[ { "id": 204236, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 4, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n1\n\nTHE HONG KONG BRANCH OF THE\n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\nThe Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847, but it ceased to exist at the end of 1859. Exactly a century later, on December 28, 1959, it was resuscitated with the approval of the parent society in London - The Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland.\n\nThe Royal Asiatic Society was founded in March 1823 \"for the investigation of subjects connected with and for the encouragement of science, literature and the arts, in relation to Asia\". It received its Charter of Incorporation as a royal society from George IV on August 11, 1824. The Royal Asiatic Society is the oldest and most important Society of its kind in Europe, and its standing as the doyen of Societies promoting the study of Asia has been maintained by the devotion of generations of eminent scholars, explorers and others who have contributed through its Journal, in public addresses and in many other ways, a rich harvest of knowledge, both academic and practical, in the service of Western understanding of the East.\n\nA large part of the Society's work has always been done through its branches and affiliated Societies in the East. Branches were formed at Bombay and at Madras about 1838, and in Ceylon in 1845. The Hong Kong Branch followed in 1847, the North China Branch at Shanghai in 1857, the Japanese in 1875, the Malayan in 1878, and the Korean in 1900, etc. etc.\n\nTHE HONG KONG BRANCH grew out of a Medico-Chirurgical Society founded in 1845. This Society, however, in accord with the contemporary spirit of inquiry and the enthusiasm for better knowledge of Asia in general and China in particular, had contemplated setting up a Philosophical Society; but the movement ended in the establishment of the Asiatic Society with laws drafted by Andrew Shortrede, Editor of the China Mail, framed on the model of those of the Royal Asiatic Society. Sir John F. Davis, the Governor, by reason of his known literary and scientific acquirements rather than his official rank, was asked to be President. He suggested that the Society should seek to be admitted as a Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society with which, as a founder member, he was in close touch and with whose active President, the Earl of Auckland, he had discussions on these lines before he left England.\n\nSo in January 1847 the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was founded, and all the members of the Medico-Chirurgical Society who wished to join were admitted without ballot or entrance fee on condition of their Society's apparatus and books being handed over to the new body.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204237, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 5, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nBesides the Governor and Shortrede, the first office-bearers included Major-General D'Aguilar, Peter Young the Colonial Surgeon, Mercer the Colonial Treasurer, John Bowring the Younger (of Jardines); and also Thomas Wade, the celebrated interpreter and Envoy to China, who later became famous as inventor of the Wade System of romanization of Chinese still in general use today, and, as Sir Thomas, was to become President of the Society in London in 1887.\n\nIn his Inaugural Address as President, Sir John Davis stressed the importance of directing the Society's attention to practical projects and to natural history, geology and botany, as well as to literary pursuits, and suggested that he could get the sanction of the Colonial Office to the grant of a moderate piece of ground for a Botanical Garden. Sir John left the Colony in 1848; but, as the result of a stirring appeal by Mr. G. Gutzlaff, the missionary, at a meeting of the Society in August 1848, the project was approved, although it was not carried into effect until the governorship of Sir John Bowring (the younger John Bowring's father), and then the Garden was placed under Government control and not under that of the Society.\n\nDuring the twelve years of its life, the Society was dogged to some extent by the personal animosities prevalent in Hong Kong in the early days; but it flourished under the inspiration of Sir John Davis, and also for a time under Sir John Bowring, who enjoyed a European reputation as a scholar—as President he preferred to be called Dr. Bowring—and who animated the Society with his personal influence and by his contributions to its discussions. The Society had no permanent home of its own, but in 1849 it was granted by Sir S. G. Bonham a room in the Supreme Court building. It published six volumes of Transactions, the first in 1847 and the last in 1859.\n\nWith the departure of Sir John Bowring in May 1859 and the death in the September following of the Branch's devoted Secretary—Dr. W. A. Harland, M.D.—the Society collapsed. The efforts of Dr. James Legge, as well as those of Sir Hercules Robinson, the new Governor, as President, of the Bishop of Victoria and of the Acting Chief Justice as Vice-Presidents and of Harry (later Sir Harry) S. Parkes were of no avail.\n\nThe collapse of the Society came at an unfortunate time and deprived it of the prestige and momentum which it would have gained from the work of some of its famous members. Legge was on the eve of publishing his famous translation of the Chinese Classics, which could be printed and distributed only through the generosity of Joseph Jardine, and his successor Sir Robert Jardine, and of John Dent, the heads of the two largest merchant houses in the Colony. A little later, in 1865, T. W. Kingsmill had to resort to the aid of the Shanghai Branch for the publication of his studies on the geology of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204238, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 6, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n3\n\nTHE NORTH CHINA BRANCH started in Shanghai in 1857 under the name of the Shanghai Literary and Scientific Society. Its first President was the Rev. E. C. Bridgman, D.D., the first American missionary in China and the founder and manager of the Chinese Repository. Its first Journal appeared in 1858 in the name of the Literary and Scientific Society, but in that year the Society became affiliated to the Royal Asiatic Society as its North China Branch. Except for a brief period between 1861, when Dr. Bridgman died, and 1864 when the Society was reanimated through the unremitting efforts of Sir Harry Parkes as President, the Society maintained for nearly 85 years—until the outbreak of the second world war in December 1941—almost an unbroken vigour and a high reputation as the principal centre of Oriental culture among the foreign and Chinese communities in Central China. It also kept up a high standard of scholarship and of cultural appeal in its Journal, which appeared unfailingly every year. After the war it continued its work until, after 1948, it was forced through political troubles to cease its activities. The last issues of the Journal had been published with the co-operation of the International Institute of China.\n\nThe Society in Shanghai was from its early days fortunate in the support of a generous public and of the British Government, which in 1868 provided it with a site at a nominal rent for its own building, completed in 1871. Later the property was conveyed to the Society in perpetuity or for so long as it was used for the Society's purpose. Thus, in 1931 the Society was able, with the aid of public subscriptions and generous municipal grants, to build in Museum Road close to the British Consulate a commodious building of its own; it contained a lecture hall named after the late Dr. Wu Lien-teh, a floor to accommodate its Oriental Library of 12,000 volumes and adjacent reading rooms, as well as space for an excellent natural history museum and for the exhibition of Chinese paintings and other works of art.\n\nIn 1941 the Society had nearly 800 members, including most of the leading Oriental scholars, explorers and travellers. Amongst the outstanding personalities who had been associated with the North China Branch a few may be mentioned—Dr. Joseph Edkins, Thomas W. Kingsmill, Dr. Emil Breitschneider, Henri Cordier (at one time the Society's Librarian), P. G. van Mollendorf, Sir Robert Hart, Sir Harry Parkes, Sir Byron Brennan, W. H. Medhurst, Sir Edmund Hornby (the first British Judge in China), Sir Rutherford Alcock, H. A. Giles, G. H. Parker, H. B. Morse, A. P. Parker, Alexander Hosie, Samuel Couling, Sir Sidney Barton and Dr. J. C. Ferguson, an American, former President of Nanking University and a man of profound learning and wisdom who, in the course of half a century, served the Society as President, Secretary and Editor of the Journal.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204240, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 8, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n5\n\n## PRESIDENT'S REPORT\n\nIt is with great pleasure that I submit a report of the activities of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society for the first year of its existence after its revival in December 1959.\n\nThe original Branch which was founded in 1847 in the early days of the Colony and which included some of the most eminent oriental scholars of the time as well as the leaders of the Church, Government, the Armed Services and of the merchant houses, came to an abrupt end in 1859. After the lapse of a century a movement started in the Colony among those who had been members of branches of the Society elsewhere, in Malaya and in Shanghai where the Society had been compelled by force of circumstances to close down in 1950, to revive the Society in Hong Kong. As Sir Richard Winstedt, the Director of the Royal Asiatic Society in London, wrote:\n\n\"Circumstances had placed the port in a very favourable position for the study of one of the most important cultures of the world\"\n\nand Hong Kong had now the opportunity of filling a void and fulfilling its natural role as a centre for the diffusion of knowledge and culture of Asia and of China in particular.\n\nIt is barely over a year since a meeting was held attended by more than thirty interested members when a resolution was passed for the revival of this Branch. More than twice that number had pledged their support, including persons prominent in academic, professional, commercial and financial circles. The meeting adopted the constitution which had been approved by the parent Society and elected officers and a Council to hold office until this General Meeting. (The names of those elected have already been given in the brief history of the Branch at the beginning of this volume.)\n\nThe success of the founding meeting was crowned when His Excellency Sir Robert Black set the seal of his approbation by consenting to become the patron of the new Branch and when he presided over a meeting of the Society on January 23 of this year. It was the first time that a Governor of the Colony had presided at a meeting of the Hong Kong Branch since the days of Sir John Bowring, a hundred years ago. Thus he closed the gap of a century.\n\nWe are, I feel, justified in considering the result of the first year's work as very gratifying and the second year has already started in a way that is highly encouraging. Within a month of the founding meeting we had 72 members. At the end of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204242, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 10, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n7\n\nwho stressed the importance of directing the Society's attention to practical projects and to natural history, geology and botany as well as to literary pursuits. It may not be generally known that it was as the result of the efforts of the Royal Asiatic Society that Government was persuaded to grant a piece of ground for a Botanical Garden which was projected in the time of Sir John Davis and carried into effect when Sir John Bowring was President. Following this precedent we had three excellent lectures illustrated with a wealth of coloured slides by the following:\n\nCaptain A. M. Macfarlane on \"Birds of Hong Kong\" illustrated by coloured slides and a tape record of bird songs and calls. Miss B. T. Chiu on \"Flowers of Hong Kong\" illustrated Mr. P. A. Nixon's coloured slides, and\n\nMr. J. D. Bromhall on \"The Marine Fauna of Hong Kong\" illustrated by coloured slides.\n\nThese lectures were in part designed to appeal to the educational circles and it is hoped that with wider publicity we may have the benefit of more members from the schools and colleges of the Colony.\n\nIn concluding my reference to the lectures and addresses I wish to record our deep gratitude to those who have contributed so richly and so readily to the success of our first year's record.\n\nAll except two of the meetings held last year were held in the rooms of the British Council and the Branch owes a debt of gratitude to the generous assistance of the British Council and of its Representative, Mr. R. E. Lawry, for affording us, free of charge, the use of these rooms as well as of the projector and operator for the slides in illustration of the lectures. Without this assistance it would have been difficult for the Branch to carry on as the moderate yearly subscription of $20.00 per member would not otherwise go far towards paying our expenses, including the hire of rooms and the issue to every member of a free copy of the Journal of the Branch.\n\nThe Hong Kong Branch has no home of its own. It is indicative of the importance which Governments attached to the Royal Asiatic Society 100 years ago that the Government of Hong Kong granted to the Hong Kong Branch a room in the Supreme Court, where it could hold its meetings and house the valuable library which it built up and which it had eventually to hand over to the Morrison Education Society.\n\nIn Shanghai the Government granted to the North China Branch a parcel of land on which, with the aid of generous grants from The Shanghai Municipal Council and the French Council", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204243, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 11, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Vol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nJournal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n8\n\nand contributions from the community, it built a commodious home for itself with a spacious lecture room and provided accommodation for its very valuable library and museum. In Hong Kong we hope that some facilities may be afforded in the new City Hall for societies like ours but if our plans are to mature we need a meeting place of our own where we can build up an Oriental library which should fill a special need which cannot be supplied by the University, whose library is not readily accessible to the public, or by the new City Hall, whose library will probably be of a wider popular interest.\n\nAs the basis of our projected library we propose to print a sufficient number of our periodical journals to enable us to exchange periodicals with kindred societies in other parts of the world. We also propose in our journal to review books on Oriental affairs which may bring us a useful nucleus of publications. Until we have enough money to buy books it would be greatly appreciated if members who have any books of interest and connected with the objects of the Society would kindly remember that any gifts of books and journals would be most welcome.\n\nThe Branch is greatly indebted to benefactors who have been generous with donations. In Sir Richard Winstedt's message on its formation he expressed the hope that both European and Chinese firms with their accustomed generosity would help to foster the growth of a Branch of high promise. This hope was realised in the donations received of 500 dollars each from Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Messrs. Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., and The Hongkong and Shanghai Bank, and 250 dollars from Mr. Ellis Hayim. Then in April last year there came a munificent gift from an anonymous donor who is not now resident in the Colony. This was the gift of 10,000 dollars in memory of Arthur de Carl Sowerby, a great authority on the natural history of China, who was the founder and curator of the museum of the Society in Shanghai. These contributions have enabled us to put aside a capital fund which will help us in our aims for the future while yielding a useful interest in the meantime. It is greatly hoped that other merchant houses and individuals in the Colony may, without any direct appeal, emulate the example of these benefactors and help us to build up a Branch of the Society in Hong Kong worthy of the heritage which Professor Drake in his inaugural address coupled with the corresponding task which such heritage implied.\n\nDuring the year there was little change amongst the officers and members of the Council. Mr. Endacott resigned owing to pressure of work and the vacancy was filled in accordance with the rules by the co-option of The Hon. A. G. Clarke. Mr.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204246, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 14, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n11\n\nTHE STUDY OF ASIA: A HERITAGE AND A TASK\n\nInaugural Address delivered on April 7, 1960.\n\nF. S. DRAKE, O.B.E., B.A., B.D.,\n\nProfessor of Chinese, Hong Kong University.\n\nThe study of Asia by the West is the result of the total impact of East and West through the ages, in which traders, soldiers, administrators, travellers, preachers, and scholars all have a part, and in which a study of the language and literature of the peoples of Asia is an essential element.\n\nSo far as Europe is concerned the study of Asia commences with the Greeks.\n\nThe Greeks were in contact with Asia in three directions: along the coast of the Black Sea they were in contact with the Scythians; in Asia Minor they lived under the shadow of the Persian Empire; through Egypt they were in contact with the sea routes to India and beyond.\n\nThese three directions indicate three great geographical divisions of the subject around which we can, I think, arrange the historical, cultural and linguistic studies.\n\nFirst the grasslands of Central Asia, from the steppes of Russia to the plateau of Mongolia, home of the nomadic races from the Scythians to the Mongols;\n\nsecond, the Oriental Empires connected with the great river valleys and deltas from Iran to India and China;\n\nthird, the islands and peninsulas from South-east Asia to Korea and Japan, including the China coast.\n\nI. The Scythians are graphically described in the pages of Herodotus, and his description is verified by the finds of archaeologists in the tombs of their chieftains in South Russia and the Caucasus region. The virile 'nomad animal style' of the ornaments in bronze and gold found from the Caucasus to the Siberian side of the Altai, and from the Altai through Mongolia to the borders of China, indicates the extent and the character of the nomadic tribes.\n\nBut the chief source of our knowledge of the nomads is to be found in the series of Chinese dynastic histories. The Chinese were in continual contact with the nomadic peoples along their northern frontier from Manchuria to Turkestan—the line of the Great Wall. The struggle between the nomads and the Empire, based on agriculture, is the great theme of Chinese history.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204247, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n12\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nOne by one successive tribes arose Huns, Avars, Turks, Mongols, Manchus-dashed themselves against the frontiers of the Empire, and sometimes recoiling proceeded through Central Asia to Europe, sometimes breaking through the Wall, submerged for a time the whole Empire.\n\nApart from some stone monuments found in Central Asia, few but of great importance, the record of these tribes is to be found in the Chinese Histories, with references in the Greek authors of the Byzantine Empire, whenever the tribes impinged upon the West.\n\nInterest in collecting the Scythian bronzes commenced with Peter the Great. It is natural that the Russians and the scholars of Eastern Europe should be the first to be interested in the history of the Central Asian tribes. To them is largely due the excavations in Southern Europe and Siberia, and also in Mongolia. But in English we have the massive work 'Scythians and Greeks' by E. H. Minns. The Turks also are particularly interested in these studies, which have thrown much light upon the origin of the Turkish peoples.\n\nOne outcome of the struggle of the Chinese Empire with the Huns was the first extension of Chinese power in Central Asia, through the Tarim Basin, the present Sinkiang, to the Pamirs. This chapter in world history includes the fascinating account of the journey of Chang Ch'ien to the West in the second century B.C., the exploits of Pan Ch'ao in the Tarim Basin in the first century A.D., and the despatch of a Chinese envoy, Kan Ying, to the shores of the Persian Gulf,\n\nDuring the first and second centuries the famous silk trade arose between China and Rome, recorded by Ptolemy and the Chinese histories. For a short time the land route between China and the West was open. The road passed through the Tarim Basin, between the northern grasslands and Tibet. It also became the great highway between India and China.\n\nThe Tarim Basin is one of the most remarkable geographical regions in the world, lying as it does between glaciated mountains on three sides, with a waterless desert in the centre. Around the desert, watered by streams from the mountains, are the oasis towns and villages, which form stepping stones as it were for travellers passing from east to west, or from west to east. By this thoroughfare have passed from time immemorial the travellers of Central Asia-merchants, soldiers, monks. And by this thoroughfare the great cultural influences-Indian, Persian, Greek-have passed with Buddhism from Western and Southern Asia to China. By this thoroughfare Chinese colonization spread to the Pamirs. By this route Marco Polo journeyed to China in the thirteenth century.\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204248, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 16, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n13\n\nDuring the nineteenth century and early twentieth century, this region became one of the most important regions for archaeological study by Russian, French, German, Japanese, Swedish, and British archaeologists. The great names for the English reader are those of Dr. Sven Hedin of Sweden, and Sir Aurel Stein. The geographical exploration of the one, and the archaeological exploration of the other provide reading material of the utmost fascination and charm, and offer a key to open the closed door of Central Asian studies.\n\nTo these must be added the scholarly work on Central Asian languages Sogdian, Karosthi, Persian, Turkish, Uighur, and Mongolian that illumined the work of the archaeologists, including the names of the two great French sinologues, Edouard Chavannes and Paul Pelliot, and of the Russian Central Asian historian, W. Barthold.