large numbers of name-tablets of Buddhist believers, but no ashes or bones are to be found in these places. So I do not quite understand what 'bone temple' refers to. Bones are often placed in large urns after cleaning them for second burial but as far as I know, they are then reburied in a graveyard.\n\nBesides this lack of precision of terms, some inaccuracies have to be pointed out. The author states (p. 114) that a monk by leaving home, eliminates the fundamental difference between his own ancestors and those of others. This enables him \"to perform many services which might not otherwise be possible...\" How is it then that Taoist priests, who are \"fire dwellers”, are able to perform the same services? Further, the author says that \"Because the monk has cut off his family ties, he becomes available as a surrogate descendant for others, and is able to take over their ancestral services. Because he has fundamentally broken the Confucian code of filiality, he needs not obey its sanctions against worshipping other people's ancestors.\" (p. 117). The two sentences are very distorted. The idea of causality, twice expressed by 'because' is a mere assumption and in fact unwarranted. The Buddhist monk shares these functions with Taoist priests and even with married Buddhist masters; moreover he does not become a surrogate descendant, he only performs the ancestral services in the place of the family, which is ultimately responsible. When families invite him to perform his services, it is not because he has broken the Confucian code: that", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208874, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "KEITH G. STEVENS\n\nserve Buddhist devotees and which have Buddhist images on altars in their halls and offices. These include Buddhist schools, clinics, book-stores and libraries, homes for the aged and vegetarian food shops and restaurants.\n\nBuddhist temples and monasteries are not only more airy, lighter and cleaner than the Daoist folk temples, their images are larger, gold-lacquered and usually distinctive. However, there are the exceptions, few though they be, of small, dark and, because they are old, more drab Buddhist establishments. Some images too can be multi-coloured, though very few are of any material other than wood.\n\nExclusively Buddhist establishments are few and far between, the majority having an altar or two containing folk religion deities. Quite a number of the Buddhist temples were first instituted in Hong Kong by a single wealthy Chinese who recommended or selected the specific deity or deities to be placed on the altars. The donation of funds to help found a monastery is not only a move to obtain merit for the donor, or for perpetual prayers to be said by the monks in the Memorial Hall of the monastery for the donor himself or for his parents or wife, but is often a gesture to display the importance of the donor (it entitles his or her name to be engraved and displayed at the entrance). Once the monastery has been built the flow of funds from devotees enables it to flourish, but when devotees disappear the monastery too withers. Once the decision to found a Buddhist temple has been made, a board of directors is established and executive decisions are then made by them. (The same is true of Daoist and folk religion temples). In Buddhist and Daoist establishments a priest is invited to become the abbot, and nuns, monks and lay men and women are gradually enrolled. Abbots and hermits choose attractive and secluded spots on remote mountain sides to escape from the tumult of life and to devote themselves to quiet meditation. Founded by either fervent monks or wealthy benefactors, they were usually built on sites which were both aesthetic and practical because, in addition to being a place of meditation, in old China travellers in remoter areas found it necessary as well as agreeable to stay overnight in monasteries. (Plate 1)\n\nThree very distinctive areas in Hong Kong's New Territories were all sufficiently remote to satisfy the \"hermit\" in the monks.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209690, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 347, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n325\n\nare many other, smaller countries where no newspaper industry has developed.\n\nProfessor Lent is concerned with press freedom. He deplores its disappearance in countries ruled by totalitarian regimes. He deplores the repressive situation in Singapore, where the Newspaper and Printing Presses Act enables the government to put its own nominees in control of newspapers. Even the more liberal press atmosphere of Hong Kong comes in for some criticism. Journalists are tempted to take bribes because of their often miserably low salaries, he says, and these bad practices remain outside the reach of the ICAC (Independent Commission Against Corruption) because they are condoned by the journalists' employers. Lent also complains that there are many doors of government closed to Hong Kong journalists.\n\nSome of the book gives a somewhat out-of-date impression. It is a recent publication but much of the material was gathered years ago and in some cases there has obviously been difficulty in revising it. This detracts from the value of the survey where it deals with countries like Vietnam.\n\nIt could also be objected that the viewpoint of the editor and contributors is too western-oriented when dealing with the press in developing areas. Freedom of the Press is a hall-mark of civilised modern communities, but it can survive only in a country which is highly literate and politically awake; it has no hope in more primitive places or in countries where the government fears criticism. To expect a free press in such areas may be unrealistic. There is a considerable difference, too, between Asia and the West in attitudes towards the profession of journalism. In the West the image of the journalist as news-gatherer, critic and reformer inspires considerable numbers of young men and women to enter the profession. Its human opportunities and fascinations more than compensate for the relatively mediocre financial rewards. This is far less the case in the Far East where in many countries journalism has little appeal for the educated. Inevitably this affects the value and effectiveness of newspapers.