[
    {
        "id": 209831,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 90,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "68\n\nactive and/or passive vocabularies, their attitudes to Chinese culture and the Chinese language. An attempt is made to analyse the extent to which their knowledge of Chinese loan words is conditioned by their life style. Of the 300 questionnaires sent out, 128 were returned. We selected at random 100 as our sample. While we did attempt to find answers to the vexed problem of what constitutes full integration for a loan word partially through the responses, our conclusions were by no means dependent on the subjective answers of the respondents, but were based very much on linguistic criteria. By way of comparison we sent an abridged questionnaire to respondents living in Britain and the United States, most of whom had never been east of Suez; we were astounded by the extremely low rate of recognition by both groups.\n\nGiven the sociological factors, which act as incentives or disincentives to learning a language, and the vastly disparate nature of the two languages, it should come as no surprise although it often does—that the number of loans from Chinese which have entered the English vocabulary, in various stages of integration, is very low indeed, far lower than English words which have entered into the lexicon of Hong Kong Chinese. The exchange has by no means been an equal one to date.\n\nThe list of English loan words in Hong Kong Chinese given in our earlier monograph comprises almost 400 items while our list of Chinese loans comprises only about a quarter of this number, and a larger number in the former list meet our tentative criteria of full integration. What is more, our studies seem to indicate that with a few exceptions like tea, kowtow and tycoon, kaolin, gung ho, Chinese loan words are usually restricted to strictly 'Eastern' or specifically Chinese contexts and are sometimes used on a sort of transliterated 'once-off' basis in novels or journalistic writing with a view to giving stylistic flavour, for example, Tien-tze AF, immediately glossed in Elegant's Dynasty as 'The Son of Heaven' (p. 20). Most Chinese terms have, as in the nature of lexical borrowing in general, been taken over because of the need to find a name for a thing new to the borrowing culture and hence without a name in the borrowing language.\n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v",
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    {
        "id": 209846,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 105,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "83\n\n* For example, Aeneas Anderson, A Narrative of the British Embassy to China in the Years 1792, 1793 and 1794, London, 1795.\n\nJames Dyer Ball, Things Chinese, 4th edn., Hong Kong 1903. John Barrow, Travels in China, London, 1806.\n\nJ.F. Davis, Chinese Miscellanies, London, 1865.\n\nC. Toogood Downing, The Fan-qui in China in 1836-1837, London, 1838. James Bromley Eames, The English in China, London, p. 82.\n\nMary Gertrude Mason, Western Concepts of China and the Chinese 1840-1876, New York, 1938.\n\n+ * See H. Kwok and M. Chan, \"Where the Twain Do Meet\", General Linguistics, Pennsylvania, Vol. 2, #2, 1972, pp. 63-82.\n\nK. Luke and J. Richards, \"The Role of English: Status and Function\", paper for RELC Conference held in Singapore, 1982.\n\nA survey on English Language Use in different fields is being undertaken in the Department of English Studies and Comparative Literature by K. Luke and K. Bolton with the aid of a research grant from the University. Findings should be published shortly.\n\n* Charles F. Hockett, A Course in Modern Linguistics, New York, 1965, pp. 393-423.\n\nPartial Listing: David Bonavia, The Chinese, London, 1981.\n\nJ. Clavell, Taipan, London, Joseph, 1966.\n\nNoble House, London Hodder and Stoughton, 1981.\n\nEric Cumine, Ways and Byways, Hong Kong, 1981.\n\nR. Elegant, Dynasty, New York, Fawcett Crest, 1977. Manchu, New York, McGraw Hill, 1980.\n\nR. Hughes, Borrowed Time, Borrowed Place, London, Deutsch, 1968. Maxine Hong Kingston, China Man, London, PAN, 1981.\n\nWoman Warrior, New York, Knopf, 1976.\n\nT. Mo, The Monkey King, London, Deutsch, 1978.\n\nSour Sweet, London, Deutsch, 1981.\n\nIan Steward, The Peking Payoff, Middlesex, Hamlyn, 1978.\n\n10 In Webster we find this definition: 'enthusiastic, cooperative, enterprising, etc. in an unrestrained, often naive way.' Collins gives the definition: 'U.S. slang, excessively, or foolishly enthusiastic (c. 20th Century — pidgin English from Mandarin, Chinese kung work + ho together.)\n\nThe Chinese morphemes involved would seem to be [gung] 'work' and [ho] 'together'. The term may well be pidgin English, as Collins suggests, since the expression [gung ho] does not in fact occur in Chinese.\n\n11\n\n* K. Luke and J. Richards, op. cit.\n\n**L. Bloomfield, Language, New York, 1933, p. 461.\n\nThis is the O.E.D. spelling of the word derived from Chinese. In Hong Kong the word is usually written wui, reflecting the Cantonese pronunciation. Wu is used with this spelling as a technical term in the New Territories Ordinance.\n\n\"The Stanford Dictionary of Anglicized Words and Phrases, compiled by C.A.M. Fennell, C.U.P. 1982.\n\n15 A.J. Bliss, op. cit.