[ { "id": 204786, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "PENG CHAU\n\n77\n\nsettlement is given below and it is sufficient to say that at first they owned little beyond their houses22 and seem to have been closely involved in fishing, at any rate in the second half of the century. When their senior elder Mr. CHUNG Fat ## (born 1876) was a boy of fifteen years old, his grandfather owned nine fishing boats of the Hoklo type. These rowing boats were manned with the help of other Hakkas, their friends and clansmen from the Tsuen Wan-Shing Mun-Pat Heung area of the present New Territories. They fished by day or night according to the season, using thread nets made in the shape of a basket and sold to them by Hoklo people. The boats were often out overnight, depending on the distance to which they went to fish and the nature of the catch. They often fished all round the Lantau coast and into Deep Bay, which is a long way for a rowing boat, though anyone who has seen the speed with which the rowers propel these craft off Cheung Chau will not be surprised at this. In 1896 Mr. CHUNG's uncle returned from Sandakan in Borneo, and took him there to work for three years, after which he came back, was married, and together with his uncles and cousins again made the sea his business. This time he did not do the fishing, but with two small sailing boats operated as a fish collector. On behalf of a shop, which was owned by a Punti of San Wui †† extraction then resident on Peng Chau, he went out to the Tanka boats fishing the neighbouring waters and bought their catch, for which he received a commission. At a later stage (1916-46) he worked two boats with which, in the summer months, he collected grass bought from the Lantau villagers opposite Peng Chau. He dried the grass and sold it the following year to fishermen for caulking their boats on a piece of land which he had bought for the purpose. By 1899 the CHUNGs had taken a lot of mortgaged land from the LUI family,23 and all this activity connected with the sea was in addition to farming paddy and vegetable fields, which was mainly carried on by the womenfolk.\n\nThese paragraphs illustrate the diversity of activities in a small coastal settlement like Peng Chau and the danger of assigning one group to its traditional role and no other. It exemplifies what, in 1840, the famous Commissioner LIN of Opium War fame reported as being a local Kwangtung saying, “Seven go to fishing, three go to the plough”, and again “Three parts mountain,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205140, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM\n\n91\n\nAustrian, the women outnumbering men by about two to one. After he had given them a few months' training at his small temple in Shanghai, he looked about for a monastery that would ordain them. Arrangements were finally made at Ch'i-hsia Shan near Nanking, which agreed to hold a special ordination for their benefit in the autumn of 1933. About 140 Chinese were ordained at the same time. The ceremony lasted over forty days. It was not an \"easy\" ordination, such as those given to foreigners in Taiwan during the 1960's. Aided by an interpreter, Chao-k'ung's disciples went through most of the same training exercises as their fellow ordinees. The retired abbot of Chin Shan, Ch'ing-ch'üan, came to preside. Members of the diplomatic corps attended. \"Tens of thousands\" of lay visitors watched the rites, and many newspapers in Nanking and Shanghai published accounts of it.\n\nDespite this auspicious beginning Chao-k'ung never seemed to be able to shake off misfortune. Two of his disciples committed suicide, one died, others he expelled. Although three of them eventually returned to Europe and worked intermittently as Buddhist missionaries, they did not bring back more Europeans to be ordained, as many Chinese monks had hoped. Nonetheless the latter still speak of Chao-k'ung with affection and pride. For all his checkered career (of which they are largely ignorant) it was he who at the end of a century of Christian privilege had enabled them to turn the tables on the missionaries.\n\nRelations with Chinese Overseas\n\nThe overseas Chinese tended to be more conservative than their cousins at home. They did not face the task of modernizing China. The anti-religious movements that swept the mainland during the 1920's found few echoes in Singapore and Penang. Also, their roots lay not in the official classes, which had a commitment to Confucianism, but among the poor and uneducated. For both reasons they were more religiously inclined. In fact, except for food, clothing, and shelter, they spent more of their income on religion than on anything else.47 This was not only because of their religious inclinations, but also because of their cultural pride, which was all the stronger for residence in an alien environment. As some overseas Chinese families prospered,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205593, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 135, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "130 \n\nJ. NACKEN \n\nCongee. As they pass your door you have your choice. Here comes the first, crying Mai 'chü 'hüt 'chuk:* the next, Mai' yü *shang 'chuck,† etc. You may have pigs' blood congee, fish congee, mulberry-root flavoured congee, or barley, or kidney or pork and a variety of other congees. \n\nI may be allowed to here remark that all street cries are also heard on the water. When you see a man paddling his own canoe among the Chinese shipping, you may know that the articles he has for sale are the same as these sold on shore. As these hawkers do not come within the regulation which is in force on shore, I cannot say how many there may be. They simply have a small boat license; their lungs are so good that I hear their cries pretty distinctly in my house up the hill, and they assist their cousins on shore to swell the number of cries considerably. Some of these are of bad character; they will paddle out to the foreign shipping, having concealed bottles of samshoo under their heaps of sugar-cane or pine-apples. They bargain with the sailors and will steal if opportunity offers. \n\nThe second batch of hawkers who have articles of food for sale go out in the hours that precede the two principal Chinese meals at 9 a.m. and 5 p.m. There are firstly the sellers of vegetables. In spring they sell celery, coarse greens, water cresses, salad, spinage, and bean sprouts. In summer; pumpkins, squash, cucumbers, egg plant, popaga‡, lotus root§, bamboo sprouts, many kinds of beans, etc. In autumn: caraway plant, pepper, potatoes, taro, various cabbages etc.; and in winter: mustard plants, white greens, colewort, parsley, onions, garlic, scallion, etc. \n\nMai tau' fu' is a cry heard very frequently. This bean curd is often the only \"sung\" on the table. It is made of bean flour, prepared with salt, gypsum, and water, then pressed between two boards, and sold in little square pieces at one cash each. \n\n* ⭑## [The diacritical marks in the text are difficult to read from \n\nthe microfilm, Ed.] \n\n广费魚生粥 \n\n+ *** \n\n$ # This is a very good vegetable, which is not yet found, as far as \n\nI know, on European tables. This root, after being dried and powdered, forms the well-known arrow-root, \n\n|| 費荳腐 \n\n, ie, whatever is on the table besides the rice. \n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206088, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH\n\n163\n\nTung Kun district, Heung Shan, and Kwangsi. Two brothers of the eldest branch remained in Tung Kun, of their cousins one received lands in P'ing Shan next to Kam T'in and another Tang Yuan Liang succeeded to Kam T'in and to a place called Lung Yeuk T'au in our region, besides lands at Tung Kun,\n\nThis Tang Yuan Liang led the spacious life that might be expected of a man of widely extended property. He is buried in Tung Kun, but his family lived in Kam T'in and he himself was appointed an official in Kiangsi, near to the original home of his ancestors. His power over all this area was the greater because the Sung dynasty during his time was hard pressed by the Tartars. Tang Yuan Liang had established a kind of outpost in Kiangsi behind which he and his family governed a more or less independent region, officially loyal to the Sung dynasty, but in reality ready to take advantage of its misfortunes.\n\nIn 1127 the Emperor's family was captured, but one daughter of the royal house escaped as far as Tang Yuan Liang's outposts, where she was taken charge of and sent half captive half refugee to Kam T'in where she married Yuan Liang's son. When the Tartars were driven back, her father became the Emperor Kao Tsung of Sung. He recognised the marriage, received the princess and her husband Tssŭ Ming at the capital, and gave him an official title. The family received a large dowry, tax collecting rights and the monopoly of the ferries in Tung Kun district.\n\nThe four main centres of the Tang clan at present are Kam T'in, Ping Shan, Lung Yeuk T'au and Ha Tsün. We have already mentioned that one of the \"five Yuans\" received lands in P'ing Shan. The present Tangs of P'ing Shan are descended from him and are therefore probably the eldest branch in direct descent. The settlement at Lung Yeuk Tau also dates from one of the “five Yuans\", that of Ha Tsün appears to be much later though directly descended from the great grandson of Tssŭ Ming and the princess, a man called Shou Tsu who lived in the Yuan dynasty and appears to have been the first of the Tangs to settle permanently at Kam T'in, instead of in Tung Kun district where his ancestors had lived. These four centres can be seen on the attached map (See T'ien Hsia, Vol. XI, No. 4).*\n\nIt will be noticed that they contain many adjacent walled villages due chiefly to the fact that their houses\n\n*Plate 16 at end of this volume.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206365, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 182, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "166\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nfour or five years after the end of the war, after a period of not unexpected lack of interest in any kind of soldiering, it is recorded by Colonel H. Owen Hughes that an evening spent in the Cricket Club brought forward a whole platoon (No. 1 Platoon of No. 1 Company) \"many of whom had held a Commission in the War\"46 Many of the Volunteers of this time had also served pre-war in Volunteer units elsewhere, and their records of service make interesting reading. As time went on, too, several generations of families, Portuguese, Eurasians, Chinese and also some Europeans with either a home or family continuity in the Colony through business or professional interests, provided several generations of volunteers. This is particularly true of the last 40 years, and many of the present generation of volunteers can give the names of fathers, uncles and cousins who have been volunteers, not just during the period of conscription, but stretching back into the inter-war and even to the pre-1914 period.\n\nAn interesting study could be made of the social composition of the officers, non-commissioned officers and men of the Hong Kong Volunteers, at different periods in their history, to relate recruitment to the various racial groups and classes of persons available and to establish, what, if any, barriers were raised to the entry of any of these at any time.\n\nDRESS AND EQUIPMENT\n\n(a) Dress.\n\nFew photographs have survived from the earlier days of volunteering in Hong Kong. Of two that are mentioned in our records, one is of Volunteers in the 1860s and was shown at the centenary exhibition in 1954.47 Another dates from the 1880s and was sent by H. H. Read, mentioned above, with his letter to the Commandant for the Year Book for 1937. Some light on dress at this period is shed by the Rules and Regulations of 1882 (but not, unfortunately, by those promulgated in 1862). Section 27 of the 1882 Rules and Regulations state that \"the uniform of the Corps will consist of a blue cloth Tunic with\n\n* Plates 11-20 illustrate this article. They relate to the middle period of Volunteer history, 1895-1932.\n\n46 Vol, 1964, p. 42.\n\n47 Vol, 1954, p. 239.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206676, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 224, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "218\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\ndilettante. Nevertheless, one would have wished for at least a reproduction of one of the many important Lan-t'ing rubbings which form such an important part of the book. The reviewer therefore begs the permission of the editor of this journal to reproduce one of the most interesting versions of the Lan-t'ing mentioned in the text; that of an early rubbing of the version caused to be carved by the Sung calligrapher Hsueh Shou-p'eng, supposed one-time owner of the ting-wu stone, from a T'ang copy of the \"original\".*\n\nChinese University of Hong Kong.\n\nNOTES\n\nJ. C. Y. WATT.\n\n1 For a critical account of the Tu-hui Pao-chien, see Yu Shao-sung's (***) Shuhua shulu chieh-t'i (#£###). \n\n2 Almost from the beginning, there have been scholars who were sceptical of the authenticity of the version which appeared at the beginning of the Tang and good copies of which have been handed through the centuries as being very near the original. However, up till the beginning of this century, sceptics have been \"laughed off the stage\" by \"those who know\". The controversy nevertheless continued. The last outburst was in 1965 when a series of articles appeared in the journal Wen-wu, which were sparked off by the discovery of the tombstone of one of Wang Hsi-chih's cousins. For the first time, the sceptics, led by a figure no less than Kuo Mo-jo himself (President of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and grand old man of letters in China), had the upper hand - with the help of archaeological evidence.\n\n* See Plate 31.\n\nLONG-TERM ECONOMIC AND AGRICULTURAL COMMODITY PROJECTIONS FOR HONG KONG 1970, 1975 and 1980, by The Economic Research Centre of the Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1969, 248 pp.\n\nReading this study puts one in mind of a music student patiently practising scales on a piano - an exercise, apparently pointless and ploddingly executed, yet with the virtues of keeping the student busy and contributing to some unseen attainment. The authors of this study, directed by Professor Tang, nowhere explain why they wrote it beyond stating that the U.S. Department of Agriculture paid them to make these commodity projections. Perhaps cash is regarded as a self-explanatory motive for academic research in Hong Kong. Nor does the conception of the study become any clearer to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206843, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "114 \n\nSUNG HOK-P’ANG \n\nto Kam T'in he was much taken by it, considering the people were more friendly and honest than those of his own country, and it was said that he came to live there in the 6th year of Hoi Po (HT) A.D. 973 of Sung dynasty. During the 8th year of Shing Fa (APC) A.D. 1472 of Ming dynasty when the Kam T'in people revised their family tree, they added a note which cast doubt on the veracity of this, and instead they were inclined to believe that Tang Foo (#) the great grandson of Tang Hon Fat was really the first to come to Kam Tin, and that he transferred the bones of his father, grandfather and great-grandfather to Kwangtung from Kiangsi. Be that as it may, and although there is no actual proof that one or other was the original Tang to settle in Kwangtung, Tang Hon Fat remains a \"first ancestor\" as his is the oldest Tang grave near Kam T'in. It can be found at Ah Kai Shaan (Y), Waang Chau (H) village.