\n\nHowever the fact that the Asian press is surveyed here from a western viewpoint in no way detracts from the impressive", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210233, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 204, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "183\n\nmarsh, which has been enclosed by bunds to form kei wais, (iv) a shallow channel running parallel to the outer bund; (v) a zone of mangrove plants some 15-25 m. wide with Kandelia candel, Avicennia marina and Aegiceras corniculatum as the commonest species, (vi) Deep Bay, which forms part of the estuary of the Pearl River and also receives water from the Sham Chun River and smaller streams. At intervals channels run through the mangrove zone to join channel (iv) beside the outer bund to Deep Bay; water moves along these channels during the rise and fall of the tide and thus the kei wais are filled.\n\nWithin the kei wais are small, irregularly shaped, muddy islands. Essentially all of our results were obtained from Mai Po kei wai No. 7 (total area ca 9.3 ha, area of islands 5.6 ha, area of open water 3.7 ha). This kei wai is 820 × 120 metres with its shorter sides parallel to the shoreline. It is surrounded by a bund which, on the seaward side, is pierced by a sluicegate with a concrete frame. The frame is about 2 m. wide and is usually closed by a gate consisting of heavy wooden planks, placed horizontally, which can be raised or lowered in slots in the concrete frame (Plates 7-9). The sluicegate is essential to the operation of the kei wai because it enables the operator to control exchange of water between the kei wai and the adjoining estuary. The kei wai, like others in the neighbourhood, was held on lease renewable every seven years.\n\nSource of Future Produce\n\nAs already mentioned, an important source of future produce is the adjoining estuary: fry and larvae are carried on the high tide through the open sluicegate into the kei wai where they are \"trapped\" when the gate is closed. Species entering in this way include marine fish, shrimps and crabs. In addition, the source of produce is supplemented and diversified by the operator, who may add fry of tilapia (Sarotherodon mossambicus, syn. Tilapia mossambica) and the brackish-water striped mullet (or grey mullet, Mugil cephalus). Small oysters (Crassostrea gigas) are bought from local fishermen and used to stock oyster beds set up in the vicinity of the sluicegate; their growth period is 1.5 to 3 years.\n\nThe basis of production of the kei wai is the usual two food", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210247, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 218, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "Figure 3\n\n100\n\nPercentage Dry Weight\n\n80\n\n60\n\n40\n\n20\n\n10 20 30\n\nPeriod of immersion (days)\n\n50 60\n\n20\n\n...\n\nLO\n\n40\n\n197\n\nPercentage Protein\n\nPercentage Dry weight\n\nPercentage Protein\n\nproportion of the gut contents of many animals including M. cephalus and S. mossambicus. The results in Table 5 together with information from the literature, enables the following trophic structure to be constructed:\n\nTrophic level I (Primary producers)\n\nMacroscopic algae, eg. Ceramium sp. Phytoplankton\n\nPeriphyton\n\nHigher plants (as detritus)\n\nTrophic level II (Herbivores)\n\nHerbivorous fishes: striped mullet, tilapia.\n\nCrustacean larvae\n\nCopepods\n\nAmphipods\n\nIsopods\n\nOysters Protozoa", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210421, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 28, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "religious thought never progressed beyond his initial experiential phase.\n\nV. Morality\n\nPatriarch Lo allocated a lot of space to the discussion of morality. In both T'ai-hsüan's Discourse on the Truth and T'ai-hsüan's Discourse of Various Topics he listed twenty-six virtues that one should develop and twenty-five vices that one should avoid. They are all concerned with social relationships. In fact, they are hardly distinguishable from Confucian morality. Even the same terms like jen (仁), i (義), hsiao (孝), chung (忠), hsin (信) and others are used. The slight bit of difference comes only in his discussion of internal and external virtues. (Midiya) 35 \"The internal aspect of virtue is called Simplicity (素) or Truth (真); the external aspect is called Benevolence (仁) or Righteousness (義).\" I believe this is an attempt to harmonize Taoist concepts with Confucian ones.\n\nThe Patriarch thought that social morality is continuous with cultivation. Virtue in its ultimate effect is indistinguishable from the goal of cultivation. In answer to the question about the highest virtue (德) he says, \"The highest virtue is to preserve the Truth and to bring human nature to its completion so that one is in harmony with heaven and earth; and to save the world and give assistance to the people so that one attains the virtue which enables one to be in communication with the gods.\" 36\n\nIV. Religious Institutions and Practices\n\nTan Tse Tao is not only a body of abstract religious thought. It is also a community of believers, and a community must have a boundary which separates it from the larger family of human beings. The institutions which make up this boundary are few but they do provide a distinct identity.\n\nFirst, the community is governed hierarchically. At the top of this hierarchy was Patriarch Lo. Below him were four Elders of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211266, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 327, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "302\n\nMind Landscapes enables C. C. Wang to describe the challenges he faced to see paintings in a land without public museums; \"There were no good museums in China at that time and you couldn't see the work of a contemporary painter in a museum or gallery. But since they had to be mounted or remounted, they could be seen in a mounter's shop. Suzhou was famous for its mounters. They would paste the paintings to be mounted on the walls of their shops, and if you walked around every few days, you could always see new paintings.” (p. 15).\n\nMr. Wang also talks about his teachers and how he was able to view various private collections: \"For me, as well as for painter-scholars of the past, friendships with other painters and collectors were extremely significant. Each new meeting meant a new collection to see. In those days private collectors were never publicly displayed. To see a particular painting you had to know the owner.” (p. 17).\n\nWhen the great Chinese Imperial Collection was being prepared for the London Exhibition at Burlington House in 1936, C. C. Wang was a consultant and had a chance to study all those great paintings another significant step in his development into a connoisseur-collector-painter.\n\nCollecting as well as creating paintings soon became young Mr. Wang's principal preoccupation. However, he supported his collecting and his family by some real estate ventures because he was not able to make enough money through the sale of his paintings.