\n\n16 R.W. Langacker, Language and Its Structure, Some Fundamental Linguistic Concepts, New York, 1968, pp. 177-194.\n\n17 Eric Cumine, Hong Kong Ways and Byways: A Miscellany of Trivia, Hong Kong, 1981, p. 177.\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212133,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 75,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "52\n\nNow while such a statement might have been reasonable if applied to the Christian Byzantine empire in 781, it certainly did not represent the true state of affairs in Syria, which had been under Arab Moslem rule for nearly 150 years. Here the author had in mind the Christian culture of the wider Mediterranean world, and was not thinking of conditions in Syria alone.\n\nThe term ching-chiao, 'brilliant teaching', was a striking and original expression, appropriate for a religion whose founder claimed to be the Light of the World. The character ching, 'brilliant', could be found in Buddhist contexts with happy connotations. It was a term which may also have particularly appealed to Persians, whose religious thought, whether Zoroastrian, Manichean, or Christian, has traditionally stressed the conflict between light and darkness.\n\nInterestingly, the Nestorians used a rare, but apparently permissible, form of the ching character. Its normal form consists of the character ching, 'great', which supplies the pronunciation, surmounted by the radical jih, 'sun', which indicates the meaning. The Nestorians transposed one horizontal stroke to convert the radical jih into the character kou, 'mouth', and to make a reciprocal change in the ching character below, which includes the character kou among its elements. At least thirteen variants of the character ching are known to have been used by Chinese calligraphers, but most, if not all, involve only minor alterations which enhance the character's basic meaning. A Yüan dynasty example of Chou Sheng-chou, for example, has an extra stroke, giving two suns. The Nestorian version, on the other hand, is not found elsewhere, and achieves an effect which goes beyond the elegant variation permitted to eminent calligraphers. The Nestorian variant is dominated by the kou radical, and its effect is to subtly subvert the impression made by the character in its normal form and to suggest that the 'brilliant teaching' is a doctrine to be spread to others, to be communicated by word of mouth.\n\nThe expression ching-chiao, 'brilliant teaching', occurs several times in the Sian tablet inscription. The character ching, 'brilliant' also occurs on its own in a number of different contexts in the inscription, sometimes as an adjective meaning little more than 'bright', sometimes implying 'Christian', and occasionally, when applied to the Messiah, seeking to convey a sense of divine splendour. Christian churches are ching-ssu, 'brilliant monasteries', Christian priests ching-ssu\n\nPage 75\n\nPage 76",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212137,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 79,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "56\n\nappeal to the authority of scripture, and the high moral tone of their scriptures was a decisive factor in securing imperial permission to preach Christianity in China. It is understandable that, presented by Reuben with a summary of the Christian message, the imperial authorities should have approved, or perhaps even suggested themselves, the term 'teaching of the scriptures' for the strange western religion. In 638 the term ching-chiao, 'teaching of the scriptures', is found in an imperial decree as the official Chinese term for Christianity.\n\nT'ai-tsung's decree of 638 was issued in response to the arrival of Reuben in Ch'ang-an, and gave permission for the Nestorians to establish a monastery in the capital. The decree has been preserved in the Tang hui-yao, an important collection of documents of the T'ang dynasty, and reads as follows:\n\nTruth can be recognised, whatever its name: wisdom can be discerned, whoever its possessor. Every region has its appropriate religion, which by its imperceptible influence benefits the inhabitants. The virtuous Persian monk Reuben (A-lo-pen) has come to our high capital from afar with the 'teaching of the scriptures' (ching-chiao). We have carefully examined this teaching, and find it mysterious, admirable, and tranquil; we have studied its principles, and are satisfied that they lay stress on the essentials of life. Its language is spare and elegant, and its thought is coherent. It is clearly a helpful doctrine: let it be admitted to our empire. Let a monastery be built in our capital by the appropriate board in the I-ning ward, and let twenty-one monks be appointed there.\n\nThe term 'teaching of the scriptures' also occurs in another imperial decree made over a century later, in 745, by the emperor Hsüan-tsung. This decree has also been preserved in the T'ang hui-yao, and reads as follows:\n\n\"The ninth month of the fourth year of the T'ien-pao period. The Persian 'teaching of the scriptures' (ching-chiao) originated in Syria (Ta-ch'in). Long ago this teaching was brought here and has been practised in China. When the monasteries were first built, we called",
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