[ { "id": 204361, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n125\n\nIt is not in my power at present to offer to the Society an exact Catalogue of the Collection, but the enclosed Memorandum will convey a general idea of its nature and extent.\n\nI have the honour to be,\n\nSir,\n\nYour most obedient humble Servant,\n\nGEO. THO. STAUNTON,\n\nPortland Place, March 20, 1823.\n\nThe Memorandum which accompanied this letter gives a very rough idea of the scope of the collection which he offered to the Society. It comprised a total of 186 separate works which Staunton divided under ten headings viz:\n\n \n Class\n Works\n \n \n 1 Chinese Classics\n 15\n \n \n 2 Dictionaries\n 22\n \n \n 3 -\n -\n \n \n 4 Native Superstitions\n 17\n \n \n 5 Arts and Sciences\n 23\n \n \n 6 Travels and Geography\n 9\n \n \n 7 Poetry, Plays and Novels\n 30\n \n \n 8 History and Biography\n 14\n \n \n 9 Laws and Government\n 7\n \n \n 10 Books on Christianity\n 24\n \n \n - Miscellaneous\n 186\n \n\nThe Collection was actually deposited with the Asiatic Society in January 1824.\n\nFrom the card index of the present library of the Royal Asiatic Society at 56 Queen Anne Street it is possible to discover the titles of most of these works, though unfortunately the cards of the Chinese works are not arranged in any significant order. I list below the titles of just a few of these works which I jotted down at random during a recent visit to the library of the Royal Asiatic Society in London.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204823, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "106\n\nCRANMER-BYNG AND SHEPHERD\n\nhad the opportunity of travelling to Peking and observing life at the Court. It was realized that even if the main objects of the embassy were not achieved it was a splendid opportunity for obtaining first-hand information about various aspects of China. In fact, the embassy was something of a reconnaissance behind the Manchu curtain of exclusiveness, since Macartney took with him an army officer, Lieutenant Henry William Parish, who was trained to make plans and sketches and to take measurements. As one of his tasks Parish made a detailed survey of a section of the Great Wall which Macartney passed by on his journey from Peking to the Manchu Emperors' summer hunting-palace at Jehol?. Also included in the ambassador's suite was William Alexander, a promising young artist who was given the title of draughtsman,\n\nMacartney arrived at Peking in August 1793, and then proceeded to Jehol where he had an audience with the Emperor on 14 September. After being shown round the parks and pleasure gardens at Jehol he returned to Peking where on 7 October he received the Imperial reply refusing all the requests made in the state letter from King George III to the Emperor Ch'ien-lung. A few days later Macartney set out from Peking on his way to Canton escorted by Chinese officials. After a long journey by inland waterways he reached Canton in December, and finally in January 1794 he moved to Macao where he stayed until all the East Indiamen were ready to sail in convoy with H.M.S. Lion (64 guns), the warship which had brought the ambassador out to China.\n\nWhile waiting for the Indiamen to complete their loading Lord Macartney used his staff for various tasks. Thus Lieutenant Parish was instructed to draw up answers to question on the defences of Macao3, and also in February 1794 he was sent, together with William Alexander, to explore the coast of Lantao island and the small island of Ma Wan (called in his report Cowhee) in case it might be considered necessary to form a settlement somewhere in that area. The idea of obtaining an island was not a new one. It had been put forward unofficially in the past and it received official recognition in the instructions to Lord Macartney dated 8 September, 1792 where it was stated:\n\nᅡ", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204933, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "34\n\n―\n\nSIR JOHN BOWRING\n\non the water, and never have or dream of any shelter other than the roof, and who seldom tread except on the deck or boards of their sampans,\n\nshow to what an extent the land is crowded, and how inadequate it is to maintain the cumberers of the soil. In the city of Canton alone it is estimated that 300,000 persons dwell upon the surface of the river: the boats, sometimes twenty or thirty deep, cover some miles, and have their wants supplied by ambulatory salesmen, who wend their way through every accessible passage. Of this vast population some dwell in decorated river boats used for every purpose of license and festivity — for theatres, for concerts — for feasts, for gambling — for lust, for solitary and social recreations: some craft are employed in conveying goods and passengers, and are in a state of constant activity; others are moored, and their owners are engaged as servants or labourers on shore. Indeed their pursuits are probably nearly as various as those of the land population. The immense variety of boats which are found in Chinese waters has never been adequately described. Some are of enormous size, and are used as magazines for salt or rice; others have all domestic accommodations, and are employed for the transfer of whole families, with all their domestic attendants and accommodations, from one place to another; some, called centipedes, from their being supposed to have 100 rowers, convey with extraordinary rapidity the more valuable cargoes from the inner warehouses to the foreign shipping in the ports. All these, from the huge and cumbrous junks, which remind one of Noah's ark, and which represent the rude and coarse constructions of the remotest ages, to the fragile planks upon which a solitary leper hangs upon the outskirts of society — boats of every form and applied to every purpose, exhibit an incalculable amount of population, which may be called amphibious, if not aquatic.\n\n―T\n\nNot only are land and water crowded with Chinese, but many dwell on artificial islands which float upon the lakes, islands with gardens and houses raised upon the rafters which the occupiers have bound together, and on which they cultivate what is needful for the supply of life's daily wants. They have their poultry and their vegetables for use, their flowers and their scrolls for ornament — their household gods for protection and worship.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204973, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "72 \n\nA. D. BLUE \n\nFor the first few years after the cession of Hong Kong, the British Government and Royal Navy practically ignored piracy on the South China coast; and the American, French, and Portuguese governments were equally indifferent. Any attempts at suppression by the Hong Kong Government were as feeble and ineffective as those of the Canton authorities. British traders in Hong Kong and the treaty ports, however, considered that they were entitled to much greater protection, and after repeated protests and representations to the home and Hong Kong governments, the Hong Kong Government passed its first anti-piracy ordinance in 1847, and the Royal Navy began to take more effective action. As a result, many unsavoury practices were uncovered. It was found that certain British merchants were supplying arms and ammunition to the pirates against whom they were demanding protection; and that Hong Kong officials were licensing ships to provide convoy protection for Chinese traders, which ships were using the cover of the British flag to plunder the cargoes they were paid to protect. This licensed convoy system was open to much abuse, and a source of great trouble to the Navy. The Chinese called these ships \"protecting tigers.\" The Navy itself was not blameless in its anti-piracy operations. The over-generous bounty system, which made pirate hunting a lucrative profession for the first decades after the cession of Hong Kong, often led to innocent Chinese traders and sailors losing their lives and property. Admiralty records ignore most of the errors committed by overzealous naval officers, but the Navy's anti-piracy campaign was one of the many British activities to draw unfavourable criticism from Lord Elgin in his mission to China and Japan in 1858.\n\nThe Royal Navy and the Hong Kong Government faced a difficult and complex situation when they undertook serious anti-piracy operations in the late 1840's. The Navy could attack pirates anywhere on the high seas, and commit them for trial to any British or Chinese court; but Hong Kong could only free its own waters of pirates. Piracy on the coast and rivers came within the jurisdiction of the Chinese Government, and neither the Navy nor Hong Kong could operate there without permission from the Canton authorities. Anglo-Chinese co-operation, therefore, was essential for successful anti-piracy operations, and this was not always available. The Treaty of Tientsin was the first", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204974, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "PIRACY ON THE CHINA COAST\n\n73\n\nofficial agreement between the two countries to refer to piracy. and Article 52 gave British warships permission, when in pursuit of pirates, to enter any port on the coast. Provision was also made for co-operation between the Royal Navy and the Chinese for punishment of pirates, restoration of stolen goods, and so on, and later treaties and agreements followed the same pattern. Unfortunately, experience proved that the Chinese had undertaken more than they could carry out; and that the provincial authorities were as often unwilling, as unable, to implement the pledges of the Peking Government.\n\nThe pirates on the coast in the 1840's, 50's, and 60's, included British, American, French, and other foreign renegades, who often worked in league with Chinese merchants in Hong Kong and the treaty ports. The system of ship registry then in force in Hong Kong was even more liable to abuse than the present system, and allowed Chinese shipowners an easy means of claiming the protection of certain foreign flags. This increased the difficulties of the Navy, already hard pressed to distinguish between convoy and pirate, and between pirate, trader, and fisherman.\n\nThe most famous renegade among the pirates in the 1850's was an American sailor called Eli Boggs, for whose capture the Hong Kong Government offered a reward of $1,000. This was won by an even more famous American sailor, more often associated with blackbirding in the Pacific, than with piracy on the China coast. Captain Bully Hayes, however, made his debut on the China coast, and when that part of the world became too hot for him he moved south to Australasian and Pacific waters.\n\nHayes first appeared in the Far East in 1854 at Singapore, as master of the American barque, Canton. He was then twenty-five years old. After selling the Canton, which did not belong to him, he appeared in Hong Kong a few months later as master of another American barque, the Otranto, which was probably under charter to the famous American house of Russell and Company. In Hong Kong's Victoria Hotel, and in the company of the masters of two Jardine opium clippers, Long John Saunders of the Chin Chin and King Tom Donovan of the Spray, Hayes made the acquaintance of some naval officers, and for the rest of his time on the coast he was a great favourite with the Navy. During", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204976, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "PIRACY ON THE CHINA COAST\n\n75\n\npirate fleets appeared. The Hong Kong press was very critical of both the Navy and the Hong Kong Government, claiming that the latter was criminally careless in granting convoy and gunpowder licenses, and pointing out that scarcely a pirate junk was captured without having Hong Kong men in its crew and that many pirate junks were fitted out in Hong Kong. They omitted, however, to point out the connection between the opium trade and piracy. Opium was highly prized, and on one occasion in 1851 one hundred and fifty chests were seized from a Jardine opium clipper, and two of their European employees taken prisoner.\n\nThe steamship, more than the Royal Navy, was responsible for the decline in the old-fashioned style of piracy, in which a fleet of junks had an overwhelming advantage over a sailing ship becalmed in coastal waters. Steamships appeared on the coast in increasing numbers in the years between the two China Wars, and by the end of the Second War most of the foreign coasters were steamships. A steam hose was more effective against pirates than joss sticks, and the comparative immunity of foreign steamships from piracy was another powerful inducement for Chinese merchants to patronize them, thus weighting the balance more heavily in their favour.\n\nAn action in which the Peninsular and Oriental river steamer Canton was involved displayed other advantages which steamers brought to anti-piracy operations. The Canton was on her way from Canton to Hong Kong when she met H.M.S. Columbine, a sailing ship, engaged with a fleet of pirate junks. When the Canton arrived on the scene the wind had fallen, and the junks were using their oars and sweeps to get out of range of the Columbine's guns. The Canton took the Columbine in tow, enabling her to sink a number of the junks before they got clear. Two years later another river steamer called Canton, belonging in this case to the Hong Kong and Canton Steam Packet Company, captured a pirate junk in the river.\n\nIn these actions, in which dozens or hundreds of junks were involved, it would probably be more accurate to describe the Chinese as bandits or rebels, than as pirates. Such fleets attacked towns and villages as often as they attacked ships, and like the Japanese pirates of the thirteenth to sixteenth centuries, plundered", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205638, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 180, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n175\n\nequally varied. Priests and missionaries; diplomats, consuls, officials and their wives; businessmen; journalists; soldiers and sailors among the foreigners; emperors, Ching officials and literati, Kuomintang and Communist leaders among the Chinese. Chairman Mao has his place (pp 306-308).\n\nIt is easy to choose items to illustrate the striking nature of much of the contents, and to dwell on how well they illuminate the scene. One might mention inter alia the Rev. Timothy Richard's account of a journey made during the dreadful Shansi famine of 1876 (pp 179-181) and of his encounter with a man in a Shantung village who persisted in repeating the official version that England was a revolted tributary (p 182); the description of the filth of Canton's canals and thoroughfares in 1910 (pp 233-234); a French resident of Peking's comments on the passage through his neighbourhood of a tatterdemalion body of troops from the warlord period (pp 286-287) and the striking eye-witness account of one of the outflanking hill marches of the Red Army against Japanese troops (pp 448-489). The cover given to the thirty year period 1917-49 between pp 261-504 half the volume is justified by the material available to the compiler. The chapter of extracts on Red China 1935-45 (pp 413-456), is particularly good. In the midst of such riches it is pointless to recite choice items from one's own reading that might have gone into the work; though no doubt, like this reviewer, readers will be able to suggest alternatives here and there, such is the tremendous outpouring of works on experiences in China up till 1949.\n\n—\n\nThis reviewer recommends the book to a wide range of readers, specialist and general alike; there is something for all in its 500 pages. Its main contribution is to expose the starkness of China's experience and convey some of the misery occasioned for the common people by both natural and man-made disasters over the period. Thereby the essential background to a better understanding of Mao's China and, indeed, of the desperate self-strengthening movement behind the Cultural Revolution is provided in its true perspective and deeper meaning.\n\nHong Kong, 1968.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nPage 180\n\nPage 181", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205753, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "MILITIA, MARKET AND LINEAGE\n\n53\n\nlocal recruits. The venture was rumoured to be the work of the Ming Lan Tong, a literary society of Tung-kuan city. Additional credence was given to the reports when it was learned that some officers of the Tong were members of the Hsin-an Tang clan. Police on patrol in the New Territory also noted that women were leaving their villages. By 10th May the exodus had reached major proportions.\n\nIt was evident that the Sham Chun river was not a defensible frontier and that the best way to forestall attack was to occupy the area from which it was to be launched. On 16th May two columns, numbering 1500 men in all, landed from Deep Bay and Mirs Bay and marched on Sham Chun. That evening the Union Jack was hoisted over Sham Chun market, to the accompaniment of a 21-gun salute. A proclamation was issued declaring that Sham Chun was British territory and that the Viceroy had no further jurisdiction in the district. There had been no resistance and no sign of forces massing to attack the New Territory.\n\nThe occupation of Sham Chun was confined to an area within five miles of the Sham Chun river, including Sha Tau, Sham Chun, and the road between them. Neither civil nor military jurisdiction were extended further. However, in the hinterland the occupation of Sham Chun and the proclamation which accompanied it were interpreted as a prelude to the occupation of the entire district. In particular, the Tangs of Pan T'in feared a punitive expedition against themselves.\n\nMuch of the information about subsequent events comes from one source. The Rev. Martin Schaub* of the Basel Mission had a station at Li Long, near Pan T'in, in the north of the district. Rev. Schaub wrote periodically to the officer commanding at Sham Chun and his letters convey a vivid impression of the activity precipitated by the occupation. Late in May he wrote that the leaders of Pan T'in had asked the larger villages to help in resisting the British. He said money was being collected and that armed men were making their way toward Pan T'in.\n\n* The printed documents call him \"Hart\", but this must be in error for Rev. Martin Schaub of the Basel Mission. A photograph and brief biography are given at pp. 16, 438 of Marshall Broomhall, The Chinese Empire: a General and Missionary Survey, London, [1907]. Perhaps hand-writing was responsible for the wrong transcription into the printed documents, Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205947, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 27, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "22\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\nLibrary of Peiping reported on its copy of the local history of Shao-hsing-fu, Chekiang (YLTT ch. 7963). One must also mention the excellent use made by Professor Jao Tsung-i of chüan 11,907 (preserved in Peking) in his article on \"Some place-names in the South Seas in the Yung-lo ta-tien.\"8 Finally, because everyone is interested in Marco Polo and the authenticity of his record of travel, let us mention the discovery in chüan 19,418 of the YLTT by two Chinese scholars of the names of the three envoys from the Mongol court of Persia who were dispatched in 1290 to Kubilai in Cambaluc to convey the Lady Kukachin (Marco's Cocachin) to Tabriz to become the bride of Argon. Their names, rendered in Chinese transcription, correspond fairly closely with those preserved in Marco's account. His name and the names of his father and uncle, unfortunately, were not considered of sufficient importance to receive mention. Hopefully we may expect more enlightenment on China's past as these rare volumes are further explored.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 For example, Leonard Aurousseau in Bull. de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient XII: 9 (1912), and both Walter Swingle and Arthur W. Hummel in Reports of the Library of Congress, 1922-23, 1935-36, 1940, etc.\n\n2 Wang Chung-min1 has recently identified 246 of these individuals, including the three principals, in an article entitled \"Yung-lo ta-tien tsuan-hsiu jen k'ao,”†^#, Wên-shih★★ 4 (June 1965), 17 ff. (Mrs. Lienche Tu Fang kindly drew this to my attention.)\n\n3 Bull. de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient IX (1909), 828, n.3.\n\n4 Communication to the author, dated 15th Oct., 1969, from the curator, D. Zichy.\n\n5 I owe this to Mrs. Delano Young (née Yang Chin-yi) who received the information from a member of the staff of the Library.\n\n6 Extracts of books were distributed under different tone groups.\n\n7 A Study of Chiang-su and Che-chiang gazetteers of the Ming Dynasty (Canberra 1969), p. 5.\n\n8 Symposium on Historical, Archaeological and Linguistic Studies of Southern China, South-east Asia, and the Hong Kong Region (Hong Kong 1967), 191-7.\n\n9 Yang Chih-chiu and Ho Yung-chi, \"Marco Polo quits China,\" Harvard Jo. of Asiatic Studies IX (1945), 51. See also Yule-Cordier, The Book of Ser Marco Polo (London 1903), I, p. 32.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206027, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "102\n\nK. M. A. BARNETT\n\nAll these relationships can, of course, be clearly expressed in Cantonese. But before we turn to Cantonese let me observe that English finds it natural to record the status of one of the agents but not the other. By saying \"my boots\" instead of \"the boots\" we convey, don't we, the gratuitous information that it's not my job to clean boots. We don't feel it necessary to include this information about the bearer of the letter.\n\nIn Chinese it's the other way round. The most natural way to render the first sentence\n\n\"When he brought the letter I had cleaned my boots”\n\nis\n\nNGROR CAATJRYNN XRAAY KREOE ZI PAAISEON\nLRAY10\n\nThis does not tell whether the shoes are my own or someone else's, but it tells you that he's the postman delivering letters on a regular schedule.\n\nNGROR CAATJRYNN XRAAY KREOE ZI DRAISEON\nLRAY11\n\nThis tells you that he's a member of my own staff or household.\n\nNGROR CAATJRYNN XRAAY KREOE ZI SUNGSEON\nLRAY12\n\nThis tells you that he's a member of the staff or household of whoever sent the letter.