\n\nThe story of C. C. Wang's journey to the West (New York) and attending classes at the Art Students League, his explorations of modern Western art and his artistic evolution is marvelously told through well written prose of Jerome Silbergeld, Professor of Art History at the University of Washington in Seattle.\n\nProfessor Silbergeld comes to his subject with a deep knowledge and background in classical Chinese painting and provides a sinological, art historical perspective of C. C. Wang's work. But the author does not avoid his role as contemporary critic, analyzing the relationship of the artist and modern art. When C. C. Wang's breakthrough to his mature style comes in 1971-2, the author allows the events to unfold like high drama. Moreover, throughout the text, the artist is permitted to state his own views on the elements of his art such as line, color, composition, dots, texture,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211297, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 13, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "Luk and I have discussed this question also. She tells me that other Societies with private collections on long loan also wish their members to have fuller access to their books, but this will not be possible until under a different arrangement more space in new premises enables the collections to be placed on free access in a reference library. In the meantime, Mrs. Luk wishes to facilitate our members' use of the RAS Collection. She is considering issuing updated catalogues and arranging for books to be requisitioned at, and be collected from and returned to, certain public libraries on this side of the harbour. The will to assist is obvious, and we shall be very grateful for improved borrowing arrangements meantime.\n\nThe Council and its Helpers\n\nMembers of the Council have worked hard during the year, in their various capacities. If I may say so, they are talented and competent, and make a good team: which is why (I suppose) you have not made any other nominations this year! They are also friendly and supportive, and it has been a pleasure to work with them.\n\nThe same is true of our helpers who, under our new arrangements, are assisting on the various committees. They, too, deserve a word of thanks. Those serving on the Activities Committee have certainly made it possible to do more than the Councillors could do unaided. Insufficient hands was one of the constraints impeding the growth of the Society, and it is very gratifying to be able to report the success of this particular outcome of the 1987 symposium. Those concerned are Rosemary Lee, Dan Waters and Geoffrey Roper on the Activities Committee, Betty Wei on the Editorial Board, Michael Kirkbride and, again, Rosemary Lee on the External Links Committee, and Helena Hung, David Yung and Choi Chi-cheung on the Ad Hoc Committee on Chinese Membership. Other members, some of them here tonight, have offered to help. Never fear! It is still \"early days\" with the newer committees, and we shall be co-opting you and other members once they get into their stride. The new arrangements enable us to be as flexible as is required.\n\nAt this point, I must also repeat what I said last year about the excellent support given by Mrs. Sharon Bruce, our tireless Assistant Secretary, helped on the side by the Acting, Unpaid Assistant Secretary, husband\n\nxii\n\n:\n\n!\n\n!", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211600, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "and his contacts with higher academic circles gained through his lengthy tenure of the post of Bursar at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. I am happy to hand over to him. As for myself, I have served for seven years, and felt it was time to move on. As it happens, there are two vacancies on the Council this year, the other being created by David Faure's departure from Hong Kong. This enables movement from the membership onto and within the Council, and onto the Committees, which is surely in the overall interest of the Society. Dr. Dan Waters and Dr. Joseph Ting have agreed to serve as Councillors, and Dr. Elizabeth Sinn has been nominated to the second Vice Presidency.\n\nThere will also be a change of Hon. Librarian. Mr. Peter Yeung of the Special Collections Sub-Library of the University of Hong Kong Main Library is handing over to his colleague Mr. Wan Yiu-chuen. We are most grateful to Mr. Yeung; but I must also thank Peter for his work on the Library Collection since he took up the post in 1985, his last contribution being to update the Additions catalogue. He has always been a good friend and colleague.\n\nI shall continue on the Council as there is a place for Past Presidents resident in Hong Kong.\n\nConcluding Personal Remarks\n\nAs the retiring President I am permitting myself a few observations on the Society in this, my last Report.\n\nWith benefit of hindsight, I now think we were off-track a few years ago, when we held the 1987 Symposium on the Future of the Society, in presuming that in order to survive the transition to the Hong Kong RAS and prosper after 1997, the Society must gradually become more Chinese in its membership, leadership and practice.\n\nAll the signs now point to a smaller reservoir of truly “local” membership and a much larger number of expatriate short-term transients of all nationalities (including overseas Chinese, many of them former Hong Kong citizens). In this changing community, towards which we have already been gradually moving over the last few years, the need will be for an English-speaking Society that is capable, as we have been to date, of explaining Hong Kong and Chinese culture to successive waves of newcomers. Thereby, we can continue to meet a definite need in the\n\nxiv\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211809, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 224, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "199\n\n-- it may, however, improve on further acquaintance but we had no other opportunity of judging during the evening\". The \"Turkophonini” could be heard in a solo with variations and it was deemed \"by far the most perfect and pleasing instrument of the two`. The Shanghai Redowa Waise (Redowa: a Bohemian dance) which had been \"composed expressly for this Concert and dedicated to the Ladies of Shanghai — as the programme informed us\", also performed on the Turkophonini was not thought of \"very highly”, but it convinced the reporter that \"the instrument is well adopted for that class of music\". Obviously not everyone in the audience was of the same view, for the editor wrote in the Herald of September 27: \"The critique of our reporter has been much discussed in fashionable circles and the correctness of his judgement as to the perfection of