\n\nThe greatest episode in the history of Central Asia was the outbreak of the Mongols of Genghis Khan in the 13th century. The most extensive land empire that the world has seen stretched from Russia to Mongolia, and embraced also China, Annam, and Persia, and in its later developments the Moghul dominion in India.\n\nThe trade routes between East and West were once more opened, mediaeval travellers from Europe made their way to Mongolia and China, which they knew by the name of Cathay, and for the first time the West had detailed accounts of farther Asia. The book of Marco Polo is known to all, but not so widely known are the slightly earlier journeys and narratives of the Franciscan Friars, John of Pian Carpine, one to the court of Kuyuk Khan (1245-1247), and the other to the court of Mangu in Mongolia (1253-55). Yet these both present to the reader first-hand information of the Mongols, and of the Chinese, on matters overlooked by Marco Polo.\n\nII. The Persians were the first of the great Oriental Empires with which Europe was confronted. The main theme of the History of Herodotus was the invasion of the independent city-states of Greece by the King of Kings.\n\nIt was to understand how this situation came about, how and why the invasion failed, that Herodotus set out on his seventeen years' travels, collecting material—geographical, historical, sociological, and religious from all the peoples and tribes within his reach, to work into his great history.\n\nA hundred years later Alexander reversed the process and the Greeks invaded the East. In three great battles Syria, Egypt, and Persia fell, and the Macedonian army penetrated to the tributaries of the Indus.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204249, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 17, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n14\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nThe retreat of the Macedonian army was followed by the complicated history of North-west India, the present Pakistan, in which invasion followed invasion, Bactrian Greek, Indo-Scyth, Ephthalite and Turk, and dynasty followed dynasty, of which that of the Guptas was one of the most illustrious.\n\nBut the impact of the Greeks, though it was eventually absorbed, lasted for a long time, and its effect is still to be seen in the abundance of Graeco-Buddhist sculpture unearthed in the ruins in the Buddhist monasteries in Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Central Asia, reaching even to the confines of North-west China.\n\nTo the Greeks of Alexander and of his successors, we owe a large part of our early knowledge of Persia and of Northern India.\n\nWhen the power of Islam had spread through Western Asia, the Moslem Arabs and Turks became the intermediaries between East and West.\n\nThe Crusades were one, but not the only, answer of the West to the Moslems,\n\nThe way of St. Francis was another, But yet another was that of Raymond Lull, who, born as it were before his time, advocated the study of Moslem philosophy and the Moslem tongue as a preliminary for the preaching of the Gospel.\n\nMeantime Moslem learning in Latin translations, and even the Greek authors, translated into Arabic, and from Arabic into Latin, reached the Western World.\n\nThe Mongol dominion became divided. The Mongol rulers of Persia, and the partly Turkish partly Mongol rulers west of the Pamirs became converted to Islam. The dominion of Timur arose, and the Moghuls of India followed.\n\nFirst-hand accounts in Persian and Arabic now became added to the study of the Mongol regime. I refer in particular to Juvaini's History of the World Conqueror (between 1252 and 1260), by one who had served as a high official under the Mongol conquerors.\n\nFrom henceforth Islam contributed to the philosophy, poetry and art of the Persians, and the study of Islamics formed part of the study of Persia.\n\nBefore leaving the subject of Persia one can only refer in passing to the mystic philosophy and poetry of Persia, the beauty of Persian miniatures, Persian rugs, and of Persian architecture.\n\nIII. Finally we come to the sea-route to India and China, and the islands and peninsulas from South-east Asia to Korea and Japan.\n\nIn the course of his travels Herodotus had visited Egypt, where he had learned about the navigation of the Red Sea, and recorded that Phoenician sailors in the service of the king of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204250, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 18, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n15\n\nEgypt had sailed through the Red Sea, and keeping the land on their right had rounded Africa and returned through the Straits of Gibraltar; on the way they had found that the sun appeared for a time on the north side.\n\nA hundred years later, after Egypt had fallen into his hands, Alexander had founded the city of Alexandria on the western side of the delta of the Nile. The city was destined to become the second city of the Roman Empire. Connected by canal with the Red Sea, and making use of the newly understood monsoon winds (A.D. 47) for crossing the Arabian Sea, it became the chief port of the maritime trade with Persia, India, and the regions beyond.\n\nReferences to this maritime trade exist in the Chinese histories as well as in the writings of the Greeks. In A.D. 97 a Chinese envoy, Kan Ying, travelling from Central Asia reached the shores of the Persian Gulf, and was informed by the seamen whom he met that the sea-route from the Gulf proceeded first south-west and then north-west to the port of Wu-ch'ih-san (Alexandria), the return journey taking three months with favourable winds, and two years with unfavourable winds.\n\nThe Chinese records speak of the Persians and the Indians trading by sea with Ta-ts'in (the Chinese name for the Eastern Provinces of the Roman Empire: Egypt, Syria and Asia Minor) and of the fact that the profits were ten-fold.\n\nThey speak also of traffic between India and China by sea, and record that in A.D. 120 two jugglers who claimed to have come from the Roman Orient (Ta-ts'in) reached Burma, and were sent by the king of Burma as a present to the Emperor of China, via the Burma Road.\n\nAbout the same time a book was written by an unknown Greek sailor called The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea giving a port-to-port description of the voyage down the Red Sea and around the Indian Ocean to the Malay Peninsula (The Land of Gold) 'under the very rising of the sun, with a notice of China beyond.\n\nShortly after this in the 2nd century A.D. the Geography of Ptolemy was written at Alexandria, where Ptolemy gathered together and systematized all that was known to the Western world about Asia and Africa. In particular he plotted the longitude and latitude of the places known, which when transferred to a modern map give surprisingly accurate results, reaching to China itself.\n\nFrom this time notices of the sea-route increase, both on the Greek and on the Chinese side. The Chinese histories in particular show a rapidly increasing knowledge in the early", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204251, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 19, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n16\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nChristian centuries of the new states of South-east Asia, formed under Indian influence in Indo-China, Indonesia and the Malay Peninsula.\n\nDuring the Middle Ages the navigation of the Southern Seas was in the hands of the Arabs. But after the rounding of the Cape, direct contact between Europe and the East by sea was restored. It was mainly by the sea-route that India, China, and South-east Asia became known to modern Europe. In this the Portuguese navigators played an all-important part. Passing over the rivalries of the Western nations we come to the days of the East India Company.\n\nIn India the Moghul empire had reached its height, fine examples of its art remaining in the Moghul architecture of Pakistan and North-west India, and Moghul miniature painting. But with the Moghul Moslem law had come to India, and it was soon recognized by the East India Company that the study of Moslem languages was necessary for the government of India. So Islamics now became part of the study of India as of Persia.\n\nIn 1783 Sir William Jones, a brilliant linguist who had mastered Persian and Arabic during his student days in England, was appointed Judge of the Supreme Court of Judicature in Bengal. In 1784 he proposed the forming of the Asiatic Society of Bengal and became its first President. Becoming aware of the importance of Sanskrit, he became the founder of Sanskrit studies in the West. In accordance with Warren Hastings' decision in 1776 that Indians should be ruled by their own laws, he undertook the immense task of compiling a complete digest of Moslem and Hindu law, a task which he left unfinished at his death eleven years later.\n\nIt was from India that the Western study of Tibet commenced, initiated by Catholic missionaries, of whom the most eminent was Desideri who lived for many years in the great Sera monastery at Lhasa, and wrote the first comprehensive account of Tibet.\n\nMeantime the Jesuit missionaries had proceeded eastwards in the wake of the Portuguese to Malacca, Macau and Japan. It was from Macau that Matthew Ricci entered China in 1580 and in course of time reached Peking, where a beginning was made in the study of the Chinese Classics and Histories, which led to the first real knowledge of Chinese civilization in the West. It was now realized that the 'China' at the end of the sea-route was the same as Marco Polo's 'Cathay'.\n\nAt the beginning of the nineteenth century modern Sinology commenced with Robert Morrison at Canton, and continued with a number of able scholars, too numerous to mention here, of whom James Legge with his translation of the Chinese Classics into", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204252, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 20, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n17\n\nEnglish was the most eminent. A new era in Sinology opened with Edouard Chavannes and Paul Pelliot at the turn of the century, by whom the pattern for present day studies was set.\n\nAt this time too (1898) the Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient was established in Indo-China, and the thorough and many-sided work of the French scholars in South-east Asia commenced, which included the superb achievement, still in progress, of the conservation of Angkor,\n\nSpace does not permit to treat of the studies in Indonesia and Malaya, in Japan and Korea.\n\nBut in closing mention must be made of two special subjects, which affect all countries: Buddhism and Oriental Art.\n\nIt is hard to realize that there was a time when Buddhism was unknown to the West. The study of Buddhism commenced at the beginning of the nineteenth century with a young Hungarian scholar who set out for the East to find the origin of the Magyar race, which he rightly divined was connected with that of the Turks. His travels brought him to the Tibetan-Himalayan borderland, where he settled in the little village of Kanum in the Upper Sutlej valley to study Tibetan Buddhism. It is interesting to note that it was with the Tibetan branch of Buddhism that the study of Buddhism commenced. Later the great studies of the Sanskrit and Pali Canons began, and later still of the Chinese Canon, in which Japanese scholars have played a very great part. At the present time the Tibetan Canon and the mystic forms of Tibetan Buddhism are receiving great attention.\n\nThe study of Chinese, Japanese, Indian, Persian, Tibetan and Cambodian art is now receiving great attention. The last century saw a beginning in all these directions. Through the fundamental books of the pioneers, the magnificent collections in museums, the improvements in modern photography, and the facilities in travel, the finest examples of oriental art are now open to all. Persian miniatures, Moghul architecture, Indian sculpture, Chinese porcelain, Japanese temples, Angkor Wat and Borobudur are now well known.\n\nBut a final word must be said: he who would understand the East must be deeply religious. This does not refer to any particular church or sect of religion, but to the religious spirit diffused through all.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204253, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 21, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n18\n\nBIRDS OF HONG KONG\n\nCAPTAIN A. M. MACFARLANE, R.A.\n\nBased on a lecture delivered on September 22, 1960,\n\nThe birds of Hong Kong are notable for their variety. Over 330 different kinds of birds have been recorded here since 1860, and the list covers a wide range of types, with very few families found in China left unrepresented. I propose to cover the more common species, both residents and visitors, and to touch on a few of the rarities besides.\n\nI would normally hesitate to point out to residents of the Colony the geography of their surroundings, but a few features are worth remembering from a bird-watcher's point of view. First, Hong Kong is just inside the tropics, and therefore lies at the southern breeding limit of some of the typically northern birds such as the Black-capped Kingfisher, and at the northern breeding limit of some of the typically tropical or sub-tropical birds, such as the sunbirds and flowerpeckers. Secondly, the year is divided into quite definite seasons, some much longer than others, and so we get summer visitors who breed here, such as the Black-naped Oriole and Hair-crested Drongo; winter visitors such as certain ducks and many species of hawks and thrushes; and of course, passage migrants that pass through the Colony, sometimes in immense numbers, in spring and autumn to and from their breeding grounds in the far north. Examples of the more noticeable of these migrants are the waders, the swifts and the flycatchers. Thirdly, the Colony has a wide range of bird country within its small limits, from the top of Tai Mo Shan, over three thousand feet high, down through the wooded valleys such as the Lam Tsuen valley and the Tai Po Kau Forestry Reserve, across the open paddy-fields and marshes bordering Deep Bay to the rocky coasts and open sea off Hong Kong Island and Lantau. Therefore a bird-watcher can select different areas and hope to see different birds accordingly. Lastly, to the regret of all but bird-watchers, Hong Kong is subject to occasional fierce storms and even typhoons. If these last occur, then it is worth every effort to go out and brave the storm, for unusual birds are blown in, especially of marsh and coastal species.\n\nDuring the last few years, members of the Hong Kong Bird-Watching Society have found that just over 60 species nest regularly in the Colony. Despite the apparent scarcity of birds in the summer months, this number compares quite favourably with an area of English coastline of the same size. Although", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204254, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 22, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n19\n\nthe density of nesting birds is considerably less owing to the lack of suitable cover and nests are in any case difficult to find, there is a wide variety of nesting birds ranging from the great family of egrets and herons, with eight or nine species, through a list including the Black-eared Kite, White-bellied Sea-eagle, Francolin, Koel and Crow-Pheasant, drongos and mynahs, bulbuls and babblers down to the Tree-sparrow and Spotted Munia—altogether a large range.\n\nNow I shall discuss Hong Kong's birds in more detail, taking them roughly in the order of the new Check-List* so that gaps, especially in the case of rarities, may be filled in by reference to that book.\n\nThe Great Crested Grebe and the Little Grebe are both common winter visitors but are very localised. The favourite haunt of the former is Deep Bay, whilst up to forty of the latter may be observed on Tai Lam Chung Reservoir. They are rarely seen in breeding plumage and are consequently rather dull-looking. In Deep Bay, along with the Great Crested Grebe one may also see quite large numbers of cormorants, big black diving birds which feed voraciously on fish. An even larger companion of these two varieties in the same area is the Spotted-billed Pelican. Up to twenty of these enormous white birds may be seen, especially at low tide, during the coldest months.\n\nOne of the greatest attractions to bird-watchers in the Colony, particularly in June and July when there is little else to see, is the great variety of egrets and herons which visit and nest here. There are the small Yellow Bittern and Little Green Heron which may be seen in the mangroves on the edge of Deep Bay; the Great, Little, Swinhoe's and Cattle Pond Herons which nest widely in heronries throughout the northern New Territories; and the lonely Reef Egret which nests on Tung Lung Island, Waglan, and perhaps elsewhere in the southeastern part of the Colony. These birds are an ever-present source of delight with their fine plumage and graceful flight and movements. There are others in the same family, such as the Grey and Purple Herons, but they unfortunately are only visitors.\n\nDespite the abundance of water surrounding the Colony and a good deal of suitably marshy ground in the north-west, duck are by no means common, and apart from the Falcated Teal at the mouth of the Shum Chun River, and the Yellow-nib Duck and Teal in evening flight near Lok Ma Chau, very few can be expected. This is a pity, for duck are exciting birds to watch.\n\nAnnotated Check-List of the Birds of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, South China Morning Post Ltd., 1960.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204255, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 23, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n20\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nOn the other hand, the variety of predators, especially in winter, is very great. Only two species actually nest here; the Black-eared Kite on Stonecutters and Hong Kong islands, and the White-bellied Sea-eagle at two eyries off the east coast of Hong Kong Island. Half-a-dozen kinds, however, may be seen during a day in the New Territories, including Spotted Eagles and Buzzards, Marsh Harriers and Kestrels, Sparrowhawks and Ospreys. One of the most spectacular of sights in winter is the nightly roost of kites on Stonecutters Island, where up to eleven hundred birds may be seen just before dark, swirling and spiralling as they prepare to settle down for the night.\n\nThere is only one true game-bird here; the Chinese Francolin or 'Partridge', as the local sportsmen call it. Its crowing call 'Come to me, Ha-Ha!' is well known and may be heard on almost any open hillside throughout the Colony. The quail is found only on passage and during the winter, mainly in the paddy-fields. All but two of the rails and crakes found in the Colony are rare, and only the White-breasted Waterhen definitely nests here. It is an attractive grey and white bird, but very shy.\n\nTo many bird-watchers the waders are the most exciting of all our birds, and the numbers that may be observed in the Deep Bay marshes are often quite amazing. It is possible to see up to twenty species in a day in spring and autumn, and almost every kind of wader on the China list has been seen here. The more common species are the Little Ringed Plover, Kentish Plover, Greater and Mongolian Sand-Plover, three kinds of snipe, Whimbrel, Wood Sandpiper, Common Sandpiper, Redshank, Spotted Redshank, Greenshank, Grey-rumped Sandpiper, Terek Sandpiper and Temminck's Stint. There are over thirty other species, most of which can be expected to turn up in the course of every year.\n\nOne of the few features lacking in the beautiful harbour of Hong Kong is a permanent population of sea-gulls. On a really cold day in winter several hundred gulls may be seen there scavenging for food. Although they are nearly all Herring Gulls, well known for loud voices in their breeding grounds, here they are a silent lot and rarely stay about for more than a few hours, preferring the open sea once the temperature rises again. However, terns are a common sight over the marshes on passage, and, if the weather is very stormy in mid-summer, large numbers are blown here from their breeding ground on the Paracels. Amongst the more common species are the White-winged Black Tern, Gull-billed Tern and Black-naped Tern.\n\nThe Spotted Dove is the only resident representative of its family, and it is quite common in both town and country. The Red Turtle-dove is also fairly numerous in autumn, and the Rufous Turtle-dove in early spring.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204262, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 30, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n27\n\nFLOWERS OF HONG KONG\n\nSynopsis of a lecture delivered on November 2, 1960, based on Mr. F. A. Nixon's collection of colour transparencies.\n\nB. T. CHIU, B.Sc.\n\nThe flora of Hong Kong is of a mixed nature; partly tropical, partly subtropical, and partly temperate; and is famous for its exotic flowering trees and shrubs. The majority of us know little about it, because literature on the flora is scarce and hardly accessible to the layman. Bentham's \"Flora hongkongensis\" (1861), Dunn and Tutcher's \"Flora of Kwangtung and Hong Kong\" (1912), and most of Herklots' work of the thirties and 'forties are out of print. We are privileged in being given this opportunity in viewing examples of Hong Kong flowers at their best selected from each month of the year: some familiar, others rare; some native, others introduced; and a few very special ones, indigenous to Hong Kong. Special tribute is due to Mr. Nixon for his magnificent achievement as a photographer, and for his pursuit of the flora through the years into every corner, however perilous, of the countryside.\n\nThe following transparencies were projected:\n\nTREES\n\nDelonix regia (Flame of the Forest)\n\nBauhinia blakeana (orchid-like Bauhinia)\n\nB. variegata (deciduous Bauhinia)\n\nCassia fistula (Golden shower)\n\nC. nodosa (Pink and white shower)\n\nErythrina indica (Coral Tree)\n\nCrataeva religiosa (Spider Tree)\n\nAleurites montana (Wood or Tung Oil Tree)\n\nCamellia japonica (Camellia)\n\nC. hongkongensis (Crimson Hong Kong Camellia)\n\nC. granthamiana (White Hongkong Camellia)\n\nJacaranda ovalifolia (Jacaranda)\n\nSpathodea campanulata (African Tulip Tree)\n\nPaulownia tomentosa (Paulownia)\n\nRhodoleia championi (King of Hanging Bells)\n\nSHRUBS\n\nHibiscus rosa-sinensis (Rose of China)\n\nH. schizopetalus (Fringed hibiscus)\n\nH. mutabilis (Cotton rose)\n\nRhododendron simsii (Red Rhododendron)\n\nR. pulcherrimum (Purple Rhododendron)\n\nPage 30\nPage 31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204266, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n30\n\nTHE KNIGHT ERRANT IN\n\nCHINESE LITERATURE\n\nA lecture delivered on January 23, 1961.\n\nJAMES J. Y. LIU, M.A.