\n\nSix generations after Tang Hon Fat there were two brothers, Kwai (3) and Sui (). Kwai had two sons called Yuen Ying (* ) and Yuen Hei (†), both of whom left Kam T’in and founded branches of the family elsewhere. Sui had three sons, Yuen Ching (元祯), Yuen Leung (元亮) and Yuen Woh (元和). The first and last of these also left for other districts but Yuen Leung remained behind, and the Tangs in Kam T’in to-day are his direct descendants. These five cousins were known as the \"Five Yuens\", and after their death their descendants who by then were scattered in various parts of China built an Ancestral Hall, common to all the Yuens, called To Hing T'ong (*). It is at the South gate of the district city of Tung Koon (✯✯), on the Kowloon-Canton railway not far from Sheklung (). In the hall Tang Hon Fat has been given premier place, but the \"Five Yuens\" are venerated in the same way as he and Tang Yue are, as being \"first ancestors”.\n\nAs mentioned before, Tang Foo, the great grandson of Tang Hon Fat is said to have found the sites for the graves of his father, grandfather and great-grandfather, himself. They were all acknowledged as being lucky places by the \"fung shui\" men, who were, of course, consulted. That of Tang Hon Fat is called Yuk Nui Paai T'ong (£#*) jade girl reverence; and his son's grave which is on Yuen Long Hill (₪), is called Kam Chung Fau Tei () gold bell cover ground. The grave of Tang Foo's father is called Poon Yuet Chiu T'aam (#AM) half moon shine lake,\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207096, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 167, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n161\n\nAnother ancestral hall, built by the Tang family was less fortunate. The story goes that in the 1st year of Ka Hing (✯✯) A.D. 1796 of Ts'ing dynasty, the sons of Tang Yue Cheung (**) decided to build an ancestral hall worthy to house the tablet of their illustrious ancestress, the princess. So they built a house of “kak muk” (**) in T’aai Họng (✯✯✯) village, and in shape the house was like a king's palace. At that time the district magistrate of Sun On was a man nicknamed “Hungry Bug\" on account of his habit of collecting \"squeeze\" wherever he could. When he heard of the new building being erected in Kam T'in, and how magnificent it was, he scented a chance to make money. So he sent a message to the Tangs to say he would like to inspect their new acquisition.\n\nThe Tangs were much dismayed; being familiar with the character of their district officer they knew quite well the object of his visit, they did not want to pull down the house yet its very existence was an indication of their wealth and prosperity. In the village of Lung Kwat T'au (#) where the villagers are Tangs too, being descendants of the first son of the princess, there was a portrait of the princess and the Tangs of Kam T'in borrowed it and hung it up in the entrance of the hall. When the district officer saw it he was filled with awe, and hastily made obeisance to it. He was so impressed that he dared not demand money from the descendants of so distinguished a lady, and after making a show of being pleased he stayed one night, and then took his departure.\n\nEventually the picture had to be returned to its rightful owners, and the Kam T’in men fearing further trouble, pulled the hall down, but the foundation stones, overgrown with weeds and grass can still be seen.\n\nThe legends of Kam T'in are curiously mixed up with tales of buried treasure. One story tells how at the end of the Ming dynasty the Tangs wished to build an ancestral hall for the tablet of their eleventh ancestor, Tang Kwong Yue ( ). Tang Ping Yee (*) (a grandson of Tang Kwong Yue) and eight of Tang Ping Yee's cousins chose what was, according to one \"Fung shui\" man, a very lucky day to put up the central beam of the house, but a few days later they found that the beam was putting forth shoots. The people considered this to be a bad omen, so they consulted a more reliable fortune-teller, who declared that the day had been a lucky day, but for building boats, not houses! The people at once pulled down the beam, the time happened to be the season of the dragon boat festival, and the villages decided to make the discarded", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207101, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 172, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "166\n\nSUNG HOK-PANG\n\nyear a certain woman of Shui Mei Ts'uen (A#) had gone to play cards with a cousin in a neighbouring house. In the middle of the afternoon they heard a sound like that of a house falling down. The woman ran outside, as all the other villagers did, and saw that the roof of her house was broken and a stream of silver coins was flying out through the hole. The cloud of coins moved away into the distance and eventually disappeared into the sea. When the woman entered her house she found the hole in the roof was directly above a well in her kitchen and the tiles were all scattered round the well, while the stones inside the well were all loosened and some were floating in the water. This story seems incredible but there are many people in Kam T'in to-day who declare they witnessed this occurrence. The writer has even gone to the trouble of questioning four villagers from different houses and at different times but each adhered to the same story and were emphatic in their having been present at the incident.\n\nTang Hei Sui (##), who was born in the 54th year of K'ien Lung A.D. 1788, of Ts'ing Dynasty, is still spoken of in Kam T'in to-day with appreciation and respect of his charitable nature. He was a farmer and lived in Wing Lung Wai ✯ but when twenty-eight years of age he became very rich and employed more than a hundred labourers to work for him in his fields. In the 21st year of Ka Hing, A.D. 1816, of Ts'ing Dynasty he received the official title of Kung Sheng (†) and from that time onwards he did a lot of charitable work in Kam T'in. He had a very peaceable disposition, and disliked seeing or hearing people quarrel, which meant that he was very much imposed on by the loafers and idlers of the village. Two of them would pretend to have a fight outside his house and on hearing it going on Hei Sui would come out and ask the cause of the quarrel. One would declare that the other owed him a certain sum of money, the other would deny it, and in distress, Hei Sui would cry, \"Cousins, do not quarrel over money,” and he would bring out his purse, and generously pay off the imaginary debt, which the two rascals divided between them. Hei Sui was much laughed at behind his back for this, and eventually some of his near relatives told him the truth and begged him not to let himself be taken in again. His answer was, “I was poor at first. Now I am rich, and because my cousins are poor I should help them. When I have used up all my money and become poor again they will stop all this nonsense and won't bother me any more.”", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207102, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 173, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n167\n\nmore!\" Seeing that he would persist in his strange philosophy the village elders left him alone.\n\nAnother of his practices was to walk round the market in the evening to where his poorest relations would be hawking fish and pork. When he found any of them had something they couldn't sell he would note down in his pocket-book the price of the thing and ask to have it sent to his house. Quite a lot of food would accumulate in this way so Hei Sui would end up by asking the hawkers themselves to come and dine with him. At the end of the meal he would bring out his note-book and money and insist on paying each hawker for the things he had bought from him. His relations would be much embarrassed and did not like to take his money as besides eating their own produce Hei Sui had given them rice and wine. He would say \"Nothing could be happier than to have so many cousins to dinner every night! If I give a feast I must needs go to the market and buy things, then why should I not buy them from you? If I have guests, why should you not be my guests?\" If his cousins still demurred he would exclaim, \"Alas, I was only able to invite you, and not your families as well. Pray take this money home and buy a feast for them which I ought to have provided myself!\" This sometimes made the more sensitive hawkers very uncomfortable and they would in future avoid Kam T'in and sell their goods in another village.\n\nWhen Hei Sui was fifty-six he died. Two years later a pedlar from Pok Loh (†) district came to Kam T'in one day with a strange story. He said that in his district city a Shing Wong (城隍) (the guardian god of a city wall) temple had been built about two years before and at the opening ceremony of the temple it was found that the characters Tang Lung Man (鄧龍文) had appeared miraculously painted on the bottom corner of the long gown of the idol. Thinking that some mischievous person had put them there, the people tried to rub them off, but the harder they rubbed the clearer the characters showed. Now Tang Lung Man was the \"friendship name\" of Hei Sui, and on asking the date of the opening ceremony his descendants learned that it was on the very day he had died in Kam T'in, so they decided that his spirit must have entered the guardian god of Pok Loh district city. After several years when the time came for his re-burial Hei Sui's heart was found to be quite intact. The people standing round were staring in amazement at this when a strange dog suddenly sprang into the grave and seizing", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207114, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n179\n\nWhen she reached the great age of seventy-two, she maintained her apartment in the same neat and tidy manner as when she was young.\n\nI have the most humble honour to record the above,\n\n(Signed) TANG WAI KUI,\n\n26th generation descendant of \"the Five Yuens.\"\n\nThe most ancient Ancestral Hall to be found in the different villages of Kam T'in is Loi Shing Tong (✯✯✯) (see H.K.N. VII p. 250 and VIII, plate 8).* This hall is in Shui T'au village, and was built for the 11th ancestor, Tang Kwong Yue (). In recent years a tablet was discovered which had been hidden by furniture in one of the rooms for such a long time that its existence was forgotten. It records the date of the building of the hall and can be translated, roughly, as follows:-\n\n\"Our ancestor Tseung Luk (X) planned to build an ancestral hall for our ancestor Kwong Yue. He was successful and the ancestral tablets have been fixed in the hall from the 40th year of Hong Hei, A.D. 1701, up till now. The building is in ruins, and Shing (*) (myself) and others think that as it was erected by our early fore-fathers, we ought to repair it. Owing to the limited ancestral fund, it is difficult to do this, but I (named Shing) and all my brothers, cousins, uncles and nephews are pleased to subscribe money towards the expense, and even the descendants of the ancestors Shing (*) and Yan (g) are pleased to help.\n\nThe subscribers are as follows:\n\nYiu Kong (#) subscribed one tael and two mace Sz Taan (BF @), one hundred and fifty taels.\n\nSz Yue (tô) seventy-five taels.\n\nSz Yuk (+), ten taels,\n\nSz Shing (of), two-hundred and fifty taels.\n\nK'ei Yuen (M), sixty taels.\n\nSz Tsaan (*), sixty taels.\n\nT'ing Suen (), eight taels.\n\nSz Yue ($), sixty taels.\n\nKin Lung, 47th year repaired, and this stone tablet fixed.\n\nThe virtuous, meritorious descendant Tseung Luk was the one who started this Hall. The virtuous, meritorious descendant Sz Shing was the one who took charge of the work of repairing it.”\n\n* See Plate 34 at rear of this Volume.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207845, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 233, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "218\n\nMAURICE FREEDMAN\n\n(as I hope it will be) of the relations between a market town and its surrounding villages, then there will be in the course of it the opportunity to see how local leaders acting in concert may attempt to deal with disputes brought to them.\n\n47. I turn now to a different subject. Fung shui is very much in the administrator's mind and I was pleased to have my own growing interest in Chinese geomancy reinforced by the interest shown by the District Officers. I should explain that before I began my survey in the New Territories I had not dealt with fung shui as a field problem and that the only analysis I had made of it from the literature was concerned with the significance of quarrels over grave sites. (My Lineage Organization deals briefly with this matter at pp. 77f.) I had therefore much to learn while I was in the New Territories and there remain many points I have yet to study. The following account, as a result, is an exploration and only the beginning of an analysis.\n\n48. I shall open the discussion with a bald statement that any view of the situation is misguided which starts from the assumption that the inhabitants of the New Territories are parties to a great cynical conspiracy seeking to exploit the tender concern of the Administration for the religious susceptibilities of its charges. This is a view held by many city people who, in a mixture of envy and condescension, gaze on their country cousins from afar, and by some outsiders in the New Territories whose distance from the local people is to be measured socially and not in miles. True, the Administration has shown itself to be zealous in the protection of Chinese religion (and more tolerant of it than the preceding Chinese regime, whose officials were required to suppress unorthodoxy); and there are undoubtedly cases where a government with a less tender attitude might with impunity have overridden geomantic objections which, in the event, have cost the Administration time, annoyance, and money. But in fact the success of many country people in getting their way in fung shui matters has necessarily rested on their belief in it; for were people to be generally cynical the system of action could not go on unchanged. There are sceptics, some of whom may behave as though they were not in order to benefit from the rewards for belief. I have already suggested that Village Representatives may disbelieve in the validity of their constituents' claims and yet press them for political reasons. On the other hand, it is not always easy to be sure that the expression", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208182, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 221, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n205 \n\nKok Shan. In general, the significance of Tang Foo is two-fold: 1) by establishing a famous school or study (Lik Ying Tsai #) near Kam Tin, he linked his name with scholarly achievement in San On and Canton, 2) by recognizing the qualities of the area's Fung-shui (風水) and locating his ancestors' graves accordingly, he assured future benefits for his descendents. \n\n10. With reference to the former point, Tang expansion was undoubtedly assisted by the largely fictive \"kinship\" bonds established within the scholarly civil-service tradition. \n\n11. It will be noted that in the two accounts of Fung-shui appended to these notes,* the landmarks recognized by Tang Foo correspond generally to the boundaries of territory claimed by the Kam Tin— Ping Shan- Ha Tsuen Tangs. Also notice the conflicting tales recorded by Sung and O'Dwyer,† particularly concerning whether Tang Foo was an official prior to examining the Fung-shui. An excellent example of how oral \"tales” contradict orthodox doctrine. \n\n12. There is considerable doubt that, after Tang Foo, the Tangs continued to be a force in Sham Tin; but, two generations later, ancestors reappear, and with them mention, for the first time, of the popular territorial division of Kam Tin. Two cousins (grandchildren of Tang Foo), Kwai (#) and Sui (*) settled respectively in Nam Pin (南邊) and Pak Pin (北邊) Villages. \n\n13. The dispersal of their children, known as 'the Five Yuen (五遠)' is the first major migration or fission of the Tangs from Sham Tin. The descendents of the Five Yuen considered together form the highest order grouping of the Tang clan. \n\nKwai (癸) gave birth to Yuen-hei (元喜) who settled in Tung Kwun City (東莞縣城) and Pak Wai (北圍), and Yuen-ying (元英) who settled in Fuk Lung (福隆) of Tung Kwun county. \n\nSui (遂) gave birth to Yuen-ching (元貞) who remained in San On, establishing the branch of the clan at Ping Shan (坪山), Yuen-leung (元亮) who remained in Sham Tin, and Yuen-woh (元禾) who moved to Wai Tak (懷德) of Tung Kwun. \n\nThese together made up the five great branches of the Tung Kwun San On Tangs. In the K'ang Hsi years of Ch'ing, their descendents established the To Hing Tong (蹈興堂), which built\n\n* pp. 214-216. Only one has been printed. \n\n† K. O'Dwyer, \"Kam Tin, Memories and Legends\" The Rock (a Hong Kong Catholic Journal) April 1940.