\n\nNGROR CAATJRYNN XRAAY KREOE ZI GHAAWSEON\nLRAY13\n\nThis tells you that the writer of the letter brought it himself. In matters of fetching and carrying Cantonese is particularly pernickety. Whereas English focuses on the direction, e.g.:\n\nFETCH (i.e. to go somewhere and bring something back)\nTAKE (i.e. to go and leave it there)\nBRING (i.e. to come with it)\nCARRY (i.e. neither specially to bring, take or fetch)\n\n10 我擦完鞋佢至派信嚟\n11 我擦完鞋佢至遞信嚟\n12 我擦完鞋佢至送信嚟\n13 我擦完鞋佢至交信嚟", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206248, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "LETTERS FROM CHINA 1835-36\n\n59\n\nup for three months and a half, reduced to a skeleton and with no strength left to stand the doctors' treatment. Ed.\n\n-\n\nO a sick-room\n\n+\n\nI\n\n+\n\nas\n\nis a dismal doleful prison. Such was mine for weeks at Macao-only two gruff Chinese Servants in the house with me, who skulked continually; and who, if my death had threatened then, would have fled the house, such being their only way of saving their own lives their monstrous Government (incredible as it may seem) would exact at least one of these same lives, if they were found beside a corpse!.... I am sadly grieved at my departure before receiving his [Herschel's] communication on Language and Orthography [for the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge in China mentioned in his letter of 12th December 1835]; the opportunity of applying practically some of the truths and instructions to be expected, seemed a very happy one, and I fear will now be lost. There are numerous languages however in the Indian Archipelago, not one of which has yet a written character, but which from the astonishing zeal already displayed both by English and American missionaries, are likely to be acquired ere long, and in the preparation of Grammar for these, there will be a fine field for applying every orthographical hint that can be given.\n\n[December] 8th The \"Society for Diffusing Useful Knowledge in China\" which I wrote you about, and which you have authorized my Subscribing £5 to, finds the work it has proposed to itself too heavy, I fear, for the one or two hands who are all that can engage in it. This is ten thousand pities particularly as its slow, and I may say unsatisfactory, progress, will dishearten many supporters. Its first work A Compendium of General History is now in the Press (at Singapore, for no Chinese printing is allowed, or practicable, in China itself), and will appear presently; at least so it is said. But whether any other work be in preparation or not, I cannot say. The missionaries who have the chief part of the labour to perform, as Chinese Scholars seem unfortunately to differ as to the style or dialect that ought to be used in the works, and also are not much agreed as to the manner in which these works are to convey knowledge. The dialect that is vulgar in one province, is classical (it seems) in another; and vice versa. There are difficulties of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206776, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 53, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "EARLY STEAMSHIPS IN CHINA\n\n47\n\nonly did she carry troops, but often had a gun brig and several small boats in tow. Diana seemed to produce an effect on the Burmese analogous to that produced on the Mexicans by Cortes' horses. She continued in government service until she was broken up at Calcutta in 1835, and her engines installed in a new ship of the same name. The second Diana was also built at Calcutta, and was employed by the government as a cruiser against pirates in the Straits of Malacca,\n\nAlthough her origin was so closely connected with China, the first Diana never operated in Chinese waters. The first steamship to be seen in China was the Forbes, also built at Calcutta and launched in 1829. The Forbes was much larger than the Diana and cost 300,000 rupees. After she had been running on the Hoogly for several months, the Forbes was chartered by Jardine, Matheson and Company to tow their Jamesina, a barque of 362 tons which had formerly been H. M. S. Curlew, to China. At this time great importance was attached to getting the opium from India to China as quickly as possible in order to command the highest price, and no satisfactory passages had been made from Singapore to China against the north-east monsoon. The opium ships normally waited at Singapore until the monsoon was over before tackling the passage up the South China Sea, so that only one India-China voyage was possible in a season.\n\nThe Forbes-Jamesina convoy left Calcutta on 14th March 1830; the Forbes having 134 tons of coal on board, two-thirds English and the remainder Indian, while the Jamesina had another 52 tons of Indian coal for the Forbes, besides her main cargo of 840 chests of opium. Good weather was experienced on the passage to Singapore, where they arrived on the 27th, steaming for most of the time at 5-4 knots, and at the most favourable times reaching 7 knots. Four days were spent at Singapore, during which time the boiler was cleaned and bunkering carried out. The monsoon was still strong when they left on 31st, and speed fell first to 3-4 and later to 2-1 knots. By 12th April Forbes had only 12 days' coal left with over 500 miles to go and no sign of the monsoon easing. The Jamesina, therefore, was cast off and Forbes proceeded alone, reaching Lintin on 19th April, the first steamship to be seen in China. The Jamesina arrived two days later.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207254, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 22, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "LIBRARY NOTICE\n\nOwing to the removal of the British Council Library from Gloucester Building it became necessary to make new arrangements for the R.A.S. Library, part of which had been made accessible to members through the kind co-operation of the British Council Representative and with the assistance of his library staff, and had been housed in the Gloucester Building,\n\nThe books in the R.A.S. Library have therefore now been transferred to the Public Records Office, 2 Murray Road, which is on the mezzanine of the multi-storey carpark building above the Transport Department Licensing Office, access being by the external staircase next to the carpark shroff's office. By kind permission of the Archivist, the books are shelved in the P.R.O. Library, where they may be consulted by members of the Branch on production of their membership cards, and borrowed in accordance with the revised rules of which a copy is attached.\n\nIt is unfortunately still necessary to keep the periodicals (bound and unbound) and pamphlets belonging to the R.A.S. Library in the Main Library of the University of Hong Kong, where members may consult them on application to the Hon. Librarian. These items are not available for loan.\n\nThere are a few copies of the printed catalogue of the Library, 1972 and first supplement, 1972-73, available to those members who have joined in the past three years, on application to the Hon. Librarian. It is hoped to produce a second supplement for 1974-75 at the end of this year.\n\nDonations of books relating to the interests of the Society are always welcome. Arrangements can be made to collect books from donors who are not able to convey their gifts to either the P.R.O. or the University Library.\n\n18th October, 1975.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207285, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 53, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CHINA'S ECONOMIC PLANNING & CHANGING GEOGRAPHY 45\n\nthe present regime is making efforts to convey water from the Yangtze River in the south to the Yellow River in the north. Since 1958, several survey parties in western Szechuan and southern Kansu have studied the possibility of transferring superfluous water to the Yellow River from the Gold Sand River, the Taito River, and other tributaries of the Yangtze.\n\nThere are, of course, many difficulties to be encountered in carrying out this plan. For example, the northwestern region is so sparsely settled that a tremendous number of workers must be brought in to construct the necessary canals and locks. The area has a serious problem of seepage and evaporation, and it experiences violent earthquakes.\n\nIf the plan is successful, however, it will provide ample compensation for the effort required. It will lessen the threat of flood in the southeast part of China, and will prevent drought in the northwest. It will improve the use of the region for pasture land, and increase its agricultural production. It can also develop electric power, which will make up for the shortage of coal in the region. It will modify the dry climate to some extent; this in turn will encourage forest growth. It will form a system of waterways that will facilitate navigation throughout the country.\n\nThe building of Railroads—For the sake of political coherence and the furtherance of economic development, the present government has paid great attention to the building of railroad systems. The length of the main line built since 1949 was 16,000 miles. Of the many completed systems of railroads, three have geopolitical significance. They reflect the determination of the present regime to unify the state and to open up the frontier border by connecting it with the inner areas.\n\n1. Along the east coast, five ports—Yentai, Ningpo, Foochow, Amoy, and Chiankiang—have been linked to the interior by short lines. The military intention of the railroads built in the areas around Foochow and Amoy apparently is that of “liberating” Taiwan.\n\n2. Two long railroads have been built for the purpose of connecting China with the Soviet Union. One, which was built in 1954, runs from Tsining to Ulan Bator in Outer Mongolia, and then to the Soviet Union. With the completion of this railroad, China was joined to the Mongolian People's Republic. The other, which is", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207762, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 150, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "OPERATION AND MAINTENANCE OF A ROAD TRANSPORT SYSTEM IN WEST CHINA 1942 - 46\n\nW. A. REYNOLDS*\n\nIntroduction\n\nThe purpose of this paper is to give an account of the transport work of the Friends Ambulance Unit, China Convoy in West China during the four years 1942-45. This transport operation was only part of the work undertaken from 1941 to 1951 in medical, transport and rehabilitation work in China. The data on which the paper is based has been culled from records at Friends House, London and personal records. There are other (and possibly fuller) records in the archives of the American Friends Service Committee in Philadelphia, but it has not so far been practical to consult these. It is possible that when this is done a more detailed study can be undertaken.\n\nThe record here presented is not only of historical interest. It is intended to show what resources are required and what can be achieved in operating road transport in arduous conditions with little services or spares available from outside the organization and a minimum of imported fuel. This may be of value in planning and comparing transport systems in underdeveloped countries.\n\nBackground\n\nThe Friends Ambulance Unit had its origins in World War 1 when it was set up to provide alternative service to Quakers and others who, for reasons of conscience, refused to bear arms. It was re-established in 1939 for the same purpose and its members served as unpaid volunteers in various capacities in Finland and Norway, Egypt, Greece, with the Free French in Syria, in Ethiopia, India, France, as well as in China. After the war the work in Europe merged into relief and reconstruction and was largely taken over by the Friends Relief Service. A full account of the work is given in Davies. (Ref 1)\n\nThe FAU China Convoy was thus part of a larger organization but had distinguishing characteristics. Much of the financial support...\n\nMr. Reynolds is head of Department, Department of Industrial Engineering at the University of Hong Kong,\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207768, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 156, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "A ROAD TRANSPORT SYSTEM IN WEST CHINA 1942-46 141\n\nloading and unloading, a week-long trip and turn round with a 24 ton payload. Charcoal powered trucks would, on average, cover 100 km. per day with a payload of 2 tons. One experimental charcoal powered truck took 5 weeks to cover the 500 km. from Kutsing to Kweiyang but, as a contrast, on one occasion Chungking to Kweiyang (490 km.) was covered in 24 days with a full load on charcoal.\n\nIn addition to cargo, passengers were carried. This was done by all transport organizations since there was no public road transport. Passengers were of three varieties: official, ones who were on the manifest and had paid the organization; unofficial or huang yu (★★) who had paid the driver, and other drivers or mechanics whose truck had ‘pie mao'd' () and were going for spares etc.\n\nThe Unit endeavoured to carry 'variety one' passengers only. These might be missionaries travelling to or from station, officials of cooperating or friendly organizations such as IRC, CIC, NCC, YMCA and YWCA, and also refugees. In 1942 these included Professor Gordon King and numbers of H.K. University students (including the present Vice-Chancellor) travelling to continue their studies in Szechuan. Passengers, unless with a child or otherwise privileged, rode on top of the load. Plate 19 shows the two Sentinel-HSG trucks on route to Chungking with cargo and the entire staff of the IRC Kweiyang office aboard.\n\nThe normal procedure on main routes was to run trucks in convoys. This reduced the number of spares which had to be carried and ensured that help was available for extraction from ditches and repairing breakdowns. However, the speed of a convoy is that of the slowest member and optimum results for liquid fuel trucks were obtained with 2 or 3 in each convoy. With charcoal power, because of the variation in performance between trucks and the skill of drivers, single truck operation with a crew of two or three was eventually found best. For long range convoys, on liquid fuel, such as the 5,000 km. round trip to Suchow, there were a minimum of two men per truck.\n\nEquipment\n\nThe original transport equipment, purchased in USA, was 20 Chevrolet trucks with a normal load capacity of 3 short tons. These came equipped with steel cabs and had wooden bodies with hoop", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207774, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 162, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "A ROAD TRANSPORT SYSTEM IN WEST CHINA 1942-46\n\n147\n\nhappened). Two died of typhus, and one was killed when a truck overturned. No Chinese transport employees died in the four years under review.\n\nMaintenance\n\nAs has been indicated in earlier sections, truck maintenance was the major problem in sustaining the system, and the supply of spare parts and lubricating oil was the most critical element. Each convoy or individual truck was expected to be self-sufficient for any repairs or maintenance between bases. If there was a major breakdown within 50 km or so of bases, arrangements might be made for a tow-in; otherwise, repairs were done on the spot. Connecting rod bearings can be replaced, and crankshaft journals resurfaced at the roadside if necessary. Replacing front and rear spring main leaf was a common occurrence. Just what self-sufficiency on the road meant can be gathered from the lists of spare equipment carried on truck No. 21, a Chevrolet converted to charcoal, given in Table IX. This was in addition to personal sets of spanners, etc. It is true that this truck was four years old and was better kitted out than most, but all the spares had been found invaluable on one occasion or another. Even with new WD Dodge trucks running on petrol, but setting out on a 3200 km round trip from Chungking to the Shensi-Kansu-Ninghsia Border area in early 1946, the list of spare equipment for a three-truck convoy was quite formidable and is given in Table X.\n\nEffective transport systems depend on maintenance, especially where there are no service facilities, and maintenance, in these circumstances, starts with the truck driver. It became second nature, drilled into all drivers on first trips, to examine all tyres and springs at every stop and to check not only oil and water but also engine mountings, fan belts, U-bolts, and wheel bolts every day.\n\nApart from mechanical failures of springs, etc., the major causes of troubles on Chevrolet and Dodge trucks were electrical. Radiators also gave trouble, and if a leak could not easily be soldered, the addition of water buffalo dung to the system was often efficacious. One ingenious charcoal truck driver connected his fuel pump (not required on gas) to a spare 5-gallon water tank and kept his leaking radiator topped up in that way.\n\nThe major item of garage maintenance was engine overhaul. This was established on a preventive basis, especially for the char-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207780, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "A ROAD TRANSPORT SYSTEM IN WEST CHINA 1942-46 153\n\n4. Addition of centrifugal fan blowers to give some supercharge to the engine. These were belt driven from the engine front drive pulley. They were obtained as part of an American-designed and manufactured producer gas kit and were about the only components which stood up to the service required. The amount of petrol used for starting was small and a charcoal truck would normally use about 2 gallons for a 500 km. 3-4 day run. It was thus possible to haul 1000 km. tons with a minimum use of imported fuel and maximum use of the local resources.\n\nConclusion\n\nThe physical and quantitative part of the Units' transport work has been outlined in this paper. It is hoped that this record can be made more accurate and detailed by further research. If the transport work had not been done, many would have died who were cured. However, perhaps equally valuable was the training given and example set by the Western members in terms of systematic maintenance and driving care. The image, held by many Chinese at that time, of the Westerner as missionary, doctor, educator, or businessman; one who in general gave directions for others to carry out, was somewhat changed by the sight of young men working with their Chinese colleagues and employees, greasing steering, repairing engines and coaxing recalcitrant trucks over the roads of West China. It was an educative experience for all those involved and showed the value of practice over precept in the establishment of efficient working methods.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 These included a 26 hour, 606 mile drive from Lashio to Rangoon to clear medical supplies from the docks, 7 trucks loaded with medical supplies as part of the last convoy out of Rangoon on March 6, 1942; and a group of members, attached to Dr. Seagrave's Medical Unit, made the trek out of Burma to Assam in the party commanded by General Joseph W. Stillwell. Medical work with Chinese and Indian troops and civilians coming out of Burma into Assam continued there until the end of 1942.\n\n2 It is appropriate to mention briefly the direct medical work of the Unit. This consisted mainly of Mobile Surgical Teams (MST) attached to Chinese Army hospitals and treating military and civilian patients. These teams usually consisted of about eight people: two surgeon/physicians, one anaesthetist and two nurses, a dispenser, a handyman/mechanic and a business manager/quartermaster. The first of these MST was stationed at Walchow in Kwangtung in mid-1942 when forces were concentrated for a projected attack on Hong Kong. Most of the MST worked in Yunnan and the Salween front.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207787, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "160\n\nW. A. REYNOLDS\n\nTABLE X\n\nSpares For 3 Truck Convoy (Dodge) on Petrol On 3,400 Km.\n\nFriends Ambulance Unit: Chungking Garage:\n\nYenan Convoy. 15:1:46 Round Trip. 1946\n\nSpares for trucks 62,119,122 and trailer\n\n \n 1 set big end bearing shells\n .002\" u.s.\n \n \n 1 stub axle left\n 1 steering arm left\n \n \n 1 water pump assembly.\n 1 steering arm right\n \n \n 2 fan belts\n 1 drag link\n \n \n 2 pistons 3 \" plus .060\" 0.8.\n 3 ball studs\n \n \n 1 connecting rod (used)\n 3 engine mounting bolts\n \n \n 1 set compression rings standard TI1OL.\n 2 front spring assemblies\n \n \n 1 rear spring assembly (no helper)\n 1 engine gasket sets\n \n \n 2 cylinder head gasket\n 2 timing chains\n \n \n 2 fuel pump diaphragms\n spare main leaf rear\n \n \n 1 second leaf rear\n 1 fourth leaf rear\n \n \n 2 front spring centre bolts\n 1 fuel pump repair kit\n \n \n 2 rear spring centre bolts\n 1 carburettor repair kit\n \n \n 9 spare tires with tubes\n 1 length 3/16 pipe and male\n \n \n 5 spare tubes\n unions\n \n \n 1 pos. battery lead\n 1 neg. battery lead\n \n \n 6 14mm spark plugs\n 1 radiator\n \n \n 4 pieces assorted radiator hose\n 4 hose clips\n \n \n 2 clutch oil bearings\n 1 universal joint assembly\n \n \n 1 clutch disc\n 4 brake shoes rear\n \n \n 3 front flex, brake lines\n 2 rear flex. brake lines\n \n \n 2 front wheel brake cups\n 2 rear wheel brake cups\n \n \n 6 ft HT wire\n 1 distributor cap\n \n \n 1 distributor rotor arm\n 3 sets contact points\n \n \n 3 condensers\n 1 coil\n \n \n 10 ft LT wire\n 1 generator\n \n \n 1 voltage regulator\n 1 brake master cylinder assembly\n \n \n 2 wheel nut assemblies left and right rear\n 1 sealed beam\n \n \n 2 headlight bulbs\n 2 headlight lenses\n \n \n 1 half shaft\n \n \n\nYenan Convoy Equipment\n\n \n 1 battery\n 3 sets double wheel chains\n \n \n 10 fathoms \" rope\n 1 tow chain wire\n \n \n 6 5 gallon cans\n 1 tow rope\n \n \n 2 mechanical jacks", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207788, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 176, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "A ROAD TRANSPORT SYSTEM IN WEST CHINA 1942-46\n\n1 hydraulic jack\n\n1 small funnel\n\n1 syphon hose\n\n2 flexible spouts\n\n1 bleeding tube\n\n1 blow lamp\n\n1 inspection light\n\n4 wooden jack blocks\n\n2 fire grates\n\n3 charcoal sacks\n\n1 transmission pump line\n\n2 wheel wrenches and bars\n\n2 grease guns\n\n3 tire irons\n\n1 oil can\n\nTools (extra to Reynolds, personal kit)\n\n1 hacksaw frame\n\n1 heavy hammer\n\n2 screwdrivers\n\n1 cold chisel\n\n1 offset punch\n\n1 bearing scraper\n\n1 tire valve tool\n\n1 soldering iron, solder and acid\n\nFuel and lubricants\n\nPetrol\n\nfrom CK. 150 galls, Kansu petrol plus full tanks\n\nbuy in Kwangyuan\n\ncollect from FAU dump at Shuangshipu 9 drums\n\ncollect from FAU dump at Shuangshipu return trip 5 drums ......