these new instruments questioned. Knowing his high attainments as a musician, we defer to his opinion. Matters of taste do not admit of dispute. De gustibus non est disputandum. We may all enjoy our own and as a second glass of wine enables us to pronounce better judgement as to its quality, so will this second performance (on September 29) by familiarizing us with the instruments enable us better to decide upon their excellence\". In Hong Kong the China Mail could not speak \"in very warm terms of praise at least as regards their suitability for solo performances\" (CM 21.8.1856). On the other hand it admitted that \"by men of cultivated taste M. Ali's talents are fully appreciated and it will be long ere those who have had the pleasure of listening to his performances will forget the sweet but powerful tones of the Turkophone or the duleet melody of the Grand Clarionet and Turkophonini\" (CM 16.10.1856). Ali Ben Sou Alle was assisted by local amateurs who played a number of pieces including two Rossini overtures on the piano; and \"very creditably\" sung Mendelssohn's \"The Fairest Flower\".\n\nThe evening was attended by a \"numerous audience, comprising the beauty and fashion of our Settlement'' (NCH 20.8.1856).\n\n29.9.1856 (Mon)\n\nA second concert by Ali Ben Sou Alle.\n\nNo review was published in the Herald, only an announcement (NCH 27.9.1856).\n\n18.2.1857 (Wedn)\n\nD. BOUCICAULT & C. MATHEWS: \"Used Up\" (1846)\n\nT: Comedietta (2 acts)\n\nJ.M. MORTON: “Box and Cox\" (1847)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nF: Prologue\n\nTh: N.N. (C)\n\n―\n\nR: The season opened both under the new management of \"Peter PROTEUS\" (again: a stage name, Proteus being an old Greek who could assume different shapes, as some actors are able to; also a character from Shakespeare's \"Two Gentlemen of Verona') and with a new theatrical reviewer in the Herald: \"The Man on the Bund\" (for the current season only). And although some months later he was heavily criticized because of some strictures he made about the choice of plays, in general his articles in a highly personal style were a mere continuation of the \"nothing but praise\" attitude that so prevailed. Thus Used Up was \"rendered with unquestionable ability by Mr. Peter Proteus, the manager\" who himself played Sir Charles Coldstream; and Mr. CLAY gave the part of the forlorn, but blunt and honest blacksmith Ironbrace with much skill and effect\". Making her debut Mrs. NESBIT impersonated Lady Clutterbuck: \"One would not have thought that so much deceit could lurk under so smooth and charming a face\". She brought to this part \"not only much cleverness and knowledge of the feminine heart but a very imposing person and decided good looks; and one could not help thinking the baronet might have stumbled upon a less pretty face in his", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212021, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 436, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "411\n\nJerome Silbergeld, Mind Landscapes: The Paintings of C.C. Wang, Henry Art Gallery, University of Washington Press (Seattle and London), 1987. 132 pp. + plates, bibliography, index.\n\nC.C. Wang is certainly one of the most intriguing Chinese artists of the later twentieth century. His life chronicles cataclysmic changes many Chinese have endured and his path - artist, collector, connoisseur, businessman, and exile - was rarely clear. He was continuously called upon to redefine his relationship with China and the West as he traveled, explored, and matured.\n\nHaving been born into a Suzhou family of mandarins in Imperial China in 1907 and having had a traditional Chinese education till the age of 14 assured young Wang the basis for blossoming into a twentieth-century version of the literati. But young Wang longed for a Western-style education, into which he switched at age fourteen, and from which he went on to study law in Shanghai at China's distinguished Suzhou Law School. But his art education, which started as he learned to read and write, was carried on simultaneously and ever more seriously. Over time, he had many art teachers and, indeed, became a teacher himself at an early age.\n\nMind Landscapes enables C.C. Wang to describe the challenges he faced in seeing paintings in a land without public museums: \"There were no good museums in China at that time, and you couldn't see the work of a contemporary painter in a museum or gallery. But since they had to be mounted or remounted, they could be seen in a mounter's shop. Suzhou was famous for its mounters. They would paste the paintings to be mounted on the walls of their shops, and if you walked around every few days, you could always see new paintings,\" (p. 15).\n\nMr. Wang also talks about his teachers and how he was able to view various private collections: \"For me, as well as for painter-scholars of the past, friendships with other painters and collectors were extremely significant. Each new meeting meant a new collection to see. In those days, private collections were never publicly displayed. To see a particular painting, you had to know the owner,\" (p. 17).\n\nWhen the great Chinese Imperial Collection was being prepared for the London Exhibition at Burlington House in 1936, C.C. Wang was a consultant and had a chance to study all those great paintings — another", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212254, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 196, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "173\n\nThe legend of the Deity of Fortune is known. It is understandable that the deity is incorporated in the ritual as he has the power to eliminate disaster and bring fortune. In the modern performance of the ritual, the deity's magical weapons are represented by a wooden staff and a chain. Troupe members often call the deity hak min (black face).\n\nStage Setting and Preparation\n\nA wooden table and chair are placed in the middle back portion of the frontstage. Another wooden chair is put on its side at the edge of the stage left. Occasionally, additional wooden chairs are put in front of the accompanying musicians who sit at stage right.\n\nA better understanding of the ritual enables one to discover the different functions of these pieces of furniture. The wooden table and chair together symbolize a high mountain, and the chair facilitates the actor's climbing to the top. The other chair that is put on its side at the stage edge has a piece of raw pork hung from one of its legs, so as to facilitate the White Tiger's consumption of the pork. The chairs placed in front of the musicians function to protect them from the possible harm caused by the White Tiger. Ward has mentioned that a row of chairs had been seen at the edge of the stage to protect the audience (1979:31). However, the use of these chairs has not been noticed during the several White Tiger rituals observed by the present writer.