\n\nMost Western readers of Chinese literature are probably familiar with such types as the Confucian scholar, the Taoist recluse, the Buddhist monk, the romantic young lady, the intriguing eunuch, and the corrupt official, but there is another important type that is perhaps not so well known to Western readers: the knight errant. I am using the expression \"knight errant\" because it happens to be a fairly close translation of the Chinese term yu-hsia (#), though this does not imply that the ancient Chinese knight errant resembled the Mediaeval European one in every respect. The Chinese knights were not members of religious orders like the Knights Templars, nor were they members of a caste like the Japanese samurai. Though they often had many followers, they were not highly organized. They differed from professional warriors on the one hand, and mere bandits on the other. The essential qualifications of a knight errant were not so much outstanding physical strength and military skill as a spirit of altruism and a concern for justice. In short, knight errantry was not a profession but a way of behaviour, and a knight errant was simply a man who sought to right wrongs and help people in distress, often by the use of force and in defiance of the law. Such, at least, was the original definition of a knight errant, though later on he somewhat changed his character, in fact and in fiction, as we shall see.\n\nWhen and how did the knights errant come into being? As far as we can trace, they probably first came into existence during the Warring States period (403-221 B.C.), against a background of political instability, social unrest, and intellectual ferment. It was the period preceding the unification of China by the First Emperor of Ch'in, and the era in which different schools of thought, such as Confucianism, Taoism, Legalism, and Mohism, flourished side by side, each offering a different remedy for the prevailing chaotic conditions. While the thinkers were busy arguing and trying to convert the rulers of various feudal states to their respective ways of thinking, the knights errant simply took justice into their own hands and did what they thought necessary to avenge wrongs and help the poor. Of the knights errant of the Warring States period, we have no detailed accounts. The earliest knights about whose lives we know something in detail belong to the end of the Ch'in dynasty and the beginning of the Han (cir. 200 B.C.). Our information is mainly derived from the Shih chi (£), or", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204279, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n43\n\nUntil the Tibetan form of government was abolished in 1959, it was possible to trace its ancestry back through thirteen centuries and to find there the seeds of institutions that one could see in operation with one's own eyes. The script and the language have changed very little in the course of these thirteen centuries. The script, which was borrowed from India in approximately 640 A.D., can still be seen in inscriptions of about a century later. Any literate Tibetan today can read those inscriptions and can understand them pretty well except for a few archaic words.\n\nBut I suppose the greatest example of conservatism and mystery in the eyes of the outside world is the supremacy of religion, as seen in the rule of the Dalai Lama. This, however, is a fairly recent development. Buddhism reached Tibet in the seventh century; as you know, it came both from China and India, but the Indian stream eventually proved the stronger. In less than two hundred years after its introduction, Buddhist monks were holding office as chief ministers of state. The kings, it is true, were laymen, but Buddhists were already powerful officials. Then there came a setback of two centuries, after which religion resumed its rise in importance. The great monasteries acquired larger and larger estates and more and more temporal influence. Indeed, for about seventy years, at the time of the Yuan dynasty, a religious leader was made viceroy of the country. This was never fully accepted by the lay princes and very soon there was a return of supreme power to secular hands. It was not until 1640 (a thousand years after Buddhist religion reached Tibet) that, with the help of the Mongol Khan in the Kokonor, the line of Dalai Lamas emerged as the actual rulers. Although their role as reformers of the church had begun two centuries earlier, other lines of incarnate Lamas in Tibet, which exercised great influence until they were suddenly swept away in 1640, could trace their ancestry to the early years of the twelfth century. That is why I have described the Dalai Lamas as relative newcomers.\n\nThe rule of the Dalai Lamas, after a first brilliant appearance in the hands of a figure known as the Great Fifth, faded out. There was a period of seventy years when the laymen resumed sway and there was even a lay king. Though religious power was restored in 1750, for a century Tibet was ruled not by Dalai Lamas but by monastic regents acting for minor Dalai Lamas who died at an early age four times in succession. The system of supreme personal rule by the Dalai Lama, both temporal and spiritual, was only firmly restored by the thirteenth incarnation—that is, the predecessor of the present Dalai Lama.\n\nSo you see there was nothing static about the Tibetan system, nor was it a simple one. There have been a whole series of adjustments and balances. The Dalai Lamas, for example, although they are in theory autocratic, are in fact the creation", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204286, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 54, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n50\n\nTHE MORRISON LIBRARY AN EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY COLLECTION IN THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HONG KONG\n\nDOROTHEA SCOTT. A.L.A.\n\nTHE HISTORY\n\nThe history of the Morrison Library goes back to 1806 when the members of the English Factory in Canton unanimously decided to establish a Library by subscription \"comprising a moderate collection of works of acknowledged value and respectability; together with an annual contribution of all the most desirable new publications, which are at present, generally either not imported at all, or multiplied by unnecessary repetitions. . . It would be a library. . . far surpassing in extent, variety, and adaptation to general use, any collection that has hitherto been in possession of, or attempted to be formed by, any European in this country\". The president of the select committee of members of the Factory granted a \"very commodious\" room for a library and by 1832 it contained 1600 different works in about 4000 volumes and a catalogue was published.\n\nThe Library flourished until the withdrawal of the charter of the East India Company in 1834 and the break-up of the English factory.\n\nJust about this time, on the 1 August, 1834, occurred the death of the Rev. Robert Morrison, D.D., the first protestant missionary to China and well-known scholar. A circular dated 26 January, 1835 was distributed among the foreign residents in Canton and Macao suggesting the formation of the Morrison Education Society to carry on the work he had started and to be a \"testimonial more enduring than marble or brass\". The idea received considerable support, twenty-two signatures to the circular were obtained, the sum of $4,860 was subscribed and a provisional committee consisting of Sir George R. Robinson, bart., Messrs. William Jardine, David W. C. Olyphant, Lancelot Dent, John Robert Morrison (Robert Morrison's son who had succeeded his father as Chinese Secretary and Interpreter to His Majesty's Commission in China) and the Rev. E. C. Bridgman was formed to act until a general meeting of the subscribers in China could be convened to form a board of trustees.\n\nThe Chinese Repository, a monthly magazine in English, had been founded in 1832 by Morrison and Bridgman. It gave its support to the foundation of the Society and in the number for June 1835, it published the details given above, saying, \"We have been led to make these remarks by a desire to suggest to the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204287, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 55, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n51\n\nfriends of Education the expediency of establishing a public library in China. This plan was brought to our notice by the following letter, (which we publish with Mr. Colledge's permission) addressed:\n\nTo the Rev. E. C. Bridgman, corresponding secretary to the provisional committee of the Morrison Education Society.\n\nMy dear sir, On the dissolution of the British factory, it became necessary to make some disposition of the library belonging to the members of that establishment; and it was proposed to give the whole collection to the Morrison Education Society. The arrangement, however, not meeting with the concurrence of all the proprietors, a division of the books was determined on; and while I regret that so excellent a suggestion should not have been adopted, I am still happy in performing with my share, what it was my anxious wish should have been done with the whole, by presenting it to that admirable institution.\n\nThe very injudicious method pursued in the division of the works, has allotted to me volumes of comparatively little value. Such as they are, I present them to the Morrison Education Society; with an ardent hope that I may live to see an institution, which so distinctly marks this enlightened age, attain, under your fostering care, the full realization of its philanthropic intentions, by promoting virtue and happiness through the blessings of education.\n\nI am, My dear sir,\n\nRespectfully and faithfully yours,\n\nT. R. Colledge.\n\nMacao, May 21st, 1835.\n\nFurther early history of the Society can be traced through reports in the above-mentioned journal.\n\nOne book still in the Library, A Catalogue of Books and Manuscripts Collected with A View To The General Comparison of Languages, And To The Study of Oriental Literature, by William Marsden, London, 1827, is inscribed by the author, \"For the Library at Canton from the Author\" and reminds the reader of the origin of some of the books.\n\n\"Proceedings relative to the formation of the Morrison Education Society including the Constitution\" were published in December, 1836. By this time there was a collection of some 1500 books on scientific, literary, and other subjects which had been presented to the Society, 700 from Mr. T. R. Colledge, 600 from Mr. J. R. Reeves, and others from Messrs. Dent, Fox, A. S. Keating, and J. R. Morrison, who gave a number of his father's books, some of which still bear his signature.\n\nA constitution was drawn up for the Library which stated that \"The books belonging to the Society shall form a public library and be styled the 'Library of the Morrison Education Society',\" and also provided that “rules for the regulation of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204288, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n52\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nLibrary, sanctioned by the Trustees, shall be published, with a Catalogue of the Books, and a copy of the same be placed in the hands of all those who are admitted to the privileges of the Society and the Library.'\n\n\"The Regulations of the Library\" were published in the Anglo-Chinese Kalendar for ... 1839 and include a provision that \"Any person, who is not a member of the Society, may be admitted to the privileges of the Library, by the payment of $10 per annum, or of $5 for six months or any shorter period, (* A single contribution of not less than $25, or an annual contribution of $10 constitutes membership.)\"\n\nThe \"Second Annual Report of the Morrison Education Society\" of 3rd October, 1838, says: --\n\nThe Library, as was contemplated, has been opened in a convenient apartment in Canton, and is now of easy access to all those who desire to enjoy its benefits. The trustees recommend the early adoption of measures for its enlargement. As a public library, it ought, in the course of a few years, to rise from its present limited number of two thousand volumes to a hundred times that number, and thence to increase until it shall equal some of the best collections of books in the world.\n\nThe Society moved to Macao in 1841 and the Library containing between two and three thousand volumes was again open to those who desired to borrow books from it at the Society's house, near St. Paul's, under the care of Mr. Brown. \"The Third Annual Report\" of the Society was not published until this year, the gap since 1838 being caused by the disturbed conditions prevailing in the intervening years. By 1842 the Society had already established itself in the newly ceded island of Hong Kong.\n\nAt the fourth annual General Meeting of the Society on 28 September, 1842, it was reported that, as the result of correspondence with Sir Henry Pottinger, (the Superintendent of Trade and Her Majesty's Plenipotentiary in China) a site had been granted to them for a permanent headquarters on Morrison Hill, a hill which at the time of writing is quickly nearing complete demolition just over one hundred years later. One of the larger rooms of the building to be put up was designed for the Library which now contained nearly 3500 volumes. The usual vicissitudes occurred which seem to beset so many libraries run on a voluntary or partly voluntary basis. An 1843 report says:\n\nThe Society's Library requires some attention in order to preserve it, and render it of greater public utility. I believe there are not far from 3500 volumes in it; but of these, a large number, perhaps one third are so injured as to make them unfit for circulation. Some sets have been broken by", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204289, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n53\n\nthe failure of subscribers to return the books on leaving the country-so that there is a large space occupied by books that are of little value to the Society, or to the public. I would recommend that the Library be inspected, and that those books which are not worth binding anew should be disposed of, and the proceeds be devoted to rebinding those that are worth keeping. In this way, the library will be freed from a good deal of trash, and the really valuable part of it, which is by no means small, could be more easily accommodated in the apartment designed for it, and better fitted for the use of subscribers.\n\nThe reports of the Society for 1844, 1845 and 1846 do not specifically mention the Library, but it is interesting to note that at a meeting of the subscribers in January 1846 it was unanimously resolved, \"That a bust of the late Hon. J. R. Morrison (who had also died, at the early age of 29 in 1843) be immediately commissioned from England, to be placed in the public rooms of the institution of the Morrison Education Society; that a copy of Chinnery's painting of his father (the late Rev. Dr. Morrison) engaged in the translation of the Bible into Chinese, be obtained for the same purpose; that the sum of $1,000 be appropriated to meet the cost, and the expense of placing these memorials in China.\n\nBy 1849 the Society was running into financial difficulties, the premises had to be closed and the Library was packed up. By 1855 it was open to the public again when, according to an advertisement appearing in the Hong Kong Register on 30 October, 1855, \"The Library of the Morrison Education Society, now deposited in a room in the Court House, is open every day from 1 to 4 o'clock p.m. to Members of the Society for the giving out and exchange of Books. Parties, not members of the Society, may obtain the advantages of the Library, on payment of an Annual Subscription of $5. By order of the Trustees, James Legge, Secretary.”\n\nAt the annual meeting of the Society in 1858 the question of the permanent disposal of the Library was scheduled for discussion. In this same year they had accepted on trust a collection of 400 books belonging to the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society which had been founded in Hong Kong in 1847 by Sir John Davis, later revived by Sir John Bowring, but which was now defunct. A report of the founding of the Asiatic Society appears in the Hong Kong Register for 1847 with a list of 44 titles of books, prints, etc., which had been presented.\n\nThere had been a growing demand for a proper public library and in May, 1863, the Morrison Education Society issued a circular urging the foundation of such a library in a City Hall and offering its own books and those of the Royal Asiatic Society", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204290, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 58, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch \n\nRASHKB and author \n\nVol. 1 (1961) \n\nISSN 1991-7295 \n\n54 \n\nas a free gift to form a reference library. The books had suffered a good deal in being constantly moved about, the number was now 3800, all of them dilapidated and 3000 were considered worth rebinding. This would cost about $3,000 but the Society had no money for this work. A despatch dated 29 December, 1863 from the acting Governor, W. T. Mercer to the Colonial Secretary quoted the Morrison Education Society's circular and asked for action.1 \n\nA City Hall containing a Library and a Museum was eventually built on the site now occupied by the Bank of China and the Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corporation in Queen's Road Central and adjoining Statue Square. It was opened by the Duke of Edinburgh on the 2 November, 1869 and during his tour of the building His Grace visited both the Library and the Museum. \n\nA printed catalogue of the Morrison Library was issued in 1873 by the City Hall Committee. It contains 1666 entries arranged in alphabetical order of authors or titles, editor, translator, etc., where the author is not known, only eight of which I have been able to identify as belonging formerly to the Royal Asiatic Society. The books are classified, single letters indicating the following groups :- \n\nA History. Peerages, &c. B Biographies and memoirs. C Geography including works on various countries. Travels, Voyages and Adventures, \n\nD Natural History: Ornithology. E Botany. \n\nF Atlas Gazetteers, Meteorology, Guidebooks, Geology, Metallurgy and Mineralogy. Topography. \n\nG Mechanics. \n\nH Encyclopaedias, \n\nI Commercial Statistics. International Law, Jurisprudence, \n\nJ Complete Works. K Astronomy. \n\nL Chemistry. Optics. \n\nM Mathematics. \n\nN Painting, Music. Science and Art, \n\nO Medicine and Surgery. \n\nP Biblical works. \n\nQ Oriental Societies. Journals. R Classics. Dictionaries. \n\nS Novels. \n\nT Drama and poetry. \n\nU Periodical works. Directories. V Divinity. Law, Treaties and Conventions. W Miscellaneous works. \n\nA stocktaking was made in 1956 and of the 1666 titles there are now 1233 remaining (2748 volumes out of 3583). Some volumes were removed during the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong and were not subsequently recovered. The condition of the books is poor. Nearly all are worm-eaten to a greater or \n\n1 C.O.129/94, Public Records Office, London. (I am indebted to Mr. G. B. Endacott of the University of Hong Kong for supplying this reference).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204291, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n55\n\nlesser degree and the rebinding and repairing which has been done is unskilful in the extreme.\n\nThe City Hall Library flourished in spite of some administrative difficulties and, in the Annual Report for 1880, it was stated that there had been 1917 readers during the year, that subscriptions amounting to $650 had been received from Europeans and $347 from Chinese and that it was 'fairly self supporting'.2 The salary of the Curator was paid by the Government.\n\nThe Library continued to justify its existence and in Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong Kong, published in 1908 it is described as follows:-\n\nThe nucleus of the Public Library was the library received in 1869 from the Morrison Education Society as a free gift for the use of the public, on condition that in consideration of this gift and of the great services of Dr. Morrison to both European and Chinese, the books are to be kept distinct from all other collections in the City Hall, and designated the Morrison Library in perpetuation of the great missionary's memory'. In 1871 the City Hall Library consisted of 8,000 volumes, 3,000 of which were unconditionally presented by the Trustees of the Victoria Library. Since that date it has been added to from time to time, and now contains 3,332 volumes in the Morrison Library, 6,220 including 320 Chinese religious and devotional books, in the City Library, and 3,287 in the lending collection—a total of 12,839 volumes. There are many valuable philological, biographical and other works, including some rare first editions, the department dealing with China and Japan being especially well filled. The Library is freely used, the register bearing the names of nearly 500 borrowers. The visitors to the reading-room, which is well supplied with local, home, and American newspapers and magazines, average about 1,412 non-Chinese and 628 Chinese a month. The library is open from nine to nine.\n\nBut a few years later the usefulness of the Morrison Library to the general public was in doubt and it was thought that it would have more practical value in the newly founded University of Hong Kong. At a meeting of the Senate on 25 September, 1913, the Vice-Chancellor was authorized to approach those concerned as to the feasibility of the University's taking over the Morrison Library. This was agreed to in the following terms: \"Upon the petition of the... Attorney General . . . praying for an Order that the Committee of the City Hall be at liberty to hand over to the University of Hong Kong a collection of books designated the 'Morrison Library' upon conditions IT IS ORDERED that the petition be granted in the terms\n\n2 China Mail, 27 August, 1880.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204292, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 60, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch \n\nRASHKB and author \n\n56 \n\nVol. 1 (1961) \n\nISSN 1991-7295 \n\nthereof. 30th day of June 1914\". One of the conditions was that the Library should be unconditionally returned to the City Hall upon demand of the Committee but this right was revoked in 1925 when they \"definitely and permanently renounced their right to demand the return... of the... Library\" and it became University property. The books may now be consulted by any interested member of the public upon application to the Librarian of the University. Another move is still planned for it to the new air-conditioned University Library where it should continue to provide rewarding browsing for the curious for many years to come.\n\nPerhaps a note on the end of the first City Hall Library should be added. The rest of it remained open until 1932 when an ordinance was passed by the Legislative Council on 23 June to the effect that Government had decided to resume possession of the City Hall site. The ordinance stated that;\n\nThe premises together with all buildings now standing thereon revert to the Crown free from any restriction whatever.