[ { "id": 213656, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "CONTENTS\n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT ..... ix\n\nHON AUDITOR'S REPORT ..... xx\n\nARTICLES\n\n1 Patrick Hase - Traditional Life in the New Territories: The Evidence of the 1911 and 1921 Censuses\n\n93 Chan Wing Hoi - From Langming Ordination Names to Gongming Imperial Degrees: Study of a Hakka Religious Practice and its Decline\n\n129 Fred Dagenais - John Fryer's Early Years in China: III. Account of Three Days Excursion on the Mainland of China\n\n151 Yip Hon Ming and Ho Wai Yee - The Hou-wang Cult and Tung Chung's Communal Culture\n\n185 Peter Ng Tze Ming - A Study of the Objectives of Church Involvement in Education as Perceived by the Various Protestant Denominations in Hong Kong..\n\n195 Stephanie Chung Po Yin - Business Investment in Politics: Overseas Returned Chinese, Hong Kong Compradores and the Canton Government, 1911-1924\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n223 Carole Morgan - Traces of Houtu's Cult in Hong Kong..\n\n231 Keith Stevens - The Han Lin Academy and a Chinese Deity\n\n235 Keith Stevens - Impermanence of Images in Chinese Popular Religion Temples...\n\n239 Keith Stevens - Supplicating the Deities in Mainland China's Temples.......\n\nviii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213770, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 122, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "93\n\nFROM LANGMING ORDINATION NAMES TO GONGMING IMPERIAL DEGREES: STUDY OF A HAKKA RELIGIOUS PRACTICE AND ITS DECLINE\n\nCHAN WING-HOI\n\nFrom what we know about Chinese religion, ritual experts / magicians appear to be specialists living among lay populations whom they serve but who are not otherwise involved in their tradition. One notable exception is the case of the Yao who practiced a system of ritual obviously originated from the Han people. The Yao however differ from what we know about Han communities in that, generally, becoming a “Daoist” magician is part of their initiation into full adulthood.' Another important difference is that rituals of ancestral worship and those for the worship of gods appear to be separate among the Han but not among the case of Yao and She ethnic groups.\n\nReading the ritual manuals of ritual experts of Guangdong and Fujian provinces who claim to be Daoist, and of those from the Yao, one notices that they share a literary style that is quite different from the manuals in the Daoist Canon. As I shall show later, they share a peculiar group of gods central to their traditions but not found in the canonical tradition except a mention in the Southern Song dynasty of the magic of the \"sorcerers\" Moreover, we find in some Han genealogies, especially those of the Hakka, indications of similar practices of ordination and related customs. Instead of showing that the Hakka were of Yao or related non-Han minority origin, it confirms that the Yao practice is derived from a practice widespread among their Han neighbors that is less well documented.\n\nGenealogies from among the Hakka of Guangdong and nearby provinces collected by the late Hakka scholar Luo Xianglin, and those found in the collections from the New Territories of Hong Kong, provide records of such ordinations from as early as the 10th Century. Many villagers in the New Territories have ordained ancestors, some held occasional celebrations which suggest that ancestral worship among those people could have been very different from what it is now, before the 18th Century when new ordination names were no", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213788, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "111 tablets were set up on a table before the picture. The one in the middle is dedicated to Taishang Laojun (styled Taishang Hunyuan Jiaozu Daode Tianjun) and the masters of the priest. On the right was one for the ancestors of the groom styled Pengshi Tangshang Shigaozhengzu Kaobi shenwei (“Founding ancestors, and great grandfather and grandfather\"). On the left-hand side was one for the gods of the four domains Heaven, Earth, Water, and Yang. Offerings on the table included plates full of homemade red-colored buns from, I was told, each household of the village.\n\nThe rite started at a quarter to 7 p.m. and continued, with intermissions, until about half past 4 a.m. the next morning. The assistant who dressed as a woman joined the priest in most of the rites, with the exception of the first rite “invitation of gods”, and probably the last one of “seeing off the gods” which seems to have been performed by the priest alone, and the rite of “pacifying the kitchen god\" which was performed by the \"woman\" assistant alone. The assistant held a fan in one hand and a handkerchief in another. The two danced together, forming postures in which the priest kicked at his \"female\" assistant. The rituals made frequent use of the horn, the divination block, and mudra formations. A third assistant played percussion instruments to their accompaniment.