\n\nThe accompaniment to the ritual is provided by three percussionists: the gong and cymbal players, and their leader who is responsible for the wood blocks and the zin gwu \"kök (battle drum). Such players usually set their instruments ready one to two hours before the ritual and then stay away from the stage until shortly before the time assigned to hold the ritual comes.\n\nAccording to several experienced actors, traditionally the White Tiger ritual should be held immediately before the evening's operatic items start, which is approximately 8 to 9 p.m. In modern Hong Kong, as many troupe owners find it extremely inconvenient to maintain the taboo, they prefer to hold the ritual in the afternoon, usually at around 3 p.m. on the day that the series of performances begin.\n\nWithin the whole course of preparatory work for the offering, the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212416, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 358, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "335\n\nacademic scope and complexity of what follows. The concepts of honour a man's prestige, achieved partly by controlling the women of his household and shame the ability of a woman to undermine the man's honour, and precipitate a public scandal (with the power implicit in that) are central and fascinating themes drawn out of Durrani society. Thus the skeins of women's subordination within a patriarchal system start to unravel.\n\nIf those can be seen as horizontal themes, then the vertical ones are suggested by the inclusion of historical material over a period of 50 years which allows an exploration of social change within marriage. That leads to suggested explanations for concurrent changes in other areas of social organisation and environment. Even more distinctive, the Durrani marriage forms an integral part of political relations at all levels, from the household to the ethnic group: it is both the cause and consequence of political activity. The goal is political and economic security and continuity, both in this world and the next. Thus the brideprice, which enables the acquisition of new wives, is the economic pivot.\n\nOne of the most poignant examples of women as commodity, exemplified by marriage, is the fact that women of different households only cooperate in productive work when it comes to the preparation of the trousseau. From the trousseau will come recognition for the bride in her marital home. And yet, she can be given she plus another woman in compensation for a killing. A woman given in exchange for a brideprice suggests higher status on the part of the bride taker, than that of two men who exchange two women as brides.\n\nLIZ\n\nBut, the point in the study that I am now emphasising, woman as commodity, suggests that I am in danger of beginning to treat a scholarly book in an unscholarly way. I am indicating my unfitness coolly to observe and record and analyse; I am putting my Western feminist sentiments inappropriately in the picture. I wonder why that wife looks so contented in the photograph; perhaps no one has told her she is a mere commodity: but when she finds out for herself, and its implications, and works out solutions to what will then be a problem, someone may be in trouble!\n\nSUSANNA HOE", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212924, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 233, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "218\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nEdward N. Lorenz, The Essence of Chaos Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1993.\n\n'In trying to write a clear explanation of some point that you think you understand, you may discover that you do not understand it well enough to explain it.' said Edward N. Lorenz to his students. In The Essence of Chaos Professor Lorenz took his own advice seriously.\n\nThe book is an exposition of how the author crafted a powerful and ubiquitous theory, now known by the catchy name, 'Chaos'. Edward Lorenz is a brilliant writer, scientist, and mathematician. His deep insights into the subject fill the entire book and occasionally he allows glimpses of the yet-to-be-explored future areas of study. He leaves little doubt that chaos can be linked to regular systems and to much of the random world.\n\nThe task of explaining the characteristics of 'chaos' is a formidable one. Lorenz strives to retain mathematical precision in his description without resorting to mathematical rigour and details. His thorough understanding of the subject permits him to write a highly readable text for any lay person. However, for preserving precision of the descriptions and for avoiding ambiguity, the text is at times laboriously lengthy.\n\nThe description of the key characteristics of a system that has sensitive dependence enables the reader to gain a sense of having grasped a precise knowledge of what is meant by 'chaos'. An illustrative example of going down a ski slope with moguls improves the readers' understanding of 'chaos' in a more descriptive manner. The introduction of the representation in 'phase space' permits the author to give the reader a taste of the tool for analyzing 'chaos'. But, the reader needs a good solid mathematical background to grasp the full meaning of what the author tries to convey.\n\nThe chapter on 'weather' is the highlight of the book. Lorenz demonstrates why the weather forecasters have to battle against the unpredictability of a weather system which has sensitive dependence on initial conditions. His description of 'weather forecast' is fascinating. It explains the Trojan efforts made to improve the accuracy of weather forecasting. It eventually leads the reader to the inevitable conclusion that the unpredictability of weather will continue since the weather system", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212965, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 33, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "performance, moral conduct and others' reactions. While the first three may vary from individual to individual resulting in a variation of potential face, they would also vary for an individual from one situation to another before different 'others'.\n\nDifferent situations would mean different considerations for status and performance. If a person sings before an ordinary audience who knows little about singing skills, his status and his role performance may be over-appreciated. In contrast, if he sings before an audience with the relevant expertise, then his status will be clearly defined and his performance may be critically evaluated (Garland and Brown, 1972). In this case, the singer may have greater face in the former situation than the latter.