\n\nThe City Hall Committee also has to hand over the furniture, fittings, bookcases, books, show-cases, specimens, exhibits, etc., of the City Hall, including the library and museum to the Director of Public Works who shall dispose of them, or any of them as the Governor in Council may direct.... The Future. It is not the intention of the Government to re-erect a City Hall on this site, part of which will be sold and part developed to accord with a general scheme of town planning; but as part of that scheme it is the intention of the Government to make provision for public amenities of the kind hitherto provided by the Committee of City Hall.'\n\nSo did the Government of the day commit itself to providing a public library for the community and at last in 1960 piling for a new City Hall Library is under way.\n\nTHE BOOKS\n\nIt would be unfair to judge the library which bears Morrison's name as a reflection of his own taste or scholarship. Too many books have been added to it from a variety of sources for that and too many from his original collection have been lost. Morrison's signature can still be found in a number of the books extant; from indications in his Memoirs quite a number of others can be identified, enough to reflect his qualities as a careful and \n\n3 Letter from Deacons (Solicitors) to the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Hong Kong, 24 August, 1925,\n\n4 Hong Kong Weekly Press and China Overland Trade Report, 10 June, 1932.\n\nPage 60\n\nPage 61", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204293, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 61, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n57\n\npainstaking scholar. In his journals and letters he notes with appreciation books received for recreational purposes and also for the education of his children. The collection is representative of the period and contains more curiosities than rarities,\n\nOnly about two hundred volumes remain which are of Far East interest. This section seems to have suffered the depredations of time and insects more than any other, but what is left is perhaps of sufficient interest to warrant description. There are a fair number of eighteenth century books but in all only five seventeenth century and of these only two are about China,\n\nThe earliest is Atlas Extreme Asiae Sive Sinarum Imperii (Atlas of furthermost Asia and Imperial China) by Martin Martinius of 1654. It lacks a title page and of the fifteen maps three are missing. It includes a brief note on Korea and Japan. It has a thirty-six page supplement \"De Bello Tartarico Historia\" many separate editions of which appeared in French and Dutch translations. The work is listed in Cordier as Novus Atlas Sinensis a Martino Martinio Soc. Iesv, a later edition than the one here described. According to the same authority there were two Latin editions and many translations.\n\nOnly one of the two copies listed of China Monumentis by Athanasius Kircher, S.J. is now in the Library. It is a copy of the first 1667 edition listed in Cordier as being the finest, a folio, complete with the engraved frontispiece and the numerous plates.\n\nAmong the eighteenth century books there is a copy of the first edition of the first English translation to be made of Camoës' epic poem, The Lusiad (Os Lusiadas) by William Julius Mickle. Mickle published a translation of Book Five only in The Gentleman's Magazine for March, 1771 and a little later the first canto. These were followed by the whole poem in 1775 when its publication was supported by a long list of subscribers. The translator visited Portugal as secretary to Commodore Johnstone in 1779 where he was received with much acclaim.\n\nThere is a copy of the first collected English edition of The Works of Peter Pindar, Esq. in three volumes (two earlier collected editions had appeared in Dublin), but unfortunately the first volume is missing. Peter Pindar, the pen name of John Wolcot, was well known as a pungent satirist in his day. This collected edition was published in 1794 by John Walker of Paternoster Row, London, to whom Wolcot sold all the rights of his published and future work in 1793. This arrangement subsequently led to disputes and a law suit which was decided in the author's favour and he enjoyed a comfortable annuity for the rest of his long life until 1819. The Works contain A pair of Lyric Epistles to Lord Macartney and Odes to Kien Long which recall how much in the public eye was the British Embassy to Peking at this time.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204294, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n58\n\nAmong the eighteenth century travel books must be mentioned two first editions of interest although not relating to the Far East. The earlier is James Cook's A Voyage towards the South Pole, and Round the World of 1777, unfortunately the second volume only. And the second is Travels in the Interior Districts of Africa by Mungo Park, published in 1799.\n\nThere is a 1771 edition of A voyage to China and the East Indies, by Peter Osbeck which includes An Account of the Chinese Husbandry, by Captain Charles Gustavus Eckeberg and A Faunula and Flora Sinensis. The first volume contains ten engraved plates of plants found in China. In the second volume is printed a letter from Charles Linné [Linnaeus] to Peter Osbeck which says:-\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\nI have read your excellent books with pleasure and surprize. You, Sir, have every where travelled with the light of science: you have named every thing so precisely, that it may be comprehended by the learned world; and have discovered and settled both the genera and species. For this reason, I seem myself to have travelled with you, and to have examined every object you saw with my own eyes.\n\nOne other eighteenth century account of travels and exploration in the Far East should be noticed: A Philosophical and Political History of the Settlements and Trade of the Europeans in the East and West Indies by the Abbé Raynal, 1784. It may be salutary to notice the bitter attacks which the Abbé makes on English administration in India and elsewhere. Books like Ellis' Embassy and Timkowski's Travels have been too often described to warrant inclusion here.\n\nThe Hundred Wonders of the World, and of the Three Kingdoms of Nature of 1824 published under the pseudonym of the Rev. C. C. Clarke, has a picture of the Porcelain Tower at Nankin, China, as a frontispiece. It is sad to think that this wonder no longer stands; it was destroyed during the T'ai-p'ing Rebellion. Processes of time, not war, have destroyed two of London's institutions listed as 'wonders', the Linwood Gallery of Leicester Square and Bullock's Museum, Piccadilly. It is strange to think that in their day they were compared with the British Museum and the Louvre of Paris.\n\nElements of political economy by James Mill appears in a first edition of 1821. James was the father of John Stuart Mill for whom he obtained a clerkship in the East India Company after he himself had been given a high position following the publication in 1818 of his History of British India.\n\nAmong the illustrated books in the collection there is an 1828 edition of Flora Javae by Carolo Ludovico Blume with remarkable colour plates.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204296, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Vol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nJournal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n60\n\n5\n\n8\n\nThe Memoirs of Morrison have already been quoted. They are invaluable for data concerning his own life; they also give the reader a very vivid picture of life in Canton and Macao during the early years of the nineteenth century and of the difficulties in making contacts with the Chinese at that time. Of the works published by Morrison himself there remain only two copies of his Horae Sinicae, one published in London in 1812 and one in 1817. It consists of translations of miscellaneous pieces from the Chinese, \"San-Tsi King, The Three Character Classic; on the utility and honour of learning\"; \"Ta-Hio: The Great Science\" usually now known by James Legge's translated title \"The Great Learning\" \"Account of Foe, the Deified Founder of a Chinese Sect\"; \"Extract from the Ho-Kiang\"; \"Account of the Sect Tao-szu\"; \"Dissuasive from Feeding on Beef\" and \"Specimens of Chinese Epistolary Correspondence\". \"The Dissuasive from Feeding on Beef\" is of no value from the standpoint of Chinese literature, but Morrison remarks how popular was its use for teaching Chinese characters to small children and says, \"the influence of this popular production is so great that many Chinese, perhaps one in twenty, some say one in ten, will not eat beef\". \"It was issued first as a Buddhist tract preaching the virtues of vegetarianism and the characters were arranged to form a picture of the poor ox whose sad story it relates. I have been unable to come across a copy of the Chinese original in Hong Kong but have found just a very few very elderly Chinese gentlemen who recall having seen a copy in their youth.\n\nparallel_drawn\n\nThe 1817 edition is bound with Urh-Chih-Tsze-Tëen-Se-Yin-Pe-Keaou: Being a parallel drawn between the two intended Chinese Dictionaries: by the Rev. Robert Morrison and Antonio Montucci. This book is dedicated to Sir George Staunton by Montucci to whom he appeals to be an adjudicator in his criticisms of Morrison's methods in compiling his dictionary. The name of Montucci (1762-1829) as a sinologue has almost been forgotten now and his own projected dictionary was never published.\n\nUnfortunately no copy of Morrison's main work to which he devoted so much of his early life in China, the complete Bible translated into Chinese, exists in the Library; none is mentioned in the printed catalogue. Presumably because it is in Chinese a copy was not included. The University Library is fortunate in possessing a copy presented by the London Missionary Society.\n\nQ\n\n三字經\n\n.大學\n\n三教源流\n\n***\n\n* 太上老君\n\n10 戒食牛肉歌", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204297, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n61\n\nHis other major life work, A Dictionary of the Chinese language, 1819-1822, is not included in the collection either, but there is a copy elsewhere in the University Library. The Dictionary was published with a generous subsidy from the East India Company who brought Mr. Thoms out from England with a press and materials especially for the job of printing it. He arrived in Macao in September 1814 and after many difficulties over manufacturing moveable types, the first volume was printed by January 1816.\n\nFour works of Julius von Klaproth (1783-1835), the German sinologue contemporary with Morrison, are listed in the printed catalogue but now only one survives, Asia Polyglotta, Paris, 1823, containing comparative word lists in various Asiatic languages.\n\nThis brings to mind the bitter attacks von Klaproth made on Morrison's integrity as a Chinese scholar, printed in the Nouveau Journal Asiatique and quoted by Morrison in the Memoirs. The French sinologue, Jean-Pierre Abel-Rémusat, (1788-1832) joined in the attack against Morrison. Von Klaproth seems to have been even more belligerent than the majority of sinologues are towards each other, as his reviews of his colleagues' translations from the Chinese in the same journal show. Von Klaproth even sunk so low as to try to get Sir J. F. Davis, then in the East India Company's service and later Governor of Hong Kong, to join in the attacks against Morrison, by promising that if he did, he would write a laudatory article about him in a forthcoming journal. Davis' reply was,\n\n+ +\n\nI cannot help regretting that you should indulge in such hostility to Dr. Morrison concerning whom I must declare that I agree with Sir George Staunton in considering him as 'confessedly the first Chinese scholar in Europe'. It is notorious in (England) that he has for years conducted on the part of the E.I. Co., a very extensive correspondence in Chinese in the written character; that he writes the language of China with the ease and rapidity of a native; and that the natives themselves have long since given him the title of (Lao Shih Ma). This testimony is decisive, and the position which it gives him is such, that he may regard all European squabbles regarding his Chinese knowledge as mere Batrachomyomachia.\n\nThe French sinologue mentioned above, Abel-Rémusat, the first man to be appointed to a chair of Chinese at a European University, was originally represented by three books in the catalogue, only one of which is now left, Elémens de la Grammaire Chinoise, 1822.\n\nA book little noticed now is Translations from the Chinese and Armenian by Charles F. Neumann, 1831. It contains", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204298, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n62\n\n11\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n\"(Ching-Hai Fen-Chi) History of the Pirates who infested the China Sea, from 1807 to 1810\"; \"The Cathechism of the Shamans; or, The Laws and Regulations of The Priesthood of Buddha, in China\" and \"Vahram's Chronicle of The Armenian Kingdom in Cilicia, During The Time of The Crusades\". C. F. Neumann was a German sinologue who visited Canton in 1830 to buy Chinese books for the Royal Library, Berlin. He had a letter of introduction to Morrison from Sir George Staunton and enjoyed much hospitality from the British residents during his visit. It is recorded in the Memoirs that he deplored the attacks that von Klaproth and Rémusat were making on Morrison.\n\nSir George Staunton was a staunch friend to Morrison during long years in China and helped him in every way he could. Morrison had taken over the duties as Senior official translator to the East India Company (a post in which he had been assisting) when Staunton had to retire through ill-health in 1812. Two of Staunton's own contributions to translations from Chinese are in the Library, Narrative of the Chinese Embassy to the Khan of the Tourgouth Tartars, in the years 1712, 13, 14 & 15. By The Chinese Ambassador, and published By the Emperor's Authority, at Pekin, 1821 and Miscellaneous Notices Relating to China, and our Commercial Intercourse with that Country, printed for private circulation only in 1828. A letter from Staunton to Morrison telling him that he has sent him four copies of his work is printed in the Memoirs.\n\nThere are two translations from the Chinese by another French sinologue, Stanilas Julien (1799-1873), Le Livre des Récompenses Et Des Peines, En Chinois Et En Français: Accompagné De Quatre Cents Legendes, Anecdotes Et Histoires, Qui Font Connaitre Les Doctrines, Les Croyances Et Les Moeurs De La Secte Des Tao-Ssé and Lao Tseu Tao Te King, Le Livre de la voie et la Vertu, Paris, 1842.\n\nOne more French sinologue Jean Pierre Guillaume Pauthier (1801-1873), is represented by one of two books originally listed in the catalogue, Le Tao-Te-King ou Le Livre révéré de la Raison Suprême et de la Vertu, par Lao-Tseu, Paris, 1838, with the text in Latin and Chinese and with a French commentary.\n\nA noteworthy work by an earlier French sinologue, Jean Joseph Marie Amiot (1718-1793), (in the book printed Amyot) a Jesuit missionary at Peking is the Dictionnaire Tartare-Mantchou-Français, 1789. It is a two-volume work. Unfortunately, the first volume is missing.\n\n11 靖海氛記", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204299, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n63\n\nThere are two examples of translations of Chinese plays, again by a French scholar, Antoine-Pierre-Louis Bazin (1799-1863), Théâtre Chinois ou choix de Pièces de Théâtre composées sous les Empereurs Mongols, 1838 and Le Pi-Pa-Ki ou l'Histoire du Luth, Drame Chinois de Kao-Tong-Kai. A last example of the work of French sinologues of the early part of last century is Dictionnaire des noms anciens et modernes des villes et arrondissements de premier, deuxième et troisième ordre compris dans l'Empire Chinois, by Edouard Biot, 1842.\n\nSome examples of books published by the press established by Morrison and his colleagues at the Anglo-Chinese College established at Malacca are in the Library. The most interesting from the point of view of the history of the mission is William Milne's A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China. Accompanied with Miscellaneous Remarks on the Literature, History and Mythology of China, etc., 1820. William Milne was sent to join Morrison by the London Missionary Society and arrived in China in 1813. After encountering many difficulties about obtaining permission to stay in Canton he went to Malacca and finally founded the Anglo-Chinese College there, whose primary object was the establishment of a Chinese free school in the hope that it would prepare the way for a Seminary.\n\nAnother interesting example from this press is Notitia Linguae Sinicae by Joseph Henri Marie de Prémare, S.J. (1666-1736), printed in 1831. There is a letter of March 1825 quoted in the Memoirs concerning the Latin MS of this book from Lord Kingsborough to Morrison. It states that the original MS is in the Royal Library of France, describes the book as giving rules for the composition of Chinese in both classical and modern style with many examples from Chinese texts and says that he is having it transcribed at a cost of sixty guineas for Morrison. He also says that Rémusat had made an index for it and suggests that 'by the publication of a work of this learned Jesuit-confessedly the most profoundly versed in the genius of the Chinese language of the Roman Catholic Missionaries who visited China-he will be doing a thing useful to the friends of science, and creditable to themselves.' Elsewhere in the Memoirs it is recorded that Viscount Kingsborough also gave the College £1,500 to defray the cost of printing the book.\n\nThis then is the brief history and description of a collection of books gathered together to perpetuate the memory of Robert Morrison. But his name is remembered in the most fitting way by his two major contributions to Chinese studies, a record of which is thus written on his tombstone in the Protestant Cemetery at Macao:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204300, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nL\n\n64\n\nSacred to the Memory of/ Robert Morrison, D.D.,/ The first Protestant Missionary to/ CHINA:/ where, after a service of Twenty-seven years,/ Cheerfully spent in extending the kingdom of the blessed Redeemer,/ during which period he compiled and published/ A DICTIONARY OF THE CHINESE LANGUAGE;/ Founded the Anglo-Chinese College at Malacca;/ And, for several years laboured alone on a Chinese version of THE HOLY SCRIPTURES,/ which he was spared to see completed, and widely circulated/ among those for whom it was destined. He sweetly slept in Jesus. He was born at Morpeth, January 5th, 1782;/ Was sent to China, by the London Missionary Society, in 1807;/ Was for twenty-five years Chinese interpreter, in the employ of the East India Company:/ And died at Canton, August 1st, 1834.\n\nA LIST OF BOOKS MENTIONED IN THE ARTICLE IN ALPHABETICAL ORDER OF AUTHORS OR OCCASIONALLY, OF TRANSLATORS.\n\nAINSLIE, ROBERT, 1766-1838.\n\n[Reasons for the hope that is in us.] Edinburgh, printed by Ballantyne & Co. [c.1820.]\n\nAmiot, Jean JOSEPH MARIE, 1718-1793.\n\nDictionnaire tartare-mantchou-français, composé d'après un dictionnaire mantchou-chinois, par M. Amyot, rédigé et publié avec des additions et l'alphabet de cette langue, par L. Langlès. 2v. Paris, imprimé par Fr. Ambr. Didot l'aîné, 1789.\n\nBAZIN, ANTOINE-PIERRE-Louis, 1799-1863.\n\nLe pi-pa-ki ou l'Histoire du luth, drame chinois de Kao-Tong-kia représenté à Péking en 1404 avec les changements de Mao-Tseu, traduit sur le texte original. Paris, Imprimerie Royale, 1841.\n\nBAZIN, ANTOINE-PIERRE-LOUIS, 1799-1863.\n\nThéâtre chinois ou choix de pièces de théâtre composées sous les empéreurs mongols traduites pour la première fois Paris, Imprimerie Royale, 1838.\n\nBIOT, ÉDOUARD CONSTANT, 1803-1850.\n\nDictionnaire des noms anciens et modernes des villes et arrondissements compris dans l'Empire Chinois indiquant les époques auxquelles leurs noms ont été changés. Paris, Imprimerie Royale, 1842.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204301, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n65\n\nBlume, Carl Ludwig, 1796-1862.\n\nFlora Javae . . . cum tabulis lapidi aerique incisis. Bruxellis, J. Frank, 1828.\n\nCAMOES, LUIZ DE, 1524-1580.\n\nThe Lusiad, or, the discovery of India. An epic poem translated from the original Portuguese by William Julius Mickle. Oxford, printed by Jackson and Lister, 1776.\n\nCOOK, JAMES, 1728-1779,\n\nA voyage towards the South Pole, and round the world. Performed in His Majesty's ships the Resolution and Adventure, in the years 1772, 1773, 1774 and 1775. . . . In which is included, Captain Furneaux's narrative of his proceedings in the Adventure during the separation of the ships. 2v. London, printed for W. Strahan and T. Cadell, 1777.\n\nJULIEN, STANISLAS, 1799-1873.\n\nZTUNK Lao Tseu Tao te king, Le livre de la vie siècle avant l'ère chrétienne par le philosophe Lao-Tseu, traduit en français, et publié avec le texte chinois et un commentaire perpétuel. Paris, Imprimerie Royale, 1842.\n\nJULIEN, STANISLAS, 1799-1873.\n\nLe livre des récompenses et des peines, en chinois et en français, accompagné de quatre cents légendes, anecdotes et histoires, qui font connaître les doctrines, les croyances et les moeurs de la secte des Tao-ssé. Traduit du chinois. Paris, printed for the Oriental Translation Fund of Great Britain and Ireland. 1835.\n\nKIRCHER, ATHANASIUS, 1601-1680.\n\nChina monumentis quà sacris quà profanis, nec non variis naturae & artis spectaculis, aliarumque rerum memorabilium argumentis illustrata Amstelodami, Joannem Janssonium à Waesberge & Elizeum Weyerstraet, 1667,\n\nKLAPROTH, HEINRICH JULIUS VON, 1783-1835.\n\nAsia polyglotta. Paris, gedruckt bei J. M. Eberhart, 1823.\n\nMARTINI, MARTIN, 1614-1661.\n\nNovus atlas sinensis a Martino Martinio. Soc. iesu descriptius et serenmo Archiduci Leopoldo Guilielmo Austriaco dedicatus. Bruxellis, 1655.\n\nMILL, JAMES, 1773-1836,\n\nElements of political economy. London, printed for Baldwin, Cradock and Joy. 1821.\n\nMILNE, WILLIAM, 1785-1822.\n\nA retrospect of the first ten years of the Protestant Mission to China, (now, in connection with the Malay, denominated,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204302, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n66\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nthe Ultra-Ganges Missions.) Accompanied with miscellaneous remarks on the literature, history, and mythology of China, etc. Malacca, printed at the Anglo-Chinese Press, 1820. MORRISON, Mrs. Eliza (Armstrong), born c.1800.\n\nMemoirs of the life and labours of Robert Morrison, compiled by his widow, with critical notices of his Chinese works by Samuel Kidd. 2v. London, Longman, Orme, Brown, Green and Longmans, 1839.\n\nMORRISON, ROBERT, 1782-1834.\n\nBible. New Testament. Chinese.\n\n耶穌基利士督我主救者新遺詔書俱依本譯出「嗎啫哩英華書院印」8v. 1813 鑰 Yeh-su Chi-li-shih-tu wo Chu Chiu-che Hsin-i-chao-shu (The New Testament of Jesus Christ Our Lord and Saviour). [Translated by Robert Morrison and William Milne.] 8v. Malacca, Ying-wa College Press, 1813.\n\nMORRISON, ROBERT, 1782-1834.\n\nA dictionary of the Chinese language, in three parts... by R. Morrison. Macao, China, printed at the Honourable East India Company's Press, by P. P. Thoms, 1815-1823.\n\nMORRISON, ROBERT, 1782-1834.