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210181, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "131\n\nalike, they made their own arrangements for self management in clan, village, sub-district, coastal centre and market town. So long as they paid their taxes and did not commit crimes or affrays they were left alone by the authorities. Being settled, in many cases, for so long, the inhabitants had intermarried over generations, sending their daughters to other villages and taking wives from neighbouring settlements as well as from further afield, from Kowloon and nearby places in the present New Territories. Some villages were linked by blood ties in the male line, as at Little Hong Kong and Pokfulam where the Chans and Chaus had settled or branched off, and some Wong Nei Chung clans had male cousins at Little Hong Kong. These links made it natural for the villages to join together in periodic communal protective rites like the ta chiu (打醮) which according to old residents still persisted into this century; whilst the temples attracted large gatherings at major festivals, especially on the birthdays of their patron deities.\n\nThis is not the place to provide yet another description of the forms which the local village communities used to provide for the regulation of their society. Full descriptions have been given elsewhere of the role of the clan, centred on the ancestral hall and the ancestral graves; of the village, centred on the earthgod shrines, village school, and the village fields and water supply; and of the market town and the nexus of villages it served, centred on the kaifong, the temple and its management committee, and the ta chiu.1 All that is needed here is the emphatic confirmation that all the parts of this traditional system, so well-known from the late nineteenth and early twentieth century New Territories, were present on Hong Kong Island in and before 1841.\n\n79\n\n80\n\nAncestral halls certainly existed in all the major and some of the minor villages although few now survive. Tai Tam Tuk and Law Uk (Chai Wan) both had one, and there were others at Little Hong Kong and Wong Nei Chung, and the Tai Tam villagers had two, although it is likely that both were built after 1841. Earthgod shrines equally certainly existed - the very name of To Tei Wan village (\"Earthgod Bay\") suggests this, and we have seen that the Hung Shing Temple in Wanchai probably originated in an earthgod shrine. Several of the quarry hamlets in the Quarry Bay to Shaukeiwan area had shrines, and others survive built into the\n\nBL", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210462, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "50\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nsun, and continuous weather watching.\n\nWomen assisted in most of these jobs, and in addition were responsible for all the interior boat (and house) cleaning, cooking, cutting and collecting fuel and fetching water and, of course, clothes making, washing and mending. The entire care of very young children also fell to them. Unless she was still unmarried and had efficient sisters-in-law or was old with efficient daughters-in-law, a boat woman had virtually no free time. (A third but unlikely possibility would be that she had no children). Those who moved ashore during the 'sixties found life much less exacting. Not going fishing they were neither so fatigued nor so pressed for time, and managing a family household ashore was far less physically uncomfortable and time consuming than on a small boat. The outwork for Hong Kong plastics factories on which the women of Kau Sai were making pin-money in the late 'sixties would not have been possible, even if it had been available, in the early 'fifties.\n\nMen had always a little more time for recreation. Gambling (at poker, Russian poker, or mah-jong), talking, listening to the radio, sleeping and playing with young children were their major pastimes. Sometimes they even went fishing, for fishing remained a sport as well as a source of livelihood. At times they would drift into the shops to buy cigarettes and snacks (sweets, cake, aerated water), and when they were working on any major job (sail-making, for example, in the old days, or drying especially large quantities of fish) there would be a mid-day luncheon perhaps cakes or biscuits bought from the shop, or maybe something special cooked on the boat and sent across to them to eat. Birthdays, too, were often marked in this way.\n\nBy about four o'clock the dried nets and fish were being gathered in, the purse-seiners would be preparing to go out again, the children wandering back or being collected by older brothers or fathers or uncles or cousins, the evening meal being prepared. Then after eating and washing once more the fishermen would be off for the next night's business. At sunset each evening as at sunrise each morning incense was burned for the ancestors and at the prow (where was located the water equivalent of the land-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210523, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "111\n\nwere currently married, but 16 were under 30 years of age and can be assumed to have been still marriageable. Of the family circumstances of 4 of these I unfortunately have no information. Five were recorded as being fatherless. Only the 7 whose fathers were still alive as heads of undivided families could have had a reasonable expectation of matrimony. I have already mentioned Ma Fung Shan, the foki who was still a bachelor at 43 and expected to remain so. Three of his agnatic first cousins were Kau Sai residents, but family division had taken place some twenty or more years previously and none had any responsibility for him, though most admitted to a moral obligation to offer him employment. The fatherless unmarried men and those for whom I have no information, if not like Leung Shui Hei entirely cut off from all their kinsmen, were likely in due course to find themselves in much the same situation as Ma Fung Shan.\n\nOccasionally an employer might be willing to put up the bridewealth for a good foki whom he wanted to keep. Chung Fuk Hei was said to have done this in the mid-forties, just after the Japanese occupation, when he had recently decided to work his own boat separately from his brothers' and while his one son was still too young to be fully a crew member. But the moral of the tale of this act of generosity, which I was told more than once, was always the same; namely, one should never put one's trust in strangers, especially if they are hired men. Within a year of his marriage the favoured foki went off with his bride to one of the bigger fishing centres where he got a better paid job for himself and a sampan with which to run a water-taxi service for her. Fuk Hei was an irascible man, as most informants were willing to agree, and by no means an easy master to work for; moreover, he paid low wages. Nevertheless the foki's behaviour was universally condemned, and Fuk Hei derided for a fool. What else could be expected from a mere hired man?\n\nExcept among the fokis themselves attitudes of this kind were universal. Fokis were considered untrustworthy, lazy, usually incompetent, cheeky, unreliable, greedy, extravagant. Few employers, or even their sons who worked side by side with them, knew much about their hired men. Several times, on asking the name of a particular individual I was answered, with a disinter-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210671, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 22, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "immigrants have had to face. How they have adjusted and how the local population have reacted to them create social tensions with particular historical significance in the 1980s and probably beyond. A few case histories will illustrate the events leading to emigration, what it takes to adapt to the pace of life in Hong Kong, and how the immigrants' personal dilemmas complicate the rich human texture beneath the glittering veneer of the urban society.\n\nThe return of the successful emigrant\n\nLiang Daxin returned to his native market town from Hong Kong in the spring of 1982. For two weeks, his family, cousins, neighbours, and schoolmates crowded his father's house, commenting with envy on his leather jacket, his hair-style, and the gifts he brought back. He recounted the adventures of his sojourn in Hong Kong and showed his classmates the identification card that had given him a special status. His parents and neighbours started to mention the serious matter of his reaching 29 years, and hinted at marriage arrangements. He also had long discussions with his schoolmates from the commune high school concerning joint-ventures. Several friends had been raising quails for sale in the county capital, but needed a motor-tricycle to expand the marketing networks. They felt that Liang might be able to get a cheap one from Hong Kong. They also had plans for a bakery. Liang could provide machinery and management skills that he supposedly had learned from “capitalist\" Hong Kong. For his contributions, Liang would get a share of the bakery's profits. Such networking strategies would give them a competitive edge over small-scale enterprises that had been mushrooming all over the rural landscape in response to the government's efforts to relax its hold on the economy. Liang's position in Hong Kong makes him an asset for his friends who desperately seek connections to the world outside China.\n\nThree years before, Liang applied for official permission to emigrate to Macao where he had a sister. After long bureaucratic delays, his relatives in Hong Kong paid a handsome sum to a gang that ferried illegal aliens and transported him to Hong Kong instead. After the organizers abandoned the shipload of illegal aliens on the shores of Aberdeen, he went through the terrifying days of\n\nPage 5", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210842, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 193, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "176\n\nCARL SMITH\n\nDr. Legge never taken him away from the herd of buffaloes he was tending at Malacca.\n\nSTUDENTS CATCH GOLD FEVER\n\nGold fever hit the Canton delta in the 1850s. It had an unsettling effect on students. Books were much less attractive than nuggets of gold in California or Australia.\n\nThe reports of the schools reflect the pull of the gold-fields on the pupils.\n\nShortly before the first class of the Presbyterian Boarding School at Canton was to be graduated in 1852, the whole class was swept by the gold fever. Their principal, the Rev. Dr. Andrew Happer, explains the reasons. \"The villages from which the older pupils have come are those from which a great number had gone to California. Their brothers, uncles and cousins had gone, some had sent home some gold dust and statements about the ease with which gold could be obtained. This caused a feverish excitement among these boys.\"\n\nThe school had a hold on them from which it was not easy to get free. When they were enrolled their parents signed a bond that the boys would remain in the school for the full course, usually six to eight years. In return they received free board, clothing and education. If they left before this period, the cost of their board figured at $20 a month had to be refunded or the bond was forfeited.\n\nWhile others of their own age were off to adventure and fortune, they had to sit in the classroom deprived of their freedom. They became restless, unruly and hard to manage, not the docile, diligent, obedient students the missionary teachers had become used to.\n\nIt took a great amount of diplomatic skill and patience for Dr. Happer to prevent a full-scale walkout. He believed that most of the unrest was caused by one student, whom he had to dismiss. Afterwards Dr. Happer reflects: “I am now inclined to think that wanting employment he took the course he did with a wish to be", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210869, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 220, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "203\n\ned his brother by raising much of the capital needed to open the mines.\n\nIn 1883 King-sing was sent to Europe and America to inspect mining operations and machinery. His elder brother took over the management of the China Merchants' during his absence. It was a time of troubles.\n\nThe French were expanding their interests in south China and war broke out. As a precaution, the property of the China Merchants' was transferred to the firm of Russell and Company. This would prevent their ships from being seized by the French as they would be flying the American flag. After cessation of hostilities and peace was restored, the Chinese again assumed control.\n\nEven though Mow-chee assumed these extra duties, he retained his position with Jardines until his death. In his latter years, however, he was able to place the management of the compradore's office under the care of his son Tong Kidson.\n\nThis son had been one of the boys sent by the Chinese Government to be educated in the United States under the Chinese Educational Mission.\n\nThe scheme was initiated by Yung Wing who had been a classmate of Tong Mow-chee in the Morrison Education Society School. Several of Kidson's cousins were also students of the mission. The most famous was Tang Shao-i, a leading political figure during the Republican period, Tong Kai-son, or as he was also called, Tong Kwok-on, after following his father Tong King-sing in the administration of the Kaiping Mining Company, became the first President of Tsing Hua College in Peking. Tong Yuen-cham, a student of the mission and a graduate of Columbia University, New York City, became Director-General of the Imperial Chinese Telegraph Administration.\n\nNo doubt the position and influence of Tong King-sing and Tong Mow-chee enabled these students of the Educational Mission to arrive at their own high position in the Government of China in the early part of the 20th century.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211420, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 136, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "112\n\nI remember Uncle as a tall, serious person with rather high cheek bones and a broad, prominent chin, altogether a rather handsome gentleman. He had a soft voice, unexpected of a man his size. He was frugal, conservative and cautious in whatever task he undertook. His wife, née Auyoung, was a tiny woman, with bound feet, exuding energy and efficiency, a true Chinese matriarch. She was born on 14 October 1874 in the village of Ma Tsze To a family of some stature. One of her cousins was well-known in national politics and was connected with the building of the Yet Hon Railroad connecting Canton and Hankow. Toby described his mother as a good woman and a good mother. She was a literate person even though she only had tutoring at home. Because she had experienced poverty at some point before marriage, she was very thrifty herself, but generous with others. She stinted on food for herself to give her children. Toby was very much touched when she sent him off to the United States with a 20 dollar gold coin she had saved for emergencies, and regrets that he did not save it as a permanent reminder of her great love and sacrifice.