\n\nThe series of rituals begin with an invitation of gods. I recorded in my notebook that in the final section of the rite the priest faced the table at the ancestral altar and mentioned langming and gongming in a recitation about the purpose and scope of the ritual. I have already mentioned the rituals connected with the maintenance of an army under the control of ancestors. Another important session is the Jianchao, \"witnessing the Chao”, which is an offering of a raw pig. The pig was placed before the table at the altar, with its head facing inside. The offering included the whole pig, with even blood and hair. On the back of the pig's neck, three cuttings had been made; fixed in the middle one were incense sticks and the two sides candle sticks. The chicken song should have been performed in the series. Some of the villagers present expected to hear it. But the priest and his \"female\" assistant omitted the singing because they had not recovered from their sore throats that had resulted from the Anlong rite they performed at Cheng Lan Shue a few days ago.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213790, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "113\n\nalways foretold by noise made automatically by a cane, presumably left by the monk, as if the uneasiness of the enlightened monk in the presence of his own folks continues even after his death.\"3\n\nIf the tradition of ordination was so persistent despite contact with \"orthodox\" Daoism and Buddhism, the sudden disappearance of the ordination names among ancestors from the 17th century, and the fact that the genealogist writing around the 1920s is apparently unaware of such practice, is all the more interesting. We may get hints from the genealogist who spent four pages to refute any connection of the lang names with priests/sorcerers. He lived between around 1856 to 1946, was appointed a jiaoshi (“professor”?) at the Jingshi Daxue (“Capital University”) of the Qing. Among the evidence he cited was that in his family that produced ten generations of scholar/bureaucrats it would have been an insult to accept ordination names from priests/sorcerers. He makes the point to prescribe omission of du (“ordination”) before the lang names in genealogies and spirit tablets, and adds di “number (\")\" before these names. One wonders if the opinion of people of such status as this genealogist would be sufficient to put a stop to the practice of ordination. But other genealogists mentioned above, some perhaps not so many decades before him, saw in those names indications that the ancestors had attained immortality. In any case, the opinion of this scholar/bureaucrat is a contrast to the sorcerer's view in which fangming and gongming were comparable as titles of prestige. Luo Xianglin, the Hakka scholar who wants the Hakka to be known as \"Tarmei-scholars” and perhaps “farmer-nationalists” would not, similarly, want the Hakka to be thought of as “farmer-sorcerers\". In a passage from the genealogy of the Lius explaining the two special styles of names among ancestors as given by “Daoists”, Luo inserted a note saying that \"this is not correct, see the Genealogy of the Luos of Luobo ***.\n\nBut, as I have already mentioned, the two Hakka scholars do not have to look further than the Guangdong Xinyu and the local gazetteers to see that the villagers' beliefs are not \"fictitious\", as they claimed. Moreover, the practice of ordination continued well into the 19th Century according to county gazetteers. The absence in genealogies of ancestors born in that period bearing ordination names probably reflects the fact that ordination continues but is no...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215105, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 201, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "158\n\nof victorious battles he captured Kaifeng and Luoyang where he had himself proclaimed emperor of the new dynasty of Greater Yan. His further campaigns and those of his subordinates were at first victorious; however, they then began to suffer a series of defeats at the hands of Guo Ziyi, one of China's most renowned generals, whose successes led to increased loyalist resistance to the rebel forces.