\n\nHorae sinicae, translations from the popular literature of the Chinese. London, printed for Black and Perry, etc., 1812. MORRISON, ROBERT, 1782-1834.\n\nUrh-chih-tsze-teen-se-yïn-pe-keáou [ ] being a parallel drawn between the two intended Chinese dictionaries, by Robert Morrison, and Antonio Montucci, . . . together with Morrison's Horae Sinicae, a new edition, with the text to the popular Chinese primer San-tsi-king, London, printed for the author, 1817.\n\nNEUMANN, CHARLES FRIEDRICK, 1798-1870.\n\nTranslations from the Chinese and Armenian, with notes and illustrations. London, printed for the Oriental translation Fund, and sold by J. Murray, 1831.\n\nOsbeck, PETER, 1723-1805.\n\nA voyage to China and the East Indies, . Together with a voyage to Suratte, by Olof Toreen and An account of the Chinese husbandry, . . . To which are added, A Faunula and Flora Sinensis. 2v. London, printed for Benjamin White, 1771.\n\nPARK, MUNGO, 1771-1806.\n\nTravels in the interior districts of Africa, performed under the direction and patronage of the African Association, in the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204303, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 71, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n67\n\nyears 1795, 1796, and 1797. With an appendix, containing geographical illustrations of Africa. By Major Rennell. London, printed by W. Bulmer & Co. for the author, 1799.\n\nPAUTHIER, JEAN-PIERRE-GUILLAUME, 1801-1873.\n\nLe Tao-te-king, ou le livre révéré de la raison suprême et de la vertu, par Lao-Tseu, traduit en français et publié pour la première fois en Europe, avec une version latine et le texte chinois en regard, accompagné du commentaire complet de Sie-Hoéï, d'origine occidentale, et de notes tirées de divers autres commentateurs chinois. Part 1. Paris, F. Didot, etc., 1838.\n\nPHILLIPS, SIR RICHARD (REV. C. C. Clarke, pseud.) 1767-1840. The hundred wonders of the world, and of the three kingdoms of nature, described according to the best and latest authorities, and illustrated by engravings. 17th ed. London, printed for G. and W. B. Whittaker, 1824.\n\nPremare, Joseph HENRI MARIE DE, 1666-1736.\n\nNotitia linguae sinicae. Malaccae, Collegii Anglo-sinici, 1831.\n\nRAYNAL, GUILLAUME-THOMAS-FRANCOIS, 1718-1796,\n\nA philosophical and political history of the settlements and trade of the Europeans in the East and West Indies. . . . Newly translated from the French by J. O. Justamond with a new set of maps, elegant engravings and a copious index. 6v. Dublin, printed for John Exshaw, 1784.\n\nREMUSAT, JEAN-PIERRE ABEL- 1788-1832.\n\nElémens de la grammaire chinoise, ou principes généraux du kou-wen ou style antique, et du kouan-hoa, c'est-à-dire, de la langue commune généralement usitée dans l'Empire Chinois. Paris, Imprimerie Royale, 1822.\n\nSTAUNTON, SIR GEORGE THOMAS, bart., 1781-1859.\n\nMiscellaneous notices relating to China, and our commercial intercourse with that country. 2 parts. L. Skelton, printer, Havant. (For private circulation only.) 1828.\n\nSTAUNTON, SIR GEORGE THOMAS, bart., 1781-1859.\n\nNarrative of the Chinese embassy to the Khan of the Tourgouth Tartars, in the years of 1712, 13, 14 & 15, by the Chinese Ambassador, Translated from the Chinese, and accompanied by an appendix of miscellaneous translations. London, John Murray, 1821.\n\nWolcot, John (PETER PINDAR, pseud.) 1738-1819.\n\nThe works. 3v. London, printed for John Walker, 1794,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204304, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n68\n\nVol 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nBUDDHIST SOURCES OF THE NOVEL\n\nFENG-SHEN YEN-I\n\n:\n\nLIU TS'UN-YAN. PH.D.\n\nINTRODUCTION\n\nThe Feng-shên Yen-i, or 'Investiture of the Gods,' is a long novel consisting of 100 chapters. Its authorship had long been unknown, until in 1931 Prof. Sun K'ai-ti discovered in the Japanese Cabinet Library a Ming edition of this novel labelled \"compiled (pien-chi) by Hsu Chung-lin, styled Chung-shan I-sou.\" Many scholars therefore concluded that Hsü Chung-lin was the author. For instance, Lu Hsün in his A Brief History of Chinese Fiction (Chung-kuo Hsiao-shuo Shih-lüeh) mentioned Hsü as the author, though he added that he had not seen the original preface and therefore could not ascertain the date of the novel. This attribution of authorship is not reliable, for in Ming times the term \"compiling” (pien-chi) was rather freely used, and sometimes booksellers would reprint a book with slight additions and alterations and label it as being \"compiled\" by a new writer. In view of this, from 1935 to 1956, I tried to find out the true author of this novel, and my researches led me to the conclusion that the author or compiler of the novel was in fact Lu Hsi-hsing (1520-1601?), a Taoist priest of the Chia Ching period.\n\nLike the Hsi-yu-chi (\"Pilgrimage to the West\", also known to Western readers as \"Monkey\"), the Fêng-shên Yen-i is a work of fiction dealing with the supernatural. It was produced during the time when Chinese fiction was evolving from the prompt-books (hua-pên) of story-tellers to long novels. Its plot is based on the historical events related to the defeat of King\n\n1 There is no English translation of this novel. The German translation by Wilhelm Grube and Herbert Mueller, Die Metamorphosen der Götter (2 vols., Leiden, Brill, 1912) contains only chapters 1-46. Chapters 47-100 have been summarized by Mueller. The novel is mentioned in E. T. C. Werner, Myths and Legends of China (London, 1934) and in Sir J. C. Coyajee, Cults and Legends of Ancient Iran and China (Bombay, 1935).\n\n2 Chung-kuo Hsiao-shuo Shih-lüeh, Ch. 18, p. 176 (1953); also the English translation entitled A Brief History of Chinese Fiction by Yang Hsien-yi and Gladys Yang, p. 220 (1959).\n\n3 Details of my evidence and arguments are contained in my unpublished thesis, \"The Authorship of the Feng-shen Yen-i\", a copy of which is in the library of the School of Oriental and African Studies, London University.\n\n4 Cf. James J. Y. Liu, \"The Knight Errant in Chinese Literature\", in this volume, pp. 30-41.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204306, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 74, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n70\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n(P'u-hsien), and Avalokitesvara (Kuan-yin). Only certain Buddhas of the Tantric Sect, such as Cundi (Chun-t'i) and Vairocana (P'i-lu-chê-na) are mentioned as \"saints from the West\"; but even these are given Taoist-sounding titles like tao-jên. In this way, the mainly Taoist framework of the novel is preserved. This amalgamation of Buddhist and Taoist deities is highly interesting and may have influenced actual religious practice in China. The practice of worshipping Taoist gods side by side with Buddhas and Bodhisattvas seems to have started after the publication of the novel, for in earlier Taoist literature we find no Buddhist deities mentioned among Taoist gods. For instance, in the Yün-chi ch'i-ch'ien, chüan 103, we find an account of the Taoist pantheon as it was in the eleventh century, which contained no Buddhist deities or fictional gods. But after the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, various Taoist gods mentioned in the novel came to be worshipped together with Buddhist ones. What is more, most of the temples which apparently first adopted such practice were situated in northern Kiangsu, near Hsinghua, the native district of Lu, the author of the novel. It is therefore not unreasonable to suggest that the novel influenced the composition of the Chinese pantheon and contributed to the amalgamation of Buddhist and Taoist gods in popular belief.\n\nThe amalgamation of Buddhist and Taoist gods seems to have been achieved purposely by the author of the Fêng-shên. As a concrete illustration, I propose to describe how Vaisravana (P'i-sha-mên Tien-wang), one of the Four Heavenly Kings in Buddhist belief, and his third son Nata (Na-cha or No-cha), became important characters in this novel. Vaisravana was of course an Indian god, but during the T'ang and Sung periods he became identified with the Chinese general of the T'ang dynasty, Li Ching. But stories about him were disconnected before the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i was compiled. In various prompt-books which existed before the novel, such as the Nan-yu-chi (\"Prince Hua-kuang or The Voyage to the South\") and the Hsi-yu-chi (“Pilgrimage to the West”, the prototype of the famous novel of the same name) in the Ssu-yu-chi (\"The Four Travels\"), there were already stories about this god and his son. But in the hands of the author of the Fêng-shen these fragmentary and disconnected stories were reorganized and transformed into a vivid tale which can almost stand on its own as an interesting story apart from the whole\n\n* For illustrations of some of these temples, such as the Kuang Fu Monastery in Tai-hsing, Yangchow, and the Tu Tien Temple in Hai-men, Kiangsu, see Père Henri Dore, Recherches sur les superstitions en Chine, (10 vols., Shanghai, 1913-38), Bk. 9, Pt. 2, in Vol. 6.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204307, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 75, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n71\n\nnovel. After this treatment, Vaisravana and Nata became completely Sinicized, and few, if any, Chinese readers ever suspect that they are \"alien\" in origin. This is typical of the way in which Chinese Buddhists took stories or ideas of foreign origin and gradually turned them into something totally Chinese.\n\nApart from its influence on religious practice, the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i is also of considerable importance from a literary point of view. It superseded previous stories from which it took some of its material, so much so that but for the efforts of scholars in the past thirty years these previous stories contained in prompt-books would have been unknown. Even now, only a handful of experts have read the prompt-books, while most readers are not aware that the Fêng-shên is not entirely the original creation of one man. This goes to show the success of the author as an imaginative writer.\n\nIn the following pages I shall attempt to describe how the stories about Vaisravana and Nata became integral parts of the novel, as an example of the Sinicization of Buddhist stories and figures and their assimilation into the mainly Taoist pantheon of China. I shall also try to show how the author, Lu Hsi-hsing, made use of the material derived from miscellaneous sources and turned it into a fascinating tale.\n\n1. VAISRAVANA AND NATA\n\nWhen we come to a discussion of some of the prominent figures in the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i, the most striking fact we shall find is that the author described these figures vividly and did not rely on previous legends for literary effect. Rather, he chose from miscellaneous and discordant materials and put them into a unified system which enlarged and modified the Chinese pantheon. The story of Li Ching and his three sons, especially the third one, No-cha, in this novel may serve as an outstanding illustration.\n\nIn this novel Li Ching was first a commander of the Ch'ên-t'ang Pass in the court of the ruthless King Chou (Ch.12), but he was also a Taoist, and for a period of years he had learnt the process of Taoist cultivation from the Immortal Tu O of the K'un-lun Mountain though he was unable to reach the final attainment. He had three sons: the eldest, Chin-cha, was a disciple of Wên-shu (Mañjusri), the second, Mu-cha, was a disciple of P'u-hsien (Samantabhadra) and the third one, No-cha, a disciple of the Immortal Tai-I. Both the father and his three sons joined the side of King Wu in the expedition against King Chou. Though they all knew some magic feats and possessed magic weapons, they are described as human beings. Unless we study the Tantric sutras and compare them with the Chinese\n\nPage 75\n\nPage 76", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204313, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n77\n\nprobably the pagoda was a mistake for the parasol originally held by Vaisravana, as stated in the Ekottarik-agamas (增一含經):\n\nThe heavenly king Vaisravana held in his hand a parasol of the seven treasures (七寶) over the Tathagata in the air to protect the Tathagata from dust and soil,15\n\nBut since the circulation of the Tantric sutras was more or less encouraged by the authorities in the Tang dynasty, the public accepted that legend without scepticism.\" According to a Tantric text, Nata (No-cha 哪吒) is the third son of Vaisravana, who attends his father and holds the pagoda with both hands. But on the twenty-first day of every month, when the son is charged to go on some mission, so that they have to separate, Nata gives the pagoda to his father. This is not at all a thrilling story and there is no combat. The author of the Fêng-shên Yen-i created his own story of No-cha, the third son of Li Ching, based upon his profound knowledge of religious beliefs and popular literature, and made No-cha one of the famous heroes in Chinese literature. In order to analyse the parts which are the creative work of the author and to explain from what sources some of his materials may have been taken, I divide the story of No-cha into several sections below.\n\n2. MU-CHA AND CHIN-CHA\n\nBefore the publication of the novel Feng-shên Yen-i and the prompt-book Ssu-yu-chi, No-cha's (哪吒) name was usually Na-cha (那吒) in many of the plays of the Yüan dynasty which preserved the original transliteration found in the Tantric sutras.17 In the Hsi-yu-chi (Ch.7), one of the \"Four Travels\", the second\n\nHi To P'in (TPE), 30, Ekottarikagamas, chian 22, The Tripitaka in Chinese.\n\n10 In the year A.D. 838 (3rd year of K'ai Chiêng), on the 15th day of the 12th month, Lu Hung-chêng (盧弘正) wrote an inscription for the image of Vaisravana in the Hsing-t'ang Monastery (興唐寺) describing him as \"having a sabre in his right hand, and in the left hand a pagoda.\" cf. Ku-chin T'u-shu Chi-ch'êng, Shên-I Tien, chian 91.\n\n27 In Yang Ching-hsien's Yang San-tsang Hsi-tien Ch'ü-ching, Scene 8, “Nacha San Tai-tzu\" (哪吒三太子); anonymous play Menglich Na-cha San Pien-hua (孟麗哪吒三變換) in the Ku-pên Yüan Ming Tsa-chü\n\n*Z9M) edited by Wang Chi-lieh (王季烈), Shanghai, Commercial Press Ltd., 1941; anonymous play Ting-ting Tang-tang P’ên-êrh-kuei (丁丁當當甕兒鬼), Act 1, \"Hê-lien Na-cha\" (黑面哪吒), Act 2, \"Na-cha Fa\" (哪吒法), the last two are influenced by Tantric works. Besides, Na-cha (哪吒) appears in many plays of the Yuan dynasty, not to mention the tune called Nacha Ling (哪吒令).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204335, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 103, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n99\n\nIn general, lay Buddhists have been increasingly active here over the past twenty years, particularly in social welfare work. The Sangha, which had declined almost to the vanishing point by 1949, was restored in size and quality by an influx of refugee monks (estimated at 800-1,000) in the early 1950's. Most of these, however, gradually moved on to other areas. With one or two exceptions the monasteries now tend to be static and withdrawn. Though nunneries, like lay organizations, have taken an increasingly active role in social welfare, the initiative in many cases has come from laymen.\n\nThus we may say that Buddhism in Hong Kong fits into the pattern of Chinese Buddhism as a whole over the past hundred years; revitalization of faith and practice among laymen, sparked by a few really able monks, whose talents stand in all the greater contrast to those of most of their brethren.\n\nII. ORGANIZATION OF THE SANGHA\n\nThe monastic institutions of Hong Kong, like those of China proper, are individual entities, not subject to the authority of a patriarch or any other central organ of the school to which they belong. It is best, in fact, not to think of them as belonging to distinct and separate schools. In any given monastery one monk may \"study Ch'an\" while another \"studies Pure Land\". Monasteries are usually classified according to the school of the abbot and a change of abbot can mean a change of classification. Thus the Chuk Lam Monastery in Tsuen Wan was once Ch'an, is now Pure Land, but shelters monks of other schools, like the Esoteric disciple of the great T'aai Hui [T'ai Hsü], who was himself of the Idealist School. Generalizing, one might say that whereas religious tolerance in India and Tibet is usually based on an awareness of the difference between one's own doctrines and those of one's neighbour, tolerance in China is more often based on a desire to unify all religious doctrines and a belief that it can be done. That is why I spoke above of \"3,400 purportedly Buddhist laymen.\" Some of them may be equally interested in or influenced by Taoism or one of the popular syncretistic sects in Hong Kong. This is not to assert that there is no awareness in Hong Kong that Buddhism is divided into schools. At the Tung Wah Hospitals Prayer Meeting, last held September 6-13, 1958, there were separate altars for Wah Yim [Hua Yen]; Pure Land; Mat Tsung [Mi Tsung or Esoteric School]; Faat Wah [Fa Hua]; while monks of other schools participated in prayers at three common altars. The place of honour in the entire meeting was given to the venerable abbot T'aam Huilt [Tan Hsü], whose school is T'in T’oi [T'ien T’ai or Fa Hua].", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204336, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n100\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nThe atomization of the Sangha in Hong Kong, as in China proper, has caused a wide variation in the quality of institutions. One monastery, for example, is little better than a public house. It has a restaurant that serves wine; the sound of mahjong drowns out the crickets on summer evenings; there are ping pong tables in the monastery garden; rooms are available; and the abbot (if one can call him that) is said to have originally joined the Sangha in China to escape criminal prosecution. In another, not entirely dissimilar monastery, the abbot is unable to read and write. Yet in both cases, there is a Buddha Hall and worship is carried on. These are two of the monasteries most often visited by tourists.\n\nOn the other hand, there are some institutions that really do credit to Chinese Buddhism. The members study the doctrine and, in many cases, do admirable welfare work, as we shall see below. The Vinaya is observed. The premises are well kept. There is an atmosphere that can make even the casual visitor think of taking refuge there from the dust of the world. The best example is probably the Po Lin Tsz on Lantao.\n\nMost Hong Kong monasteries are in the New Territories, built on hillsides, often with a fine view. They usually have an extensive set of buildings, capable of accommodating a much larger number of persons than are actually in residence (a reminder of greater prosperity in times past). Nuns and lay women devotees may be found in the same institution, living and worshipping separately from the monks. One reason for this type of \"co-educational\" arrangement is that only monks can be dharma masters, qualified to teach. In a nunnery, therefore, disciples must await their occasional visits.\n\nThe largest of the Colony's monasteries is the Tung Po Toh* in Tsuen Wan, which has about 40 monks, 60 nuns and 30 lay women. The Chuk Lam Shim Yuen, also in Tsuen Wan, has 20 monks, 30 nuns, and 100 lay women. On the other hand, another of Tsuen Wan's well-known institutions, the Wang Faat Tsing She, has monks only, ten in number. These figures are representative for the Colony's larger monasteries. Actually, the only other large monastery is the Po Lin Tsz, which has 30 monks, 20 nuns, and 50 lay women.*\n\n* All these figures are approximate, partly because there is a certain amount of coming and going and partly because of the feeling on the part of informants that a round number is adequate\n\nThe internal organization of Hong Kong monasteries (and the same would apply to nunneries) is generally as follows. All authority rests in the hands of the abbot. Under him there are, theoretically, four departments in charge of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204340, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 108, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n104\n\nVol 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\npremises rented, they can operate on a low budget and their financial position tends to be sound.\n\nThis cannot be said of the regular monasteries and nunneries of Hong Kong, few of which are endowed with income-producing properties as were the monasteries of China proper under the Empire. Their ratio of inmates to supporters is usually high. Their buildings, donated by rich patrons of an earlier day, are usually rambling and expensive to maintain. In general, their income comes from the following sources, listed in order of importance.\n\n(1) Fees for ancestor worship. In many monasteries there is a room called the tso t'ong where ancestor tablets are hung and where after services in the Buddha Hall the monks pray for the welfare of the ancestors represented. For this service, the descendents contribute a lump sum at the time the tablet is erected plus a maintenance fee each year (usually at Ch'ing Ming or the Double Seventh). The fee varies according to the position and size of the tablet. A large tablet hung in a prominent place can be quite expensive. This system provides some monasteries with their only dependable source of income. Ancestor worship is also a feature of dharma meetings, which may be held twice a month, or be very special occasions in which thousands of Buddhists participate. In 1959, for example, the Po Lin Tsz held a most elaborate dharma meeting according to the rites of the Surangamasutra, and reportedly received HK$200,000 in donations, mostly from overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia who wished to have their ancestors remembered.\n\n(2) Rents on land or buildings. Some institutions have paddy; some have houses in neighboring villages; some (like the Po Lin Tsz) have both. But the rental income is usually small.\n\n(3) Donations made by the admirers or lay disciples of one of the monks (usually the abbot of the monastery) for some special purpose (like building repairs); or for the performance of funeral and other services.\n\n(4) Small donations (usually HK$1 to HK$10) made by visitors who come to celebrate the birthdays of the gods worshipped in the particular institution. Fortunately some deities, like Kuan Yin, have several \"birthdays\".\n\n(5) Donations made by patrons of lodging or restaurant facilities offered by the monastery (which are always free of charge).\n\n5 Actually, only one is her birthday. The other two are celebrations of her enlightenment and nirvana (sic).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204341, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n105\n\nBecause of their limited resources monasteries in Hong Kong have never been able to act as is'ung lam, that is, public monasteries which on the mainland made it their obligation to accept all wandering monks. There has been and is no religious obligation for Hong Kong monasteries to receive refugees or visitors. They are private institutions and a stranger, even though he is an ordained monk in good standing, can be refused admission. There have, however, been some monasteries here (notably the Tung Pu Toh) that did manage to shelter hundreds of refugee monks in the years immediately following 1950, and they have been much admired for so doing. Most of these monks have since emigrated to Taiwan.