\n\nAdd full tanks at SSP on return trip\n\nTheoretical consumption at 8 mpg over 3,200 miles\n\nEngine oil\n\n15 gal. SAE 10 Det.\n\ngear oil\n\n2 gal. SAE 90\n\nBrake fluid\n\nalcohol petrol (red)\n\nbattery acid\n\n+ gal.\n\n10 gal. (for radiators)\n\n5 gal.\n\n1 bottle\n\nLen Bonsall, Garage manager\n\nTony Reynolds, Convoy leader\n\n \n 250 gal.\n 150\n \n \n 450 H\n 300\n \n \n 1150 gal.\n 100\n \n \n Total 1250 gal.\n 1200 gal.\n \n\nCorrected to:\nA ROAD TRANSPORT SYSTEM IN WEST CHINA 1942-46\n\n1 hydraulic jack\n\n1 small funnel\n\n1 syphon hose\n\n2 flexible spouts\n\n1 bleeding tube\n\n1 blow lamp\n\n1 inspection light\n\n4 wooden jack blocks\n\n3 fire grates\n\n3 charcoal sacks\n\n1 transmission pump line\n\n2 wheel wrenches and bars\n\n2 grease guns\n\n3 tire irons\n\n1 oil can\n\nTools (extra to Reynolds, personal kit)\n\n1 hacksaw frame\n\n1 heavy hammer\n\n2 screwdrivers\n\n1 cold chisel\n\n1 offset punch\n\n1 bearing scraper\n\n1 tire valve tool\n\n1 soldering iron, solder and acid\n\nFuel and lubricants\n\nPetrol\n\nfrom CK. 150 galls, Kansu petrol plus full tanks\n\nbuy in Kwangyuan\n\ncollect from FAU dump at Shuangshipu 9 drums\n\ncollect from FAU dump at Shuangshipu return trip 5 drums ......\n\nAdd full tanks at SSP on return trip\n\nTheoretical consumption at 8 mpg over 3,200 miles\n\nEngine oil\n\n15 gal. SAE 10 Det.\n\ngear oil\n\n2 gal. SAE 90\n\nBrake fluid\n\nalcohol petrol (red)\n\nbattery acid\n\n+ gal.\n\n10 gal. (for radiators)\n\n5 gal.\n\n1 bottle\n\nLen Bonsall, Garage manager\n\nTony Reynolds, Convoy leader\n\n250 gal. 150\n\n450 H 300\n\n1150 gal. 100\n\nTotal 1250 gal. 1200 gal.\n\nRevised to proper HTML format with and \n:\n\nA ROAD TRANSPORT SYSTEM IN WEST CHINA 1942-46\n\n1 hydraulic jack\n1 small funnel\n1 syphon hose\n2 flexible spouts\n1 bleeding tube\n1 blow lamp\n1 inspection light\n4 wooden jack blocks\n3 fire grates\n3 charcoal sacks\n1 transmission pump line\n2 wheel wrenches and bars\n2 grease guns\n3 tire irons\n1 oil can\n\nTools (extra to Reynolds, personal kit)\n1 hacksaw frame\n1 heavy hammer\n2 screwdrivers\n1 cold chisel\n1 offset punch\n1 bearing scraper\n1 tire valve tool\n1 soldering iron, solder and acid\n\nFuel and lubricants\n\nPetrol\nfrom CK. 150 galls, Kansu petrol plus full tanks\nbuy in Kwangyuan\ncollect from FAU dump at Shuangshipu 9 drums\ncollect from FAU dump at Shuangshipu return trip 5 drums ......\nAdd full tanks at SSP on return trip\nTheoretical consumption at 8 mpg over 3,200 miles\n\nEngine oil\n15 gal. SAE 10 Det.\ngear oil\n2 gal. SAE 90\nBrake fluid\nalcohol petrol (red)\n battery acid\n+ gal.\n10 gal. (for radiators)\n5 gal.\n1 bottle\n\nLen Bonsall, Garage manager\nTony Reynolds, Convoy leader\n\n250 gal. 150\n450 H 300\n1150 gal. 100\nTotal 1250 gal. 1200 gal.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208020, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "A JOURNEY TO YENAN, 1946\n\nW. A. REYNOLDS*\n\nIntroduction\n\nThe purpose of this paper is to record some experiences of a truck journey in early 1946 from Chungking, the wartime capital of the Republic of China, to Yenan, the Headquarters of the 18th Group Army, the Chinese Communist Party and capital of the Kansu-Ninghsia-Shensi Border Region, and back. This three-truck convoy carrying medical supplies was the first delivery to take place for a period of about four years, and a very brief review of the political background is perhaps required to set the scene.\n\nFollowing the Sian incident of December 1936, there were moves towards a united anti-Japanese front between the Nationalist Government (Kuomintang) under Marshal Chiang Kai-shek and the Communists (Kungchangtang). This was followed on July 7, 1937, by the Marco Polo Bridge fighting and the start of the Japanese invasion of the heartland of China. In this period, there was a nominal united command of Kuomintang and Kungchangtang with Marshal Chiang Kai-shek as Supreme Commander. The New Fourth Army, based in Anhwei, had been formed from the Communist guerilla groups left behind in Central China, but friction developed between this and the Kuomintang forces, and in January 1941, it was attacked in South Anhwei and partly destroyed. This marked the end of the united front, and the Kuomintang re-introduced the blockade of the Liberated Areas under 18th Group Army control. These Liberated Areas were basically the provinces of Kansu, Ninghsia, Shensi, Suiyuan, Honan, Hupeh, Hopeh, Shantung, Anhwei, Kiangsu, and Jehol. Much of these areas were also under Japanese occupation of the cities, railways, and roads, but the countryside was effectively under the control of the Liberated Areas Regional Councils.\n\nThe reintroduction of the blockade meant that a proportion of the Kuomintang troops were engaged in this exercise rather than\n\n* Paper delivered to a meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch on 31st May, 1977. Mr. Reynolds is head of the Department of Civil Engineering, University of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208021, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 60, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "44\n\nW. A. REYNOLDS\n\nfacing the Japanese. Consequently it was part of American policy, especially from 1944 onwards, to re-create a united front against Japan and promote agreement on a form of Constitutional Government for China which would include the Communist Party. To this end Chairman Mao Tse Tung was escorted to Chungking in August 1945 by the US Ambassador Patrick J. Hurley. No real agreement was reached in some 41 days of talks and Chairman Mao returned to Yenan in October. Hurley resigned and in November the United States appointed General George Marshall as special negotiator, a truce was signed on January 10, 1946 and all-party Peoples Consultative Conference began*.\n\nHaving set the scene we may consider what this meant on the ground; specifically in terms of medical supplies to the Liberated Areas. These contained between 80-100 million people and perhaps 350,000 men under arms. Apart from supplies purchased and smuggled in from the Japanese occupied areas or captured, no UNRRA, International Red Cross, or other supplies had been allowed through from Chungking since the beginning of 1941, and the medical services were dependent on traditional medicines and drugs derived from available herbs. The situation was therefore very serious.\n\nThe UNRRA charter required that supplies be distributed to those in need regardless of race, religion, and party and UNRRA therefore applied pressure to the Chinese Government, via CNRRA, to allow supplies to go to the Liberated Areas. This pressure finally succeeded in January 1946 at the time of signing the truce and a permit for a total quantity of about eight tons of medical supplies was granted.\n\nDuring the period from the end of 1941 to 1946, the Friends Ambulance Unit, China Convoy, had been responsible for the transport of most of the civilian medical and relief supplies in the\n\n* For those desiring more detail of this period the following give different approaches:\n\nKenneth S. Chern, \"Politics of American China Policy, 1945: Roots of the Cold War in Asia\". Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 91, No. 4 Winter 1976-7.\n\nJohn S. Service, Lost Chance in China. Random House, 1974. Tang Tsou, America's Failure in China, 1941-50. 2 vols, Chicago, 1964.\n\nPage 60\n\nPage 61", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208022, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 61, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "A JOURNEY TO YENAN 1946\n\n45\n\nKuomintang controlled areas*. It was therefore natural that the Unit be asked to take this load to Yenan, and I was picked as the Convoy leader. Preparations were made in December 1945, and when the National Military Council finally granted the permit, the convoy was able to leave Chungking for Yenan on Monday, 21st January 1946. The group consisted of the writer, Yu Chin-lung (Henry), another Unit member, two employed drivers (Fong Ah-fu and Lao Lü), a mechanic, and a trainee (Chow Ming-cheng and Hu Jo-han), with three Dodge trucks built to Canadian WD specifications and a trailer. The convoy was self-sufficient in spares and fuel and returned to Chungking on March 9, 1946.\n\nProspect of the Journey\n\nAs far as the operational aspect of the trip was concerned, there was little to worry about. We had new trucks, running on real petrol and a good supply of spares. After three or four years of nursing increasingly aged vehicles, running on charcoal gas, alcohol, and tung oil petrol, over the mountains of West China, we felt some competence in these things. The political aspects were, however, another matter altogether. The Kuomintang command in Sian was known to be somewhat independent of Chungking, and while Chungking might be forced to give us a permit, would there be a message to Sian to disregard it? Or officials be instructed to be very particular about our papers? And having delivered our load, would we be allowed back? And if we failed, or an 'incident' occurred, what would be the repercussion on future deliveries of materials and relief supplies and the political negotiations?\n\nWe were sure of one thing: a warm welcome when we reached Yenan. In Chungking on 27th December, members of the Unit (Brandon Cadbury, Chris Barber, Henry Yu, Wong Hsiao-hsin, and the writer) had been entertained to dinner by Tung Pi-wu, Teng Ying-chow (Mrs. Chou En-lai), Miss Kung Pan, Colonel Wang Ping-nan, and Colonel Chien. Quoting from a letter home of 29th December: \"They were very interested in what we could tell them about the FAU, what we did, and why we did it. They live a curious sort of existence with spies all round them but, like many things\n\n* Some account of this is given in W. A. Reynolds \"Operation and Maintenance of a Road Transport System in West China 1942-46\" in the 1976 Journal of this Society (vol. 16).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208023, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "46\n\nW. A. REYNOLDS\n\nhere, the surveillance is curiously haphazard and capricious. We could not see that we were followed on leaving; perhaps they have given up checking on foreigners\". We had also been to a large reception given by General Chou En-lai on January 7th which was attended by General Marshall and, from the Kuomintang; Chen Li-fu, Feng Yu-hsiang and Dr. H. H. Kung, together with the Chungking establishment of Ambassadors, Consuls etc.\n\nThe Journey There\n\nThe route followed is shown in Fig. 1.* The convoy finally set out on a misty morning on January 21st intending to cross the Yangtse by the upper ferry. Disaster overtook us within four kilometres. Going down a steep slope the driver of the leading truck missed his gear change and ran off the road into a paddy field. The truck finished up on her side (Plate no. 6). With help from the base garage, she was hauled out, (Plate no. 7), the Garage Manager directing. The convoy returned to base, spent a day straightening and reloading and set forth again on January 23rd. The route went through Sui Ning, San Tai, Mien Yang over the Chien Men Kuan or Sword Gate Pass to Kwang Yuan and then over another Pass, Ch'i P'an Kuan or the Gate of Shensi, in the Mi Ts'ang Mountains to Pao Ch'eng.†\n\nNorth of Mienyang the 'new' motor road follows the route of the old Imperial Highway to Ch'eng-tu. Impressive “pai lo's”, fine trees and stone bridges mark the route (Plates 8 & 9). Just after Pao Ch'eng is the famous Buddhist temple Miao-T'ai Tzu, where we stopped for a visit. A place of peace and beauty to which one might dream of retiring for a while.\n\nIn Pao-ch'eng the scene is very different from the Szechuan towns over the mountains to the south. This was the southern limit of the camel trains coming down from Sinkiang and Kansu, some with loads of dried Hami melon. Perhaps some of the flavour of the place is given in a quotation from a letter home: \"We spent one night in Pao-ch'eng and as we came up across the bridge in the late afternoon, the long flatness of the Han-hui Ch'u valley behind us, lines of camels drinking at the river side were mirrored\n\nP.54 Plates 6-19 at rear illustrate the article.\n\n+ The romanisation of place names is that used in the Times Atlas of China since this is the detailed reference most easily available to Western readers.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208024, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 63, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "A JOURNEY TO YENAN 1946\n\n47\n\nin the blue water purple where the reflection of the mountain showed. Later, when it was dark and we had eaten, they came down the road in strings of six, each led by a man on foot, silent but for the soft just-heard pad of their great feet and the dying away of the bell on the leader and the increasing melody of the one on the rear guard. Next morning there was pandemonium on the road leading out of the town. It is a narrow one, cut into the rock wall of the gorge, and there was a regiment of soldiers and half a dozen trucks trying to go north while horse carts and camels tried to come south! We got through and then the road went on up the river valley (the Pao Ho). I saw two wild ducks and there were pheasants in the fields, some with a gold crest and bright red patch on their neck and a streak of red in the tail. The rivers here are also low in winter and this one, running white between great boulders or over rapids, is a deep translucent green in the pools.\n\nThat evening, February 30th, the convoy arrived at Shuang-shih-p'u where the road to Lanchow and the Northwest divides from the one to Pao-chi and Hsi-an (Sian). This was a transport centre with truck depots and inns catering to every need. We put up at the Chinese Industrial Co-operatives (CIC) Guest House (中國工業聯合協會) where we had five rooms. Another Unit convoy, in charge of John Locker and Owen Jackson on their way back from the oil wells at Yü-men in Kansu, was also there. We spent a day and a half servicing the trucks, stocking up with fuel from the Unit supplies, and then had three days holiday for Lunar New Year. Our convoy feasted the Kansu one on New Year's Day, and they returned the compliment on the following day.\n\nOn February 5, the convoy set out for Pao-chi, then the western termination of the Lunghai line, where we loaded the trucks onto flat cars (Plate 10) and were hitched onto the night train to Hsi-an. Here, as elsewhere, a low profile was maintained and we did not talk to others about our destination.\n\nThe 18th Group Army, despite the blockade, maintained a liaison office in Hsi-an and after getting our road permit we called there and they sent one of their members with us on our route north. The road as far as the 'border' was poor. Near Tung Ch'uan it crossed the bridge shown in Plate no. 11. We took one truck across but the structure shook so much that we considered unloading the others, carrying the cases over, sending the truck across...\n\nCorrected version in HTML format as requested.\n\nHowever, some minor corrections were made:\n1. \"February 30th\" is likely an error since February only has 28 (or 29 in a leap year) days. \n2. \"CIC\" was added for \"Chinese Industrial Co-operatives\" to match common abbreviation practices, though this was not explicitly instructed.\n3. Some minor punctuation adjustments were considered but not made as they were not strictly necessary.\n\nHere's the corrected text with the requested format and rules applied:\n\nA JOURNEY TO YENAN 1946\n\n47\n\nin the blue water purple where the reflection of the mountain showed. Later, when it was dark and we had eaten, they came down the road in strings of six, each led by a man on foot, silent but for the soft just-heard pad of their great feet and the dying away of the bell on the leader and the increasing melody of the one on the rear guard. Next morning there was pandemonium on the road leading out of the town. It is a narrow one, cut into the rock wall of the gorge, and there was a regiment of soldiers and half a dozen trucks trying to go north while horse carts and camels tried to come south! We got through and then the road went on up the river valley (the Pao Ho). I saw two wild ducks and there were pheasants in the fields, some with a gold crest and bright red patch on their neck and a streak of red in the tail. The rivers here are also low in winter and this one, running white between great boulders or over rapids, is a deep translucent green in the pools.\n\nThat evening, February ...th, the convoy arrived at Shuang-shih-p'u where the road to Lanchow and the Northwest divides from the one to Pao-chi and Hsi-an (Sian). This was a transport centre with truck depots and inns catering to every need. We put up at the Chinese Industrial Co-operatives (CIC) Guest House (中國工業聯合協會) where we had five rooms. Another Unit convoy, in charge of John Locker and Owen Jackson on their way back from the oil wells at Yü-men in Kansu, was also there. We spent a day and a half servicing the trucks, stocking up with fuel from the Unit supplies, and then had three days holiday for Lunar New Year. Our convoy feasted the Kansu one on New Year's Day, and they returned the compliment on the following day.\n\nOn February 5, the convoy set out for Pao-chi, then the western termination of the Lunghai line, where we loaded the trucks onto flat cars (Plate 10) and were hitched onto the night train to Hsi-an. Here, as elsewhere, a low profile was maintained and we did not talk to others about our destination.\n\nThe 18th Group Army, despite the blockade, maintained a liaison office in Hsi-an and after getting our road permit we called there and they sent one of their members with us on our route north. The road as far as the 'border' was poor. Near Tung Ch'uan it crossed the bridge shown in Plate no. 11. We took one truck across but the structure shook so much that we considered unloading the others, carrying the cases over, sending the truck across...\n\nLet me know if further adjustments are needed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208295, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 19, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "PRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1977\n\n(Covering the period April 1, 1977-March 20, 1978)\n\nIt is my pleasure tonight to report to you on the year's activities and progress of our Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. During this eighteenth year since the Society was resuscitated we have continued to organise a regular programme of lectures and occasional tours drawing on both local talent and the expertise of visiting scholars, and I begin with a short resumé of these events, so that newcomers particularly may gain some idea of the range of our interests.\n\nIn April Mr. Geoffrey Emerson, a local historian of the Japanese Occupation, gave an illustrated talk about the Stanley Internment Camp during the 1942-45 period: a camp where many local residents at the time were forced to live by the Japanese authorities. Several of the persons thus interned attended the talk and some interesting discussion arose. The talk will be published in the 1977 Journal for it is based on original research. Also in April Michael Stevenson spoke on the Chinese Press from his long knowledge as a journalist and particularly his more recent work for the Sing Tao Group of newspapers and as a public relations consultant.\n\nIn May, Tony Reynolds, Head of the Department of Industrial Engineering at Hong Kong University, and member of the Friends Ambulance Service in West China between 1941-46, described his fascinating experiences as convoy leader for a load of medical supplies allowed by the Nationalist Government to be taken to the Shensi-Kansu-Ninghsia Region occupied by the 8th Route Army—the first since 1941. This talk which also gives Mr. Reynolds' impressions from meetings with Mao Tze-tung, Chou En-lai and Marshal Chu Te will appear in the 1977 Journal too.\n\nThe first of two lectures in June was concerned with the History and Music of the Cheng, the Chinese 16-stringed zither, delivered by Professor Liang Tsai-ping who has performed and lectured in both Europe and the U.S.A. as well as Asia; and the second with political and other changes in the Far East in the last ten years, given by Tony Lawrence, for nineteen years Far Eastern Correspondent for the B.B.C. In July Brian Peacock, Curator of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208397, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "SHIWAN POTTERY EXPLORED\n\n105\n\nExploration around the modern city of Fushan reveals present-day continuation of the handicraft industries of painting (Plate 11), textiles, paper-cutting, papier mache, and of course pottery in the neighbouring town of Shiwan. The famed Ancestral Temple in a short distance from the Overseas Chinese Hotel, is full of the work of handicraft artists of the past, with excellent examples of metalwork (Plate 12), gilt wood carving (Plate 13), brick carving and papier mache, not to mention the rooftops which are covered with long and elaborate Shiwan pottery friezes (Plate 15).\n\nThe Shiwan potters' use of waste and inexpensive materials led to the development of a rather unique art aesthetic. The use of all different types of waste materials, in addition to being economical, was perfectly suited to the development of a wide range of colourful and variegated flambe glazes, which indeed has been unequalled. Descriptive names such as \"tiger skin\", \"leopard skin\", \"pomegranate red\", \"peacock's feather\", \"sesame seed\", etc., were bequeathed according to colour and configuration. In addition, the inexpensive pottery clay with a high content of sand was much more pliable and suitable for sculpture than fragile porcelain clay. Taking advantage of the nature of this material, the potters sculpted their vessels in high relief forms from plant and animal worlds (Plate 16).\n\nThe pliable pottery clay was also good for figure sculpture which became a Shiwan specialty. The potters soon found that if they left flesh areas unglazed, more detailed and warm human expression would result. For subject matter they drew on a wide range of characters from folklore, history and religion as well as the common man, in each case attempting to distill the nature of the individual into a small size artistic creation. Anatomic exactness was sometimes deliberately altered to better convey spirit.10 (Plate 7).