\n\nThe three boys and four girls in the family attended St. John's and St. Mary's in Shanghai, where they learned English well, as Uncle had hoped. They are:\n\nToby Ting Kin E (18 Feb 1900-); also known as Tung Pai |0f| Helen Moo Ching AA (5 Feb 1902-15 Jan 1974)\n\nCharles Ting Hing (21 Dec 1903-1978)\n\nGeorgette Moo Yung\n\nMoo Yun\n\nTing Cheong\n\nL\n\n(3 Apr 1909-25 Jun 1979); also known as Tung Sui 同瑞\n\nMoo Sau 慕修(1919-).\n\nNo doubt very bright, after two years at St. John's, Toby was admitted by competitive examination to Tsinghua University in Peking at the age of 16. Tsinghua was founded with Boxer Indemnity money the United States had returned to China to prepare Chinese students for further studies in the American universities. Toby became interested in fisheries and selected the University of Washington after Tsinghua in 1920. He earned a B.S. degree in 1923 in Fisheries but he felt the need to study other aspects of the field not available in Washington. After two semesters", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211439, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "131\n\nMost of the itinerant workers were from where my father originated and spoke the Nam Long subdialect. Uncle housed them in a bedroom attached to the large barn facing the concrete area used for threshing and drying the grain. After dinner these men would lie on wooden, mat-covered beds, conversing with each other while heating beads of opium over a small lamp before puffing through a long pipe the bubbling brown drug. To this day I can recognize the sweet odour of opium.\n\nWhenever Uncle went to Honolulu, he would always stop by to bring us vegetables from the farm and have his lunch, usually large buns filled with black bean paste and large, flat cakes, made largely of flour and sugar. He usually left around two o'clock in order to reach home by sundown. The journey was difficult, especially in bad weather, because the horses would sometimes balk and refuse to proceed when they approached the Pali. Uncle believed that the horses were sensitive to the presence of ghosts, so that whenever they became stubborn and refused to proceed, he would let them turn back towards Honolulu until they reached the drinking trough of spring water near the entrance to Dr. Morgan's estate. Uncle would wait until the horses were willing to start for Kaneohe again.\n\nBefore the Pali Road, started in 1898, was completed, travel was by horseback from Luluku to the half-way house at the foot of the mountain pass and up the steep slopes to the Pali. A two-seater buggy, which supplanted the horse, was most intriguing in that the passenger seat swung out before one could get in. Once we got to ride in it when Mother allowed Ruth and me to visit our cousins without her. The visit was exciting and enjoyable, as we crowded together on the matted beds, enclosed by thick mosquito netting. Soon we thought that it was more fun to be outside on the porch. As we ran back and forth carrying each other piggy-back, Uncle suddenly appeared and ordered us back to bed. I was told later that I had become so homesick that Uncle had to take us home much sooner than planned.\n\nMother looked forward to a yearly visit to Uncle's and we would go there by coach, owned by Look Buck of Kaneohe. We often grew anxious as the automobile raced down the steep, narrow and winding road. Once Mother jumped out of the coach with Helen in her arms when it began to slide backwards while manoeuvring a hairpin curve. For several years", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211442, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 158, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "134\n\nEsther Ah Lun EA (9 Jun 1916-) married Raymond Ho (died 1981) Amy Ah Mee (11 Dec 1918-1967)\n\nElla Ah How 55F (10 Sept 1921-) married Holbin Akiona (died 1981) Raymond Gai Sum (5 Nov 1927-) married Nellie Fong\n\nRaymond, the youngest, was a difficult infant as he cried constantly. Uncle felt that his deceased brother, wanting a descendant to provide him with offerings, had been responsible for the baby's behaviour. Therefore, Raymond was given to the brother with appropriate ceremony, and his name was changed from Ah Chai to Gai Sum, the first character of the new name meaning 'adopted'.\n\nI always looked forward to visiting my cousins. When I was older and transportation was easier, I visited them more often. I was treated as a regular member of the family, disciplined by Uncle when needed, eating freely, going on hikes with them to the foot of the mountain, picking wild white and yellow ginger blossoms for leis, sampling guavas, mangoes or mountain apples, or plunging into cold streams after carefully picking our way on bare feet over rough and sometimes thorny terrain. On holiday one summer, I joined my cousins in working for a small pineapple cannery nearby, earning thirteen cents an hour on the night shift. During midnight breaks, the older Hawaiian women would entertain us with ukulele music, hula and song. The atmosphere was relaxed and the work was easy. Although I worked only two weeks, I was very happy to receive my first pay when I was only 15 years old.\n\nMy memories of Uncle and his family are very warm, for the relationship was close. Concern for one another was not verbalized but was shown by what we did for each other. The affection between Mother and Aunt was not demonstrative but genuine, and I have never heard any harsh word between the two. Since telephones were not yet common, Uncle would drop in on us regularly to see that all was well. On the other hand, whenever Uncle or Aunt needed new Chinese dresses, Mother would make them. If there were any business matters to be attended to, Father, and later Mother, would find Uncle whatever help he needed.\n\nUncle was truly the head of the house. He was dominating, quick-tempered but honest and hard-working, never complaining. When he", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211474, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 190, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "166\n\nHelen decided to go back to work and obtained a teaching position as substitute in a Chicago elementary school. This did not last long, because a bad automobile accident incapacitated her for some time and left her with some residual disability. Going out to work no longer appealed to her.\n\nEdmund went to Chicago to join Helen after her second marriage. After graduating in dentistry on June 23, 1957, he married Susan Loui on 6 July, 1957. Then he joined the U.S. Army, saw service in Germany and Korea, and retired after twenty years attaining the rank of Colonel. His marriage to Susan Loui was terminated in June, 1981. He is now retired in Colorado with his second wife, Gertrude Kristiansen, whom he married in August, 1981. His three children by Susan are:\n\nKevin Thomas Chi-wing, born 19/6/60 Syrilyn Seu-lin, born 13/7/61 Clayton Edmund Chi-dun #, born 9/12/63\n\nSince there was a difference of seven years between Helen and Dora, the latter found her playmates among the children of Mother's stepsister, Mrs. Pong Fai, who had come to Hawaii with her first-born in 1922 to join her husband. He was in the dry goods business on King Street, opposite the open markets in Chinatown. After a short stay with us, the Pongs moved to their own home on Lusitana Street, not far from us, and there Dora spent much of her free time with our Pong cousins Helen Wai Hing, Violet Wai Lin, Ernest Dung Sun, Herbert Cheong Fat, Ella Wai King, Claron Ah Hoon, Lily Wai Chiu, and Richard Kwock Hung. Dora was very active in contrast to them and she recalls accidentally striking Ernest on the head with a baseball bat, fortunately without serious injury.\n\nBecause I was away at college from 1929 to 1932, I am not clear as to what went on at home during those years. I know that these were very difficult years for Mother and my sisters. Mother was concentrating on getting Ruth back to health and was neglecting to give Dora the attention she needed. Many of the household chores had to be assumed by Dora. She attended Royal School until the family moved to Kaimuki in the hope that Ruth would respond to a drier location. Dora then transferred to Liliuokalani Intermediate School for the 7th, 8th, and 9th\n\n!\n\n¡\n\n!\n\n!", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211820, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 235, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "210\n\nBagshaw and Bradshaw, the critic had to admit that \"what it was all about we were utterly unable to discover\" (NCH 4.6.1859).\n\n15.2.1860 (Wedn)\n\nL.S. BUCKINGHAM: \"Take that Girl Away\" (1855)\n\nT: Comedy (2 acts)\n\nC. SELBY: \"A Fearful Tragedy in the Seven Dials\" (1857)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nTh: N.N. (F)\n\nN: First performance of the season\n\nR: The new theatre was only a small one and therefore it was announced in the Herald of February 11 that \"admission will only be given to ticket holders. Tickets will be distributed with the Bills to the various Hongs and any Gentleman who may be accidentally omitted will be supplied on written application to the Manager\". From time to time politics continued to turn up in the playhouse. It was the time of the English and French wars in China; the United States was not taking part in them, only sharing in the spoils, yet the following remark closed the review: \"We beg permission to observe that we should have been glad to have seen the 'Star Spangled Banner' floating over the proscenium along with the colours of France and England. All honour to the Anglo-French Alliance! But our American cousins form, in every respect, so important a section of this community that the absence of their flag on an occasion like Wednesday evening would seem to be a discourtesy of which we feel very sure that the worthy management never was intentionally guilty\". Tonight, and on March 15, the faces of Messrs. PICKWICK, BRUSHWOOD, and TINTINNABULUM as well as that of Mrs. NESBIT were absent from the stage; others like Miss WALTERS and Mr. PETREL had remained. Making their debut were Mr. ADOLPHE, \"gifted with both self-possession and a good voice\"; Mr. WITHAM who, as Cuttle (in Take that Girl Away) \"displayed a steadiness and a clearness of enunciation calculated to make him a valuable actor in 'utility' parts\"; and Mr. NATIVE whom the reviewer thought \"better fitted to shine as a sentimental than as a grotesque lover\". Miss WALTERS was \"dressed to perfection, played as well as ever (can we say more!) and was charmingly feminine\". In A Fearful Tragedy in the Seven Dials, there was the first night of Mr. C. AITCH as Slumpington for whom **a great future success in 'character parts' was predicted. These hopes were not realised, however, for I have not found his name again. For the umpteenth time, the Herald judged the pieces that were represented weak - to put it mildly. (NCH 18.2.1860).\n\n15.3.1860 (Thur)\n\nT. TAYLOR: \"Still Waters Run Deep\" (1856)\n\nT: Comedy (3 acts)\n\nJ.M. MORTON: \"Poor Pillicoddy\" (1848)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nF: Music by the band of H.M.S. Imperieuse\n\nTh: N.N. (F)\n\nN: Second performance of the season\n\nR: This second night took place in a house that was \"crowded in every part\" and proved \"in every respect highly successful\". The \"Man on the Bund\" had no longer a say in the theatrical reports, and the piece about which he had been so dissatisfied (see 23.4.1857), Still Waters Run Deep got a far better critique now: \"in that scene in the second act in which the villain Hawksley is unmasked, the interest was raised to an exciting pitch and sterling dramatic ability displayed by the performers\". No actors were mentioned, but in Poor Pillicoddy, a \"young gentleman made his first appearance", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211822, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 237, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "212\n\n26.12.1861 (Thur)\n\nConcert by Signor Robbio, violin, and some local amateurs, Programme:\n\n4\n\nL. VAN BEETHOVEN; Trio for strings in E-flat opus 3, V. BELLINI: “Norma”, the aria 'Casta Diva' arranged for violin, C.A. DE BERIOT: Tremolo\", C. GOUNOD: **Meditation upon J.S. Bach's first prelude\", i.e., the famous Ave Maria, C.M. von WEBER: \"Der Freischütz”, cavatine (presumably \"Und ob die Wolke sie verhülle”, act III), arranged for cello and piano. Sir Henry BISHOP: \"Home sweet home\" (from the opera \"Clari, the maid of Milan'), Sr ROBBIO: \"Grande Valse Diabolique“, In addition: some quartet and solo singing by amateurs.\n\nTh: N.N.\n\nR: Today the second concert by the violinist Signor ROBBIO came off \"for a very large audience\". In November he had made his debut in Shanghai but because of a gap of three November issues in the file of the Herald I have been using no details can be given. Once more, however, the paper seems to have been discontented with the selection of the pieces. Not so tonight, with the exception of one composition by Sr Robbio himself, **a work of the Paganini school” of which the critic was evidently not a lover. About the interpretations by the violinist, though, there was but praise; e.g. \"he greatly charmed his audience by the power and feeling with which he executed the beautiful air from Norma, 'Casta Diva'\". So all was enjoyable, the more so as \"for the moribund piano used at the last concert a fine 'Broadwood' was substituted, which displayed to great advantage the admirable playing of the gentleman to whom St Robbio was so much indebted for his accompaniment\". One letter writer went even so far as to exclaim that such delights in Shanghai are indeed 'like angels' visits few and far between' \"' (NCH 28.12.1861).\n\nFebruary and March 1861\n\nPerformances by \"Lewis' Australian Hippodrome” Loc: Commercial House in Hongkew\n\n-\n\n―\n\nוי\n\nN: During the months of February and March \"Lewis' Equestrian Australian Troupe\" gave a large number of performances, of which the first one was announced for February 15 and the last for March 17. The public was entertained with horses and artists, among whom Mr. and Mrs. COUSINS, Mr. BARLOW, Senior RAPHAEL, Jessi GARDONI, **Austin Shanghai**, and “Little Ella\". For all, benefits were held in March. It was not the first time that the troupe had operated on the China Coast. In December 1859 they had visited Hong Kong (CM 15.12.1859, 22.12.1859).\n\n13.2.1863 (Fri)\n\nJ.M. MORTON: \"Our Wife, or the Rose of Amiens\" (1856)\n\nT: Comic drama (1 act)\n\nH\n\nA. MAYHEW & H. SUTHERLAND EDWARDS: The Goose with the Golden Eggs T: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs (Local and British officers)\n\n13.2.1863 (Fri)\n\nJ.M. MORTON: \"Our Wife, or the Rose of Amiens\" (1856)\n\nT: Comic drama (1 act)\n\nA. MAYHEW & H. SUTHERLAND EDWARDS: \"The Goose with the Golden Eggs' T: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs (Local and British officers)\n\nF: Music by the band of the 67th regiment\n\nTh: Theatre Royal (G)\n\nN: First performance of the season\n\nR: Casts:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211927, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 342, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "317\n\nGaai jou was still studying when his brothers had already built for themselves many big houses. When he got married he got his share of his father's estate, which amounted to more than one thousand daam of rent rice. Oral tradition has it that Sou-Lau Yun was used as a yamen during Dang Kyun-Hin's time when Dang Sin, a provincial official, came to investigate bandits in the county.