\n\nOne of the problems facing the Sangha in Hong Kong is how to maintain its size. While the number of lay Buddhists is growing, the Sangha is not. Only the Po Lin Tsz performs ordination. Other monasteries do not have the equipment and personnel required. The South China Buddhist Academy (at the Wong Faat Tsing She), which was the only seminary in the Colony, has ceased to function because there were not enough candidates for the rigorous training it offered. It may be that the atmosphere in Hong Kong does not favour the development of the attitudes that best lead a young man to take refuge in the Three Jewels. If his only reason for accepting the hardship of monastery life is to escape greater hardship outside the monastery, he is unlikely to have the diligence necessary for seeking enlightenment or to contribute much in the way of helping others to seek it. The Sangha faces the danger of decline both in size and quality.\n\nIV. GOVERNMENT SUPERVISION\n\nThe Chinese Temples Ordinance, passed in 1928 to protect the public from extortion and fraud which were then becoming more prevalent in the urban areas, deals with places of Chinese worship open to the public where fees or other charges are levied. Such temples are placed under the control of a statutory Chinese Temples Committee, consisting of leading Chinese citizens with the Secretary for Chinese Affairs as the chairman and the only government member. The Committee can require the transfer of any temple falling within the provisions of the Ordinance and all its property, without compensation, to the Secretary for Chinese Affairs' titular ownership. Five old temples are specifically excluded from the operations of this Ordinance; a sixth one, the Man Mo Temple in Hollywood Road, often used by film companies, has for over 50 years had a separate Ordinance of its own placing it under the control of the Tung Wah Hospitals; the administrative and financial supervision of seven others is delegated by the Temples Committee to the Tung Wah Hospitals. The Temples Committee at present directly administers 36 temples,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204346, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 114, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n110\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nThe Association's clinic at 117 Wanchai Road is a small-scale operation which dispenses Western medical treatment on the school premises every Sunday to 120-150 patients. No charge is made, drugs and injections being completely free. The Association now has in view a much larger project in the field of medicine, namely a HK$3,000,000 hospital to be constructed, it is hoped, at the end of Cheung Sha Wan Road (off Castle Peak Road), Kowloon. Half a million dollars has already been pledged; a government subsidy of another half a million dollars, plus a free grant of the necessary land, is under negotiation; and, once plans have been firmed up, the Association expects little difficulty in raising the remaining million and a half dollars from Buddhist laymen. It is to be a public hospital of 150 beds, of which 30 will be entirely free, with priority for refugees. There will also be an out-patient department for treatment of the poor families of this heavily industrialized area. The Medical and Health Department of the Hong Kong Government will control the standards in the same way as for other private hospitals, but the actual management will be the responsibility of the Buddhist Association. The plan is to incorporate a nursing school, where graduates of the various Buddhist primary and secondary schools can be placed for nurses' training. The medical staff will be recruited from among locally qualified physicians, e.g., graduates of the Hong Kong University Medical School. The physicians now acting as advisers on this project are prominent in the profession in Hong Kong: Drs. F. I. Tseung, Renald Ching, Peter Fok, T. Y. Li, David Wong, and Sir S. N. Chau. Three of them are Buddhists.\n\n2. HONG KONG AND MACAU REGIONAL CENTRE OF THE WORLD FELLOWSHIP OF BUDDHISTS 世界佛教聯誼會港澳分會\n\nThis acts as the \"foreign relations\" arm of the Hong Kong Buddhist Association (with which it has an interlocking directorate rather than a formal connection). It was established in June 1951 to discharge four specific functions:\n\n(1) to organize delegations to represent Hong Kong and Macau at future World Buddhist Fellowship Conferences (the first Conference had been held in Ceylon, June 1950)\n\n(2) to assist and entertain foreign Buddhists visiting Hong Kong and Macau\n\n(3) to answer inquiries from abroad about Buddhist activities in Hong Kong and Macau\n\nMacau has one large Buddhist monastery, the Po Chai Chi, which is classified as Ch'an and has about 20 monks (this is a monastery often visited by tourists, since the first commercial treaty between China and the United States was signed there in 1844). There are also a number of hermitages (perhaps a dozen), most of which are said to be chai tong. One, however, the Kung Tak Lam, serves as a study centre, where lectures are given by well-known dharma masters. The Macau Po Kok Buddhist Association, founded in 1949, also fosters Buddhist studies. At least one primary school is operated by a Buddhist nun with the support of devout laymen.\n\nBuddhism does not seem as vigorous in Macau as it is in Hong Kong, the most obvious reasons being its small size, limited wealth, and extreme exposure to political pressure. Furthermore, the influence of the Catholic Church has been paramount there for four hundred years. This has necessarily reduced the potential strength of the lay Buddhist movement.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204350, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 118, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n114\n\nI\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nexorcism is a common event. Two months later a much smaller ceremony was performed near Shatin at the request of villagers, who believed that an increase in traffic accidents had been caused by the \"restless souls\" of victims of the Japanese—a very widespread belief in the Colony. Thus, while only a tiny fraction of the population can be considered both purely Buddhist and devoutly Buddhist, a very large percentage depend on Buddhism in connection with death and the problems that arise therefrom. Furthermore, except among strict adherents of other religions, there seems to be in Hong Kong an underlying reverence for Shakyamuni, Kuan Yin, and the vast pantheon that has become native to China—at least in comparison to divinities more recently arrived.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204351, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n115\n\nCHINESE BURIAL CUSTOMS IN HONG KONG *\n\nB. D. WILSON, M.A.\n\nBefore 1949, burial customs in China were largely geared to the traditions of a predominantly agricultural country. Except in the New Territories, however, Hong Kong was not in a position to follow the same rural traditions of burial procedure and therefore was forced to evolve a pattern more or less of its own. The postwar change of Government in China has led to even further changes in local burial customs.\n\nFor non-Christian Chinese in Hong Kong the focus of burial practices is the veneration of family ancestors. In its extreme form this can be taken to mean the belief that if surviving relatives and descendants pay sufficient respect to their dead, the dead in their turn will exercise a benevolent influence over the lives and prosperity of their family.\n\nThe deceased is considered to be in a better position to watch over his earthly descendants if buried close to his native place, where it is also, of course, easier for his family to pay their respects to him. This has led to the practice of conveying the deceased back to the place in China whence he came and interring him in a traditional burial ground. It is well known that, no matter where they die, the bodies of overseas Chinese have, where possible, usually been conveyed back to their homes for burial; when they could afford to do so, relatives have followed this same principle where death occurred in Hong Kong. Coffins and remains of Chinese who died in various parts of the world, e.g. Borneo, the Philippines, Indonesia, the U.S.A., have been shipped to China via Hong Kong which in prewar and immediately postwar days enjoyed a certain pre-eminence as a transit centre for the onward movement of human remains.\n\nThe trans-shipment was not always immediate. Circumstances often imposed some delay. To meet the difficulties of holding the coffin temporarily, the Tung Wah Group of Hospitals in prewar days set up in Hong Kong a coffin repository in Sandy Bay where remains could be stored on payment of a monthly fee. This repository served its original purpose well till 1949 when difficulties arose in the way of transferring bodies into China. At present, there is virtually no movement of coffins into China, with the result that the repository has gradually accumulated\n\n* The writer wishes to make it clear that, in putting forward this article, he has simply recorded information which has come to his notice incidentally in connection with other duties. He is neither an anthropologist nor a trained research worker, but simply an amateur with an interest.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204352, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch \n\nORASHKB and author \n\n116 \n\nVol. 1 (1961) \n\nISSN 1991-7295 \n\nnearly 10,000 coffins, urns and containers. The accommodation ranges from single rooms, where one or more coffins rest on trestles, to larger rooms holding hundreds of coffins, together with exhumed remains in a variety of receptacles, e.g. earthenware urns, rattan baskets, wooden boxes and even second-hand tin containers. In some cases, all trace of the relatives of the deceased has been lost and it is proposed to re-inter such remains in a special Tung Wah plot at the Sandy Ridge Cemetery, to which further reference will presently be made.\n\nA clear pattern is now emerging, whereby Hong Kong has almost ceased to be a transit centre for the conveyance of deceased Chinese to their native place. The next best alternative, both for overseas dead and Chinese residents of Hong Kong itself, is to bury in Hong Kong instead, though that is not to imply that local cemeteries are doing a brisk business in snapping up overseas trade.\n\nIn examining the details of current burial procedure, a distinction must be drawn between the urban areas and the New Territories. In the congested urban areas, where land is needed for development and health measures assume greater importance, there is not the same freedom in choice of burial grounds. Relatives must decide whether to bury the dead in a private cemetery, with higher fees, or in a public cemetery, with lower fees and compulsory exhumation of remains after a period of years.\n\nTaking the urban areas first, let us trace the events of a typical funeral. Unlike the earlier traditional habits of mainland China, where preparations for burial were largely carried out by members of the family, the current practice in Hong Kong is for the relatives, on death occurring in their midst, at once to call in an undertaker or someone from a funeral parlour. The undertaker provides a coffin, encoffins the body and conveys it thus to a cemetery for burial, but he is debarred by law from bringing dead bodies on to his own business premises. A funeral parlour on the other hand has wider scope. Its staff will enter the home of the deceased and remove the body to the parlour, either in a basket-woven container coloured silver, blue or yellow, or on a plain canvas stretcher. The advantage of using a funeral parlour instead of an undertaker lies in the fact that, with the body actually held temporarily on the premises of the parlour, it is possible there to carry out funeral rites which would be otherwise inconvenient where an undertaker conveyed the encoffined body direct from the home to the cemetery.\n\nChinese in Hong Kong dislike holding a dead body overnight in the private home. They much prefer its immediate removal after death. Neighbours too are far from happy at the thought of death in the near vicinity, nor in earlier days used they to be\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204353, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n117\n\nin favour of allowing the body to be removed in a coffin past their particular floor in a two or three-storeyed tenement building. Chinese coffins usually consist lengthwise of four sections of tree trunk and are therefore bulky, irrespective of whether the coffin is cheap or one of the expensive polished varieties. Manoeuvring these coffins up and down narrow tenement staircases, with inevitable banging against walls, might be likened to death tapping at the door: a harbinger of bad luck.\n\nTo meet this problem of removal from upper floors in the urban areas, it used to be the custom up till five or six years ago to construct a bamboo staging outside the building, so that the coffin could be taken out of the window and be brought down the staging to the hearse in the roadway. The custom has now almost entirely disappeared for a number of reasons, largely economic: new buildings have grown too high for stagings to reach most upper storeys; the cost of long bamboo from China has risen enormously as a result of its use for scaffolding in the current building boom; the practice of glassing-in verandahs and balconies has made windows too small for coffins to fit through; traffic congestion in the streets makes the authorities chary of allowing even more obstruction in the form of these stagings on roads and pavements. To take their place as a means of removing the body from the private premises, basket-woven containers or stretchers have come to be used, and they are far less expensive.\n\nIf an undertaker is engaged, he will prepare the body in the deceased's home, encoffin and remove it either direct to the cemetery or to a Government cemetery depot in Hong Kong or Kowloon, where it can be held overnight pending Government conveyance to a public cemetery. A farewell pavilion at each depot provides free facilities for the relatives to hold services of any denomination or to perform other last rites.\n\nIf a funeral parlour is engaged, the body is conveyed in the basket-woven container or stretcher to the parlour for preparation, encoffining and almost invariably a service. In a few cases, embalming is carried out but this is a refinement that seems to hold no particular significance, since burial takes place normally within the forty-eight hours allowed by law for the body to remain on the premises. In parts of China, it apparently used to be the custom to delay burial for periods of up to seven weeks. But the more tropical climate of Hong Kong and the ever-present risk of disease has made it necessary to insist on a forty-eight hours limit in funeral parlours.\n\nWhen encoffined in a funeral parlour, the body is placed in a farewell room where it is customary for the immediate relatives to maintain a vigil (overnight, if necessary) until the time comes for conveyance to a cemetery or crematorium. During the vigil and funeral, the close relatives (i.e. widow and widower, sons and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204356, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 124, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n120\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nIn the New Territories, there are at present no funeral parlours and few undertakers. As in the agricultural interior of China, practical responsibility still falls mainly on the kinsmen of the deceased. The customary burial of villagers is in two stages: initial coffin burial, and subsequent exhumation and re-interment of remains. Having encoffined the body, the relatives normally sustain the vigil directly outside the home under a temporary shelter. Burial then takes place in a traditional village area, but no monument is erected beyond a small unshaped stone at the head of the grave. After five years or more, the body is exhumed. The bones will be cleaned by the family and be placed either in a funerary urn (kam t'aàp) or in a formal masonry grave (shaan fan) shaped like a horseshoe. In the funerary urn, the bones will be arranged in a manner as if the deceased were sitting in the Buddhist lotus posture.\n\nThe siting of funerary urns and horseshoe graves is of particular importance. Relatives will go to great lengths to ensure that the jung shui of the site is propitious. In other words, they wish to ensure that the benevolent influence of the site will protect the deceased, as a member of the family, so that he in turn will look kindly upon his relatives. The site is usually high up, commanding a view of water, and on a ridge or spur which represents, for instance, a dragon, snake, shrimp or crab in its formation. Standing with one's back to a horseshoe grave, one sees a half circle within a radius of ten yards, which is normally regarded as sacrosanct. Disturbance of the ground is regarded with strong disfavour. Traditionally, the left arm of the panorama in front should consist of a long ridge (containing a \"green dragon”) and the right arm of a shorter ridge (containing a \"white tiger\"). In a horseshoe grave, the exhumed remains are buried in a jar in the centre, just in front of a stone plaque (pei shek) that records the name of the deceased, the date of his death, and other details. Important graves of recorded ancestors or founders of a clan are often flanked by a small shrine (haû tỏ) on either side and sometimes another behind, at a distance of ten to twenty feet from the main grave. The object of the shrines is to persuade the earth god to look after the grave.\n\nWhether the exhumed remains are to be placed in a funerary urn or in a horseshoe grave seems to be governed by the sex and general standing of the deceased in the clan, or even by the financial state of the relatives at the time of exhumation. The remains are normally fit for exhumation after a minimum of five years of burial, but, even so, exhumation should not strictly take place unless there has been no pregnancy amongst the deceased's close female relatives in the immediately preceding nine months. This requirement, which would tend to impose some hardship", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204360, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n124\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nNote on a Collection of Chinese Books Presented to The Royal Asiatic Society by Sir George Thomas Staunton in 1824.\n\nAs a boy of twelve G. T. Staunton had accompanied his father, Sir George Leonard Staunton, on the Macartney embassy to China in 1793. During the long outward voyage young Staunton had learned some Chinese from two Chinese Catholic priests who were returning to China after studying at Naples. When Lord Macartney was received in audience by the Emperor Ch'ien-lung at Jehol on 14 September, 1793 young Staunton acted as his page. In 1798 he became a writer in the East India Company's Factory at Canton, in 1804 he was appointed a Supercargo, in 1808 promoted to the post of Interpreter, and in 1816 he became Chief of the Factory. In the same year he accompanied the abortive Amherst embassy to Peking. On the return of the embassy he settled in England and became a Member of Parliament. In 1823 he was active in founding the Asiatic Society.\n\nThe following letter was written by Sir G. T. Staunton to the Secretary of the Asiatic Society in 1823.\n\nSir,\n\nHaving in the course of my residence in China formed a considerable Collection of Chinese printed Books, and also of Manuscript Dictionaries, and other works of Europeans, calculated to assist the Student in the acquisition of a knowledge of the language and literature of the Chinese, I feel confident that I cannot more effectually promote the object I had in view making the Collection, namely, the more general acquaintance in this Country with whatever may be found curious or useful among the productions of the Chinese press, than by a respectful offer of the Collection to the Asiatic Society.\n\nMy wish is, that it should be preserved entire, and placed in such a situation as may admit of its being at all times readily accessible to the British and other Students of Chinese Literature, who may frequent this Metropolis, under such regulations as the Asiatic Society may deem it expedient to prescribe.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204363, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 131, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n127\n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\nHONG KONG BRANCH\n\nList of Members at 28th February, 1961.\n\nABRAHAM, R. D.\n\nAide-de-Camp\n\nAKERS JONES, D.\n\nAllen, H. W.\n\nALLEYNE, Mrs. E. L.\n\nBAIRD, J. W.\n\nBARD, Dr. S. M.\n\nBARNETT, K. M. A.\n\nBARON, D. W. B.\n\nBARR, J. S.\n\nBASTO, G. de BARTON, T.\n\nThe Hon. H. D. M. BAUER, Miss H.\n\nBEIDLER, P.\n\nBERTUCCIOLI, G. P.\n\nBIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D.\n\nBLACK, D. L.\n\nBLACKMORE, M.\n\nBLUNDEN, Prof. E. C.\n\nBONSALL, G. W.\n\nBRAGA, J. M.\n\nBRAWN, Squadron Ldr. W. N. H.\n\nBREUIL, Mrs. N. du\n\nBRIMMELL, J. H.\n\nBROOKS, D. E.\n\nBURKHARDT, Col. V. R.\n\nBUSH, R. C.\n\nBYRNE, D. J.\n\nCALLAHAN, G. W.\n\nCHAN, Dr. H. C.\n\nCHAU, The Hon. Sir Tsun-Nin\n\nCHENG, Dr. Irene\n\nCHENG, T. C.\n\nCHEUNG, Oswald\n\n41 Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K.Government House, H.K.\nN. Kowloon Magistracy, Taipo Road, Kln.U.S. Consulate-General, H.K.\nH.K.U.Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K.\nH.K.U.P.O. Box 248, H.K.\n361 The Peak, H.K.Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T.\n604 Fu House, 7 Ice House Street, H.K.Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K.\nU.S.L.S., U.S. Consulate-General, H.K.U.S. Embassy, Saigon, Vietnam\nMinistero degli Esteri, RomeFar East Mansions, Apt. 5-H, Kln.\nPeat, Marwick, Mitchell & Co., Alexandra House, H.K.Dept. of History, H.K.U.\nH.K.U.P.O. Box 951, H.K.\nAir Headquarters, H.K.86 Main Street, Stanley, H.K.\nFlat 4, 12 Magazine Gap Road, H.K.\nRadio Hong Kong86 Main Street, Stanley, H.K.\nTao Fong Shan, Shatin, N.T.China Light & Power Co., Ltd., Argyle Street, Kln.\nApt. 23, Kellett Grove, The Peak, H.K.Bank of Canton Building, H.K.\n8 Queen's Road West, H.K.Education Dept., Fung House, 5th fl., H.K.\nS.C.A. Fire Brigade Building, H.K.1002 Alexandra House, H.K.\n\nPage 127\n\n \nPage 127\n\nPage 127\n\nPage 128\n\nPage 128\n\nPage 128", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204368, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 136, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n132\n\nTANG Shiu Kin\n\nTHOMAS, L. F. - THOMPSON, R. W. TOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie TREGEAR, Miss M. TRISTRAM, Mrs. J. TRISTRAM, M. P. W.