\n\nA major consequence of the rebellion of An Lushan, was the withdrawal by the emperor of his forces garrisoning the North-west thereby losing control over China's far dominions in Zungaria and the Tarim Basin [today's Xinjiang province] for the best part of the next thousand years.\n\nFor a while it seemed that the balance was turning in the emperor's favour. However, the Capital garrison at Chang'an [Xi'an] was incapable of resisting the attacks of the rebel forces and after the defeat of his main army on the banks of the Yellow River the emperor in great alarm was forced to flee Chang'an accompanied by some of his entourage. They fled west heading to Sichuan province ahead of the rebel advance. En route, at Ma Wei, his escort mutinied, killed Yang Guozhong and forced the emperor to order the Concubine Yang be strangled to pacify his discontented guards. Stories have varied but the most popular versions claim that the emperor had no choice but order her to be strangled by his chief eunuch or that she was forced to commit suicide. On reaching the safety of Chengdu, the capital of Sichuan, the heir apparent had been persuaded to usurp the throne. Weary and distressed the old emperor, now in Chengdu, gave his assent to the new reign and became the retired emperor. The new emperor bestowed the title of Taishang Huangdi\n\nupon his father but kept him under house-arrest.\n\nThe heir-apparent made his way to Lingzhou in Gansu where he was proclaimed emperor Su Zong and was soon joined by two armies, one under Guo Ziyi. By 757 Guo had recovered the main and subsidiary capitals of Chang'an and Luoyang from the rebels, whereupon the new emperor summoned the former emperor back to Chang'an to ensure that he would not be the focus of any further intrigue and threat, where he died in 761. The father was then canonised as Zongming Huangdi\n\nthough usually he is still referred to as Ming Huang.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216034, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 333, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "267\n\nThe force despatched up the Yangzi in 1629 by Koxinga's father was led by Zheng Huigui, Koxinga's uncle. It arrived off Zhenjiang just as the Manchu army was crossing over to Jin Shan [Golden Island], causing the Manchus to pause, change their plans and move further upstream for their crossing. However, the Manchus, having taken Nanjing, upstream, they floated downstream on rafts and after coming under fire from Zheng's force, still went on to capture Zhenjiang. Zheng fled downstream and back down the coast to Fujian. It was just at that moment that Koxinga's father deserted to the Manchu side. With most of Fujian province within his power Zheng, despite his submission to the alien Manchus, welcomed the Ming emperor who was fleeing ahead of the southward advance of the Manchus as a means of augmenting his power. Despite his protestations of loyalty he failed to aid the emperor's restorationist cause by the simple expedient of inactivity.\n\nOur next episode begins fifteen years after the execution of Koxinga's father in Beijing where he had been held hostage, with Koxinga himself vigorously opposing the Manchus. In 1659, Koxinga hearing that the Manchu forces were preoccupied in Yunnan province sailed to the mouth of the Yangzi where he remained whilst a portion of his fleet commanded by Zhang Huangyan, sailed up the Great River, captured Zhenjiang before sailing on to Wuhu, far upstream beyond Nanjing. Koxinga, himself, landed on Congming island near the mouth of the Great River and having marched across country, he entered the old Ming capital of Nanjing in triumph, where he proclaimed the restoration of the Ming. However, he was promptly besieged in Nanjing for four long months before surrendering the city and being able to escape. The failure of the second raid up the Yangzi led the Manchus to install large garrisons within the major walled cities down the Yangzi, Zhenjiang being but one. In each city a special quarter was set aside for the Manchu garrison, members of which were forbidden to have too much intercourse with the native Chinese and quite categorically were forbidden to marry them. The Manchus at first were merely feared but as the years passed so they grew to be heartily disliked. And in their later years they were despised. There was a remnant of the Manchus still in Zhenjiang in the 1920s, whose poverty was a burden on local charities and the authorities and whose extensive burial grounds down the centuries of both the Manchu White and Yellow Banners were still standing in the city's south-west suburbs. It was claimed that Zhenjiang reflected typical Jiangbei culture with a dash of Peking from the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 } ]