\n\nThis segment dominated nineteenth century lineage and community life in many ways. They have at least ten spirit tablets in the Mau-Ging Tong ancestral hall, and Chung-Shaan and Yu-Gaai were among the five men whose descendants got extra portions of ritual pork in the ancestral worship at the same tong in recognition of their contributions. I have already mentioned that a letter dated 1941 from the head of the clan and others referred to Yu-Gaai's contribution in managing the property of Naam-Kai jou. The only piece of property had been a broken house in the county town which gave an income of 20 yun. Yu-Gaai sold that house and lent the proceeds at interest. In this way he expanded the property to farm land holding that gave a rental income of more than 200 sek of rice. Dang Kyun-Hin and his third son Ming-Lyun donated an incense burner to the Hung-Sing Temple in Shui Tau in 1821. Chung-Saan (alias Ming-Hok) donated another religious article in 1829 and a grandson of his donated an incense burner to the same temple in 1900.\n\nDang Ting-Sam (known to his descendants as Chi-Naam), a son of Dang Ming-Lyun and a grandson of Dang Kyun-Hin, was an important figure in lineage affairs as well as county politics. He was a sau-choi, and his descendants explained that he was prevented by the death of relatives from taking the examinations for the higher degrees. One story tells how Chi-Naam revealed upon his death that he was the reincarnation of the Mountain God of Tai Mo Shan, which probably explains why he was so clever. Another anecdote is concerned with Chi-Naam's influence. When he married a lady named Ho from Sham Chun to his son, the procession carried banners saying \"keep silent and stand aside” (suk-jing wui-bei) and sounding gongs. Some trouble-makers asked who this was. They were told that it was Chi-Naam of Kam Tin. The would-be trouble-makers were scared and went away.\n\nA descendant of one of Ting-sam's cousins knew the exact title of his degree. In this version Ting-sam was a laam-sang, but never attempted higher examinations. His classmates (rung-hok) always wondered why. He spent most of his time enjoying himself at home. When he ran out", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211939, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 354, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "329\n\nLoi Tung, among other places, including some to Dongguan and Xiangshan counties. The cousins of Hung-Yi moved away to nearby Ha Tsuen and Xiangshan county, among other places. Hung-Yi's brother Hung-Ji moved to Ha Tsuen. Thereafter, all the remaining Dangs of Kam Tin were descendants of Hung-Yi.\n\nCasually asking the Dang elders about the relationship between lineage segmentation and settlement, one is given both concrete examples that suggest a correspondence as well as general observations that there is no correspondence. For example, one would be told that the descendants of the third branch (Yeui), which are very few in number, all live in Wing Lung Wai, and that all the others of that village were descendants of the first fong. Unless one asks about a particular segment, the answers would be in terms of the four branches of the lineage, and the conclusion will be that no single segment lives in a village of its own except in the case of Tai Hong Wai where all the villagers are descendants of Man-Wai and his brothers.\n\nGoing down the level of segmentation, to the lineage divisions focussed upon ancestors of the 17th to 19th centuries, there is correspondence in the sense that members of these segments all live in the same village. As already mentioned, all the members of the third branch live in Wing Lung Wai. Similarly, all the Ji-Ga Tong people live in Shui Tau, all the descendants of Wan-Yu live in Wing Lung Wai, and all the descendants of Gwong Yu Tong and Lei Ging Tong live in Tai Hong Wai. Another example is the descendants of Wan-Gaan, who, according to one account, had three sons: Fau-Ng, Jan-Ting and Gai-Jau. Gai-Jau's segment live in Kat Hing Wai. Fau-Ng's descendants are divided into three sub-segments. One of the three lived in Ko Po, another in Kat Hing Wai, and the other in Kam Hing Wai.\n\nSome segments of the lineage settled elsewhere. The descendants of Hung-Yi's second son Jan had moved to Ying Lung Wai near the Yuen Long Old Market at a very early date. I was told by its head of branch that many more lived in Zhongshan county. Some of the descendants of San-Fung, a son of Wan-Guk, also had settled elsewhere. I was told that most of them live in Kat Hing Wai, but some had moved to Tong Fong near Ping Shan. The ritual handbook for Ching-Lok's ancestral hall had a special provision for the descendants of San-Fung, which said that they had moved to Naam Tau, in a street outside the city wall.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212478, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 32, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "12\n\nsupport my wife and family. In 6 year of Hum Foong (1856) being advanced in age, I handed over all my property to my eldest son Cheng Chuen to manage and sign my name Soong Ke in all business transactions, and he has already managed for several years. In consequence of my having to return home to my native place in the present year to build an ancestor's hall out of my own money, and consequently coming and going I took sick and a large carbuncle broke out on my thigh, getting worse day by day, being now about sixty years of age and my constitution is weak.\n\nHong Kong-Shanghai and Shanghai-Canton-Hong Kong Networks\n\nCantonese compradors were predominant in the nineteenth century. They occupied most of the compradorship in foreign mercantile establishments. They were influential in Hong Kong, enjoying a high status in the business community. Cantonese compradors filled the new posts by personal ties, extending their influence from one place to another. For example, Xu Run was introduced by his uncles Xu Yuting and Xu Rongcun who had been working as compradors to Dent & Co. in Shanghai for many years. Xu was first employed as an assistant comprador and later succeeded his family members as compradors: one of his sons to a German firm; one of his cousins as Dent's Kiukiang (Jiujiang) comprador; and another cousin as Shanghai comprador to Carlowitz & Co.\n\nLikewise, Zheng Guanying was also introduced by his relative in Shanghai to serve the compradorship in Butterfield, Swire & Co. Tang Tingshu was introduced by his Zhongshan colleague called Acum (Lin Qin) to James Whittall, the Jardine's Shanghai manager, then he became a comprador to Jardine, Matheson & Co. Tang later guaranteed his elder brother Tang Maozhi as the firm's Tianjin comprador and this brother later succeeded him as chief comprador in Shanghai when Tang Tingshu was relocated to work at the China Merchants' Steam Navigation Co. in 1873. The post was held by the Tang family for several decades. The last was his grandson Tang Jichang. Those three compradors came from the same Zhongshan prefecture and had an inter-relationship. Zheng was a relative to Tang by marriage and also knew the Xu family for generations.\n\nZheng had guaranteed a Zhongshan townman named Yang Guixuan", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212596, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 150, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "Topley asks whether the poor trace hardships, basically, to lack of money. Cash can solicit and secure worldly and spiritual favours, advantages as well as goods.” At a funeral there is abundant, cheap, 'mock' money which mourners 'remit' to the deceased. The dead can be 'looked after' in a style not often possible on earth.\n\nOther ritual ingredients are belief in supernatural powers making up driving forces of the universe, whether these be magic, the complementary powers of yin and yang, ‘dragon vapours' (lung hei) of feng shui, fuk hei (divine blessings) or other superstitions. They must be handled correctly so no one is alienated.\n\nThere are, nevertheless, inconsistencies. If even the average Chinese does appear to believe that everything depends upon impersonal whims and pulsation of feng shui through the universe he does not resign himself entirely to fate. The contradiction is that most Chinese display a strong motivation to achieve wealth, power and prestige. Ability and education are valued. To complicate the issue further there is the Buddhist karmic belief that one's afterlife depends upon morality and performing good deeds on earth. So with a broad streak of pragmatism, if, with ancestor worship, forefathers do not provide adequately for present generation - even though forebears' bones have turned white instead of black - the living will still try to achieve objectives in other ways, such as by following the Confucian work ethic. But the need to perform the will of the gods, if one wishes to be saved, is also stressed, although ascetic practices and abstaining from worldly comforts appeal to a limited number of Chinese. But effort on its own is not enough. Something else, something special, is required.\n\nWith Chinese civilisation going back to the Shang Dynasty (circa 1600 to 1100 B.C.) beliefs do not usually change overnight. Yet, as explained in this paper, a number of Hong Kong funeral customs have altered significantly since World War II, such as acceptance of cremation and streamlining of funerary formalities. In many ways, Hong Kong Chinese think differently to westerners and even to their mainland cousins. Yet, if a European reflects after attending a Chinese funeral, many aspects are very meaningful. These can help a westerner strengthen Christian beliefs.\n\nEven those Hong Kong Chinese who do not profess a faith still usually engage Taoist or Buddhist monks to perform last rites. The author recalls\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212884, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 193, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "178\n\nNOTES\n\n1\n\nSaid by one of the Tangs of Ha Pa. The father had won a Jockey Club lottery ticket\n\nMrs Wong Chau Yuk-bing, 10 July 1991\n\nI once became concerned with a grave on a hill above Tsuen Wan. There had been a mistake and confusion when exhuming illegal graves and removing the remains to an authorized cemetery. My subsequent enquiry showed that this slope contained a number of graves of Chans of Sam Tung Uk, repaired in 1919, and another old grave belonging to their cousins from Kwan Mun Hau, a recent reburial of another of their graves whose old site had been required for development; the earth grave with stone tablet dated 1954 belonging to another local lineage recently taken up and remains placed in an urn (whose removal caused all the trouble); and a Tsang grave dated 1909 but removed at some time previously. The enquiry showed that the hill was a favoured burial site, that it was mostly monopolized by the Chans of Sam Tung Uk; that they had received objections from Kwan Mun Hau to a new grave and had not used it but found another site.\n\n4\n\nThe exercise was prompted by what I personally felt was the misguided notion that all the owners of old graves could, and should, one fine day be asked to exhume them.\n\n4 This was still felt to be the case, even though some leading members of the clan were Christians, with forebears who had also been members of the local protestant Chuen Yuen Church, established in Tsuen Wan about 1905.\n\n+\n\nAddressed to DOTW but sent to NTA HQ. See Secretary for the NT's NT L/M No.(172) in E/948/78 to TM&DO TW dated 11 December 1980, enclosing Chinese letter dated November 1980.\n\n+ Chinese letter from Mr. Wong Kit-hung, Village Representative of Shui Pin Village, Yuen Long, dated 14 January 1980.\n\n\"Wong Cho-yip and 22 other villagers of this place are the owners of the grave of Ancestor Shui-tai at Tsing Lung Tau. Ancestor Shui-tai was buried there in the tenth month of the first year of Tung Chih [1862], so that the grave has a history of 120 years. The villagers have recently learned that the government will resume the land there for development. They fear that great damage will be done to the fung-shui [of the clan] if the grave is destroyed. We entreat you to remedy the situation quickly [by cancelling the notice] or by compensating for this loss, so that they may choose a lucky day for the removal of their ancestral grave (and another auspicious burial ground for).\n\nM\n\nChopped DOTW Inward. Serial No. 1861 of 17 August 1963. The District Commissioner gave an account of a ceremonial visit following damage to a grave. See Annual Departmental Report, District Commissioner, New Territories, 1955-56.\n\n4\n\nADR, DCNT 1955-56, para. 87.\n\nMr Wong Kwai-chi, Land Inspector, Class 1. He and I had been colleagues and friends since we first served together in the District Office South, twenty years before.\n\n|| DOTW file TW6/WL/71, Chinese letter dated 4 May 1971.\n\n1:\n\nSee JHKBRAS, Vol. 17 (1977), p.189 for background.\n\nFile TW130/983/77, for China Light and Power Company's electricity supply sub-station on NE Lantau.\n\n14\n\nThis was partly their own fault, as owing to a particularly intense intra-lineage feud, all through the late 1970s and most of the 1980s they could not agree on removal terms,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213037, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 105, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "85\n\nenquiring what funds were in hand and when building would commence, was attached a letter from Mr Chau Siu K1. That letter indicated that as a result of the previous day's chat with Ho Kat, his friends were very pleased with the idea and willing to subscribe. By 27 March, he had collected close to $2,000. A Mr. Fung had promised to raise a further $2,000, and by 5 April, Mr. A. Ramjahn's $500 and the $1,500 promised by his friends gave the proposal, with money already collected, $8,500, enough to begin building.\" Having raised the money, Dr. Ho Kai pressured Dr. Gibson, in letters of 16 April and 16 May, to indicate when building would commence.\n\nFrom Dr. Gibson's account,\" the impetus for Chinese subscriptions was that 'they are appalled at the great loss of mothers and children' and Dr. Ho was anxious to take the opportunity of cheap building material prices in 1902 to begin building. 12. Building was delayed for many months, however, by the discussions of the LMS local committee on its ability to meet the conditions on which the Chinese subscribers made their donation. On the one hand, Dr. Gibson noted that, with Dr. Ho Kai as prime mover, his wishes should be acceded to as far as possible,\" and on the other hand, resistance of the committee to a change in policy was evident. The issue was over the appointment of a lady doctor to take charge of the maternity hospital and who was to pay for her.\n\nBy this time, the LMS had lady doctors in several cities in China, including Amoy, Peking and Hankow. These doctors were either self-supporting or privately funded, although not, it appears, as a result of any discriminatory policy. Goodall notes that there had always been some men and women who offered their services without stipend, sometimes subsidising others. However, women missionaries were not appointed in their own right as the equal partners of men until late in the nineteenth century. Lovett indicates that from 1875 the LMS was in the vanguard in using women missionaries to reach the women of India and China who were inaccessible to male missionaries, with LMS lady doctors being introduced to China before other places, the first being Dr Tribe of Amoy, in 1895.\n\nIt appears, from the correspondence between Hong Kong and Mr. Cousins, the Joint Foreign Secretary of the LMS, that the payment of a salary split 50:50 between LMS and locally raised funds, as suggested by Dr. Gibson, was not acceptable to the LMS.\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213039, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "87\n\nProfession and Gender; controlling the lady doctor.\n\nIn March, 1903, Dr. Alice Sibree was appointed the Lady Doctor in charge of the new AMMH. Dr. Sibree was a licentiate of the Royal College of Physicians and the Royal College of Surgeons, Edinburgh. 19 She had studied at the London School of Medicine for Women and had received special training in obstetrics and gynecology, particularly at the Rotunda Lying-in Hospital. 