\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\n-\n\nTSEUNG, Dr. F. I. -\n\n+\n\n-\n\nT\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nThe Kowloon Motor Bus Co., Ltd., 505 Pedder Building, H.K.\n\n56 Conduit Road, Flat 103, H.K.\n\nDept. of Modern Languages, H.K.U.\n\n6 Peak Mansions, H.K.\n\nH.K.U.\n\nP.O. Box 845, H.K.\n\nRating & Valuation Dept., Man Yee Building, 9th fl., Des Voeux Road C., H.K. China Building, 4th f., H.K.\n\nTURNER, The Hon. M. W. H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K.\n\nVETCH, H.\n\nVETCH, Mrs. H.\n\nVIO, Dr. E. G. -\n\nWALDEN, J. C, C, -\n\nWALTON, A. St. G.\n\nWARD, Miss J.-\n\n+\n\n+\n\nWARD-MORRIS, Mrs. B.\n\nWATSON, K. A.\n\nWEI, Dr. Tat.\n\nWEISS, K.- WELCH, H. H. WONG, Dr. Man WONG Pao Hsie\n\nWONG Po Shang\n\nWOO, Dr. Arthur W.. WOO, Dr. Pak Foo WRIGHT, D. A. L. WILSON, B. D. -\n\nYAO Pe Chun\n\nYAO Hsin Nung\n\n+\n\n-\n\nHong Kong University Press, H.K.\n\nHong Kong University Press, H.K.\n\n315 H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K.\n\nEstablishment Branch, Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\nEstablishment Branch, Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\n35 Chater Hall, Conduit Road, H.K,\n\n18 Hillgate Place, London, W.8.\n\nLammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K.\n\nH.K. Anti-Tuberculosis Assn., Queen's Rd. E., H.K.\n\nP.O. Box 718, H.K.\n\nShatin, N.T.\n\nRoom 108, China Building, H.K.\n\nButterfield & Swire, H.K.\n\nB-5 Wah Kiu Mansion, 1st fl., 80 Taipo Rd., Kln.\n\nWoo Clinic, Edinburgh House, 1st fl., H.K. 204 China Building, H.K.\n\nHong Kong Club, H.K.\n\nUrban Services Dept., Secretariat Building, West Wing, H.K.\n\n18, Monmouth Terrace, 3rd f., Kennedy Road, H.K.\n\n1 Dorset Crescent, Kowloon Tong, Kln. Mental Hospital, High Street, H.K,\n\nYAP, Dr. Pon Meng YUEN, Miss I.\n\n-\n\n4 Radio Hong Kong.\n\nZIGAL, Mrs. I. -\n\n-\n\n12 Bowen Road, H.K.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204372, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 4, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "# OBJECTS OF THE SOCIETY\n\nThe Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal.\n\n## NOTE TO CONTRIBUTORS\n\nThe Editorial Committee welcomes contributions from non-members as well as from members. Articles, notes and queries, and other material dealing with such subjects as the history, languages, literature, art, social customs, and natural history of Hong Kong and adjacent areas will be considered for publication.\n\nContributors are requested to follow closely the style sheet of the Journal, obtainable from the Editor. Contributions of over 20,000 words will not normally be accepted for publication in the Journal. They may, however, be submitted for consideration as monographs.\n\nAll communications intended for publication should be type-written in double spacing on one side of the paper only, leaving adequate margins. They should be sent to the Hon. Editor, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204373, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 5, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "CONTENTS\n\nEDITORIAL\n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1961\n\nHON. TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1961\n\nTRANSACTIONS OF THE BRANCH, 1961-1962:\n\nNestorian Crosses and Nestorian Christians in China under the Mongols - F. S. Drake\n\nCurrency Problems in a Cycle of Cathay - G. Findlay Andrew - 26\n\nThe Buddhist Career - Holmes Welch - 37\n\nChinese Seals - T. Y. Li - 49\n\nSome of China's Thirty-five Million non-Chinese - Herold J. Wiens - 54\n\nARTICLES CONTRIBUTED:\n\nThe Pattern of Life in the New Territories in 1898 - James Hayes - 75\n\nExcavations at Man Kok Tsui on Lantau Island - Elspeth Maneely - 103\n\nA New Archaeological Site in Hong Kong - M. W. Welch - 109\n\nReview Article: Britain and China by Evan Luard - Colina Lupton - 115\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES - 122\n\nLIST OF MEMBERS - 127\n\nResponsibility for opinions expressed in articles published in this Journal rests with the individual contributors and not with the Editorial Committee.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204374, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 6, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "EDITORIAL\n\nThe first volume of the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society published in 1961 contained a short account of the history of the original Hong Kong Branch of the R.A.S. which existed from 1847 until 1859. During this early period the original Society published six volumes of its Transactions. It may be of interest to examine the contents of these volumes, and to compare them with what has already been achieved in the two volumes of the present Society's Journal published so far.\n\nThe first volume published by the original branch was entitled Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1847. It was printed at the office of the China Mail at Hong Kong in 1848, and contained 14 pages of preliminary material and 78 pages of text. The last volume to be printed bore the title Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Part VI, 1859, and was printed at the office of the China Mail in the same year. It contained 8 pages of introduction and 164 pages of text. Surveying the articles printed in these six volumes one's main impression is that the subject matter was predominantly connected with China, and that the contributors were mainly missionaries or members of the British Consular service. For instance one of the leading contributors was Dr. John Bowring, who was Governor of Hong Kong from 1854 until 1859. Among others were T. T. Meadows, who was interpreter to the British Consulate at Canton at this time and wrote perceptively about China; the Rev. Carl Gutzlaff, principal Chinese Secretary to the Hong Kong Government; W. H. Medhurst, Jr.; Harry Parkes; Dr. D. J. Macgowan; the Rev. Joseph Edkins; the Rev. Samuel Beal and Alexander Wylie, printer to the London Missionary Society at Shanghai. To some extent this reflects the difficulties facing the Society at this period. It was forced to rely for its lectures and articles on a small number of scholarly people resident in Hong Kong and the five original Treaty Ports. The North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society which\n\n1 Bowring was a man of scholarly interests and had received an honorary doctorate from Gröningen University for services to European literature. He was knighted in 1854.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204375, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 7, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "2\n\nflourished between 1858 and 1948 was more fortunate because it was able to draw on the services of a far wider group of people who came to work in China in the years after travel and residence there was no longer restricted. The present Society is luckier still because, thanks to air travel, we have been able to draw on an extremely wide range of contributors in the first two volumes of the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.\n\nWhen examining the table of contents of the six volumes of Transactions published in Hong Kong between 1847 and 1859, one sees the titles of several articles which it would be most interesting to read if copies of these volumes were available in Hong Kong. For example, in Volume III Harry Parkes, at that time British Consul in Canton, and later British Minister at Peking, described proceedings in a criminal Court at Canton, while Dr. Bowring contributed an article “On the Character and Writings of Commissioner Lin Tsih-seu”, which at that time (1851) was still very recent history. In Volume VI (1859) Dr. D. J. Macgowan wrote on Chinese opium while the Rev. Krone contributed “A notice of the Sanon district *”. This is of particular interest since the Sanon district included all of what later became the New Territories. The full list of contents of each of these volumes can be found in Bibliotheca Sinica by Henri Cordier, Volume IV, columns 2401-2.\n\n44\n\nBy way of contrast it is interesting to consider the contents of the first two volumes of the Journal of the revived Hong Kong Branch of the R.A.S. published in 1961 and 1962. Perhaps the first point which strikes one is the wider range of subject matter covered by these two volumes. In Volume I, Mr. Hugh Richardson, the last head of the British mission at Lhasa wrote on Tibet as it was, and Professor Drake reviewed the whole field of Western contacts with Asia. In Volume II Mr. Evan Luard's newly published book Britain and China, which covers the story of recent Sino-British relations, is the subject of a review-article by Mrs. Colina Lupton. Another noteworthy point is the number of admirable contributions from Chinese scholars in these two volumes. The six volumes of Transactions published between\n\n* Although I have made extensive enquiries I have been unable to locate copies of the Transactions in Hong Kong. The City Hall Library ought to have a set. (Ed.)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204376, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 8, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "3\n\n1847 and 1859 contained nothing by Chinese scholars since even by 1859 there were no Chinese able to write in English. In contrast Volumes I and II of the present Journal contain articles by Mr. James J. Y. Liu, Mr. Liu Tsun-yan, Miss B. T. Chiu, and Dr. T. Y. Li. The first volume was most ably edited by Mr. James Liu who is now a lecturer at the University of Hawaii. Another Chinese scholar, Mr. Ma Meng, is a member of the publications committee responsible for the present volume of the Journal. While in the past missionaries were responsible for a large number of articles in the former Transactions, the two volumes of the Journal so far published contain no contributions from missionaries, though it should be noted that Professor F. S. Drake spent thirty-eight years in China as a missionary, and for more than twenty of these years he was on the staff of Cheeloo University where he taught (in Chinese) first as Associate Professor of Education and later of Church history. Finally, whereas the earlier volumes contained very little on Hong Kong itself, in the current volumes published by the Society several articles have dealt with various aspects of the Colony. So far the subject matter of these articles has included archaeology, natural history (birds and flowers) and local history. This comparison may serve to emphasize the great contrast between Hong Kong then and now, and the great changes and developments which have taken place within the last hundred years. The Editorial Committee hopes to develop the study of Hong Kong in future numbers of the Journal.\n\nIt would be invidious to claim that the contributions printed in the Journal of the present Society are more learned or more weighty than those printed in the earlier period. But if one is full of admiration for the pioneering work of these early scholars, one may also feel a sense of pride in the vigorous scholarship and spirit of enquiry fostered by the Royal Asiatic Society in Hong Kong and exemplified in the first two volumes of the Society's Journal. We are particularly glad to welcome to the present volume a contribution written by a District Officer of the Colony about the New Territories. This is an encouraging sign and we hope to be able to print in future further articles and short notes about the life and customs of the people of Hong Kong.\n\nMr. Ma is Principal of the Language School in the Institute of Oriental Studies at the University of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204380, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 12, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "June 12th\n\nDr. T. Y. Li\n\nJuly 10th\n\nMr. G. Findlay Andrew, O.B.E.\n\nSeptember 20th Professor B. P. Groslier\n\n\"Chinese Seals\"\n\n\"Currency Problems in a Cycle of Cathay\"\n\n\"Recent Work in Angkor\"\n\nOctober 30th\n\nMr. Holmes H. Welch\n\n\"The Buddhist Monk's Career\"\n\nDecember 11th Professor F. S. Drake\n\n\"Nestorian Crosses and Nestorianism in China under the Mongols\"\n\nSome of these lectures will be reproduced in the forthcoming Journal of the Society. We are particularly fortunate in being able to include the memorable address of Professor Drake on Nestorian Crosses, even though the printed article cannot reproduce the warmth and inspiration of his personal eloquence and exposition.\n\nThe first Journal of the Society produced last year by the Editorial Board and completed, in the absence of Mr. Cranmer-Byng, by Mr. James Liu, had a very good reception. The Editors are to be congratulated on a worthy production which has set a pattern and standard for the future and which I feel will be more than sustained in this year's issue which, it is hoped, will be ready for delivery in May or June next.\n\nThe report of the Hon. Treasurer, Mr. T. J. Lindsay, will, in his absence on leave, be presented to you by Mr. A. L. Harman of The Hong Kong Bank, who has been good enough to step into the breach. Some features of the Report deserve serious attention. In the first place, we had at the end of 1961 a narrow margin of $2,265.61 over and above our expenditure and $4,790.94 cash in the Bank. In addition, we had a capital investment of $16,247.25 at cost. This apparently favourable financial position is mainly due to donations of $500 each from three leading concerns in the Colony, Messrs. Butterfield and Swire, Messrs. Jardine, Matheson & Co., and The Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank, together with a magnificent gift of $10,000 from an anonymous donor given in 1960 in memory of Arthur de Carle Sowerby. These are non-recurrent benefactions, however, and I\n\n7", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204384, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 16, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "11\n\nNESTORIAN CROSSES AND NESTORIAN CHRISTIANS IN CHINA UNDER THE MONGOLS\n\nA lecture delivered on December 11, 1961\n\nF. S. DRAKE, O.B.E., B.A., B.D.*\n\nI. THE NIXON COLLECTION\n\nThe purpose of this paper is to introduce, to those who may be unfamiliar with it, the F. A. Nixon Collection of Nestorian Bronze Crosses from the Sino-Mongolian Borderland recently presented by the Hon. R. C. Lee and Mr. J. S. Lee to the Museum of the University of Hong Kong, in relation to the great movement which the Crosses represent.\n\nSoon after the attention of scholars was called by the Rev. P. M. Scott1 to these small bronze objects, fourteen of which he had discovered in the shop of a Chinese curio dealer in Pao-t'ou2 near the great northern loop of the Yellow River, the former home of the Christian Ongut tribe, Mr. Nixon, then Postal Commissioner stationed at Peking, began to make his collection, which by the time he left China in 1949 had grown to nearly 1,000 pieces, the largest collection of its kind in the world, and as far as we know, the only one of the collections then made which has remained intact, and therefore is at the present time unique. The collection includes some crosses given by Fr. Mostaert which shepherds had picked up in the sand3. From the beginning opinion among scholars was divided as to the original purpose of these bronze pendants, of which the majority were shaped like Greek crosses; but Pelliot among others came out strongly in favour of their Christian origin,4 expressing a view which now predominates. Especially interesting was the opinion of Fr. A. Mostaert, a Belgium missionary and well-known authority on the Mongols, stationed at Borobalgasoun on the\n\n£\n\n* Professor Drake is Professor of Chinese in the University of Hong Kong and Editor of the Journal of Oriental Studies.\n\n1 Discovered August 1929. Described in The Mission Field, Feb. 1930, and in The Chinese Recorder, Feb. and Nov. 1930,\n\n2 See letters to Mr. Nixon, now in the University of Hong Kong Museum.\n\n3 Paris, Revue des Arts Asiatiques, 1. VII, 1931, P. Pelliot: 'Sceaux-Amulettes de Bronze avec Croix et Colombes'.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204385, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 17, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "12\n\nF. S. DRAKE\n\nsouthern border of the Ordos region within the loop of the Yellow River, as Pao-t'ou was on its northern border. Fr. Mostaert, it appears, was already familiar with the Crosses and he gave some valuable information from his personal observations, as to the use to which they were put by the Mongols of his day:\n\nThe Mongols constantly dig them up from old graves and elsewhere; they know nothing about their history, but wear them on their girdles, especially the women. When they leave home to take their sheep to graze, they close their doors, and seal them with mud or clay, in the same way as other people use ordinary seals.4\n\nIn 1932 during his residence in Tsinan, Shantung, Mr. Nixon committed his collection to the late Dr. J. Mellon Menzies of Shang dynasty fame, then professor of Chinese Archaeology at Cheeloo University, for study and classification. The result was embodied in a monograph entitled Chinese Nestorian Bronze Crosses which was published with the help of a grant from the Harvard-Yenching Institute in December 1934 as a double number of the Cheeloo University Bulletin 齊大季刊,第三、五合期, 青銅十字專號。The volume consists of impressions in red (somewhat in the manner of Chinese rubbings, but not true rubbings) of each of the crosses and seals in the collection, to the number of 979, followed by tables giving the number, weight, measurements and description of each cross, and where possible the provenance of each, the whole being classified in certain clearly defined groups, together with two essays in Chinese: 'Christianity in China in the time of Marco Polo' by Dr. Menzies; 'The Swastika Cross Badges Unearthed in Sui Yüan Province, China' by Professor P. Y. Saeki; and a short Introduction in Chinese on the Nixon Collection by Dr. Menzies. This volume has long been out of print, and Cheeloo University itself has been disbanded, The Institute of Oriental Studies at the University of Hong Kong hopes, when funds are available, to publish a complete set of photographs and rubbings of the whole collection with Dr. Menzies' tables, classification and enumeration.\n\n4\n\nDr. Menzies classified the crosses, which measure from 11 to 31 ins. across, first according to shape into four main groups,\n\n1 Moule, Christians in China before the Year 1550, London, S.P.C.K., 1930, p. 92; Saeki, Nestorian Documents and Relics in China, Tokyo, 2nd ed., 1951, p. 423; Menzies, Chinese Nestorian Bronze Crosses, Cheeloo University Bulletin, 1934, pp. 92-3.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204395, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 27, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "18\n\nF. S. DRAKE\n\nworking with their hands in the well-kept vineyards, the cherished penmanship and the care of ancient manuscripts reminiscent of 'the knowledge and zeal, which once so eminently distinguished the Chaldaean priesthood'.\n\n4\n\nThis is the Church which evangelized the greater part of Asia during the ancient and mediaeval periods, truly it has been called a Church on Fire, and the Great Missionary Church of Asia. But that the fruit of its labours are no longer manifest is because no Church has suffered martyrdom as this Church has; it has become the great martyred Church of the world.\n\nIII. THE NESTORIAN CHRISTIANS OF THE ORDOS REGION\n\nThe story of the Nestorian missionary movement before the Mongols conquered Central Asia and established the Yüan Dynasty in China (A.D. 1260 to 1368) can be pieced together with difficulty from scattered references in the Syriac records; but during the Mongol domination vivid descriptions of their activities have been left to us in the pages of the Mediaeval travellers from Europe to the courts of the Mongol Khans. These can be divided into two groups: Franciscan Friars and travelling merchants.\n\nIt was the time of the Crusades, and the great widening of men's horizons that these brought about. The enlightened policy of the Arabs had been followed by the restrictive measures of the Turks, now converted to Islam. Europe was stirred by the danger. The astonishing success of the First Crusade (1096-1104) was followed by the failures of the Second (1146-1187), and Third (1189-1192). The Fourth Crusade was diverted against Constantinople (1200-1205); shortly after, the Mongols appearing from the ends of the earth ravaged Armenia, and crossing the Caucasus, penetrated into Southern Russia in 1232. The great invasion followed in 1238—Russia, Poland, Hungary. At the\n\n11 A. H. Layard, Nineveh and Its Remains, London, Murray, 1849.\n\n12 Stewart, The Nestorian Missionary Enterprise, 1928.\n\n13 These have been collected by Assemanni, Bibliotheca Orientalis, Rome, 1728 (4 vols.). See also Mingana, The Early Spread of Christianity in Central Asia and the Far East, Manchester Univ. Press 1925, and Bull. of John Rylands Library, July 1925.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204397, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 29, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "20 \n\nF. S. DRAKE \n\nof prime importance for information upon the Mongols and Central Asia in Mediaeval times.1 \n\nHalf a century later a solitary and apparently illiterate Friar from a Franciscan house in Italy, Odoric of Pordenone, set out on his own charges as a traveller for 'Jesus Christ' and performed one of the most remarkable of the journeys of his time. Travelling via India to China he landed at Ch'üan-chou on the Fukien coast, where two houses of Franciscans were already established, and proceeded to Kambaluc (Peking), where he remained for three years. On the return journey he travelled first to what he called mistakenly 'Prester John's country', but which can be identified with the region north of the Yellow River bend, the home of the Christian Onguts, and then by Tibet, which he names and describes briefly and accurately, but he gives no further identifiable details for the remainder of the journey home in 1330 after an absence of twelve years. \n\n* \n\n18 \n\nThese travellers all make mention of the Nestorians—priests, laymen, members of the nobility, and even of the Royal House, whom they came across in their journeys through Central Asia or in China. Sometimes it was a solitary priest with a shrine near the Royal tent, sometimes a group officiating at a Royal procession, sometimes a Nestorian village in the wilds of Mongolia, sometimes a Nestorian church in a Chinese city, as at Yangchou on the Yangtse; these all testify to the widespread character of their mission. William of Rubruck gives the fullest details, combining with them sharp criticism of the conduct of the Nestorians and disapproval of their methods, which suggest considerable deterioration in their religious life during their sojourn in Central Asia; unless indeed his criticism is sometimes prompted by ecclesiastical rivalry. It has already been pointed out that some of the ladies of the Royal House were Nestorian Christians; and there were even hopes of an Imperial convert. \n\nBut of chief interest for our present purpose is Odoric's mention of the Christian Mongol tribe settled at the northern bend of the Yellow River, for this is the region from which our Bronze Crosses come. John of Montecorvino, the Franciscan Bishop who resided in China from 1288 to 1329, and who became the first Catholic Archbishop of China, also speaks of this \n\n15 Rockhill, op. cit. \n\n16 Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither, revised Cordier, Hakluyt Society (4 vols.), 1914.