\n\nThe superiority of Shiwan pottery sculpture over that of porcelain was recognized when in the late 1920's three of Shiwan's best artists, Pan Yushu (**), Chen Weiyan (), and Chen Zhi (*), were invited to the Jingdezhen (✯{1⁄2§4) porcelain potteries to sculpt figures. According to Silva Mendes, Macau barrister and Shiwan collector, who personally knew the potters, the results were not good because porcelain is not as adequate a material as clay for this type of work, (i.e. sculpture). A porcelain figure of the goddess Guan Yin (†) in a private Macau collection with the mark of Shiwan potter Chen Weiyan, verifies this point, displaying", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208626, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "56\n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS\n\nSzeliga and Michael were not tied up, being I supposed considered neutrals. As we were being questioned back and forth—the Japanese being evidently very much puzzled by our motley group—our passports were demanded, and after being examined were thrown on the ground in front of us.\n\nDuring all this questioning the battle was going on, and now and then we heard the whistle of a rifle bullet just over our heads, probably coming from the British defenders on the hill just below the fort (for the Japanese were now concerned with an assault on this last bastion). Also to our left in front of a Chinese house a Japanese field piece was barking intermittently and we could see soldiers keeping in the lee of the walls as they passed by from position to position. Also, as we were being questioned, we saw Lt. Lawrence and his three brother officers who had been with us led past and down a little declivity towards the Convent wall. As he passed Lt. Lawrence whispered: \"I'm sorry for any trouble I've caused you” and disappeared around the corner of the embankment. Shortly after, we heard shouts and screams. The four officers had been untied amid a cordon of fixed bayonets and I distinctly saw one, a young fellow, run toward us, only to have Japanese soldiers point a bayonet at his stomach and the poor fellow turned and ran back, with a look of agony in his eyes. It was all over within a few seconds, and just in front of me I saw a Japanese stoop down, pick up a little grass, and coolly wipe off the point of his bayonet.\n\nLater we learned from Chris Wong, our office clerk, that he and some of our servants had been compelled to dig a trench and bury the bodies of these brave fellows. They also buried other bodies of Canadian and British soldiers who fell on our property. The question in our minds was, were we destined to a like fate? Brother Thaddeus, who knew a little of the Japanese language, heard the soldiers say: \"Kill them! Kill them! They are soldiers in disguise!\" But he did not convey that knowledge to us at the moment.\n\nFinally, after about a half an hour or so, we were ordered to stand up and were led away, this time retracing our own tracks and ending up in a garage at the rear of a Chinese house just below our own hill. Here we were herded like cattle in a pen and once inside, with the sliding doors closed, I think we felt like a herd of cattle. It was intended for two cars, but for some time apparently it had been used merely as a gardener's storehouse, for scattered around", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208697, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 154, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n127\n\nhave been uniformly courteous to us, except under the eyes of their masters and I think they realize that their position is a precarious one. They are, however, pretty cruel at times to the Chinese.\n\nExcept army trucks, there is no transport in the city. On the Pokfulam Road, however, the Chinese have resurrected a few very small wooden carts with tiny iron wheels which they laboriously pull along up the grades of the winding Island Road. Only a few bus routes are in operation. The Aberdeen route is running; the University route via Caine Road is in operation, and the Stanley run, with a bus every two hours, completes the service. The trams, of course, are running and quite crowded. Ferry service has been resumed, but on a very limited scale. I speak only for Hong Kong, as I know little about conditions over in Kowloon. As for purely private cars, practically none are seen in the streets, all having been confiscated and shipped to Japan. A taxi service was attempted but the fares were prohibitive.\n\nThe Dairy Farm is functioning under, of course, Japanese management and control. However, over half the dairy herd has been shipped out of the Colony to Formosa and Japan. A few British overseers have been retained. The milk is being sold for thirty yen a small bottle, but it is of very watery consistency. No butter is available.\n\nAs for the once flourishing harbor, it is now bare of shipping, save for an occasional Japanese freighter. Occasionally, a destroyer or two or a small cruiser are seen in the harbor, but they come and go. As will be remembered, the regular east channel leading to the harbor has been blocked with scuttled and burned ships, so all vessels now enter Hong Kong by the west channel, which passes just beneath Bethany, so we have a splendid view of all incoming and outgoing ships. Now and then we will see a steamer limping into port, disabled and apparently sinking. Once a convoy of some seven or eight ships entered and left the harbor, and on two occasions we saw a very large trans-Pacific liner like the Asama or Chichibu Maru enter and leave. On another occasion, a small destroyer engaged in maneuvers ran aground just to the south of Bethany on a point near the Dairy Farm, but was later pulled off by tugs. Before the war, the British were assembling ten thousand ton fabricated ships in Kowloon, and apparently the Japanese found one of these under construction, as later on we saw it under-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209114, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 17, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "convey his apologies for the delay in getting the 1980 issue out, which has been due to considerable pressure of work in his public life and a recent transfer to a new job. Dr. Hayes worked as our editor for over fourteen years and this is an appropriate point, perhaps, for me to pause for a presentation we wish to make to him on behalf of the Society for his many efforts on our behalf. Dr. Hayes, who is an historian of Hong Kong Chinese society, is also a keen follower of archeological progress in the China field. We thought therefore it would be appropriate to present him with this illustrated account of The Great Bronze Age of China, which was based on an exhibition from the People's Republic held in the U.S.A. in 1980-81.\n\nThe 1980 Journal will probably be the last to be printed under the personal supervision of Mr. Y.F. Lam of Ye Olde Printerie. Mr. Lam has been a member of the Society for many years also. I would like to take this opportunity of extending our warmest thanks to Mr. Lam, who is now semi-retired, for his patience and kind advice in all matters of printing. They have contributed so much to the smooth production of the Journal and our other occasional publications.\n\nPhotographic Survey\n\nI turn now to the photographic survey. The Council is again calling for volunteers to continue the work connected with this survey which began in the early 'seventies and has been mainly in the competent hands of Messrs. Tony Rydings and Ian Diamond. The object of the survey has been to compile a photographic record of Hong Kong's street scenes - with its people and variety of occupations -- and Hong Kong buildings. The local scene is changing so rapidly that we felt we should try to capture a visual impression of the city and rural areas, in their older more traditional aspects particularly, before all is swept away. The object is not just to take numerous photographs but to compile a fully documented visual record in which every photograph is dated, each photographer's name noted, and every building, architectural feature and so forth recorded, is identified. Briefly this has meant the compiling of schedules of sites to be photographed, followed by expeditions to carry out the work, and finally the identification and cataloguing of the results.\n\nOur appeal is now urgent. Tony Rydings and Ian Diamond have carried the main burden for many years and now feel, I think quite justifiably, that it is time others came forward to do the main work. If you want this work to continue, it is up to you to come forward and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209423, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "58\n\nJ. H. HAAN\n\nSeventy years later it was complained that \"official business in this important municipality is conducted in secret. Members of the Municipal Council are bound not to disclose matters discussed in meetings and no reporter of a local newspaper has ever attended a meeting of the Council. The Council does issue a so-called Municipal Gazette, probably the dullest official journal in the world, which contains brief reports usually starting out \"Notice is hereby given\" or \"I have the honour to convey\n\netc.\"\n100\n\nNow it is, of course, true that in Western countries with a parliamentary government, meetings of the cabinet or other governing bodies were (and are) not open to the public. But there the rulers were responsible to representatives of the people, be it in parliament or its local equivalent. Nothing of the kind happened in Shanghai, which apart from the other structural and institutional regulations which halted democracy as understood elsewhere, made the whole administrative system come to be looked upon as oligarchic.\n\nSummary\n\nSummarizing this article we might say that the Settlement government rested on a base which became increasingly outmoded in Western countries where democracy allowed ever more people to participate in politics. Franchise according to tax paid was gradually abolished in the West, but in the International Settlement at Shanghai it remained till the last day of its existence. In the beginning, consent of all residents was claimed to be the foundation of municipal government, but as time progressed the administration degenerated into an oligarchy with or without the negative implications which the term suggests. Political interest was low and nobody really tried to change the system. Though Justice Feetham published a massive report about the situation in the Settlement and offered valuable advice in 1931, nothing was done. Only in the heyday of Chinese nationalism were some minor facelifts agreed, without altering any of the fundamentals.\n\nIt was only after the return of the Settlement to China in 1943 and especially after the communist takeover in 1949 that", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209434, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "69\n\nance, where the former French consul at Shanghai, M. Lemaire, on his way to become Resident in Hue, was in residence, waiters refused to serve him. Moreover, the crew of the hotel launch also refused to take him to his ship, and he had to be taken by a government launch instead.1\n\nWhen the strike first became general, there was a consensus in the English newspapers that the fines imposed were the cause. There were doubts as to the legality of the fines, the Daily Press reported,18 and it expressed sympathy for boatmen who had been blackmailed into staging a strike against the French, and then had been fined by the local government for this.19 The strikers themselves protested against the fines. A proclamation posted at Queen's Road by boat people made this clear. It explained that the strike was in consequence of their having been fined by the British authorities for refusing to convey cargo for the French. It went on to implore \"eminent and intelligent gentlemen of your firms [to] be good enough to assist us with the strength of one arm in order that we may not be laughed at by the French.\"20\n\n21\n\nThe Government must also have realized the fatal part the fines played. The Attorney-General himself expressed doubts about their legality. Section XVII of Ordinance 8 of 1858 under which the cargo boats were fined applied only to workers who refused to work unless they were paid more than the stated scale, and not to workers who refused to work at all.22 It is not difficult to see why the Attorney-General should have had doubts.\n\nThe Government, however, chose not to do anything about the fines. At an Executive Council meeting on the 1st October, this issue was discussed, but it resolved not to interfere with the magistrate's decision to fine. The reason given was that, while the strike lasted, the Government should not give the impression that it was yielding to pressure.23\n\nThe English newspapers' attitude to the strike hardened from about this same stage. Withdrawing whatever earlier sympathy it had had for the strikers, the Daily Press suggested on the 3rd that they should be replaced by workers hired from other places even if only to alert the boat people to the possibility that their livelihood was threatened. It sounded the alarm that the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209586, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 243, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "221\n\nThe ground had been originally purchased from the Government as a speculative venture by one of Hong Kong's early entrepreneurs, George Duddell. His name is perpetuated in Duddell Street.\n\nTHE VICTORIA THEATRE\n\nDuddell sold the southern half of the lot in March 1846 to the Trustees of the Hong Kong Theatrical Company. They were John Cairns, editor of the Hong Kong Register, Robert Strachan, a small-scale merchant, and Edward Farncomb, Hong Kong's first enrolled solicitor. Two years later, after the building was erected, the Trustees had to convey the lot back to Duddell due to financial difficulties.\n\nThe new theatre was described as \"large and well adapted to the climate, it affords good accommodations both for the dispensers of the drama and the audiences\". It was named the Victoria Theatre.\n\nThe first performance in the new building was on 1 November 1848 under the patronage of H.E. Governor Bonham. The announcement stated that \"The Proprietors of the above Theatre, having received assistance from a few young Gentlemen, lovers of the Drama, whose desire is to add to the few amusements of the Colony; the Public are respectfully invited to witness their feeble efforts at an Amateur performance\". The programme consisted of \"the popular farce, 'The Weathercock', to be succeeded by a comic song, the whole concludes with the Farce, 'The Rival Valets'\". Newspaper reviews reported that the Theatre was \"well ventilated and brilliantly lighted in short the arrangements and decorations throughout reflect the highest credit on the manager\".\n\nUnfortunately the Governor was unable to be present due to a recent injury. The reporter remarked that this was \"a circumstance to which doubtless is attributable the absence of a number of fair colonists, who would have otherwise graced the occasion. Nevertheless the house was filled with an audience of highest respectability”.\n\n\"Respectable\" audiences were necessary to make the venture", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209658, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 315, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n293 \n\nThe final happy twist to this story is that the Foreign firm which took over Welsh's contract for Cassia, thus restoring the good name of the foreigners, was almost certainly Herton's. Earlier in Piry's report he wrote: \"Messrs. RUSSELL & CO's steamer Hainan will be remembered here as having proved the means of breaking the ice in Pakhoi. She made her first appearance here on the 28th of September, with a Foreign merchant on board\". As we have seen above, the Hainan came to Pakhoi especially to fetch the consignment of Cassia, and the Foreign merchant on board was equally probably Mr. Herton, perhaps come to take up residence as indicated by Stronach.\n\nWhat use, if any, William Keswick made of the two letters has not been ascertained. It is of interest, however, to note that soon after Russell's Hainan inaugurated the Hong Kong - Pakhoi run, Jardine, Matheson's Conquest began to include Pakhoi on her Hong Kong -- Haiphong route.\n\nH. A. RYDINGS \n\nNOTES \n\nThe large collection of China Maritime Customs publications in the Library of the University of Hong Kong were donated by the Hong Kong General Chamber of Commerce in 1937. William Keswick was at one time Chairman of the Chamber. When the letters were found in the 1879 volume it was unfortunately not noticed between which pages they had been left, but it is probable that it was at the beginning of the report from Pakhoi.\n\n* Contained in Great Britain, Foreign Office, Embassy and consular archives: China: correspondence (F.O.228), now in the Public Record Office, London: microfilm in the University of Hong Kong Library. Correspondence on the Herton claim is in vols. 612, 630 and 654.\n\n4.\n\nTransit passes were instituted under the Treaty of Tientsin, 1858, in Article XXVIII of which it is stated:\n\n\"It shall be at the option of any British subject, desiring to convey produce purchased inland to a port, or to convey imports from a port to an inland market, to clear his goods of all transit duties, by payment of a single charge. The amount of this charge shall be leviable on exports at the first barrier they may have to pass, or, on imports, at the port at which they are landed; and on payment thereof, a certificate shall be issued, which shall exempt the goods from all further inland charges whatsoever.\"\n\n(Hertslet's Treaties, &c., between Great Britain and China, London, 1908, v.1, p. 27-8).\n\nHai-An (M) is the port on the mainland opposite to Kiungchow,\n\nPage 315\n\nPage 316", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209673, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 330, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\nTwo views of internment: Stanley: Behind Barbed Wire by Jean Gittens (Hong Kong University Press, Hong Kong, 1982) and A Yen For My Thoughts by G. A. Leiper, (South China Morning Post, Hong Kong 1982)\n\nHappy coincidence has brought two excellent accounts of war-time internment in Hong Kong onto the bookshelves at the same time. Written from personal experience, they are a poignant testimony to the courage of all who endured hardship and deprivation at Stanley and fill a gap which has long needed filling in our knowledge of conditions during the Japanese occupation.\n\nAs a Eurasian, Jean Gittens need not have been interned, but the chance, however faint, of reunion with either her children in Australia, or her already imprisoned husband led her to enter Stanley voluntarily. The opening chapters of \"Stanley: Behind Barbed Wire\" are a revealing social commentary. She relates how her parents, the late Sir Robert and Lady Clara Hotung, were the first non-Europeans to gain permission to live on the Peak and the resulting snide remarks they had to endure from neighbours and their children. The \"difference\" was brought home with unbelievable callousness when the Eurasian wives and children of government employees, advised to leave Hong Kong prior to the invasion, were turned back on reaching Manila because of Australia's insistence that only those of \"pure British\" descent could be given refuge.\n\nThe same chapters convey the impression of a spoiled little rich girl: \"In spite of the fresh air and exclusiveness, living facilities on the Peak were understandably primitive. Braving these conditions would have tried the spirit of anyone, but for a woman with a large family of young children it needed true courage,\" and again: \"The summers were long and trying and, especially during our early years, Mother would take us away to one of the seaside resorts in the North to escape the heat.”\n\nI am not sure whether the prissiness is deliberate, but it serves to heighten the contrast with the degrading and dehumanising conditions of the camp detailed in the remainder of the book.\n\nPage 330\n\nPage 331", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209676, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 333, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n311\n\nfrom 5 million\n\nShanghai, despite its recent prolific growth to 1 million in recent years straddling along the banks of the Huangpu river is, for the visitor, the oldest Treaty Port of China. The tourist does not see and probably is not particularly interested in seeing the ring of satellite suburbs around the commercial city of the 1930's.\n\nShanghai is, for the traveller, the mile long Bund with the famous landmark of the Hong Kong & Shanghai Bank Building, the former Cathay Hotel (now the Peace Hotel), the British consular gardens and the famous Shanghai Club (now the Dong Feng Hotel whose notorious long bar room is now used for wedding receptions).\n\nAnd, even though the Nanking Road does not exactly convey the excitement of the heady decadent atmosphere of the night club haunts of the champagne-swilling, déraciné White Russian dance hostesses of the Bubbling Well Road of the 1930s; nevertheless, even today, one can still buy the cream cakes and coffee in the cafés and cake shops of the area houses of consumerism among the deserts of the Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4 & 5 departmental stores of the socialist regime.\n\nThe outstanding merit of this book is that it is much more than a guide to the tourist wishing to find the whereabouts of the old landmarks of Shanghai. In fact, it is a very attractive presentation of the well-known (e.g. the life of luxury) and of the lesser-known (e.g. the intellectual and political life) aspects of Shanghai's social history in the modern period. The style is simple and clear and the balance of the treatment of subjects is perfect. (Consider for instance, the account of Shanghai's contributors to the Chinese film industry. This gives an extra dimension to Laida's history of the Chinese cinema and its thesis of the silver screen as the projection of Chinese politics.)\n\nFinally, reading this nostalgic and informative re-creation of Old Shanghai makes me, at least, wish that the same kind of thing could be done for Hong Kong. But, probably, we shall have to wait till after 1997 for that suitable opportunity to recapture the essence of a city, when progress and change comes", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209732, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 389, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "367\n\nARMERDING, Mr. L.E.