\n\nIn this example, we can see that face is dynamic. It has the potential of appearing greater or smaller with regard to the same individual in the same activity but in different situations. Delving deeper into this dynamic quality of face, Ho has delineated the difference between lian and mianzi. He has stated that it is mianzi which displays the dynamic qualities for it is 'a function of [a person's] status.... but varies according to the group with which he is interacting' (Ho, 1975: 869). A certain status would render a person certain role expectations from others, and the face or mianzi of him thus varies with the performance he exhibits and the judgement upon it from others with whom he interacts.\n\nAs for lian, it is 'something to which everyone is entitled by virtue of his membership in society and can be lost only through unacceptable conduct', it is therefore, only relevant to talk about the loss of it (Ho, 1975: 870). As such, a person would always have face if he behaves morally. He may have a lot of face or little face depending on his performance in a particular capacity. While a person, upon his membership in society, is entitled to lian, and will only lose it through misconduct, it can be regained through 'compensation, corrective actions, making up for one's shortcomings, etc' (Ho, 1975: 871). By the same token, a person who is not a member in a particular social group may find himself being a member in it one day and having the face (lian) accordingly.\n\nFor instance, a person who lives in a district is entitled to the lian that enables him to interact with fellow neighbours. If his success in his profession is made known to his neighbours, he may be respected, his opinions concerning the affairs of the district may be sought. He may even be elected to the chairmanship of a neighbourhood organization,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214170, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 28, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "A Chinese New Year Lunch on 20th February, 1999 at\n\nLee Hu Fook Restaurant, Gerard Street, London\n\nThe Friends are grateful to Professor Hugh Baker, Professor of Chinese at SOAS and a well-known friend of the RAS in Hong Kong, for making the premises available for our functions, and it is hoped that when circumstances allow it will be possible to continue to meet there, which also enables us to put on light refreshments.\n\nSuch an auspicious start has enabled the committee to look further ahead and two more immediate events are:\n\na) A trip to northern France led by Mr. Keith Stevens, \"World War I Battlefield Tour - The Chinese Connection,\" in mid-May 1999\n\nb) A lecture by Dr. Dan Waters on Saturday, 29th May, 1999 on present day Hong Kong, at SOAS\n\nFor the Friends to exist and to continue to flourish, the group needs strong and dedicated personnel to move it forward. The Friends are very fortunate to have attracted some well-known names to their ranks. Besides Mr. Keith Stevens mentioned above and renowned, inter alia, for his knowledge of and publications on Chinese gods, this report cannot be complete without paying tribute to the organising abilities of Ms. Julia Barry (Treasurer), Mrs. Anita Wilson and Mrs. Rosemary Lee (Activities Secretaries). Their dedication in ensuring that the Friends move forward is invaluable.\n\nThis report is being written on a mild February morning in the United Kingdom, overlooking green fields and the River Orwell estuary, with a herd of deer in the background. It is a superb view, but in the far background there are the Felixstowe docks, with their tall cranes thrusting out into the North Sea. These docks are owned by Hutchison (Mr Li Ka-shing) and one cannot, even if one wished, which we do not, forget the Hong Kong connection even in this part of the world. Such tangible sights only help to perpetuate memories of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Branch of the RAS. It is therefore with great confidence for a successful future this year and beyond that the Friends send greetings to members of RASHKB at your annual general meeting.\n\nDavid Gilkes (Chairman)\n\nMarch, 1999\n\nxxvii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214997, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "49\n\n'I am a Christian, Sir.'\n\n'Very good,' replied the officer, 'I hope I am one too.'\n\n'But I am a Presbyterian, Sir, and at the Depot there were others of that religion, and we could have a service together. In my hut now there are no Presbyterians, and all are wicked.'\n\nMutinies did, however, occur, not only amongst service personnel of the Allies, but also amongst the various Labour Corps. Some were court-martialled and punished in various ways, i.e. hard labour, penal service, imprisonment or even death.\n\nIn September 1917 some British soldiers stationed at the base camp at Etaples, south of Boulogne, caused trouble and rebelled. Word of this spread to some unwilling Chinese and Egyptians, working at Boulogne, who then stopped work unloading supplies and went on the rampage. Field Marshal Haig ordered this to be quelled and, as a consequence, 27 unarmed strikers were shot dead, 39 wounded and 25 imprisoned.\n\nOn 10 October 1917, in a serious shooting incident in the Fourth Army area, 5 Chinese labourers were killed and 14 wounded. The inquiry into this incident came to the conclusion that this was due to the CO not appreciating the standard of discipline required to be maintained between his officers and British NCOs as regards the treatment of labourers.\n\nOn 16 December 1917, a mutiny, as a result of bullying by British NCOs, was reported amongst 21 Company CLC at Fontinettes. The armed guard fired on the mutineers, killing 4 and wounding 9. A Canadian soldier was also killed. The next day, a British infantry platoon forced the Chinese to resume work and, after the ringleaders were jailed, normality was restored on 23 December.\n\nOn Christmas Day 1917, labourers of 151 Company CLC conspired to kill their Sergeant Major, a \"half-caste\", as he had been an extortioner and had forced the men to work too hard. Two hundred men of the Royal Welch Fusiliers rounded up some of the mutineers whilst others had fled to near the HQ of 5 Corps at Locre. On Christmas Day, D. H.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215008, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "60\n\nremembered that the cemeteries and memorials are primarily places of individual commemoration and excessive signage can detract from this.