2 At the time of her appointment, she was 27 years old and engaged to be married to a Mr. Wright, who was working in Rangoon. Her father was an LMS missionary, stationed in Madagascar, and she appears to have been well connected with the LMS hierarchy in London, regularly, in her correspondence with the LMS Joint Foreign Secretary, Mr. Cousins, including regards to his wife. With her appointment, the Chinese subscribers handed over their money and building proceeded.\n\nThe appointment desired by the LMS Hong Kong District Committee was quite specific. The Lady Doctor must.\n\n1 have had a thorough training, specially in Midwifery and Diseases of Women\n\n2 have a good knowledge of Children's Diseases\n\n3 be a Lady willing to do visiting to attend cases in their own homes\n\n4 be a lady willing to teach and train native women in western methods of midwifery\n\n5 be a Lady Doctor to work exclusively among women and children\n\n6 be a Lady who is willing to act under the medical Superintendent 21\n\nThese terms clearly limited her sphere of practice and defined her subordinate relationship to Dr. Gibson. They were apparently unacceptable to London. In response to a query from Mr. Cousins, Dr. Gibson declared that he 'did not think of the Lady Doctor either as a subordinate or an assistant and had no other thought than that she should be a member of the DC. & have the full status of a missionary' 22. On exactly what terms Dr. Sibree agreed to the appointment is not indicated, nor is what she knew of Hong Kong and its cultural nuances. In the event, her relationship to Dr. Gibson and her sphere of practice became and remained sources of conflict during her five years' contract.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213041, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "89 \n\n+ \n\nThe reason given was the LMS financial position. Yet the fares, salary and expenses of the lady doctor had been guaranteed by the Chinese subscribers at a rate of $2,000 per annum on a five or six year contract basis. \"If there is the slightest prospect of a Lady who would be either self-supporting or supported privately I would prefer to wait a year even\" Dr. wrote to Mr. Cousins and, in a postscript added: 'Mr. Pearce has suggested a code of answer by telegram and I strongly recommend the Society's answer to be \"wait\". While saying that he saw a lady doctor as important for the credibility of the maternity hospital and claiming that she would be equal, his resistance to the type of appointment which was eventually made is clear. Dr. Gibson's position is consistent with his medical training and the social mores of his day. Edinburgh had been the site of strong resistance to female medical students, and the admission of women doctors to the British Medical Association was recent. As well as the 'nature' perception of women, the organisation of medical work itself was modelled on patriarchal family roles and relationships, wherein male doctors were dominant.\n\n10 \n\n申 \n\nDr. Sibree was warmly welcomed, however, began her language classes and was introduced to the Chinese subscribers and visited their wives. Dr. Gibson noted that she seemed ‘eminently fitted for the task which lies before her.'\" In June, 1904, the new six-bed hospital was opened.\n\nAlthough, as Paterson notes, Dr. Sibree's Annual Reports show the growth of the maternity work and midwifery training, her correspondence with the Joint Foreign Secretary of the LMS paints a different picture. Dr. Sibree, within six months of the hospital's opening, complained of lack of work and the LMS District Committee General Meeting of 1904 recorded support for her opening of a dispensary for women and children at Sham Shui Po to provide more work.\n\nThe problem appears to have been two-pronged. With respect to Chinese people, their knowledge of and therefore use of the maternity facilities was low, at an average of 1.5 patients per week in the early years. The wives of the Chinese subscribers also did not use her services, either because they were not in Hong Kong, were ignorant of the service, or were already patients of private doctors.\n\nThose we did see were in perfect ignorance of the whole scheme. Mr. Wells took a great deal of time and trouble in trying to explain", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213043, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 111, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "91\n\nmen who would accept such a position.\n\nIn like manner the students, who have certain duties assigned to them in the clinical ward of the hospitals, would object to taking orders from a lady doctor.\n\nDr. Mitchell continued that Dr. Ho Kai volunteered the information that the Chinese subscribers would not sanction any disturbance of the present superintendency of the wards, making it very clear that he had not consulted Dr. Ho Kai on ‘our little internal difficulty’. General medicine was thereby closed to the lady doctor, but a concession was made: she was allowed two clinic sessions per week for women and children at the Nethersole Hospital. With this, Dr. Mitchell trusted that Mr. Cousins would ‘not be troubled with any further complaints from this quarter’.\n\nAlthough in Britain women doctors had won the battle to train in general medicine, the restriction in role in Hong Kong was defined in terms culturally appropriate to Chinese patients and was exacerbated by the persistent patriarchal attitudes of Dr. Sibree's male colleagues. In 1908, Dr. Gibson suggested that if Dr. Sibree wanted to expand her work, then she could set up a ‘sanitarium for consumptives, convalescent home, home for incurables,’ and noted that he had ‘no desire to give up work which has been my sphere for the past ten years’. This statement powerfully differentiates the female doctor's role as caring for the chronically ill, and the male's as intervention by surgery, consistent with Broom's view of ‘masculine medicine’.\n\nMr. Cousins continued to be troubled by Dr. Sibree's dissatisfaction with her role in Hong Kong, even when Mr. Pearce asserted the support of the District Committee for their lady doctor: ‘Dr. Sibree must at all costs be protected in her rights and privileges as a co-worker with us all’. One suspects that open communication with Dr. Gibson was difficult, leading Dr. Sibree to ask for intercession from London through private correspondence, both personally and by way of her father. Mr. Pearce in October, 1906, commented that\n\nI shall fully and fearlessly act up to my own sense of duty as respects Dr. Gibson. The state of his health and the extraordinary excitement and agitation to which he seemed prone when his will was crossed by colleagues in the mission are the only excuses I", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213044, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 112, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "92\n\never had for excessive caution to become reprehensible weakness in dealing with Dr. Gibson. He being now I presume in health will be held responsible in the same sense and degree that his colleagues are in the entire committee for his treatment of Dr. Sibree and for all his acts as a missionary.\" JB\n\nIf Dr. Gibson was 'difficult' with a senior male mission colleague, it is likely that his style led the young Dr. Sibree to avoid confrontation and try other measures to gain her objectives, complaining privately to Mr. Cousins, her pastoral support, and to friends in England, who then required answers from LMS on why she was so treated. In late 1904, she indicated that if, and only if, a replacement could be found, she would leave to be married.” In 1906, Mr. Cousins invited her to explore whether she could be released from her contract to take up a larger post in Hankow. Her engagement broken off in 1905, Dr. Sibree was free to move, but the appointment was virtually vetoed by the Chinese subscribers. Dr. Ts'o, whom she found ‘a most kindly little man, indicated that her leaving would be a personal affront, a loss of 'face', and damaging to the hospital, as the subscribers would feel that they had made donations for nothing. Dr. Ho Kai's 'sweetener' was to suggest that she should take over the female side of the Tung Wah Hospital. So Alice Sibree remained, continued her complaints to London, even though the work increased and she denied to her Hong Kong audience that a problem existed. The Minutes of the 1906 Annual Meeting of the District Committee record that 'Dr. Sibree was asked if she is now satisfied and was understood to answer that the opportunities of her special work have much improved'. This reply was elicited in response to a letter from the LMS Board. In 1908, she indicated that she would resign in February, 1909.\n\nIn early\n\nTo this point, the development of the AMMH and its outreach service was constrained by race and gender, as they affected the definition of the lady doctor's role, and exacerbated by the tensions in the relationship of Dr. Gibson and the LMS Hongkong District Committee. The influence of gender perceptions was far-reaching. Mission doctors were both medical people and missionaries, yet Dr. Gibson's role was restricted to hospital and clinic work, his inability to speak more than a little Cantonese precluding an evangelistic role with patients. However, Dr. Sibree was seen as more 'missionary' than ‘medical'. She was required to learn Cantonese and in her letters to England, she referred to her mission work, every afternoon visiting and teaching, and twice a week teaching hymns.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213048, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "96\n\nThe relations of our medical missionaries Dr. Gibson and Dr. Sibree with each other have been almost from the time of the latter's arrival a cause of grievous distress here, now our relations with them both occasion constant searchings of heart.\n\nDisagreement amongst missionaries was not uncommon, shown in their correspondence with the Foreign Secretaries, who gave pastoral support to each missionary. As Goodall notes, the criticisms missionaries made of colleagues just indicates their human characteristics.68 However, the relationship between Drs. Gibson and Sibree reached its lowest point at an important time for the District Committee. The change to District Committee responsibilities introduced in 1895 was under discussion in Hong Kong in 1909, with a view to devolving its powers to the locally established church of Chinese Christians. As well, the growth of the LMS was making funding of mission work very difficult. Thus, controversy within the District Committee would put at risk the credibility of the LMS and the continuity of local funding.\n\n69\n\nMiss Davies, Principal of an LMS school, and a long-time member of the District Committee, reported that Dr. Sibree, contrary to her claims, had been overworked through 1907-08, and expressed the view that Chinese women would not support her in private practice. Rather, they would support the new lady doctor, presumably because the latter would have the sponsorship of the subscribers and the hospital.70 In correspondence with Mr. Cousins, she wrote:\n\nI wish the Lady Doctor were on her way out. There is no doubt that the right kind of woman will find abundance of work. We all have to make our own work. We all of us have had, in a large measure, to make our own work: certainly the best part of it.71\n\nDr. Mitchell, who felt that she had not made an effort to adapt to the conditions of Hong Kong, continued to support Dr. Gibson in his claim on the Nethersole and the existing male dominance of clinical medicine at the hospital.72\n\nThis contradiction between Dr. Sibree's claims and the perceptions of others, female and male, is puzzling. One explanation is that it was politically motivated, in that to overcome gender perceptions relegating her to midwifery, she needed to win a medical argument about the small", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213049, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "97\n\npatient numbers. That she was unsuccessful indicates the ability of Dr. Gibson to control a discourse in which both medical and patriarchal interpretations converged.\n\nEarly in 1909, Dr. Sibree indicated that she would be prepared to return for at least a year. Her offer was acceptable to the Chinese subscribers, even though they had expressed a preference for an older woman. However, while the District Committee Annual Meeting Minutes record that Dr. Sibree had offered to stay for at least a year, she denied that. In September, 1909, she announced her decision not to return to the hospital at all. Poor Mr. Pearce! He had sided with Dr. Sibree against Dr. Gibson; he obviously felt that she had let him down, and now, as an independent lady doctor in Hong Kong, she was a threat to the mission hospital's work with women and children. He urged the LMS to make sure that their replacement was sent before Dr. Sibree returned to Hong Kong.\n\nDr. Sibree had previously indicated that she was likely to continue as supervisor of government midwives, as she had the support of the Medical Officer of Health, even though that position was seen as the province of the Alice. Subsequently, Dr. Gibson proposed a new hospital in Kowloon, with a women's ward which was to be the charge of the lady doctor. In January, 1910, the outpost was visited by a 'Deputation' of the LMS Directors from England, including Mr. Curne Martin, the Joint Foreign Secretary, their interest presumably in this matter as well as the other sources of tension, including the change in the role of the District Committee, discernible from correspondence.\n\nBy September, 1910, Dr. Sibree had returned to Hong Kong and in correspondence with Mr. Cousins referred again to the superintendency role which Dr. Gibson had taken in relation to her work, and complained of the lack of interest shown in her problem by the LMS, although this was denied by Mr. Pearce. She had begun a private practice with Chinese women and was again the supervisor of government midwives, despite the objections of Dr. Gibson, who could not take the position because of his lack of Cantonese. It is clear from her letter that she was confident that she had defeated Dr. Gibson in the competition for that position.\n\nHer replacement at the Alice, Dr. Eleanor Perkins, arrived in December 1910, nearly two years after Dr. Sibree's resignation. Dr. Gibson noted that 'she is interested in obstetrics and gynaecology' and promptly introduced her to Dr. Ho Kai and Mr. Brewin, Registrar-General, who\n\n78", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213054, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 122, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "102\n\ngovernment midwives. The Civil Hospital improved its standards as it was required to provide the clinical training facilities for the University. The Chinese subscribers, who had so generously supported the development of the LMS hospitals, gained and strengthened their power on its committees, but were involved also in these secular developments. The death of Dr. Ho Kai in 1914 coincided with staff shortages and restricted finance for the hospital, as war clouds gathered, making it harder to regain the lead. On the resignation of Dr. Sibree, the impetus for leadership and innovation was lost by the AMMH, although demand grew. It was not restored until the arrival in 1925 of Dr. Annie Sydenham, who, as a long term incumbent, was in a position to introduce preventive and outreach programmes. By this time, the initiative and future form of the service had passed into secular hands, those of the Chinese Public Dispensaries and the Hong Kong Government.