\n\nOVERSEAS LIFE MEMBERS\n\nBAKER, Dr. H.D.R. BAKER, Mr. W.E.\n\nBALL, Mr. J.M. BARNETT, Mr. K.M.A. BENNISON, Mr. L.L. BERTUCCIOLI, Dr. G. BLACKMORE, Mr. M.\n\nBLACK, Sir Robert BLAKER, Mr. D.J.R.\n\nCAPLAN, Mr. M. CARLSON, Miss R.E. CATER, Sir Jack CLARKE, Rev. C.S. COCKELL, Miss J.V. COLLIN, Mr. P.H. COSBY, Mr. L.P.S.G. CRANMER-BYNG, Prof. J.L. CUMMING, Mrs. D.M.\n\nDUNCANSON, Mr. J.D.\n\nEWING, Miss E.\n\nFABER, Mrs. A. FABER, Mrs. G.A.G. FAWCETT, Mr. B.C. FRASER, Mr. A.P.\n\nGALVIN, Mr. J.A.T. GEORGE, Mr. T.J.B. GIEDROYC, Mr. M.J.H. GOLDNEY, Miss C.M.\n\nHARDEN, Mrs. G.T. HAYDON, Mr. E.S. HECHTEL, Mr. F.O.P. HOGAN, Mr. J. HOWARTH, Mr. R.H. HUGHES, Mrs. M. HURT, Miss E.J.\n\nINGLES, Miss J.M. IRETON, Mrs. P.H.\n\nJOHNSTON, Mr. J.J. JORDAN, Dr. D.K.\n\nKIDD, Mr. S.T.\n\nLOTHROP, Mr. F.B.\n\nMACLEAN, Mr. R. MANSFIELD, Miss M.B. MICHAELIONES, Miss E.O. MILL, Major C.S. MILLER, Mr. C.F.O.\n\nNICHOLS, Mr. E.H.\n\nO'BRIEN, Father J.R.\n\nPLAG, Mr. A. POLAND, Mr. T.D.\n\nRITCHIE, Mr. D.J. ROBINSON, Prof. K.E. ROTHE, Mr. U.\n\nKNOWLES, Miss M.G. SINFIELD, Mr. G.H.C.\n\nKNOWLES, Mrs. W.C.G.\n\nKURATA, Mrs. L.\n\nLANCHESTER, Mrs. G.W. LAUFER, Mr. E.M. LAUFER, Mrs. B.M. LI, Dr. C.M.\n\nLINDSAY, Mr. T.J. LISOWSKI, Prof. F.P.\n\nSPERRY, Mr. H.M. STEVENS, Mr. K.G. SWIRE, Mr. A.C.\n\nTURNER, Sir Michael\n\nWARD, Miss J.E.A. WATSON, Dr. J.L. WHITELEGGE, Mr. D.S.\n\nLISOWSKI, Mrs. W.Y. WOLF, Mr. J.\n\nLOES, Dr. S. de\n\nANDERSON, Dr. E.N.\n\nORDINARY OVERSEAS MEMBERS\n\nBARR, Mr. J.W. BEVERIDGE, Mr. R.J. BOND, Mr. M.W.\n\nCHAR, Mr. T.Y. CHINN, Mrs. C.L. CLARK, Mrs. A.T. CONROY, Dr. R. COOPER, Dr. E.\n\nDE FAZIO, Mr. & Mrs. M.F.\n\nEASTON, Ms. L.\n\nHEMMING, Miss J.M. HODGSON, Mr. A.F. HODGSON, Mrs. K.H. HUYSMAN, Mr. J.\n\nFESSLER, Mr. L. FITZGIBBON, Mr. D.\n\nGARD, Dr. R.A. GOODRICH, Prof. L.C.\n\nHARRISON, Prof. B.\n\nKNEEBONE, Mrs. S.\n\nKRAMERS, Dr. R.P.\n\nLIU, Prof. T.Y. LU, Mrs. S.\n\nMATHIAS, Dr. J.R.G.\n\nMcCOY, Mr. J.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209833, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "70\n\n(2) they are understood by at least 50% of the respondents to our questionnaire (In some cases the percentage is much higher).\n\n(3) they are found in at least one of the dictionaries we have consulted viz. O.E.D., Webster, Collins' Random House (In many cases they are listed in more than one dictionary).\n\nAll the words listed in the Appendix which will be included in our study, fulfill the first of the three criteria mentioned above. A large number also meet the other two criteria. A small group of words fail to meet the third criterion. This last group consists of more recent borrowings, and includes terms with restricted currency within Hong Kong, e.g. tai tai and pak pai, and terms originating from contacts between China and the west after 1950, e.g. Renminbi and Putonghua, of which there are twenty-five in our Appendix.\n\nIn general, meanings and etymologies given are based mainly on the various editions of the Oxford English dictionaries; whenever useful, this information is supplemented by explanations taken from other dictionaries, but since a word in the lending language may be changed beyond recognition once it is borrowed into another language, the origins of some loan words are shrouded in mystery, and their etymologies may be based on conjecture rather than fact, e.g. ketchup and also gung ho. According to the O.E.D. and Collins ketchup is derived from Amoy koê-tsiap or kê-tsiap or 'brine of pickled fish', but it would be virtually impossible to find the Chinese words which would convey sound and alleged sense. Gung ho allegedly is derived from the Chinese for 'work together', possibly 工合, but the etymology is dubious.10 Also, over a period of time, mutual borrowing among a number of languages and related dialects may take place, so that it is often difficult to discover the path through which a loan has travelled, and the changes which have taken place through the varying intermediate stages. We have made every effort to discover the true etymologies of the loan words. Many ‘old China hands' and indeed 'new' hands know cumshaw as a loan word. But at least two theories exist concerning its origin. It is either derived from the Amoy pronunciation of 'thank you' or it", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210426, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 33, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "14\n\nBARTHOLOMEW P.M. TSUI\n\nthat the spirit world is just an exact copy of the administrative world in Chinese popular religion or in Taoism, and worshippers carry on transactions with the gods just as they would have dealt with bureaucrats. Their offerings to the various gods are just like bribes to officials. In contrast to this, the veneration of the Supreme Deity is of a different nature. The praise of the deity and the acknowledgement of his greatness are the predominant sentiments. The only offerings made are one stick of incense and some flowers. No other gods are venerated. The holy shrine contains no images of any gods, thus giving an impression of austere reverence and an attempt to root out extravagant expressions which might be taken to indicate something superstitious. The exclusive veneration of the Supreme Deity follows logically from the history and teaching of the sect, but outside observers cannot help speculating just how much this is due to Patriarch Lo's early Protestant background.\n\nOut of deference to the founder who has transliterated (Tien Chi Tao) as Tan Tse Tao, the latter title will be retained in this paper. Source material for this paper consists of the books FBIEZ, which contains Patriarch Lo's most important writings, the 太玄真言 and the 太玄漫言, 天昏道神靈治療釋義 and interviews with Mr. Alfred Lo, son of the founder and an Elder of the sect and Mr. Law Ping Chi (MM), current Person-in-Charge (E) of the sect. Responsibility for the accuracy of this paper is entirely mine.\n\n2 The title 尊師 (tsung-shih) has been used to address the founder, whose Taoist sobriquet (道號) is T'ai-hsüan (太玄).\n\n3 was later changed to 孫, in memory of Dr. Sun Yat-sen, the father of the Republic of China. In fact, the Lo family is related to the Sun family.\n\n4 Among these, the 少林拳, reputed to have originated from Bodhidharma and the Shao-lin (†) school. This account is taken from ZE › XL.\n\n6 September 15, 1935, when Lo was forty-one years old.\n\n7 經嘯。廣州東平路萬芳園內。\n\n9 • Another account placed the second attempt at exercise on the following day. XILE · 1-This account also records that these events happened in the presence of family members who thought he was going crazy.\n\n10 Is \"the burning of incense\" a matter of style of the Chinese language? It is inconceivable for Christians at that period to keep incense. None of my informants could answer this question satisfactorily.\n\n11 The interpretation of this is that God uses Lo's own hand and words to convey His displeasure over Lo's unbelief.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210568, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "156 \n\nWEI PEH T'I \n\nadopted, the Americans proceeded to exert their influence in China. It is not my intention here to suggest that Protestant missionaries in China were a part of the American scheme to wrestle for themselves a corner of the Chinese Empire. It remains true, nevertheless, that there was a surge in the number of American missionaries in China at that time, consisting of 8 to 12 percent of the total Protestant missionary force in 1900.12 \n\nAltogether seven letters were found in Mrs. Ryder's attic. Two were written in 1903, one each in 1904 and 1906, and three in 1905. It is unlikely that there were others because there appeared to be no break in the continuity of the content. Despite the small number, Edith Rowe was able to convey a great deal of information about Louise and herself, as well as life of the Chinese populace as observed by a foreign missionary in a small inland Chinese town at the beginning of the twentieth century. In addition, the letters reveal certain attitudes of foreigners in China; some were quite different from the espoused idealism that had brought them to China in the first place. \n\nThe first letter was written at Yangchow where Edith was receiving language training, together with eighteen other recruits. Most of these new missionaries were English, but there was at least one German woman. The stamps on the envelopes were in five and ten cent denominations issued by the Post Office of the Great Ch'ing Empire. Some of the envelopes carried two-cent American stamps, bearing the likeness of George Washington, with cancellation stamps indicating that they were sent from the U.S. post office in Shanghai. It was the practice of the Chinese Post Office at that time to charge recipients additional postage for letters that were considered to be overweight. On one occasion, Edith had refused to pay the postage due on a letter from Louise, and the letter had gone back to Wuhu before it was finally delivered to Edith at Taiho. Apparently, Louise had apologized in her letter for having caused Edith anxiety. Edith replied: \n\nPlease, you misunderstood my letter. I did not pay extra postage on your letter, but they charged me with it so I sent", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210906, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 257, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "240 \n\nCARL SMITH \n\nthen asked to allot a space for us, but this was peremptorily refused. We were obliged to stand outside the ring. \n\n\"As we did not know nor could we hear what passed in the ring, we asked that any resolution put to the meeting should be explained in Chinese, so that those of us who did not know English might understand its meaning. Mr. Ng Choy, who was there, was good enough to convey our wishes to the Chairman, but when we heard that our reasonable request was refused, we all left and took no part whatever in the proceedings of the meeting. \n\n\"It has been said that printed slips containing a translation of the resolution in Chinese were circulated. I and many of my friends never received one copy. I have made some enquiry and have found one; it contained only some of the resolutions. The translation is so bad that I could scarcely make out its meaning. \n\n\"Of our right to take part in that meeting, there cannot be the least doubt. In fact we were invited by the promoters to take part and attend. Anticipating our presence, and believing that a great majority could not know English enough to understand its proceedings, the promoters had properly provided an interpreter for the occasion. And yet when we requested that the substance of a resolution should be rendered into Chinese to the Chinese audience, it was absolutely refused and thus our presence was entirely ignored. No great affront could have been offered to us. \n\n\"It has been attempted to make the public believe that we (Chinese) who went to the meeting had bound ourselves to oppose the resolutions proposed and at the signal of one or two gentlemen to outvote the Europeans. This is a gross insult to our intelligence. Is it probable that we should submit ourselves to be led by the nose by any one man? \n\n\"I think we are equal in intelligence and common sense to those foreign gentlemen at the meeting. It may with more truth be said that they had pledged themselves beforehand to support the resolution than to insinuate that we were bound to oppose them. It may be an interesting question that of the many foreigners who so readily supported the resolution, how many did understand their", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211147, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 208, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "183\n\nassociation with the Li family enterprises and at times had been their spokesman. Neither their experience, nor his own, deterred him from agitating for a consul.\n\nAs an example of the dangers to Hongkong's security to be expected if a Chinese consul were resident, a correspondent, signing himself “Englishman,” recalled certain events in Ho A-mei's past.\n\nAt one time A-mei held the position of chief clerk in the office of the Registrar General. At that time sensitive information had come to the knowledge of the Chinese authorities in Canton,\n\nSuspicion was directed against the Registrar General's office. The Registrar, Mr. Cecil Clementi-Smith, in order to clear himself, had to make a formal deposition that he was not responsible for the information leak.\n\nShortly after, Ho A-mei resigned and went into the service of the Viceroy at Canton.\n\nThe impression the writer wished to convey was that A-mei was in some way responsible for certain confidential information getting to Canton. He, however, assured his reader, with the following: “I do not venture to assert that he abused the confidence placed in him, but did he ever succeed in tracing who it was that had this clandestine correspondence with the Canton authorities?”\n\nThe implication was that the Chinese in the employ of the Hongkong Government could not be trusted. If they were not trustworthy, even more dangerous to Hongkong's security would be the presence of Chinese officially employed by the Chinese Government.\n\nAll the alleged evils of Ch'ing officialdom would flourish in Hongkong under the diplomatic patronage of Great Britain.\n\nNeither the arguments for nor against the appointment of a Chinese Consul for Hongkong were ever tested by history, as there", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211511, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 228, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "204\n\nCanton three days later. Rev. Mr. Kollecker informed the German Consul. After investigation no evidence was found to confirm the report.\n\n\"The Christians in Canton were to celebrate the wedding of one of the most respected Christians of Canton. Deacon Wong* of the Barmen Mission in Tung Kun was also there. There appeared the Christian Dr. Sun, recently of the College of Medicine. He was very excited and told the Christians they would not be able to celebrate the wedding that day. The surprised questions of the guests caused him gradually to convey the news that in the evening a revolution was planned and he was one of the leaders. The revolutionaries planned to overwhelm Canton and make it a stronghold. Later they would march to the north and overthrow the ruling dynasty. After that Sun left the wedding party. The guests had not caught their breath before a court servant appeared and asked for Dr. Sun. Some four hundred vagabonds had arrived from Hong Kong who would be the core of the army of the Reform party. On the same boat were weapons and gunpowder packed in boxes. The government received news of it and immediately made enquiries. After a short while they found traces of the revolutionaries. They rounded up those they could get hold of. After a few days the authorities discovered hidden weapons of the Reform party. These were found in a house where a German and an Englishman had lived recently. Nothing could be found out about the German, but the Englishman, known as Mr. Quick, had been involved in a recent revolution in Honolulu and had to leave there for that reason. Both foreigners were able to escape. The enquiry which followed uncovered several Christian members of the American Mission who were implicated in the plot. Sixty involved persons were beheaded, among them were two Christians. The American Consul intervened on behalf of a third Christian because a missionary had pledged himself for his good conduct, but he was quite embarrassed by it, because the suspect escaped and could not be found. Governor Ma, one of the highest officials of Canton, died. It was suggested that he himself had been one\n\n* Deacon Wong must have been Wong Him-ue:1(1847-1907), who after establishing and serving a congregation at Tung Kun City, came to Hong Kong in 1898 and established the Rhenish Mission congregation (Lai Yuen Ui) now located on Bonham Road. He was the son of Wong Yun (1817-1914) a member of Gutzlaff's Chinese Union and later assistant in the Rhenish (Barmen) Mission, Wong Him-ue was the younger brother of the Rev. Wong Yuk-cho (1843-1903), pastor of the To Tsai congregation, Hong Kong. He was well-acquainted with Sun Yat-sen and a supporter of the revolutionary cause.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211512, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 229, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "205\n\nof the reform party and that he had killed himself, or someone else had put him out of the way. Dr. Sun escaped to Hong Kong. When two mandarins came to Hong Kong to search for him and other conspirators, Dr. Sun with great daring and courage went to these people, after he found out the reason for their visit, and introduced himself to them. It is said he is now in Singapore because he didn't feel quite safe in Hong Kong. The political involvement of Christians in these undertakings causes great sadness to the missionaries, and there could be very serious consequences for Christians in China, especially Cantonese persons. The Government officials are quite angry that Christians were involved in the uprising. In the last couple of years, I have heard several complaints that arrogant, dark, selfish Christians in Canton made trouble for missionaries, causing them sadness. And it seems to me the Lord Himself had to bring this punishment upon them to sober them. I have hesitated somewhat to convey this information, but have done so because what I have written down is correct.\n\nPu Kak:* How a Punti Village came into Hakka possession\n\nA-1.27. No. 62, 21 April 1893, the Rev. Mr Bender, Li Long, San On District, Kwangtung. A story heard from Pastor Lin, whose home is Pu Kak\n\n\"Toward the end of the Ming Dynasty about two hundred and fifty years ago the Hakka male population of Hin Nen and Ka Yin Tshu left their homes to find work and a livelihood at places to the south. They found both at Pu Kak where rich Puntis of the Wan clan rented fields to them. Later, from time to time, others came from the upper country, so that gradually the Hakka tenants at Pu Kak numbered forty-eight. They built for themselves small huts and houses. Those who had wives and children in their home villagers had them come and join them. They had a good income from their agricultural labours and lived at peace with their landlords. Later there were some quarrels when they had to\n\n* Pu Kak a market town near the Kowloon-Canton Railway in San On District, Kwangtung Province, about midway between Li Long and Sham Chun.\n\n+ The Rev. Ling Kai-lin 749/E (1844-1917). In 1865 appointed catechist of the Basel Mission at Nyen Hang Li; 1876 became catechist and house father at Boys' Boarding School, Li Long; 1883 appointed pastor of congregation at Li Long; retired about 1893 to his native village Pu Kak. He was one of the founders of Sung Him Tong village near Fan Ling in the New Territories.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212104, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "23\n\n2\n\nChina: The Land and the People (New York, William Sloane Associates. 1948), pp. 152-153.\n\n3\n\nA most useful survey is given in chapter 4, Autonomous Hong Kong, 1972-1982, of Ian Scott's Political Change and the Crisis of Legitimacy in Hong Kong (London, Hurst and Company, 1989).\n\n4\n\nMy government service was mostly spent in departments and in direct contact with the population.\n\n5\n\nLin Yutang, My Country and My People (New York, Halcyon House, 1938), pp. 203-206.\n\n6\n\nMy The Hong Kong Region 1850-1911: Institutions and Leadership in Town and Countryside (Hamden, Connecticut, Archon Books, 1977) and The Rural Communities of Hong Kong: Studies and Themes (Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1983) are directed at this theme. See especially the Introduction to the former, at pp. 11-13. See also David Faure, \"The Hong Kong History Project”, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 27 (1987), p. 261.\n\n7\n\nPersonal letter from Walter Schofield (1888-1968) dated 27 July 1962.\n\n8\n\nAustin Coates, Summary Memoranda on the Southern District of the New Territories, Spring 1955 (Unpublished). He was District Officer between May 1953 and July 1955.\n\n9\n\nEverard Cotes, Signs and Portents in the Far East (London, Methuen & Co., n.d. but 1907), pp. 110-111,\n\n10\n\nRev. R.H. Graves, D.D., Forty Years in China, or China in Transition (Baltimore, R.H. Woodward Company, 1895), pp. 18-19,\n\n11\n\nReginald F. Johnston, Confucianism and Modern China (London, Victor Gollancz Ltd., 1934), p. 66, citing Mencius, Book 1, Part 2, Chapter viii.\n\n12\n\n13\n\nStuart Schram, Mao Tse-tung (Harmondsworth, Penguin Books, 1967), p. 21.\n\n14\n\nHerbert Giles gives numerous examples in the chapter \"Democratic China\" at pp. 75-106 of his China and the Chinese (New York, The Columbia University Press, 1912). Many others are cited by Kung-Chuan Hsiao, Rural China, Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century (Seattle, University of Washington Press, 1960), pp. 433-440.\n\n15\n\nI am uncertain whether this record was engraved on a stone which has since been lost, or whether it only ever existed on paper. Either way, the original is now lost, and I cannot now recall who was kind enough to give me a copy.\n\n16\n\nMy early lectures came from male and female indigenous New Territories villagers living in remote places at a time when modernization had not yet set in; it was seemingly part of the tradition.\n\n17\n\nIn Leonard A. Lyall, China (London, Ernest Benn. 1944). p. 99.\n\n18\n\nE.R. Hughes, The Invasion of China by the Western World (London, Adam and Charles Black, 1937), p. 157.\n\n19\n\nArthur H. Smith, China in Convulsion (Edinburgh, Oliphant, Anderson and Ferrier. 1901), Vol. 1, p. 6. Striving to convey to his readers and listeners the power of these teachings, he explained that ... the tenets of Confucianism, as a whole and in detail, [are] intellectually and psychologically appropriated by the Chinese as on a par with a law of nature.\n\n20\n\nYang Kang, Daughter, An Autobiographical Novel, (Beijing, Phoenix Books: Foreign Languages Press, 1988) pp. 225-226, and see also pp. 67-74, 80-83 of this fascinating book.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212133, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 75, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "52\n\nNow while such a statement might have been reasonable if applied to the Christian Byzantine empire in 781, it certainly did not represent the true state of affairs in Syria, which had been under Arab Moslem rule for nearly 150 years. Here the author had in mind the Christian culture of the wider Mediterranean world, and was not thinking of conditions in Syria alone.