\n\nThere are many cemeteries and memorials in Belgium and France where members of the Commonwealth forces are buried and commemorated. The Menin Gate at Ypres commemorates over 54,270 who died in the Ypres Salient, from October 1914 to the 15/16th August 1917, and who have no known grave. Those who died from 17 August 1917 to the end of the war and have no known grave, over 34,880, are commemorated on panels at Tynecot, which is also the largest Commonwealth cemetery in the world with 11,856 graves. In France, the memorial at Thiepval commemorates over 72,000 Commonwealth members who died on the Somme and who have no known grave. At none of the above are there any names of members of the CLC. At Etaples, there are over 11,400 graves of World War I, including that of one Chinese member of the CLC, Fu Puzhen, 9436, a Ganger of the 56th Company. As Keith Stevens remarked, Fu here, alone, represents his countrymen with a population amounting to a quarter of the world's total.\n\nThe last cemetery the Friends visited was Les Baraques Military at Sangatte, south of Calais. Of the 197 named CLC members buried there virtually all were from Shandong province and the metropolitan area of Zhili. Only two came from other provinces, Anhui and Hubei. There were several seamen commemorated who most probably would have been Cantonese from the south and recruited by the Royal Navy in Hong Kong. There are also graves of British personnel who served with or were attached to the CLC. We saw the grave of 2Lt E S Burley, Army Labour Corps, attached to the Chinese Labour Corps, who died on 15th February 1919, aged 44 years, whose parents came from London, England and whose wife lived in South Africa.\n\nOn a later personal visit to this cemetery, with my wife, we located the grave of Gunner M E Barnes of the 43rd Company, Royal Garrison Artillery who transferred, in the rank of corporal, to the 135th Labour Company, Chinese Labour Corps Royal Garrison Artillery. He died on 19th November 1919, aged 49 years; and was a native of Lewes in Sussex. Also the grave of Private M Cooper of the 2nd/6th Battalion, Durham Light Infantry, who transferred to the 88th Labour Company,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215037, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "Abbeville Communal Extension, Somme\n\nAlbert French National, Somme Arques-La-Bataille British, Seine-Maritime Ascq Communal, Nord\n\nAuberchicourt British, Nord\n\n*\n\nAyette British, Pas de Calais\n\nAyette Indian and Chinese, Pas de Calais\n\nBagneux British, Gezaincourt, Somme Bailleul Communal Extension, Nord\n\n \n 1\n 71\n \n \n 4\n 3\n \n \n I\n 34\n \n \n 2\n 31\n \n\nBeaulencourt British, Ligny-Thilloy, Pas de Calais 14 Bellicourt British, Aisne\n\nBlargies Communal Extension, Oise Bourlon Wood, Pas de Calais\n\nCaudry British, Nord\n\nCharmes Military, Essegney, Vosges\n\nChocques Military, Pas de Calais\n\n \n 7\n 3\n \n \n 21\n 1\n \n \n 3\n 19\n \n \n 4\n 1\n \n \n 16\n \n\nCroisilles British, Pas de Calais\n\nCross Roads, Nord\n\n \n 2\n 2\n \n\nDaours Communal Extension, Somme\n\nDernancourt Communal Extension, Somme\n\n \n 6\n 3\n \n\nDon Communal, Annoeullin, Nord\n\n \n 2\n \n\nDouai British, Cuincy, Nord\n\n \n 3\n \n\nDoullens Communal Extension No2, Somme\n\n \n 1\n \n\nDuisans British, Etrun, Pas de Calais\n\n \n 2\n \n\nEbblinghem Military, Nord\n\n \n 1\n \n\nEtaples Military, Pas de Calais\n\n \n 1\n 4\n \n\nFoncquevillers Military, Pas de Calais\n\n \n 2\n \n\nHazebrouck Communal, Nord\n\nFosse No 10 Communal Extension, Sains-en-Gohelle, Pas de Calais\n\nGezaincourt Communal Extension, Somme Haute-Avesnes British, Pas de Calais\n\nHuby-St Leu British, Pas de Calais Lapugnoy Military, Pas de Calais Le Fermont Military, Pas de Calais\n\n \n 49\n \n \n 4\n \n \n 12\n \n \n 1\n \n \n 5\n \n \n 2\n \n\nLe Portel Communal, Pas de Calais\n\n \n 1\n \n\nLe Quesnoy Communal Extension, Nord\n\n \n 2\n \n\nLes Baraques Military, Sangatte, Pas de Calais 197\n\n \n 4\n \n\nLes Rues-des-Vignes Communal, Nord\n\n \n 1\n \n\nLille Southern, Nord\n\n \n 2\n 2\n \n\n89", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215049, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "Entertainment at the open air theatre of the Labour Corps at Enaples, France\n\n23/6/1918\n\n(by courtesy of the Imperial War Museum, London, Q9007)\n\n101", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215075, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 171, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "128\n\nChinese lives have long been regulated by two separate calendars, the lunar and the solar. To agrarian peasants the accuracy of the combined calendars is of vital importance having long had a religious as well as a practical function. Chinese geomancers use their skills of prediction melding the religious and practical so that time and what in the west would be regarded as astrology are intermingled. Lunar calendars cannot predict the seasons any more than the solar calendar can predict the full and new moons.\n\nAll Chinese religious festivals follow the lunar calendar which changes from year to year, complicated by whether a particular lunar month has twenty-nine or thirty days. Festivals play a major rôle in people's lives breaking up the monotony of life. There were, and still are, three major annual festivals: San Jie, known colloquially as guo jie literally as 'passing the joint', consisting of guo nian, the festival of seeing the old year out and the new year in; guo duanwu, the Dragon Boat Festival on the Double Fifth; and guo zhongqiu, the Autumn Festival, on the 15th day of the eighth lunar month. The great majority of festivals in China have been and still are determined by the waxing and waning of the moon.\n\nUntil 1911 an annual Imperial Lunar or ‘Dynastic' Calendar, known as the Yellow Calendar, the determination of which was a royal prerogative, was precisely calculated following meticulous observations by Chinese astronomers in order that imperial ritual sacrifices could be carried out and confirmation obtained for political action. This legitimised the emperor's power to rule and his claim to the Mandate of Heaven. The one stationary star of the Heavens was the Pole Star around which all other stars seem to circulate. The Pole Star was recognised as the linchpin of the heavens. Chinese emperors were cosmic figures, the equivalent on Earth of the Pole Star, with their every move regulated in conjunction with astrology. The calendar divided the year into twelve months; the new moon fell predictably on the first of each lunar month and the full moon on the fifteenth. A similar popular Calendar, known as the Farmers' Almanac, costing coppers, was and still is widely circulated amongst the masses. This enabled, and still enables, the population, mainly the peasants and petty merchants, to be informed when specific actions or functions can be performed as well as taboos warning them against carrying out daily activities which would be counter to the feng shui, such as on a certain", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216384, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "93\n\nThe crimes within the jurisdiction of the Extraordinary Chambers are crimes under Cambodian Penal law, crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity, crimes against the Geneva Conventions, and crimes under other international agreements applicable to Cambodia.