\n\nNOTES\n\n1LMS Eastern, South China Box 15, 1903, No 274 Mrs Stevens, (Matron of the Alice Memorial Hospital) to Mr Cousins, 24 April 1903\n\n2Hong Kong Sessional Papers 1884 29/84, Par 39-42 Dr Ayres' opinion could be seen as either to support the policy of separation of medical services for the Chinese, or, by suggesting the attendance of Western doctors, to be promoting increased influence over the Tung Wah Hospital. At the same time, the Civil Hospital was a general hospital, with no separate maternity area, and its role was to provide primarily for the non-Chinese community. The relationship between the Tung Wah Hospital and the Hong Kong Government is analysed in Elizabeth Sinn, Power and Charity: The Early History of the Tung Wah Hospital, Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1989)\n\n3Daily Press, 27 April, 1897\n\n4Mrs Steven's Report 1891-99\n\n5LMS South China Box 15, 1901 No 263 Dr Gibson to Mr Cousins, 1 February, 1901\n\n6Mrs Steven's Report 1901 Alice Hospital Archives Copy\n\n7May to Lyttelton, 21 July, 1904, #291 CO129/323\n\n8LMS Box 12, 1892 No 212 Report of the Annual Meeting of the Finance Committee, enclosed with a letter from Dr. Burton, 19 April, 1893\n\n9LMS 1908 Box 17, 1908 Memorandum from Dr Gibson to LMS Directors, 26 March, 1908", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213055, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 123, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "103\n\n10\n\nLMS Box 15, 1902 No 267 Dr Gibson to Mr. Cousins, 20 May, 1902\n\n\"LMS Box 15, 1902 No 267 Dr Gibson to Mr. Cousins, 20 May, 1902\n\n12 LMS Box 15, 1902 No 267 Dr Ho Kai to Dr Gibson, 18 March, 1902\n\nLMS Box 15, 1902 No 267 Dr Gibson to Mr Cousins, 20 May, 1902\n\n14 Norman Goodall, A History of the London Missionary Society 1895-1914 (London: Oxford University Press, 1954), pp 12, 170, 516\n\nRichard Lovett, The History of the London Missionary Society 1795-1895 Vol II (London: Henry Frowde, 1899), pp 714-22, pp 744-46 and Appendix\n\n16 LMS Box 15, 1902 No 267 Mr Pearce to Mr Cousins, 20 May, 1902\n\n17 Goodall, op cit, pp 97, 516\n\nLMS Box 15, 1901 No 263 Dr Gibson to Mr Cousins, 1 February, 1901\n\n19 China Mail, 22 September, 1928\n\n20 EH Paterson, A Hospital for Hong Kong. The Centenary History of the Alice Ho Miu Ling Nethersole Hospital (np: nd [1987]). See also Susanna Hoe, The Private Life of Old Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1990), p 166\n\n21\n\nLMS Box 15, 1902 No 268-269 Dr Gibson to Mr. Cousins, 12 September, 1902\n\n22 LMS Box 15, 1903 No 273 Dr. Gibson to Mr Cousins, 9 February, 1903\n\n23 LMS 1908 17, 1908 Memorandum from Dr. Gibson to the Directors, 26 March, 1908\n\n24 LMS Box 18, 1910 Dr Mitchell to Rev G Currie Martin, 1 September, 1910\n\n25 LMS Box 16, 1906 No 295 Mr Pearce to Rev G Cousins, 9 October, 1906\n\n26 LMS Box 15, 1903 No 274 Dr. Gibson to Mr Cousins, 11 May, 1903\n\n27 LMS Box 15, 1903 No. 277 Dr Gibson to Mr Cousins, 8 December, 1903\n\n28 LMS Box 15, 1902 No 268-9 Dr Gibson to Mr Cousins, 12 September, 1902.\n\n29 Felicity Allen, \"The expulsion of women from the BMA: the impact on women's professional aspirations\", in Heather Gardner (ed.), The Politics of Health (London: Churchill Livingstone, 1989)\n\nAnn Game and Rosemary Pringle, Gender at Work (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1983)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213056, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 124, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "104\n\n\"LMS Box 15, 1903. No 277 Dr Gibson to Mr Thompson, 8 December 1903\n\n32 Paterson, op. cit.\n\n17 LMS Box 16, 1904-5 No 284 Dr Sibree to Mr. Cousins, 20 December, 1904 LMS Box 16, 1905 No 286 Dr Sibree to Mr. Cousins, 3 January, 1905\n\n14 LMS Box 16, 1905 No 286 Mr Pearce to Mr Cousins, 28 January, 1905\n\nLMS Box 16, 1904-5 No 284. Dr Sibree to Mr Cousins, 20 December, 1904\n\n16 LMS Box 16, 1904-5 No 284 Dr Sibree to Mr. Cousins, 20 December, 1904\n\n17 The Hongkong Government Gazette, 5th May, 1900, p 639.\n\n38 LMS Box 16, 1905 No 286 Dr. Sibree to Mr Cousins, 3 January, 1905\n\n39 LMS Box 16, 1905, No 286 Mr Pearce to Mr Cousins, 28 January, 1905 Minutes of the Hongkong District Committee Annual Meeting 1904\n\n40 The letter of 13 March, 1903, from Mr. Cousins notifying the appointment of Dr Sibree was replied to by Mr Pearce on 16 April. On 15 May, Dr Gibson penned his request for a male medical locum See LMS Box 15, 1903, No 274, TW Pearce to Rev G Cousins, 16 April, 1903 and ibid, Dr Gibson to Mr Cousins, 15 May, 1903\n\nLMS Box 16, 1905 No 288 Dr Mitchell to Rev. Geo Cousins 20 April, 1906\n\n42 ibid\n\nIt is interesting that this situation obtained in Hong Kong, even though Chinese women doctors were being trained in China Without evidence, it is probable that their work was restricted to women and children, given the still strong cultural separation in matters of 'privacy' See G H. Choa, \"Heal the Sick\" was Then Motto The Protestant Medical Missionaries in China (Hong Kong Chinese University Press, 1990)\n\n44 LMS Box 16, 1905 No 288. Dr Mitchell to Rev. Geo Cousins, 20 April, 1906\n\n45 LMS Box 17, 1908 Memorandum to the Directors re communication, Chinese Gentlemen per Hon. A W Brewin, 26 March, 1908,\n\n40\n\nDorothy Broom, ‘Masculine Medicine, Feminine Illness Gender and Health', in Gillian M. Lupton and Jake M. Najman (eds). Sociology of Health and Illness Australian Readings (Melbourne Macmillan, 1989)\n\n47 LMS Box 16, 1906 No 295. Mr. Pearce to Rev. G. Cousins, 9 October, 1906\n\n48\n\nLMS Box 16, 1906-07 No 295, Mr Pearce to Rev. G. Cousins, 9 October, 1906.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213057, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 125, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "49\n\n50\n\nLMS Box 16, 1904-5 No 284 Dr. Sibree to Mr Cousins, 20 December, 1904\n\nLMS Box 16, 1906-07 No 295 Dr Sibree to Mr. Cousins, 9 October, 1906\n\n105\n\n51\n\nLMS Box 17, 1907 No 297 Minutes of the HKDC Annual Meeting 1906, 24-25 January, 1907\n\n52 LMS Box 16, 1906 No 294 Dr Sibree to Mr Cousins, 27 July, 1906\n\nLMS Box 16, 1905-06 No 290 Dr Mitchell to Mr Cousins, 30 December, 1905, noting that he had not had time for language study, and requesting that the Directors forgo the deduction of 10 per cent from his salary\n\n54 LMS Box 16, 1906 No 294 Mr. Pearce to Rev G Cousins, 12 July, 1906\n\n55 Miss Rayner noted that midwifery trainees preferred to extend their practice to general nursing, resulting in changes to the proportions of each in the curriculum, reflecting their perception also of midwifery as a narrow field LMS Annual Reports. South China, Box 5, 1917-18 No 539 Miss Rayner's Report, 1917\n\n50\n\nIndeed, it was Dr. Gibson who insisted that the probationary period of Dr Annie Sydenham be extended by one year, in view of her episodes of illness in her first year in Hong Kong See LMS Box 25, 1928 No 423, Minutes of the South China District Committee, January, 1928, S 8054, LMS Box 25, 1928-29 No 428 Dr Gibson to Rev Phillips, 16 January, 1928\n\n57\n\nPamela Leung, ‘A History of the Obstetrics & Gynaecology Department, Alice Ho Miu Ling Nethersole Hospital', in Alice Ho Miu Ling Hospital Annual Report 1988-89 (n.d. np). P 80\n\n58 LMS Box 16, 1906-07 No 295 Dr. Sibree to Mr Cousins, 9 October, 1906\n\n59 HJ Lethbridge, “The Evolution of a Chinese Voluntary Association: the Po Leung Kuk', in lus Hong Kong. Stability and Change (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1978), Pp 71-103\n\n60\n\nThe Chinese guarantors suggested a lady doctor in middle life - 'about forty\" - as culturally appropriate to attend Chinese women Dr Sibree, born in 1876, was now 32 years old There is no evidence to suggest that the subscribers were dissatisfied with Dr Sibree's work On the contrary, Mr Pearce thanked them for their 'generous and steadfast support' of her in the obstetric service See LMS Box 17, 1908 Mr Pearce to Dr Ho Kar, 19 September, 1908, Mr Pearce to Rev Cousins, 9 October, 1908\n\n61 Dr Ho Kat was Chairman of the Finance Committee 1887-1912 See Paterson, op.cit, Appendix 5, p1\n\n62 LMS Box 17, 1908 Mr Brewin to Mr Pearce, 14 January, 1908. It is assumed that this correspondence reflects the views at the Chinese subscribers on learning that Dr. Sibree", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213058, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "106\n\nwas to resign, rather than a submission by which her services would not be renewed The first record of her intention to resign comes from the Minutes of the DC Annual Meeting of 1907, held 19-20 March, 1908, at which, after clarifying Dr Sibree's plans for departing Hong Kong, Mr. Brewin's correspondence was discussed. See LMS Box 17, 1908 Minutes enclosed in Mr Pearce to Mr Cousins 23 March, 1908\n\nLMS Box 17, 1908 Memorandum to the Directors re communication, Chinese Gentlemen per Hon A.W Brewin, Dr Gibson to Mr. Cousins, 26 March, 1908\n\n64 LMS Box 17, 1908 Mr. Pearce to Rev G Cousins, 9 October, 1908\n\n6 See LMS Box 18, 1909 No 311 Dr Gibson to Mr. Sousins, 6 February, 1909, LMS Box 18, 1910 No 319 Dr Mitchell to Rev G Currie Martin, I September, 1910\n\n66 Dr Ethel Tribe was a medical missionary in China, in Amoy from 1895-1909 and at the Lester Hospital, Shanghai, from 1909-1914 She is recorded as having enlarged the scope of work with women and children at the Lester Hospital. See Goodall, op cit, p 193\n\n67\n\nLMS Box 17, 1908 Mr Pearce to Rev Cousins, 28 April, 1908 Personal and confidential\n\n68 Goodall, op cit, p 11\n\n69 Goodall, op cit., pp 215, 550\n\n70\n\nLMS Box 17, 1908 Attachment to Minutes included with letter from Mr Pearce to Rev Cousins, 16 October, 1908\n\n7 LMS Box 18, 1909 No 310 Miss H. Davies to Mr Cousins, 30 January, 1909\n\n72 LMS Box 17, 1908 16 October, 1908, Mr Pearce to Rev Cousins, Minutes of Hong Kong District Committee Dr Mitchell was appointed acting medical superintendent of the Alice during Dr. Gibson's furlough in 1905-6. With his marriage to a Canadian lady doctor, he was sent to Poklo, to establish the medical mission there, during which time his wife died Given the marginality of the Poklo post, and the need for support in Hong Kong after Dr Sibree's resignation, Dr Mitchell returned to Hong Kong at the end of 1909 During his furlough in 1913, he married Dr Perkins, and, delayed by the war, they returned to Hong Kong in 1919, when he took up the post of medical superintendent until his resignation because of ill-health in 1924. Given his dissatisfaction with the LMS about finding him a medical mission post, it is possible that he saw his interests as in Hong Kong, thus influencing his support for Dr Gibson While Dr Sibree saw him as powerless to act in her interests during Dr Gibson's furlough in 1905-6, it is more probable that he did not wish to jeopardise his own position\n\n73 Goodall (op cit., p.12) refers to the prejudice held by some missionary men against women missionaries, who they claimed were there only for the one hundred pounds per annum stipend See also N Eraser, Unruly Practices Power, Discourse and Gender in Contemporary Social Theory (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989), pp 164-5", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213059, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "107\n\n74 See LMS Box 18, 1909 No 311 Minutes of the HKDC Annual Meeting, 2-3 February, 1909, Box 18, 1909 No 314 Minutes of the HKDC Meeting, 22 June, 1909, and LMS Box 18, 1909 No 315 Mi Pearce to Rev G Currie Martin, Joint Foreign Secretary It is not clear why Dr Sibree did not resume her position. An amount of $1600 paid to her as Supervisor of Government Midwives was in dispute as to whether it should be deducted from the guarantors' payment at $10,000 (LMS Box 18, 1909 No 313 Mi Wells to Mr Cousins, 27 May, 1909), as well, the guarantors had declined to pay Dr. Sibree's rent (LMS Box 18, 1909 No 312. Mi Wells to Mr Cousins, 17 March, 1909) Thus, paradoxically, material matters may have been the last straw'\n\n75 LMS Box 18, 1909 No 315 Personal letter from Mr Pearce to Mi Currie Martin, 13 September, 1909\n\n76 The final evidence produced by Dr Sibree was the wording of Clause 4 of the 1910 Midwives Ordinance, which legislated his position that is, the Midwives Board was to comprise the Medical Superintendent of the Alice Memorial Hospital and the Lady Doctor attached to it, (plus three others). This indicates that the lady doctor was not the medical superintendent of the hospital of which she had charge See endnote 79\n\n77 LMS Box 18, 1910 No. 319. Dr Sibree to Dr. Thompson, 26 September, 1910\n\n78 LMS Box 18A, 1911 No 320 Dr Gibson to Mr. Martin, 17 December, 1910\n\n79 ibid, Dr. Gibson to Mr Martin. 7 December, 1910\n\n80 The agreement between the Hong Kong Government and the Alice Memorial Maternity Hospital, 31 December, 1904, stated that, on graduation, the midwives trained at the AMMH would be at the disposal of Government for three years, salaried and providing free services to Chinese women in labour under the supervision of the Lady Doctor The Lady Doctor, at that time the only one, was later taken to refer to the AMMH lady doctor Quoted in LMS Box 17, 1908 'Memorandum to Hongkong DC' from Dr. Gibson, attached to Mr. Pearce to Mr Cousins, 17 August, 1908\n\nWith the introduction of the 'Midwives Ordinance' in 1910, the composition of the Midwives Board was specified as 'The Principal Civil Medical Officer, the Superintendent of the Alice Memorial Maternity Hospital and the Lady Doctor attached to the same', plus three persons appointed by the Governor for a three-year term See An Ordinance to secure the better training of Midwives and to regulate their practice' No 22 of 1910, clause 4. Hongkong Government Gazette, September 2, 1910, p 395\n\n81 LMS Box 18A, 1911 No 323 Mr Clayson to Rev Currie Martin, 25 February, 1911\n\n82 The Hong Kong Daily Press, 24 September, 1928\n\n83 Blue Books 1918, 1926 Her title was in 1928 changed to 'Assistant Visiting Medical Officer to Chinese Hospitals and Dispensaries See Blue Book, 1928\n\n84. The China Mail, 22 September, 1928, The Hong Kong Daily Press, 24 September, 1928", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213060, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "108\n\n85 An observation which lends some support to this view is that of Hill, that the American women missionaries came from a conservative Protestant tradition, and did not share the egalitarian view of the 'women's movement'. See Patricia R Hill, The World Their Household: The American Woman's Foreign Mission Movement and Cultural Transformation, 1870-1920 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1985), pp. 33-5.\n\n86 Dr Mitchell was married to Dr. Isabella Little, of the Canadian Presbyterian Mission in Macao, in January, 1906. His wife died of typhoid at their posting, Poklo, in May, 1909. Dr Mitchell was transferred to Hong Kong at the end of 1909, initially for six months, to help Dr Gibson, 'to prevent the risk of a breakdown'. See LMS Box 16, 1905-06 No. 290, Dr. Mitchell to Mr Cousins, 11 August, 1905; LMS Box 18, 1909 No. 313, Dr. Gibson to Mr Cousins, 13 May, 1909; LMS Box 18, 1909-10 No. 316, Mr Clayson to Mr Wardlaw Thompson, enclosure: Urgency Resolutions of DC, 28 January, 1910.\n\n*7 See, for example, the biography of Lady Clara Ho Tung, whose identification, though Eurasian born, was Chinese. Irene Cheng, Clara Ho Tung: A Hong Kong Lady, Her Family and Her Times (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1989, paperback), p. 133.\n\n88 By 1890, in all schools under the Education Department, girls made up 32 per cent of enrolments. See G.B. Endacott, A History of Hong Kong, 2nd edn (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1973), p. 240.\n\n89 LMS Box 18, 1910 No. 319, Dr Sibree to Dr. Thompson, 26 September, 1910.\n\n90 LMS Box 22, 1922 No. 385, Mr Pearce to F.H. Hawkins Esq., 2 May, 1922. To what extent Dr Sibree's views were coloured by her father-in-law is unknown. Rev. C.H. Hickling was a critic of the LMS work in Hong Kong, particularly of the medical mission work, which he considered redundant. See LMS Box 19, 1913 No. 340, C.H. Hickling to Mr Lenwood, 8 July, 1913. He stated:\n\nmedical mission work is argued 1) as a pioneering agency to break down prejudice & 2) to introduce modern & humane Medicine & surgery. The Hongkong medical work is superfluous now for either purpose. The direct evangelistic work is of the most puny order. Dr. Gibson knows comparatively little of the language - so transfer would not be hard.