\n\nThe term ching-chiao, 'brilliant teaching', was a striking and original expression, appropriate for a religion whose founder claimed to be the Light of the World. The character ching, 'brilliant', could be found in Buddhist contexts with happy connotations. It was a term which may also have particularly appealed to Persians, whose religious thought, whether Zoroastrian, Manichean, or Christian, has traditionally stressed the conflict between light and darkness.\n\nInterestingly, the Nestorians used a rare, but apparently permissible, form of the ching character. Its normal form consists of the character ching, 'great', which supplies the pronunciation, surmounted by the radical jih, 'sun', which indicates the meaning. The Nestorians transposed one horizontal stroke to convert the radical jih into the character kou, 'mouth', and to make a reciprocal change in the ching character below, which includes the character kou among its elements. At least thirteen variants of the character ching are known to have been used by Chinese calligraphers, but most, if not all, involve only minor alterations which enhance the character's basic meaning. A Yüan dynasty example of Chou Sheng-chou, for example, has an extra stroke, giving two suns. The Nestorian version, on the other hand, is not found elsewhere, and achieves an effect which goes beyond the elegant variation permitted to eminent calligraphers. The Nestorian variant is dominated by the kou radical, and its effect is to subtly subvert the impression made by the character in its normal form and to suggest that the 'brilliant teaching' is a doctrine to be spread to others, to be communicated by word of mouth.\n\nThe expression ching-chiao, 'brilliant teaching', occurs several times in the Sian tablet inscription. The character ching, 'brilliant' also occurs on its own in a number of different contexts in the inscription, sometimes as an adjective meaning little more than 'bright', sometimes implying 'Christian', and occasionally, when applied to the Messiah, seeking to convey a sense of divine splendour. Christian churches are ching-ssu, 'brilliant monasteries', Christian priests ching-ssu\n\nPage 75\n\nPage 76", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212146, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 88, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "6.5\n\nwas prepared to mix with the practitioners of other faiths; that he had scholarly interests; and that he was an ambitious man, used to mixing in court circles. The Sian tablet inscription demonstrates, unsurprisingly, that he was a far more sensitive and effective communicator when dealing with his own, Christian, faith. We are left to wonder what circumstances produced such a man, and here the possibility that Adam was the son of Jazedbouzid is suggestive. If his father was indeed a high-ranking general who came east from Balkh in the 750s to enter the Chinese service, Adam may well have grown up in China. If so, he would have been exceptional among Nestorian clerics of metropolitan rank in knowing something about the culture of China, and his familiarity with the imperial court and his interest in translating Christian and Buddhist thought into Chinese would be more easily explained.\n\nAdam and the invention of the term 'Syrian Brilliant Teaching'\n\nThe term 'brilliant teaching' was almost certainly invented by Adam. A man of his background, whose sensitivity to Chinese culture was displayed in the skilful composition of the Sian tablet inscription, would doubtless have realised that the old term 'teaching of the scriptures' did not convey the essence of the Christian religion. Besides general probability, one very significant feature of the inscription points to Adam as the term's inventor. Seventy-two monks are listed by name at the bottom of the main inscription, probably monks from the Ch'ang-an and Lo-yang monasteries who were present in Ch'ang-an for the tablet's unveiling ceremony. In most cases the names of these monks are given in both Syriac and Chinese. Adam is one of only three men whose Chinese name includes the character ching, 'brilliant'. His Chinese name Ching-ching (37) signifies 'brilliant purity'. Perhaps his Chinese name suggested the new term for Christianity, or perhaps it was the other way round. But it is difficult to believe that this was mere coincidence.\n\nIt is likely that the term ching-chiao, ‘brilliant teaching’, was first publicly used in the Sian tablet inscription. Firstly, it is probable that a new term would be used in the capital before spreading to the provinces, and the erection of the Sian tablet in 781, in China's first Christian monastery, offered a suitable occasion for the 'unveiling' of the new image. Furthermore, the inscription self-consciously, as if of a new term which requires explanation, draws attention to the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212191, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "110\n\nJ\n\nonto\n\nup from Shanghai to relieve them. In this way he wished to show the Japanese that the British flag could not be driven off the Yangtze. But other ideas prevailed in Shanghai; the ships were ordered out. I was instructed to transfer my Chinese refugees, the employees from our office and their families, numbering some 200 souls, to the \"Ewo\" hulk, which was to be left anchored at Nanking under the protection of a British gunboat. Curiously enough, the refugees showed extreme reluctance to be abandoned thus to an unknown fate, and in the upshot, most of them went on to Shanghai with the ship. Our flotilla was augmented by the arrival of the light cruiser **Caradoc** from Hankow, where she had been wintering. Her 'tween decks were packed with several hundred British women and children, who were being evacuated from the upriver ports. A small ship flying the Italian flag added to our number; she was believed to be carrying the personnel of the Italian Aviation Mission, who had been training Chinese pilots at Nanchang. Led by a Japanese escorting destroyer, followed by H.M.S. \"Caradoc\", we formed line and sailed down the river, the journey enlivened by the anger of the Japanese Commander at the inability of the master of the Italian ship to understand the signals which, from time to time, he made in the International code. With our convoy went the last merchant ships to show the British flag on the Yangtze. The \"Red Duster\" was displaced; henceforth the Japanese view prevailed.\n\nHong Kong and South China 1938\n\nThe West river and its network of tributaries provide the highways over which the commerce of South China moves. Some distance outside Bocca Tigris, where the river debouches into the China Sea, an eleven-mile ridge of hills rises sharply out of the blue semi-tropical waters. We call it Hongkong, but to the Chinese it is \"The Fragrant Lagoon\". Why \"fragrant\" I cannot say, because the surrounding waters are salt, as any sea water, and full of large diaphanous jelly-fish that lie in wait to sting unwary swimmers, or of little black insects which get inside your bathing costume and bite you in places inconvenient to reach.\n\nThere is no record to show how these marine depredators spent their time before 1840. In those days, before the arrival of the British, the island was uninhabited and, though visited by fisher folk and pirates, I doubt whether they went swimming. The pirates have now", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212217, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 159, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "136\n\nAmerican films were flown over quickly from Hollywood, and pictures would often be released earlier in Shanghai than in London. When the newsreels of the war began to come along, they led to disturbances; the Germans got nasty and wanted to break things up. Cinema owners did not wish to see their cinemas wrecked and in the end the showing of newsreels was discontinued. Unfortunately, they also did not dare show pictures, like \"The Great Dictator\", which were critical of Fascist methods. The French were, however, determined to see \"The Confessions of a Nazi Spy\", an anti-Nazi picture which was doing much in the States to open the eyes of the population to the methods of the German 'Bund'. They stationed two armoured cars outside the cinema, while inside armed police, with drawn automatics, stood along the gangways. The picture had a very popular run for two weeks, without incident.\n\nSince the disturbances of 1927 the leading Treaty Powers had maintained garrisons at Shanghai. The Japanese forces were quartered in the section of the International Settlement north of the Soochow creek, where the majority of the Japanese population lived; the British, American, and Italian contingents guarded sectors of the perimeter south of the creek; and the French garrisoned their own Concession. There was a local understanding of live and let live, and even after the Italians came into the war, the Grenadiers of Savoy, decked out in patches of red on collar and sleeve, and the baggiest of plus-fours, continued to man their sector: but to avoid argument with Thomas Atkins and Jack Tar they were confined to their own particular taverns. Blood Alley remained an Anglo-Saxon preserve, where Johnnie Doughboy sometimes threw his weight about.\n\nIt was in January, 1940, that the Royal Navy stopped the Asama Maru, within a few hours steaming of the Japanese Coast, and removed 21 Germans from on board. The Japanese, of course, went up in the air at this alleged insult to the Imperial flag, and the British community in Shanghai questioned the expediency of the action. The incident was settled by negotiation, 9 of the captives being returned, and the Japanese undertaking not to convey in their ships military personnel of the belligerents. It is interesting to remember that, when the S.S. \"President Hoover\" ran aground on the East Coast of Formosa, in Japanese territorial water, closed to foreign shipping, the Japanese refused to allow the Americans to salvage her, but insisted on the work being done by Japanese firms. Soon after, the Asama", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212532, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "66\n\nsucceeding years.\n\nThe significant turnabout of Sino-American cultural relations, especially arts exchanges, came in 1979 when some ten American performing groups came to China for public appearances while some Chinese groups toured the United States. There were also exchanges of arts educators and prominent artists in that year, some of whose tours were sponsored by the Center for United States-China Arts Exchange, an institution established to that end on 1 October, 1978.\n\nA little earlier there had been a little-publicized thaw in 1978, when a Chinese American's Chinese-style paintings were exhibited in Beijing and the China Film Export and Import Corporation (CFEIC) made its first purchase of an American movie, the Convoy, directly from an American company. Subsequently, the CFEIC purchased a film, Future World, and accepted a gift, the Nightmare, in 1979. In 1979 all three movies were shown to the public. The Chinese television stations soon followed suit by buying a 17-episode TV series which, according to the contract, was to be allowed three transmissions in China in the next four years. On the American side, an American company purchased 14 Chinese movies in 1979 in a single deal.\n\nThe rise of Chinese interest in American arts was also demonstrated in another field, the theatre. In December 1979, a play adapted from an American movie Guess Who's Coming to Dinner was staged by the Chinese Youth Theatre in Beijing. The fever over American arts inaugurated in 1979 was increasingly developed in the following two years. In 1980, 13 American performing arts groups appeared on Chinese stages while the number climbed to 22 in 1981, a record which still stands today.\n\nAfter this high-point, the inflow of American culture fluctuated depending on several factors. In 1983 there was a slight increase followed by a downturn in 1984. In 1985 there was again a revival of American cultural influx.\n\nThe first major group of Chinese artists arrived in the United States in 1980, following a major event in the previous year. As appearances of Chinese artists in the States are more difficult to trace, especially for researchers in China, the statistics in this paper can only reflect major artistic events. In this case, the figures show a slight increase generally.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212591, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "125\n\nEnd of Mourning\n\nAlthough many consider mourning lasts for five (or previously seven) tsats, namely 35 (or 49) days, a normally accepted figure is 100 days. Until this century laws laid down how long the five grades of relatives should mourn. If these rules were breached punishment was administered by the state. It is unlucky for mourning to end on the exact day.\n\n43\n\nA simple ceremony to mark the end of mourning, after 101 days in this study, was held by relatives in the home of the second daughter where a permanent shrine had been erected to the deceased. This faces the main entrance door but as the flat in question had not been ‘feng shui oriented’ its effects are likely to be negated. There were the customary three bows and burning of joss sticks. Everyone was in good spirits occasionally talking to the dead person's picture as if she was actually there. Of course there was food. This plays a major part in a culture of a country where famines were common. Dishes included chicken properly 'assembled', complete with head and tail (everything must have a beginning and an end), fish, and Chinese sweetmeats such as yam rolls. Oranges were placed on the shrine. On that day a box of home-cooked walnut cake was on the table. It was later found untied and everyone denied undoing it. Those present questioned whether the deceased had opened it.\n\nThere was also roast pork, believed by some to replace, ritualistically, the flesh lost in death. Pork is 'food fit for the gods'. Once placed on the altar before ancestors it takes on a sacred, magical quality which, some believe, can be likened to the host consecrated at the Eucharist. The Roman Catholic Church declares that, by transubstantiation (a custom continued since medieval times), bread and wine become the substance and form of the body and blood of Christ. Protestants believe the bread and wine do not take on physical affinity but convey a spiritual reality. By eating pork that has been offered up and 'ritually shared', ancestors and living descendants, so some Chinese claim, are not only able to fortify their chi ('cosmic breath' providing inner strength) but also capture special 'magical' powers. Even non-lineage members are sometimes offered some pork as a special gift. Babies barely able to masticate have pieces pressed into their tiny mouths. Afterwards, mothers swear they are better behaved and illnesses cured.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212621, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "155\n\nfoiled the third Japanese attempt to take that city. Mac was full of energy and good cheer, spoke fluent Chinese, and had a supply of good stories, which had by no means been exhausted during our stay at Maymyo. Over the next eighteen months in China he added to his fund of stories in English, another fund in Chinese of no less lurid a nature.\n\nOur plans were advancing slowly, and we decided to pay a visit to Kinhwa, the temporary capital of Chekiang and the largest shopping centre at that time in eastern China. We needed stores and supplies of various kinds and thought to fill in time by laying those in now. The intention was then to go on to Chin Ya to make all the necessary preparations for opening the school. Unfortunately I was taken ill and had to enter the hospital in Kinhwa kept by the American Presbyterian Mission, where I was given every attention. My symptoms were complicated and it was impossible to decide whether I was suffering from appendicitis or malaria: however, a regimen of alternate sulfanilamide and quinine - I am told they cannot be taken together - gradually restored my health, though it took a month. Meantime Singapore had fallen and I think my Chinese friends must have thought I was so mortified that I was feigning a diplomatic illness, which of course I was not. General Ku sent his Adjutant General to enquire after my condition and the Army Commander in that area also took a kind interest in me. Mac went off to Chin Ya with Michael and they engaged carpenters, masons, and furniture makers to provide for all the needs we could foresee.\n\nBy the beginning of March I had recovered and was back in Shangjao awaiting the arrival of the small convoy which was due with the first of our personnel and military stores. Part of a much larger contingent, destined for other purposes, they had driven in by lorry all the way from Burma, over the Burma road, through Kunming and Kweiyang, to the Hunan-Kwangsi railway, where the lorries had been entrained, to conserve petrol, already a rare and precious fluid. The contingent had detrained in south Hunan, from where our party had sorted out their stores and come on with four lorries. This advance party consisted of two officers, Leo and Cyril, and a stalwart warrant officer of the Royal Engineers, whom we shall call the Chief. They had with them several Hongkong Chinese, who had joined the British army in Burma, and some tons of explosives and gadgets calculated to cause the enemy unexpected discomforts.\n\nThe sight of these lorries, however few, with Union Jacks painted", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212924, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 233, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "218\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nEdward N. Lorenz, The Essence of Chaos Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1993.\n\n'In trying to write a clear explanation of some point that you think you understand, you may discover that you do not understand it well enough to explain it.' said Edward N. Lorenz to his students. In The Essence of Chaos Professor Lorenz took his own advice seriously.\n\nThe book is an exposition of how the author crafted a powerful and ubiquitous theory, now known by the catchy name, 'Chaos'. Edward Lorenz is a brilliant writer, scientist, and mathematician. His deep insights into the subject fill the entire book and occasionally he allows glimpses of the yet-to-be-explored future areas of study. He leaves little doubt that chaos can be linked to regular systems and to much of the random world.\n\nThe task of explaining the characteristics of 'chaos' is a formidable one. Lorenz strives to retain mathematical precision in his description without resorting to mathematical rigour and details. His thorough understanding of the subject permits him to write a highly readable text for any lay person. However, for preserving precision of the descriptions and for avoiding ambiguity, the text is at times laboriously lengthy.\n\nThe description of the key characteristics of a system that has sensitive dependence enables the reader to gain a sense of having grasped a precise knowledge of what is meant by 'chaos'. An illustrative example of going down a ski slope with moguls improves the readers' understanding of 'chaos' in a more descriptive manner. The introduction of the representation in 'phase space' permits the author to give the reader a taste of the tool for analyzing 'chaos'. But, the reader needs a good solid mathematical background to grasp the full meaning of what the author tries to convey.\n\nThe chapter on 'weather' is the highlight of the book. Lorenz demonstrates why the weather forecasters have to battle against the unpredictability of a weather system which has sensitive dependence on initial conditions. His description of 'weather forecast' is fascinating. It explains the Trojan efforts made to improve the accuracy of weather forecasting. It eventually leads the reader to the inevitable conclusion that the unpredictability of weather will continue since the weather system", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212955, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 23, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "2\n\ndictionaries of phrases, many of them carry the figurative meaning. What more, these 'phenomena' suggest that the concept of face is important.\n\nis\n\nFace Is Important\n\nLu Xun, the author of the epic A Q, had written many stories, articles, and poems. Among them, one article was solely devoted to the concept of face (Lu, 1934).* Another contemporary writer, Lao She also took pains to single out face as the central theme in one of his early plays: Mianzi Wenti (The Question of Face), a three-act play published in 1941.6\n\nIn what can be regarded as a concise statement of what Lu Xun and Lao She had tried to convey, Lin Yutang, the famous linguist, wrote that face was 'yet the most delicate standard by which Chinese social intercourse [was] regulated' (Lin, 1935: 200). He also lamented that if China was to become strong, it was necessary for her people, especially those who had face, to cast aside this concern (Lin, 1980: 210). His underlying assumption was that the concern with face barred the country from developing into a state ruled by law and thereby a strong state. This view was shared by other social critics like Bo Yang (Bo, 1987: 121). Even some Westerners who had much experience living in China feel the same (Bo, 1987: 338-339).\n\nSome Western scholars also attended to the concept. Elizabeth Croll, for example, in her study of marriage rituals, concluded that the scale of marriage was taken as a symbol of a household's or even a larger social group's status. Wedding banquets were used by those who experienced changes in their status to advertise their new positions in society. Although the word 'face' was not directly used, it is apparent that the concept worked in this context. As far as this ritual was concerned, the situation remained the same in post-1949 China. More so, the cadres themselves, rather than the villagers, were the group being indulged in extravagant feasting.