\n\nThe word \"tribunal\" is convenient to briefly describe these Extraordinary Chambers.\n\n4. Retributive Justice\n\nJustice is a complex concept. It will be dealt with under three headings: Retributive Justice, Restorative Justice, and Distributive Justice.\n\nRetributive Justice is concerned with both the rewarding of good and the punishment of evil. Commonly, we think of retribution largely in terms of punishment and revenge. It underlies many of the criminal law systems of the world, and the simplest expression is that the perpetrator of a crime deserves to be punished for her or his offences. So, those who have suffered under the Khmer Rouge seek retribution for their suffering by the punishment of those responsible for the suffering.\n\n4.1 Retributive Justice and Closure by Legal Statement:\n\nA legal process can bring closure to injury by coming to an official conclusion that one party was right, and another was wrong. The punishment involved represents a legal quantification of the degree of injury. For many victims, a legal process can bring a clear reversal of the verdicts of the Khmer Rouge, and re-establish their sense of rightness both individually and before the community. Such a closure enables people to leave an injury behind, and move on in their lives.\n\n4.2 Retributive Justice and a Culture of Impunity:\n\nThe fact that such grave crimes remained unpunished contributes to a culture of impunity which continues in Cambodia. In the aftermath of the UN's withdrawal from the negotiating process in 2002, a number of states expressed concern about the UN position. While recognising that the Cambodian legislation of 2001 was flawed, these states were", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216389, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 148, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "98\n\nfor Cambodia, and it seems that there will be few, if any, trials other than those planned for the tribunal.\n\n6.4 Distributive Justice and Legal Aid\n\nIn theory, legal aid should be available to all participants in a legal process, to ensure that a fair trial results. In practice, lack of resources means that legal aid is rationed to certain pre-selected cases. The criteria for rationing may mean that legal aid is only available for criminal cases, or only available for criminal cases where the penalties are severe. Also, legal aid may be rationed to the most needy applicants. Sometimes this can mean that the poorest litigants have access to legal aid, the richest litigants have access to paid lawyers, while the bulk of people in the middle effectively have no access to the courts.\n\nArticle 13 of the March 2003 Agreement between the United Nations and the Royal Government provides the right of defendants to have legal counsel if they wish. Then Article 17 of the Agreement makes financial provision for defence counsel the responsibility of the United Nations, which will act as a form of legal aid.\n\n7. Law, Justice, and other Values\n\nThe limitations of legal systems have meant that societies have sought other methods besides Courts and Tribunals to achieve desired objectives.\n\n7.1 Discovering the Truth:\n\nOne objective, going beyond what a court can do, is to provide for a system which “tells the truth\" about an era, and enables reconciliation. Sometimes, the pattern of injury and counter-injury is such that punishment is not appropriate, and simply telling the truth opens the possibility for healing and reconciliation. One of the earliest international examples is the provision under the Geneva Conventions and Protocols for an International Fact Finding Commission.18 Not surprisingly, there are those in communities who would prefer the truth to remain hidden, and these structures have rarely been used. So we should not be surprised to discover that the International Fact Finding Commission has never been used.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216476, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 235, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "185\n\nTHE MAKING OF CORNELL PLANT THE PILOT\n\nAuthor's note\n\nMICHAEL GILLAM\n\nAlthough Cornell Plant died some ten years before I was born, he had an important place in my early memories of family visits to his younger brother, Uncle Charles Plant, There I heard the story of this grand old man of the river and his untimely death and that of his wife on their way home from China. In later years, when his papers were passed down to my parents I became more interested, particularly in the account of his adventures in Iran, where I had spent a year working with the Iranian Navy.\n\nWhen the National Maritime Museum at Greenwich expressed an interest in his papers and undertook to take some of them into safe keeping, the valuable contribution he made towards the opening up of the Yangtse Gorges to steam navigation became all too evident. Eventually, his remaining books, papers, photographs and other memorabilia came into my possession and, once I had retired, gave me the opportunity to study them in depth.\n\nBut it was not until I read the article on Cornell Plant by AC Bromfield and Rosemary Lee in the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society [Hon.Ed.-Vol.41] that I became aware of the world wide interest in his life and achievements. This article dealt mainly with his time in China, with only a brief mention of his early life. It also posed a number of questions about him and his wife Alice. The papers that he left behind him and the information that has come to light through the research of Plant enthusiasts over the years enables some of the gaps in his life to be filled and shines some light on the making of Captain Samuel Cornell Plant - 'Plant the Pilot.'\n\nThe early days\n\nCornell Plant was the third of four children born to Samuel Plant, a Suffolk farmer's son and his wife, Harriet, neé Bennett, daughter of a Suffolk village baker. Perhaps it was the proximity of the North Sea that caused Samuel Plant to make his career in the Mercantile Marine", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 } ]