\n\nand concluded:\n\nIf LMS work in HK & Canton were dropped & Poklo handed over to the German Mission which is working all round it, I believe that Christian enterprise would suffer to an infinitesimal extent for a year or so & after that not at all. The HK Hospitals would be locally supported as now & worked with Western trained medicals.\n\n91 LMS Box 19, 1913 No. 340, Dr. Gibson to Mr. Lenwood, 18 June, 1913.\n\n92 Paterson, op. cit., p. 111.\n\n93 LMS Box 18, 1920 No. 319. Dr. Mitchell to Rev. G. Currie Martin, 1 September, 1910.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213801, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 153, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "124\n\nI am not sure if any link exists with some belief that descendants of those imitated in Mao Shan magic will have physical imperfection.\n\nThe villagers of Lin Au are of Zheng and Li surnames. According to Mi Li Fu'an, in his mid-60s, the Zhengs had two ancestral hails there. One represents the lineage which moved from Shing Moon, and the other, the one which celebrated the Fengchao, was from Luoding. Li said the latter never had a genealogy, and are not genealogically related to the other Zhengs. According to Li, both the Zhengs and the Lis have lived in Lin Au for nine generations. The only Zheng of the lineage from Luoding now living in the village is a young man who did not know about the practice, and others have emigrated to Germany and other foreign countries. The other Zhengs used to witness the rite and Li said the groom was to carry an incense burner (being in bat) until dawn, probably the end of the rite. Li also learned from the other Zhengs that a groom can have the rite performed only if his father did so, and usually the first and last sons of a man have the rite performed.\n\nIn my recent visit to Cheng Tau, Ha Hang and Shan Tau Kok, I have found little about those villages. Ha Hang, whose villagers are probably all of the Li surname, have two ancestral halls. Shan Tau Kok is a multi-surname village where the Zhengs form a separate cluster of houses which include an ancestral hall.\n\nThe contents of the document is in one of the priest's manuals. I do not have a copy and did not write down anything when he showed it to me because I thought I would be able to make a copy of the manual afterwards. This document may be the \"white [ordination] certificate\" mentioned by Guangdong Xinyu and the gazetteer mentioned above. In my recording of the rite of Fengchao, a series of ordination names were recited during one session. I have to check if those are ordination names of the priest's ancestors or those of the client's.\n\n* The genealogy bears the title of Chenst Yuanlia Zupa, included in the British Library's Baker collection of genealogies of the New Territories, but is referred to in some lists as the Genealogy of the Chens of Ting Kok and Ping Yeung. Ordination names are found first in the 87th generation of the first section, among some brothers and cousins who moved to Fujian and Guangdong provinces. The following helps to date the 87th generation. A son of a brother of the 79th generation ancestor obtained a jiren degree in the year 889. Some brothers of the 84th generation ancestors moved \"during the disorder [caused by the invasion of?] the Yuan\". The 89th generation ancestor is a jinshi of Yuan dynasty. I fail to see how the \"Founding Ancestor of Fujian\" Jingwang in the second section of the genealogy relates to ancestors in the first section. A third section of the genealogy named the same Jingwang (ordination name Nian Yi(1) Lang) as the \"Founding Ancestor of Changle\" county, who was a descendant of a 83rd generation ancestor and a 86th generation ancestor, the latter being a brother of an ancestor in the earlier section. Jingwang's sons also had ordination names. According to a preface dated 1618, Jingwang moved to Changle some 200 years before then, i.e., around 1400. An 8th generation ancestor in the 3rd section moved to Ding'an of Xin'an county, probably Ting Kok in the New Territories. A 4th section of the genealogy started with Gulong as a second generation ancestor of Changle, who, according to a note before the section, was the third son of Jingwang, the Founding Ancestor of Changle, although Guilong's name does not match any of those of the sons of Jingwang in the previous section. Some of Guilong's 9th generation descendants moved to Ping Yeung of the New Territories. No ordination names are found in this 4th section.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214193, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "cially as it involved the only 'foreign devil' present, thoroughly enjoyed it even though the joke has been repeated countless times throughout the ages. Many jokes, both in the East and the West, are of course repeated over and over again over a period of years. Although possibly rather feeble by today's standards, the author remembers a riddle being repeated to him when he was a child in England. The question was: 'When is a door not a door?' The answer was, 'When it's a jar (ajar)!' This was told countless times and seemed to have been passed down from generation to generation as many jokes in many countries are.\n\nIn the case of a Chinese example of an oft repeated joke there is the saying, Ah Yee Leng Tong (-). This really means \"gone to the Second Wife's to drink lovely soup.' Up to October 1971, Chinese men in Hong Kong could legally take concubines. The principal wife, generally, knew her position and was pretty secure, but the concubine, so it was said, needed to prepare tasty soup (and other things) to please her husband to make sure her position also was secure. There is a restaurant named Ah Yee Leng Tong in Causeway Bay, on Hong Kong Island, and whenever the name is mentioned it always raises a smile.\n\nHaving said that, however, Chinese tend not to laugh out loud so much as Westerners, but, in Hong Kong, said Reuben M, an American part-time comedian who has lived in the Territory for a number of years, even Westerners are inclined to be more subdued than people living in the West. Nevertheless, it was pointed out by the same comedian that, if Chinese don't like a show and they are bored, they can be a noisy, distracting audience.\n\nLaughter can certainly help break down barriers, including pricking bubbles of solemnity at meetings, and there are few occasions when some degree of hilarity does not serve a useful purpose. Certainly humour is an important key to the happiness and well-being of us all, irrespective of race, just as anger and depression have the opposite effect. Norman Cousins was stricken with a seemingly incurable disease. He decided to keep himself occupied with a diet of humour and, as he lay on his sick-bed, he watched old silent movies of Laurel and Hardy and read anything that would make him laugh (Cousins, 1979; 39). He recounts he made the joyous discovery that 10 minutes of genuine belly laughter had an anaesthetic effect that gave him at least two hours of pain-free sleep. Gradually he began to recover. A good bout of laugh-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214194, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 52, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "15\n\ning is as good as a session of aerobics. Cousins' book has become a classic.\n\nIt has been said that people laugh more in a warmer climate than they do in the cold north, which, up to a point, is understandable. Opening your mouth too wide lets in the cold! But certainly, as we have seen, senses of humour can differ from the north to the south of Europe, and from country to country. They can also change considerably across Asia. There are differences even among the population of China, from one region or one sub-ethnic group of people to another. Many of the latter have their own dialects which, many insist, may be classified as separate languages in their own right. In China, jokes about politics often go down better in Beijing, the capital city of the country and the heart of Government; whereas Shanghai is the major commercial centre in the People's Republic on the Mainland.\n\nThe People's Daily is purported to have quoted the Chinese joke about an alien being captured in China (HK Standard, 1998). In Shanghai, so it was written, they would dissect it for medical research. Beijingers, conversely, would send it to a museum as an educational exhibit, while the Cantonese, who eat anything whose back faces the sky and has four legs, except a table, would ask, 'which part of the creature can be braised in brown sauce?' Part-time comedian Brent Ambacher, long-time resident in Hong Kong, told the author that he had been unable to think of any similar jokes about Hong Kong people.\n\nQuite rightly, making fun of people today because of their origins is usually frowned upon, as is the cracking of sexist and racist jokes. Many squirm at 'black humour' which is too close to the bone. Yet in Hong Kong the term gweilo (meaning 'ghost person' or 'foreign devil') may, or, as the term is so widely used, may not carry pejorative intentions. Certainly not everyone agrees with the latter, and Frank Ching, the well-known Hong Kong journalist, on more than one occasion has said he never uses the term and that to say it is not derogatory is to deny the obvious (Waters, 1995; 146). Nevertheless, a number of Westerners, especially British, use the term as a self-deprecating form of humour.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214195, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 53, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "In the past the Pole, one frequently found, was the butt of many jokes in the United States. In England it was often the Irish, in Hawaii the Portuguese, and for the French the Belgian. Likewise, in Guangdong Province there is, some people will tell you, a pecking order of sorts for a few of the counties. Again, in Singapore, inter-racial and inter-sub-ethnic group humour is by no means uncommon, although much is given and accepted in good heart.\n\nLee Kuan Yew, senior statesman of Singapore, is purported to have said: \"I understand the Englishman. He knows deep in his heart that he is superior to the Welshman and the Scotsman. Deep here, I am a Chinaman. Yes, an uprooted Chinaman, transformed into a Singaporean\" (spoken in the Singaporean Parliament, 23 February 1977) (Minchin, 1986:254). One can detect, not surprisingly, a strain of western, self-mockery and sardonic wit in Lee's remark (Minchin, 1986:257). It comes out again in a speech by Lee in the Singaporean Parliament on 23 February 1977:\n\n\"I do not believe in telling university researchers where they go wrong. They write all kinds of spurious silly articles or books. They get MAs and PhDs for them... I laugh away. But I never tell them why they are wrong. Because I am an Asian. I am not a Westerner. This is an Asian situation and do not be clever. Be modest. Just keep quiet. If they want to be wrong-headed, wish them luck\" (Minchin, 1986:XV).\n\nThe overseas Chinese living in Malaysia for several generations have absorbed Malay culture making their customs different from Hong Kong Chinese. As a Malay-Chinese friend of the author explained, the Singaporeans have obviously not absorbed Malay customs to the same extent. But Singapore is very much a melting pot and cosmopolitan, and it has jettisoned only a certain amount of its inherited Chinese 'baggage' so that it remains trim, but it has become sufficiently westernised to become, some would say, more 'rational' - judging by western standards.\n\nThe Cantonese living in a more simple habitat, over in Guangdong Province in China, prefer more direct, less complex humour than their Hong Kong cousins who are still, in most cases, at heart, very Cantonese.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214224, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "45\n\nCheung, Priscilla (1996, December 6), 'Laughing their way through life,' Culture, Hong Kong Standard.\n\nCousins, Norman (1979), Anatomy of an Illness, as Perceived by the Patient: Reflections on Healing and Regeneration, Bantam books.\n\nDing Cong (1993), Wit and Humour in Modern China, Asiapac, Singapore.\n\nDoran, John (1858), The History of Court Fools, London.\n\nFindlay, Victoria (1998, September 4), 'Slapstick without shame, South China Morning Post.\n\nFraser, John (1981), The Chinese, Portrait of a People, William Collins.\n\nFreud, Sigmund (1960), Jokes and their Relation to the Unconscious, W.W. Norton.\n\nGarner, Leslie (1991), 'Talk About Laugh: Laughter is good for you and that's official,' The M & S Magazine.\n\nGiles, Herbert A. (1925), Quips from a Chinese Jest Book, Kelly and Walsh, Shanghai.\n\nGreen, Sue (1998, February 7), 'Funny side of being Chinese,' South China Morning Post.\n\nHumes, James C. (1994) The Wit and Wisdom of Winston Churchill, Harper Perennial.\n\n'Humor' (1997) Lexikon der Agyptologie.\n\nHsu Pi-ching (1998 November), ‘Feng Meng-lung's Treasury of Laughs: Humorous Satire on Seventeenth-Century Chinese Culture and Society,' The Journal of Asian Studies 57, No. 4, pp. 1042-1067.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214660, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 75, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "39 \nand Li Kun-fuk, 2 houses within the walls, and then with these two brothers or cousins holding 0.17 acres of land jointly, and Kun-sang in addition a further 0.01 individually; Li Tin-hi, 2 houses within the walls and 0.18 acres; Li Tin-yau, 1 house within the walls and 0.11 acres). The reasons for these households with far less arable land than could possibly allow for subsistence are likely to be the same as in the case of the Ngs, although, in this case, some of the Li households may have been in the process of moving out of the village. In the case for Li Kun-fuk and Li Kun-sang, however, who were important elders of the clan (Kun-fuk was the trustee of three trusts, and Kun-sang of two), the tiny-recorded individually owned areas of agricultural land must hide far more substantial areas actually under their control.. \n\nOf those households of the Li clan which recorded their land-holdings under the family head's name, the holdings varied from 0.31 acres (Kun-tai), and then through 0.45 acres (Yung-tai), 0.67 acres (Yung Wa and Yung Fat jointly), 0.89 acres (Yuk-hing), 0.93 acres (Kam Tak), 1.15 acres (Lai-ting, the dominant elder), 1.5 acres (Ping-shan, part of this was held jointly with Tak-hing and Chiu-hing, and another tiny part jointly with Ip Shi); to 3.81 acres (Loi: he also owned 0.86 acres jointly with Li Hau-fuk). Kun-tai, who held no less than 5 houses within the walls, must have been wealthier than his 0.31 acres of agricultural land-holding would suggest: he was also one of the trustees of the Luk Wa Tso. He probably had access to a significant amount of trust property. Yung-tai also had a significant amount of house property - three houses within the walls. \n\nRelatively wealthy villages like Nga Tsin Wai were usually marked by an interest in education. The village had a fine school, which was held in the Ng clan Ancestral Hall. Villages like Nga Tsin Wai often also had \"literary clubs\", where the more scholarly and better educated of the villagers would meet to write poetry together, and drink wine in the light of the moon. The Sub-Magistrate in Kowloon City encouraged such literary groups, in particular by sponsoring poetry competitions and so forth. Nga Tsin Wai villagers had access to such a club (probably in the Market), and the Li clan had a small trust to support it, the Man Lau Tong (\"Association for the Literature House\"). This owned only 0.05 acres, the income of which probably supported the costs of tea and wine for the Li clan members of the club, but it demonstrates the scholarly ambitions of the village. \n\nPage 75\n\nPage 76", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 } ]