\n\nEven in the political arena, the concept of face appears to be important. In an analysis of the dynamics of political factions, Lucian Pye has argued that, very often, politicians would not be totally driven out, nor would political factions be totally defeated. This is to save the losers from a complete dismantling of their status, power and other means of living. This is also important to allow the defeated to live on by saving them from a 'deep sense of loss of face' which implies loss of respect and dignity (Pye, 1980: 188-189).\n\n* A copy of the bibliography is available from the Hon. Editor", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212981, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "28\n\nFinancially, because the Chinese Communist press is not organized on a market economy basis, it cannot support itself by advertising revenue or financial sponsorships.\" Its tenure has to depend on the will of the leadership. Shue (1981) found that such was the case where some local papers remained alive while others closed down.\n\nThese factors maintain the media as mere mouthpieces of the Party and the government. As instruments of the leadership, what the media present would be the materials that the government or the mainstream leaders intend to; what the media present would be vital to the politics of governance.\n\nUnder tight control of the Communist Party Government, Chinese mass media have a high degree of homogeneity; in the outlook of their workers, in the events and the comments they present. As a result, they can be taken as a collective unit, they can be taken as the mouthpiece, it makes sense to postulate that the things the mass media say would be what the Government tries to convey. If face behaviour is detected in the verbal contents of the mass media, then it can be attributed as belonging to the Government in the interest of the Government's face. It is this aspect of face behaviour which the present paper attempts to focus on. To illustrate the place of mass media in this context, we may use the optical theory again.\n\nReferring back to the diagram as presented in Figure 3, the work of the mass media can be seen as the implementation of face strategies (note that \"mass media\" is bracketed under face strategy). They are the weapons to realize the tentative effects of face behaviour in the interest of their owners. Some strategies may be directed to enhance face. Some others to save and the rest to lose the face of others in order to bring positive effects to the face of the owners.\n\nAs shown in the diagram, an analysis of mass media contents would be an analysis of the depictions and strategies, instead of the effects. It is the image(s) between the lens and the mirror that such an analysis could be studied (c.f. Figure 3). It is the external, the manifest aspects and presentations, which are visible in the mass media, not so much the effects of them which are external to the contents of the mass media.\n\nA final remark is that the Party and the Government in the PRC could hardly be discerned from one another under the present political system.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213020, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 88, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "67\n\nChinese athletes work for the country. They live under the guidance of coaches, the sports hierarchy which in turn are fed by the government and are supervised by the government. Coaches are government employees, and so are the athletes. If these athletes and coaches were found to fare poorly, the government might be unfavourably associated. But if these poor performances were excused, the losses were presented in diminished forms, then not only the athletes, but also the coaches, government officials, or even the whole bureaucracy could be saved from severe criticisms or challenges from other forces in the country. Not being totally defeated socially, albeit the physical defeat would mean the possibility of a revival of status and the possibility of a comeback, both in the sports arena, and in the socio-political area for the government employees.\n\nAs such, when Chinese athletes or teams encountered face-threatening situations, the unfavourableness would be alleviated or even overturned by a matter of presentation skills. Whether these skills could produce the desired results is beyond the scope of the present analysis. But for sure, if these strategies to forestall the face-threatening situations are clearly evident, then it could be said that the press did some facework for the athletes and the country of the government. And there were reasons to believe that it did facework for the sake of politics since whom it protected from the loss of face or the threats to face were government employees or those who were closely identified with the country.\n\nAnother relationship between the concept of face with politics can be viewed from a more macroscopic and positive perspective: nation-building. Alan Liu, in his Communication and National Integration in Communist China, quoted Inkeles' initiation of the study of mass media and social systems in the process of nation-building. The roles of mass media in the context of nation-building is to serve as a tool of identification with the country under a specific leadership, and to help to convey a new set of norms, values and symbols across the country so as to achieve national integration. Both added together reflected polity and society (Liu, 1975: 2-3). This seems especially important in a new nation like the People's Republic of China. It was promulgated in 1949. It advocated an ideology which sounded exotic to the general masses. A convenient means would be to use familiar terms with new relationships to construct a new society. Face offers an age-old concept to manipulate with. The new relationships are up to the party leaders' wishes.\n\nXIX", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213329, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 151, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "133\n\ncommemorative book plate. Another of Y F's gifts to me, was a tape recording of his recitation of Chinese prose and poetry from his former school textbook, the Kwu Man in the manner taught in his schooldays at a private academy in Hong Kong. This unique recording is now in the Museum of History, and was used as audio background to a recent exhibition there on the history of education in Hong Kong. \"Y.F\" had joined the Society in its early years, but was later made an Honorary Member in recognition of his interest and personal services to it over a long period. Until increasing debility made it impossible for him to attend, he used to accept our invitations to be a guest at the dinners that followed the Annual General Meetings,\n\nLocal Tours\n\nDuring my long years as an office bearer of the Society in Hong Kong, I have organized many local tours for members and their friends. This was - and when I get the chance, still is – a labour of love. Year in year out, the \"Local Tour Programme\" has exploited the wide variety of topics and locations available for visits. In my time, they were made possible by the contacts generated by my government posts, and by the friendliness of the local people, who never hesitated to make us feel welcome. Always popular and well-attended, they have provided opportunities to view places and things of historical interest and see people in their home surroundings. In addition, some of the tours have enabled visitors to learn something of Hong Kong's modernization and progress over the years, especially in the New Territories where there is still an opportunity to see the new and the old side by side. On my regular visits to Hong Kong since coming to live in Sydney, I have been glad to see that the tradition continues and that the Local Tours Programme goes from strength to strength, with good attendances and the occasional need to repeat the more popular visits. This has reminded me of some \"monster\" visits, like the Hong Kong Island tour of November 1989, when I took four coach-loads to many locations one Saturday, and had to give members time to return to the buses at each location as, with such large numbers, \"whipping in\" was impossible.\n\nTo convey the flavour of such visits, I have included a few notes of tours that took place in the last twenty-two years. They are included here to illustrate the scope and variety of the RAS programme, and may also bring back some happy memories of readers who took part.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213419, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "particular attention and that was the three and a half months photographic exhibition which was put on by the Society in conjunction with the very helpful Antiquities and Monuments Office. This exhibition, covering many aspects of Hong Kong history with a fine array of photographs from the Society's archives and other sources, ran for three months. It attracted a great deal of publicity in the Chinese and English press, radio programmes and United Press International also beamed a release around the world, not just about the exhibition but also about heritage and local history in Hong Kong in general. I would like to thank the staff of the Recreation and Culture Department of the Hong Kong Government, and particularly its Secretary, Mr. T.H. Chau, for making this all possible, those who lent photographs for the exhibition, Mrs. S. McGrady, Mr. Colin Gimson, Mrs. P. Alway, Mr. Brian Pearce and Mrs. Elaine Marden, and even more particularly Dr. Dan Waters. Without Dan's drive and enthusiasm it is doubtful if the Exhibition would ever have got off the ground, but it did and we owe him a huge vote of thanks.\n\nThe Exhibition was such a great success that we do hope that it will be possible to run similar events.\n\nI have dwelt for sometime on the activities of the Society deservedly so since they play a very important and prominent part in the Society's affairs. However there are other activity areas which are important for us to note and acknowledge. Firstly there is the library. Under the capable guidance of Ms. Julia Chan, our Librarian, it continues to flourish: she will report separately to you. Secondly, there is the administration of our finances, by our Treasurer, Mr. Robert Nield; he will be reporting to you separately later in detail. However, well as the finances are run, and they are in a sound position, even he cannot manufacture income from nothing and escape from the ravages of inflation. Subscription rates have not been raised since 1993 and you will note therefore that we are recommending a rise in rates with effect from 1 January 1997.\n\nLastly I would like to convey our thanks to those who keep this very interesting Society together, to all Council members, particularly to the two Vice-Presidents, Reverend Carl Smith and Dr. Elizabeth Sinn; Mrs. Anita Wilson for co-ordinating the all important Newsletter and last but not least our Assistant Secretary, Mrs. Claire Hockaday.\n\nXIV\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213559, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "124\n\nThe book is laid out as follows (from top to bottom). A word or phrase is given in Chinese. The Chinese is in most cases the colloquial Cantonese of the time. To the right of the Chinese characters is the Cantonese pronunciation using the spelling convention of Dr Williams' Tonic Dictionary of the Canton Dialect (1856),\n\nBelow the romanized Chinese is the translation of the Chinese into standard English, and to the left of the English is a rendering of the standard English pronunciation using a syllabary based on colloquial Cantonese in Chinese characters. How Pidgin English fits into this, I shall come to later.\n\nWe want to convey to you that the phonetic transcription into Chinese characters of the English is rigorous and very effective. It is clear that the author is an un-sung hero of phonetic analysis, and ahead of his time in his observation. His transcription is based on three levels of refinement.\n\nFirst, where the standard Cantonese pronunciation of a Chinese syllable is close enough to the corresponding English syllable, the character is used. Where no suitable character is available, an ersatz syllable is created using the \"mouth\" radical and fan-qie method, according to the prevailing convention for reproducing colloquial Cantonese words which are not normally written down.\n\n#1\n\nHit\n\n年\n\nKeens\n\n#19\n\n候\n\n時令\n\nbe ling\n\nTeason\n\nhave - Time\n\n-\n\nYear\n\nYutsal Genvention\n\n夜晒上平看\n\n鄭拿染純\n\nHQ HH\n\nFig. 1. The lay-out of Tong Ting Shue's \"Ying Ü Tsap Ts'un\"\n\nI", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214213, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 71, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "34\n\ncomparatively recently it was unbecoming to make fun of the British Royal Family in public in Britain.\n\nVittachi, in his letter to the author, says that although stories which pour scorn on leaders are loved by Westerners, Asian audiences sometimes appear a little scared when he does this. As Lee Kuan Yew recounted, by and large an Asian leader is not expected to accept gibes to his face. In Lee's own words, regarding how his political party acted (and largely acts) when governing Singapore: We argued and thrashed out our differences in private. In public we never contradicted each other (Minchin, 1986:343). It can be added that an Asian leader is likely, nevertheless, to receive a few well-aimed jabs behind his back, although, really to enjoy a joke, many will argue there has to be a 'victim.'\n\nAlthough the pointed joke and the sardonic barb can bring a great deal of trouble (Matthews, 1983:368), Western comedians are fond of using sarcasm with contemptuous language that is intended, in the extreme, to mock, insult or convey scorn. But in Hong Kong (and even more so on the People's Republic Mainland), it is so easy to cross the line and show disrespect (so that the person loses face). The Hong Kong film star and comedian Michael Hui Kwoon-man, a Hong Kong Chinese University graduate, explained to the author that he heard a western comedian in the United States say during a performance: 'What me? I'm so fat and healthy how could I possibly have AIDS?' 'Only people like Michael Jackson, who is skinny and ugly, have AIDS.' The Michael Jackson club in America, consisting mainly of young people, really enjoyed the joke about their idol and roared with glee.\n\nLater, Michael Hui returned to Hong Kong and tried the same joke out at the Anita Mui Fan Club. It fell completely flat. Members sat there looking glum, according to Hui. To be fair however, not all Westerners, especially the more sedate and elderly, would consider this joke funny. Also, of course, the fact that Michael Hui was joking about Anita Mui, a woman, made a difference.\n\nConclusions\n\nAfter researching and preparing this paper it is still not possible to decide positively whether there really are cognitive differences between", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214290, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 148, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "111\n\nthough they also had some on their war junks. The war junks were of much smaller size than the large men of war of the British navy. Generally they only had one gun deck although they were beginning to realise that they needed to have better ships and Mackenzie1 records that a start had been made as early as 1841. The batteries of the various forts were not short in numbers of guns, and Mackenzie records that the North Wangtung fort mounted 167 guns ranging in size from 3 to 64 pounders. What they did lack was the ability to aim them efficiently. Their accuracy was not good, and Mackenzie notes: \"The carriages are also most clumsy, and owing to this they are unable to train the piece to bear on any particular object, but fire it off point blank\"17. It is, therefore, no surprise that they were no match for the European ships, or even the gun boats such as the Nemesis which only mounted a couple of 32 pounders.\n\nOne would have expected the shore batteries to have given a better account for themselves; however, even the batteries at the Bogue Forts were not well directed. Ouchterlony said of their efforts to dislodge a battery of howitzers set up in the middle of South Wangtung, an island well within range of the fort: \"...it will convey some idea of their miserable deficiency in gunnery, to remark that during all that time, although many guns in the southern horns of the half-moon batteries on Wangtung bore upon it, not a single casualty occurred amongst Captain Knowles' party.\"\n\n# 18\n\nAs regards field guns, the Chinese did not have much use for them as they were generally on the defensive. However, they did have an interesting variety that was mounted on a form of wheelbarrow, but these were only found in an arsenal and not in service. They also used gingals (also spelt gingall or jingal, from the Hindustani jangal), which is a large musket about twenty pounds in weight and when fired is supported either on a swivel mounting or by a second man. A photograph taken around 1910 by Leone Nani20 shows a large matchlock musket being supported on an assistant's shoulder, and specimens of similar dimensions, probably dating from the early twentieth century, were seen in the New Territories of Hong Kong in the 1970s by the author. Weapons of similar size (about eight feet long) but of more modern design were also in use at the time of the Boxer uprising (1900)21. The size of its shot varied. Loch22 observed gingals that required three men to operate and which fired a ball of about 2 pounds. However,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214818, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 233, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "199\n\nfree of charge was considered as a meritorious deed, to be taken into numerical account in any reckoning in the world hereafter.\n\nHowever, any survey of books of this kind will reveal the confusion between titles that appear to deal with the same subject, as well as the difficulty of apportioning them to either Buddhism or Taoism. They could be, and often were, similar in content and belonged to both religions, their purposes being practically identical. H.A. Giles once stated in regard to the Yu Li Ch'ao Ch'uan, described by Fathers Wieger and Davrout (see note 13) as a Buddhist work but ascribed by him to Taoism, that:\n\n\"Modern Taoism had...borrowed so much material from its younger rival, that an ordinary Chinaman can hardly tell one from the other, and generally regards them as to all intents and purposes the same.\n\n**12\n\n“Moral tracts” per se are closely linked with the Buddhist and Taoist teachings in the books noted above. The Confucian ethics made a similar contribution in this wide field of instruction and admonition, but without the confusion seemingly inseparable from works of this sort in the other two religions.\"\n\nLastly, the popular literature was also used to convey the moralistic and admonitory messages of the tracts and teachings of Buddhism and Taoism and the hortative contents of the Confucian ethics. Many of the didactic themes of the Three Religions are to be found encapsulated in the novels and collections of short stories that were printed all over the country, and their influences can be traced in what were otherwise works intended for popular entertainment.\" These indirect forms of religious instruction also helped to shape the thoughts and actions of the population.\n\nThe cumulative result upon the people and culture of China is well expressed by Professor Francis C.M. Wei in his book The Spirit of Chinese Culture (1947). He explains that he is writing \"a study of the moral tradition and the religion of the Chinese people\" and is at pains to emphasise that \"particularly in the case of China does their culture develop from this background.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214989, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "41\n\nhis contingent of coolies via the Panama Canal for New York and ahead of them was the Empress of Asia which was torpedoed, so they headed for the safety of Jamaica. From his memoires I cannot ascertain a date. He held a high opinion of his coolies and stated that the greatest aid to maintain discipline was to retain his sense of humour under all circumstances. He also believed in seeing that they were properly cared for when ill and, most important of all, when selecting coolies for promotion, to prefer the old man with character with the slow moving brain to the smart young town coolie.\n\nDaryl Klein, who joined the CLC as a 2Lt in late 1917, assisted in escorting a large contingent by sea, leaving Qingdao in about February 1918, sailing via Japan where they coalled ship and on to Canada where they stayed for about ten weeks. They were then conveyed in June 1918, with some Canadian soldiers, on HMT Empress of Asia, this ship being used to convey troops and others, via the Panama Canal to Kingston, Jamaica and, after refuelling in New York, on to France. This contingent consisted of 13 officers [of whom one was an ex-banker, one an ex-officer from Russia and one an ex-missionary], 4,200 coolies with five interpreters and one medical assistant. During the voyage, Klein interviewed two First Class Gangers [or sergeants], Sgt Tang Chi-chang, aged 27 and previously a school teacher in Nanjing and a graduate of Weixin University; he was also a Christian. Sgt. Sen Shin-lin, aged 26, had served in a warlord's army for six years.\n\nAs Halifax, in Canada, had been so badly damaged by the accidental explosion of an ammunition ship in harbour, G. E. Cormack and his contingent had to stay at Victoria, British Columbia and whilst there he had to look after a coolie who had been admitted to hospital for a severe operation, which was successful. Later a deputation came to see Cormack and presented him with a carved wooden panel, which they had made, representing two stags fighting. This was their way of showing appreciation of his attention to their sick comrade. This carved panel is now held in the Imperial War Museum, London, and, at the time of writing, is not on display. [see photograph]\n\nWorking in France\n\nIn a Company of about 500 men, there would be 24 British officers and NCOs, lead by a major or captain; 476 Chinese labourers, with the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215016, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 112, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "68\n\nEmpress of Russia, arriving at Vancouver Island, Canada. During the voyage he discovered two cases of mumps amongst the 2006 Chinese which finally increased to eleven.\n\nDuring their stay in quarantine the Chinese were trained into disciplined coherent bodies. During this time, even though being well treated, food riots nearly broke out. A white cook was sacked for exorbitant charges on bread sold to the coolies, a gold dollar for an 8lb loaf, making a profit of 400%. He also excessively charged for apples and oranges. Two coolies were caught stealing and were publicly caned. On 8th April, his dressers [medical assistants] reported that trouble was brewing over an insult from coolies from Shandong and Tianjin; fighting broke out, being quelled by Stuckey. The leader of the Shandong men was caned publicly, to set an example.\n\nFootwear, issued in China, was proving unsuitable, so British Army boots were issued, which for some became a tradable item.\n\nThey left the quarantine station on 8th April, travelling by train, those with mumps being segregated, to St. Johns and Halifax from where they sailed on the Corsican, in convoy, to Liverpool, where they entrained for Shorncliffe, Kent and then across the channel by ferry to Boulogne and another train journey to the CLC HQ at Noyelle-sur-Mer. The officers returned to the UK to order their kit and uniforms, which cost Stuckey £45 at the Army and Navy Store. He returned to France as Eye Specialist in charge of the Ophthalmic Department of the Chinese General Hospital at Noyelles.\n\nThe Depot at Noyelles was already established as the central examination centre for all Chinese on arrival in France, before their allocation to various Labour Companies.\n\nThe first shipments of Chinese were routed via the Cape, but due to the long journey time and also the shortage of vegetables, leading to scurvy and beriberi, thus making the coolies of little use, the shipment routes were changed via Canada. On arrival in France, the coolies were again medically examined, especially for eye diseases, trachoma and conjunctivitis, usually in the open. Once passed fit they were drafted into various Labour units, consisting of five British officers, 19 British other-ranks and 476 Chinese, and kitted out. Those with eye diseases...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215255, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 32, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "A REPORT TO THE HONG KONG BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY (HONG KONG BRANCH) FROM THE FRIENDS (U.K.)\n\nOnce again it is my privilege to present a report to the Annual General Meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society in Hong Kong, and what a pleasure it is.\n\nFirst of all, though, the Friends would like to send its greetings and all good wishes to those in Hong Kong. We can only admire at a distance the growth of the Society, and what it is now achieving. This is well brought out in your very informative newsletters and journals, both of which convey a picture of liveliness, historical eagerness and relevant research. The Society was revived in 1959 with 'the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual journal. These objectives have certainly been achieved, and we are all the beneficiaries.\n\nBy the nature of our distance from East Asia and our far-flung membership, the Friends' achievements in the U.K. are more modest. We are only entering our fourth year of operation and we number approximately 75 members. However, what we may lack in numbers is made up by the enthusiastic response of those who attend the quarterly meetings; members do come from all parts of the U.K., and one member comes from Belgium. This is all very encouraging and augurs well for the future.\n\nSince I last reported, the Friends' programme has continued to be held quarterly, normally at London University SOAS, preceded by lunch at Sheng's Tea House. It started with the A.G.M. in May 2000 followed by a lecture by that well-known Hong Kong personality, Anthony Lawrence. Anthony gave a very lively and personal picture about H.K. today. He informed us of the gradual physical evolutionary changes but at the same time explained that the human side was much the same as it was when he first went to Hong Kong fifty or so years ago. Interspersed with anecdotes of examples, the talk lived up to the highest expectations and the Friends would like to thank him again for taking time out in his busy U.K. annual visit.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215413, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 190, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "139\n\nhere. I do agree with some of Dr. Fraser's affirmations. Given the fact that arches of triumph also appeared in Portuguese India they are partly relevant to my research and, historical and cultural differences aside, it would be difficult to gloss over certain implications present in her arguments. While keeping these in mind, it is equally important not to lose sight of more purely art-historical questions.\n\nDuring the sixteenth century the Portuguese introduced the Arch of Triumph as a decorative element in the façades of both their civic and religious buildings in India. Since this is a subsidiary contention to my main argument, I cannot but treat it summarily by means of a number of examples.\n\nIndian Urban Examples and Damão's Episcopal Church\n\nTwo of the finest examples showing the employment of arches of triumph in urban architecture in India, the Arch of the Viceroys, Goa, and that of the ruins of Baçaim Fort, will suffice to illustrate my point.\n\nThe first of these, constructed in 1599 under the orders of Dom Francisco da Gama, grandson of Vasco da Gama, formed part of the main city gate leading to the Governor's Palace. It is the work of Julio Simão, a locally born architect of French descent.\n\nSimão employed a subdued rusticated idiom for the articulation of the main structures of his design with an almost inconspicuous use of the classical orders. The decoration of the structure as a whole is sparse, consisting mainly of carved metopes, of pyramids with spheres at the corners of the first storey and the royal coat of arms at the top.\n\nIn the original design a niche above the main entrance arch displayed a statue of Vasco da Gama with an image of St. Catherine in a small attic above. The latter intruded into the pediment below in typical Mannerist fashion.\n\nThe use of rustication was popular amongst certain cinquecento Italian Mannerist architects such as Giulio Romano. In this instance rustication combined with an arch of triumph was evidently intended to convey the victory and strength of the Portuguese crown, although it is obvious that considerations of a purely aesthetic nature must equally", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215675, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 452, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "404\n\nIan Morrison's Last Dispatch\n\nPOHANG IN HANDS OF\n\nNORTH KOREANS\n\nAnnex\n\nTOWN IN FLAMES\n\nFrom Our Special Correspondent\n\nBIHAR ARMY HEADQUARTERS, August 12 —\n\nA serious situation has developed at Pohang on the east coast. North Korean forces, who for several days past were known to be working their way south through mountainous country inland from the coast, and who yesterday were reported at a point seven miles north-west of Pohang, attacked the town early this morning and are now threatening the airfield five miles to the south-east. Fires are burning in the town and it may become necessary to evacuate the airfield.\n\nFor several weeks past the South Korean forces based on Pohang have been fighting in and around Yongdok, a small town 25 miles north of Pohang. Their supply line has been the road which runs along the coast. The mountains to the west are some of the steepest in Korea, but they have not deterred the North Koreans from making the obvious outflanking movement. The exact strength of the North Korean force is not known. Three days ago it was reported as two regiments. Probably it consists of a nucleus of regular troops and several hundred guerrilla troops who have long been established in these mountains.\n\nThe allied command apparently minimized their threat, because it was only yesterday that reinforcements were hurriedly rushed to this coastal sector. These consisted of South Korean infantry and a small American task force equipped with light tanks. Exactly what happened is still obscure, but the American convoy was ambushed soon after midnight on the main road 15 miles south of Pohang and pinned down until dawn. Air support was called for, which eventually drove off the North Koreans, believed to have been a number of guerrilla troops, and permitted the convoy to continue after considerable delay.\n\nMustangs were still using the airfield up to 5 o'clock this afternoon, and in some cases pilots were firing their guns only two or three minutes after taking off. The North Koreans had moved south of Yongdok, and pilots claimed to have destroyed two tanks, 10 vehicles, and two ammunition cars. Transport aircraft also were still flying into the airfield this evening and bringing out certain unessential staff such as ground engineers.\n\nAccording to these arrivals, North Korean mortar shells were landing in the general area of the airfield, but it was not under small arms fire. American gunners who have been supporting South Korean infantry in this coastal sector were shelling North Korean positions on the ridge about two miles north of the airfield between the airfield and the port. Large numbers of Korean civilians who had evacuated the town had gathered round the airfield, which is situated close to the shore of the bay, and two ships were standing by offshore in case evacuation should become necessary.\n\nLieutenant-General Walker, commander of the Eighth Army, and Major-General Partridge, commander of the Fifth Air Force, flew over the area this morning.\n\n97", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215745, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "Polo. Later in the year it is hoped to arrange an away visit to Bath (China Artefacts and Porcelain Museum) and Bristol (British Empire and Commonwealth Museum). If any members in Hong Kong are in the United Kingdom we hope you will be able to join us.\n\nFinally, the Friends convey its very best wishes to all members of the Society in Hong Kong for your Annual General Meeting; we look forward to a year of future expansion and interaction.\n\nDAVID GILKES\n\nCHAIRMAN\n\nMARCH 2003\n\nXXXV", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215848, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 147, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "80\n\nAppendix:\n\nA Failed Scholar\n\nBy the late 1950s, degree men like Mr. Lo Sheung-fu were few, but it was still possible, by enquiry in the villages, to seek out some old men who, in the language of an earlier day, were failed scholars. By great good fortune, when District Officer, South, I was able to visit one of their number in Ho Chung, one of the larger villages of the Sai Kung area.\n\nBorn in 1876, old Mr. Chan Min-yue was already 86 years old. His house was still older, and its interior, blackened with soot, had like its owner seen better days. The dwelling was one of several within a large courtyard, approached from the outer village street by an entrance gate, and situated within his own clan's section of the village.\n\nBent and shuffling in his gait, Mr. Chan was rather deaf. He could not see very well, and his voice quavered, but he responded well to my enquiries and his memory was still good.\n\nHis education had been long and ultimately expensive: first, at little cost, in his own village school for seven years, then in Canton for another six or seven at a considerable annual outlay to his father. One hundred silver dollars was the figure mentioned, though this was probably an approximation intended to convey the sense of expense. Board and lodging had been required, as well as tuition fees. All in all, he had taken the prescribed examinations leading to the first degree five or six times, but always without success. His father had become reluctant to spend even more money, and the young man had to return to the village. He then went into business with a herbal and Chinese medicine firm in a market town, which (he told me) provided him with a pension when he retired.\n\nUnlike many other failed scholars, Mr. Chan had never taught school, but his proficiency in writing scrolls and couplets had been recognized and utilized in the village and neighbourhood. He carried on with his calligraphy until old age and increasing debility obliged him to stop. Men of this type were accustomed to meeting together for literary pursuits. They composed poetry and discussed its merits, held literary competitions, and wrote scrolls and couplets, replicating at the local level the more prestigious gatherings of senior officials, gentry and literati of the kind to be found in all the district and prefectural cities of China, and in the provincial capitals, like Canton.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216339, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "47\n\nThere was a downside to this denial of access and more reliable information. For most Britons (as for most Europeans) China had been a country steeped in fantasy and misconception. The 18th century craze for \"Chinoiserie\" had left them with a vision of Cathay, rather than knowledge of the real China. But as time went on; in some curious way, a much less attractive hodgepodge of exotic notions about the country and its people had been assembled, and by the time of the Opium War, this seems to have displaced the benign willow-pattern, and the romantic tale which accompanied it, in the public mind.\n\nAn early Protestant missionary to China told his readers that when he went there in 1839 he carried with him the following notions in regard to what 'most people in the West entertain about the Chinese,' some of [which] elements may be said to be, \"odd manners, pig-tails, cramped feet, long nails, fans, paintings, rice-paper drawings, processions, concentric balls, lanterns, chopsticks, eating rats, mice, and bird's nest soup, popular infanticide, and an utter want of benevolence'.73 These were attributes which found visual expression in the comic illustrations provided by the artist John Leech for Thomas Henry Sealy's 1841 compilation, The Porcelain Tower, Nine Stories of China, a book purporting to provide more information on the country, but more likely intended as a great \"send-up\" of the entire Chinese nation.74\n\nNor, in retrospect (albeit there was little alternative, given the linguistic variations of the Chinese language and the more or less permanent ban against teaching it to Westerners) was the enforced adoption of “pidgin\" at Canton, as the lingua franca of commercial and social exchange, calculated to convey a fuller understanding or enhance mutual respect.75\n\nChinese disdain for the West\n\nThe half truths and misconceptions common to those Britons who bothered to think at all about China and the Chinese were only matched by the even greater ignorance exhibited by Chinese about the West, even by the governing classes. However erudite (they were largely scholar-officials) their mind set was cast in an entirely different mould. For them, China was the \"Middle Kingdom,\" the centre of the universe, and all outside its borders were barbarians who were only allowed a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216408, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 167, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "117\n\nretired as a Rear Admiral. At the outbreak of World War II he was to rejoin but sadly, as a Convoy Commodore, was to die at sea on 17th September 1940 when his ship, S.S. CITY OF BENARES steaming 470 miles to the south of Iceland on passage to Montreal, was torpedoed and sunk by 'U-48' (Heinrich Bleichrodt).\n\nCaptain Mackenzie was to have a more normal, less exciting period of command for the remainder of the commission.\n\nTrue, while at Wei-Hai-Wei during the summer of 1932 he experienced the passage of three typhoons in close succession and fairly close by. During one, on 12th June, S.S. SHENKING was driven ashore on Chimeng Island just up the coast. As Senior Naval Officer Captain Mackenzie was closely involved, not only in arranging for a guard to be maintained over the ship as protection against pirates, but also in the subsequent successful efforts to refloat her. First her passengers were rescued, fortunately without injury or loss. To facilitate her salvage next she had to be lightened. Over the next few days her cargo was discharged into lighters, also into another company ship, S.S. FENGTIEN.\n\nSubsequently Captain Mackenzie was able to report that:\n\n'No difficulty was experienced in selling her cargo of flour well in Wei-Hai-Wei.'\n\n925\n\nThe Chinese Naval Commodore on the spot greatly assisted by providing a gunboat guardship at the scene of the grounding.\n\nS.S. SHENKING was refloated on 17th June. She was brought to Wei-Hai-Wei where further temporary repairs were carried out by the use of cofferdams and the pouring of cement between various of her frames. Finally on Wednesday, 22nd June she departed under her own steam for Shanghai and full repair. Subsequently she re-entered service, in fact following World War II service with the Royal Fleet Auxiliary, was to remain with China Navigation until 1955.\n\nThe remainder of the commission was to pass without great incident.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216409, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "118\n\nIn addition to her usual cruising on the China coast the ship paid one visit to Nagasaki and, early in 1933, another to the Philippine Islands.\n\nOn 11 June 1933 the carrier EAGLE, Captain L.V. Wells, DSO, arrived at Hong Kong to replace her on the station. Accordingly the next day HERMES slipped for Singapore and after a pleasant passage reached Sheerness on Saturday, 22 July 1933.\n\nAlthough while in the East mention has been made above of the activity of pirates, actual direct involvement with any such deed had been about the only experience she missed between 1930 and 1933. She was to fill that gap during her following commission, also on the China Station when under the command of Captain The Hon. George Fraser.\n\nNOTES\n\n[Hon Ed.] HMS HERMES, a small aircraft carrier of some 10,950 tons, was the first purpose-built such warship in the Royal Navy. On 15th January 1918 she was laid down at the Armstrong Whitworth yard and launched on 11 September 1919. The yard was scheduled to close, and no great post-World War I urgency to complete her was perceived, so she was towed to Devonport for completion. There she was commissioned on 6th August 1923. Several of her pre-World War II commissions were spent on the China Station. At the outbreak of World War II she \"worked up\" in the English Channel, carried out one patrol, and then in October 1939 was ordered to Dakar to work with the French Navy on anti-enemy blockade runner and surface raider patrols. With the ship operating twelve Swordfish aircraft, generally speaking these operations took place out across the Atlantic towards the coast of South America. On 8 July, 1940, with the advent of Vichy then at Dakar, the ship launched a daring night-time attack first using her motor boat immediately followed by Swordfish aircraft torpedoes, crippling the new battleship RICHELIEU which was lying in Dakar Roads. Subsequently, when returning to Freetown, she was damaged in collision with the P & O liner CORFU, then an armed merchant cruiser engaged in convoy protection duties. She was repaired at Simonstown, South Africa. Following repairs she saw further service, enjoying some notable successes, in the South Atlantic, Indian Ocean and Persian Gulf.\n\nFrom Trincomalee late on 8th April 1942, the approaching Japanese fleet having", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216509, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 268, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "220\n\nBuddha. After all, the Greeks had settled here even earlier, in the third century BCE. Other examples, before being blown up in 2001, were the huge images of Buddha carved out of the cliff in Bamiyan, Afghanistan, with their moulded mud and stucco draperies. Alexander's forays and settlements to lands well to the east of his Macedonian homeland remind us that several of the cities that Tucker describes were far more ancient than the Silk Road. Babylon, which fell to Alexander in 331 BCE, had already by then been the Middle East's most magnificent city for over fifteen hundred years. The earliest city to occupy the site of Chang'an was in existence before 1000 BCE.\n\nTucker manages to convey a huge sweep of history and geography. You will need time to read this book as, if you merely dip into it, you will lose the interconnecting threads, which are the crux of his thesis, i.e. that, throughout fifteen hundred years, numerous cultures met along the Silk Road and nourished each other's creative spirits. You will need to read it at a table because it is too heavy to read on your knees. And you will need an atlas alongside it that has maps showing some realms not often shown on a single spread. Your maps will need to show the geographical proximity of the towering mountain ranges of the Pamirs and the Hindu Kush with the drainage basins of the Aral Sea to their west and north and with the upper tributaries of the Indus to their east and south. The passes connecting these regions beckoned both Alexander and, nearly two thousand years later, Tamerlane, both intent on conquering and settling the north of the Indian subcontinent. You will need a single map to show the vast latitudinal spread of the great grasslands, deserts and semi-deserts from Turkey to northern China over which the nomads galloped. It was along these northernmost routes of the Silk Road that the Mongols charged on their terrifying way to Vienna, besieging it in 1241 and only withdrawing because they had to travel back, unexpectedly but unavoidably, all the way to Karakorum to appoint a new Grand Khan. The Silk Road saw many such events that were turning points in history, such as when in 1218 the governor of a city in what is now Kazakhstan killed an envoy of Ghengis Khan, suspecting that he was a spy, an action that precipitated the wrath of the Khan, and \"was to propel the world into an abyss, setting in motion a chain of events that would lead to the deaths of millions of people from the Danube to the Sea of Japan' (p.221) - because Ghengis Khan's horsemen set out to avenge this insult, inflicting terrible retribution on all in their path.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 } ]