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204398, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 30, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "NESTORIAN CROSSES\n\n21\n\nNestorian community in his letters, and their king George, whom he converted from Nestorianism to the Catholic faith.\n\nThe scattered references to the Nestorians in the accounts of the friars are confirmed by Marco Polo (1271-1295) who with his father and uncle can represent for us the second group of travelling merchants. Everywhere through Central Asia and China Marco found Nestorian Christians, usually in the service of the Court, and probably more often than not of Syrian, Persian or Turkish race, employed as administrative officials by the alien government on account of their high standard of literacy.\n\nMarco Polo also confirms the existence of a Nestorian Christian tribe with their Christian king George (whom he confuses with Prester John as Odoric also does) at the Yellow River bend. It seems likely that the name 'Tenduc' which he gives to the region is the early pronunciation of T'ien-tê which was an old name of the present city of Kuei-hua{ in that region, near which is the important market town of Pao-t'ou in which Mr. P. M. Scott found the first fourteen crosses of our paper. Similarly the Tozan of Odoric may be identified with Tung-sheng, an early name for the same region. The Christian Mongol tribe situated by the Ordos bend of the Yellow River is known from various sources to have been the Onguts (Wang-ku people), to which Marco Polo refers, though confusedly, in calling their king Ung-Khan.\n\nThese facts are confirmed in a remarkable way by a Syriac document describing a pilgrimage of two Eastern Nestorian monks—one an Ongut, the other of Uigur stock—from their monastery near Peking to the seat of the Nestorian Patriarch in Mesopotamia in A.D. 1278. In the course of their journey they visited the Christian Ongut tribe by the Yellow River bend, and from them received a touching farewell.19\n\nIV. NESTORIAN RELICS IN CHINA AND MONGOLIA\n\nWith the expulsion of the Mongols from China at the fall of the Yuan dynasty in A.D. 1368, the Christianity both Nestorian and Franciscan that had been associated with their regime disappeared.\n\n17 Letters of Montecorvino, see Yule, op. cit., and Moule, op. cit., pp. 171 ff.\n\n18 Yule, The Book of Ser Marco Polo, revised by Cordier, London, Murray, 1903.\n\n19 Budge, The Monks of Kublai Khan, London, R.T.S. 1928.\n\nPage 30\n\nPage 31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204399, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 31, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "22\n\nF. S. DRAKE\n\nappeared also. But a number of relics have come to light from time to time, such as the crosses which are the subject of this paper, confirming the statements of the travellers.\n\nThe first great discovery of Nestorianism in China is a relic in fact of the T'ang dynasty, long before the Mongol era commenced, the famous Nestorian Stone Tablet of Sianfu, which was erected in A.D. 781 and describes how a group of Nestorian missionaries from Syria or Persia reached the capital of China in A.D. 635; it describes how a monastery was built for them by the Emperor and recounts the fortunes of the Church and its off-shoots until A.D. 781 when the monument was erected. The name given to the foreign religion is Ching-chiao'** (The Bright or Luminous Religion) and the text is composed in classical rhythmic style imbued with Chinese traditional religious thought. The script is an example of the masterly calligraphy of T'ang times. This and other later discoveries show that the T'ang Nestorians endeavoured to express their faith in relation to the intellectual and religious environment in which they found themselves. In addition to the text in Chinese the names of the foreign monks are engraved on the sides in Syriac, and on the head-piece above the title is engraved a Greek Cross similar in shape to the bronze Mongol Crosses we have been considering, with three circles at each end, and circles at the angles between the arms, no doubt indicating flowers—the blossoming Cross. The Cross stands upon a lotus, Buddhist symbol of purity, at each side of which are Taoist symbols, the ling-chih, or fungus of Longevity.\n\nThe Tablet of Sianfu was discovered in A.D. 1623, and through the interest of Chinese scholar-friends of Matthew Ricci, who had died in 1610, it was identified as a Christian relic. Through the same interest attention was called to three other Crosses engraved on stone (probably tomb stones), which had been seen by Chinese Christians in 1638 at Ch'üan-chou (Marco Polo's Zayton) in Fukien. Wood-cuts of these were printed in a publication on the Sianfu Tablet in A.D. 1644.20 A fourth stone cross, similar to the above, was found at Ch'üan-chou and photographed in 1906.21\n\n20 See Moule, op. cit., Figs, 9, 10: Diaz, Inscriptio Si-ngan Fou, 1644. 21 Moule, op. cit., Fig. 11; and Ecke and Demiéville, The Twin Pagodas of Zayton, Harvard Univ. Press, 1935, Pt. 70b.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204400, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 32, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "NESTORIAN CROSSES\n\n23\n\nFrom this time on discoveries were frequent. In 1885 two Nestorian cemeteries were discovered in Tokmak (Semirechinsk) with stones from about 610 graves, some engraved with the outline of the now familiar Nestorian Cross, associated with inscriptions in Syriac dating from A.D. 1267 to 1316.3\n\nIn 1890 stones engraved with Nestorian Crosses were found at Hsi-wan-tzu in Sui-yüan province, north-west of Kalgan.23\n\nBut perhaps the most important Nestorian relics in China, after the Tablet of Sianfu, are the T'ang dynasty manuscripts found in 1908 in the sealed cave-library at Tun-huang, commencing with the 'Gloria in Excelsis Deo' with its important List of Scriptures and Historical Note (probably dating from about A.D. 781), the 'Jesus Messiah Sutra' dated A.D. 641, the earliest Nestorian document preserved in China, and three other T'ang Nestorian manuscripts, written probably between that date and the period of the Sianfu monument (A.D. 781).24\n\n+\n\nIn 1919 two beautifully carved Nestorian crosses, with short Syriac inscriptions, possibly from the chancel of a church, were found at Fang-shan in a Buddhist monastery called to this day 'The Monastery of the Cross' + (perhaps the one where Mark and Barsauma dwelt) south-west of Peking.25\n\nIn 1933 several Chinese scholars sought for and found the ruins of a 'Ta-ts'in Monastery' ★ (Nestorian Monastery) at Chou-chih in Shensi province, described in poems by the famous Sung dynasty poet Su Tung-p'o in 1062.26\n\nIn 1935 gravestones engraved with Nestorian crosses similar to those from Fang-shan were found at Pai-ling Miao TEM in Sui-yüan province (on the edge of Mongolia).27\n\nIn a number of places, too numerous to note in detail here, stone tablets have been found engraved with dated edicts of Yüan dynasty times, sometimes in the Mongol language, sometimes in Chinese, and sometimes in both, for the protection of\n\n22 Saeki, Nestorian Documents and Relics, 2nd ed., 1951, Part II, chap. 4.\n\n23 Saeki, op. cit. p. 426.\n\n24 Moule, op. cit. p. 53; Saeki, op. cit. chs, III to XIII.\n\n24 Saeki, op. cit., p. 430, and Moule, op. cit., Fig. 12.\n\n24 Hsiang Ta, Tang-tai Ch'angan yû Hsi-yü wên-ming, App. II, 'Notes on the Ta-ts'in Monastery at Chou-chih' 向達著,唐代長安與西域文明, Yenching Monograph Series II, 1933.\n\n27 Saeki, op. cit., pp. 423-4.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204401, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 33, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "24\n\nF. S. DRAKE\n\nthe property and exemption from taxes of members of religious orders, including the Nestorians, called by the Mongols 'Yeh-li-k'o-wen' 2*\n\nThese and other scattered references to Nestorianism and to Nestorian Christians mentioned in Chinese records of the Yüan dynasty have been collected and published by Dr. Ch'ên Yüan in Yuan Yeh-li-k'o-wen k'ao 29\n\nV. THE CH'ÜAN-CHOU CROSSES\n\n29\n\nThe latest discovery of Nestorian relics in China is a remarkable one and takes us back to Ch'üan-chou once more, the great international port of Ibn Batuta and Chao Ju-kua, the Zayton of Marco Polo and Odoric, with its Buddhist monasteries and Twin Stone Pagodas, its great Mohammedan mosque, and two Franciscan houses, and as we shall now see, its many Nestorian relics.\n\nHere a local scholar, Mr. Wu Wen-liang, became interested in the many fragments of stone with foreign writing and designs that strewed the ground, 'the very pavement stones mingled with inscribed Arab tomb slabs' (Ecke and Demiéville, p.4). For some thirty years, commencing in 1928, Mr. Wu collected these inscribed stones for his private study. During the war, it appears that the city wall of Ch'üan-chou was demolished, and from it many inscribed stones came to light, which added greatly to Mr. Wu's collection. By 1957 the number had reached 160 and included those with Islamic, Nestorian, Manichee, Brahman and other inscriptions. He made rubbings and photographs of these, which he published in that year with explanatory text in Chinese: Ch'üan-chou tsung-chiao shih-k'o (\"Stones from Ch'üan-chou with Religious Inscriptions\").30\n\nIn this book he illustrates twenty-seven stones with Christian inscriptions or designs. Foremost among these are four slabs carved with Christian Crosses, of which two (Nos. 72 and 73) are the very ones illustrated by wood-cuts in Emmanuel Diaz's book on the newly discovered Nestorian Tablet, published in\n\n28 Saeki, op. cit., pp. 418 and 420.\n\n29 Chên Yüan, Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1923. See also Moule, op. cit., and T'oung Pao, Vols. XVII, XVIII, 1916-17: Cordier, 'Le Christianisme en Chine et en Asie sous les Mongous; and Vols. XII, XXI, 1914 and 1934: Pelliot, \"Chrétiens d'Asie Centrale et d'Extrême Orient\".\n\n30 Peking, K'ê-hsüeh ch'u-pan shê, 1957.\n\n30", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204402, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "NESTORIAN CROSSES\n\n25\n\n1644, but not seen since then until now! A third, No. 74, is the stone discovered in 1906 and illustrated by Ecke and Demiéville in 1935 (op. cit. Pl. 70b). A fourth stone (No. 74) is similar to these, but not seen before. Mr. Wu, from the style of the carving, judges these four stones to be relics of the Franciscan mission in Ch'üan-chou in Mongol times. A fifth stone (No. 75) with a Latin inscription largely illegible, can clearly be assigned to the Roman church. Dr. John Foster, who published a preliminary paper on these stones in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1954) based on a set of rubbings which he received from China, has deciphered on this stone the name and date of Andrew of Perugia, Bishop of Zayton, who died in A.D. 1326.\n\nIn contrast to these, the twenty stones, Nos. 70 to 89, which include six with Syriac inscriptions, and which for the most part have the characteristic Nestorian Cross with its blossoming ends, can be ascribed to the Nestorians, who evidently had an establishment in the city. One of these Syriac inscriptions (No. 77) is dated A.D. 1349; while two with Mongol inscriptions (Nos. 85, 86) are dated A.D. 1311 and 1324. The remaining seven (Nos. 90 to 96) are slabs for covering tombs engraved with the characteristic Nestorian Cross, reminiscent of those found in Mongolia and Turkestan.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204403, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 35, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "26\n\nCURRENCY PROBLEMS IN A CYCLE OF CATHAY\n\nG. FINDLAY ANDREW, O.B.E.*\n\n44\n\nIn these days of simplified travel, when one may either \"pay as you go\" or travel first and pay later; when the traveller is spoon-fed by agencies and bear-led by travel bureaux, the many difficulties which faced the would-be traveller in the Chinese Empire during the early days of this century are almost entirely forgotten. Not the least of these were the many problems which arose in connection with financing such journeys. I shall only refer to foreign exchange very briefly as my subject has to do with the disbursement of Chinese currency. Suffice to say, in passing, that the sixty years under review has witnessed the pound sterling at $2.90 Mex, and the U.S. $ at sixty cents Mex. at the nadir, through to the astronomical zenith of 1949 when staffs had to be paid in the National currency twice daily and then given time off to spend the money before it deteriorated further.\n\nTo-day the would-be traveller presents himself, hat in hand before the Manager of his bank, arranges an overdraft, converts the proceeds into letters-of-credit or travellers' cheques, then proceeds blissfully upon his way shedding rays of sunshine through the distribution of his \"promises to pay\". This was not so in the days at the turn of the century. Then, the traveller in the interior of China might be able to engage his transport by payment with the native bank draft or gold or silver bullion, but the day by day road expenses had to be paid in the existing common currency of China, the old brass cash—the coin with a square hole in the centre. At that time the issuance of this currency was under the control of the Imperial Throne and new issues were uttered by each fresh monarch, perpetuating his memory by the inscription thereon. The value of the brass cash was based upon the tael of silver and fluctuated with the law of supply and demand. In the larger centres the daily rate of exchange was fixed by the Chamber of Commerce.\n\nBut in the matter of the exchange of silver into cash at the exchange shops there were many vagaries to be taken under\n\n*The author was born in China and was engaged for many years there in welfare work,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204406, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "CURRENCY PROBLEMS\n\n29\n\nMemory calls to mind how that, in 1911, when I rode out of the Minshan range, which lies between the provinces of Kansu and Szechwan, I came out onto the great silk road of the Empire at Kwangyuan and travelled along it to Chengtu. On this road one found the most magnificent hotel accommodation then existent in the Empire. Yet in the best hotel I got the best room, together with all the rice I could eat at the evening meal, for forty cash a night—then the equivalent of about 3 cents U.S. currency!\n\nThis problem of the weight of the brass cash was well exemplified during the relief work I was called upon to direct in 1921 in North West China following the catastrophic earthquake that took place in December 1920. The quakes changed the whole face of nature in some fourteen counties and it became a matter of the utmost importance that we restored communications and set free the dammed up streams before break-throughs could cause flood devastation in the lower reaches of the Yellow River. To this end I had some fifteen thousand men at work in the 14 districts, engaged in this work of vital importance. They were paid on the basis of labour giving relief. On the largest undertaking at a place called Chin-Chiang-Yi I had four thousand eight hundred labourers. Of this number 10% were overseers or foremen gangers and received five hundred, or over, cash per day. The rank and file received a straight four hundred each. This means that the total weight of the cash required to meet a single day's pay on this one undertaking amounted to just over 12 tons deadweight. Something over 35 tons of cash was needed each day to pay the fifteen thousand men. Those were the days before motor transport in that part of the country and with the roads wiped out by the earthquake and pack-animals of all kinds exceedingly scarce the situation soon became impossible. After much thought I decided to put out my own note issue to meet the emergency. This though was easier conceived than executed. Neither paper supplies nor printing facilities were available. Therefore I had wooden blocks carved representing cash denominations of four hundred and five hundred cash. From these impressions were taken on strips of calico. The pull-offs were then oiled to prevent falsification. These notes were used in paying the workers who were able to use them for the purchase of food and necessities. The Chambers of Com-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204408, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "CURRENCY PROBLEMS\n\n31\n\nlifted. This issue was forced upon an unwilling community at the dollar-copper exchange rate, i.e., fifteen hundred cash for one silver dollar. A little more than a year later the issue was redeemed at the rate of one million for one silver dollar. Up to the time of my last visit to that district some twenty years ago, the issue was still referred to as the \"sand plate currency\".\n\nBut as with the brass cash so the copper cash content value soon rose above the market rate and the good old suction pump once again went to work directing the flow of China's coinage into the mills of Nippon. Just at this time, one worthy old ship master, commanding a ship on the berth from Tientsin to Hong Kong and calling at way ports, made a reputation for himself. On the occasion under reference he was seen to be experiencing difficulty on clearing Chefoo harbour. His ship was riding well down by the head and considerable trouble was experienced in heaving the anchor. When the harbour authorities came to the assistance of the ship it was found that the anchor chain locker was so full of copper coins that the anchor chain could not be stowed. To the present day, in certain local circles, the old sea-dog is affectionately referred to as the master of the floating copper mine.\n\n++\n\n+\n\n44\n\n44\n\nAs already stated, the baser currencies of brass and copper were related to the value of silver. Silver bullion circulated in the form of slabs, ingots and \"shoes\". The latter ranged from the one tael shoe especially cast for the distribution of the Imperial bounty (similar to the Maundy Thursday distribution of Royal charity) up to the fifty ounce Hunan Yuan Pao. Banks' bullion storage was usually cast in bars. Not only did the fineness of the silver vary from province to province but there was also a variation in the tael so that inter-provincial accounts required cross-rate computations. Thus the traveller on an extended journey had to carry with him a supply of silver which could be changed along the way to replenish his subsidiary currency for daily expenditure. Here again a problem presented itself for such exchanges could only be effected in quantities and weights for which he had transport facilities. For instance a traveller on horseback could only change a very small piece of silver at a time otherwise the deadweight of the cash would be beyond his means of transport. I remember once being on a horseback journey in the company of a Scot. We had been", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204410, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "CURRENCY PROBLEMS\n\n33\n\ntooth-picks, ear-cleaners, silver dollars from many of the provincial mints and even Russian roubles. We melted the whole mass down, refined the metal losing seventy ounces in weight in the process and recast in ingots of a standard whose increased exchange rate more than compensated for the loss of weight. The child of sycee, the silver dollar, gradually superseded its parent in favour. As far as the memory serves me, the Mexican dollar was the first to come into common circulation on the China coast. Thus for many years the dollar currency in China was designated \"Mex\". The Ching dynasty minted their own dollars and maintained a standard around 71 to 74 tael cents to the dollar. But with the coming of the regional and provincial mints all this was changed and standards varied considerably. One of the earliest war-lord dollars was the Yuan Shih-kai's which maintained a high standard of purity. Deterioration led to confusion of exchange rates and one certain provincial dollar eventually found its level on the common market at half the value of other provincial dollars. Gradually the dollar became the common form of silver currency. One great advantage lay in the fact that the \"dud\" dollar was much more readily spotted than adulterated sycee. There may be some, who, like myself, have been amazed at the dexterity of the Chinese bank teller in detecting spurious dollars by the \"dullness\" of their tinkle.\n\n4\n\nIn the year 1929 I was back in Kansu distributing relief in severe famine areas. This was in the days before there was motor transport in the north-west of China and transport facilities had been decimated by the starvation deaths of man and beast. Added to which, difficulty was added to what transportation was possible by the roving bands of brigands roaming the country in search of food. All usual means of remitting money from the coast were suspended and the only way I could get funds was by issuing letters of credit on my brother in Tientsin. One leading war-lord offered me a remittance of fifty thousand taels of silver provided I would take delivery at his home village, located two and a half days' journey from the provincial capital. By a considerable effort I managed to assemble a caravan of some twenty pack animals. One pack mule will carry three thousand ounces of silver deadweight. With a heavily armed guard we took the trail over the mountains. On the second evening we came to the top of a mountain range and here we", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204413, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "36\n\nG. FINDLAY ANDREW\n\nsilver. The Jenminpiao was a currency of unknown value and its coming inspired me to produce a short doggerel of which, fortunately or otherwise, I can only remember the first verse: ---\n\n\"We miss the clicking-clicking on the broad highway\n\nOf the silver dollars with which the brokers play.\n\nBut we hear the crinkle-crinkle of the jenminpiao\n\nFor we're off the silver dollar and we're on to paper now\n\n**\n\nI have touched upon the various currencies of China during the short six decades I have lived in that country. We have traced the history through from the days of tangible currency values down to the present day of token payment currency. Despite all the difficulties of manipulation, exchange and transportation, which I have presented, mature consideration leads us to the conclusion that there was much more real satisfaction resulting from the handling and possession of the tangible currency coinage of yesterday than of to-day's certificates of promises to pay however artistically embellished they may be.\n\n11\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204414, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "37\n\nTHE BUDDHIST CAREER\n\nA lecture delivered on October 30, 1961\n\nHOLMES WELCH, M.A.\n\nFirst I think I should tell you a little bit about what I have been doing. Last spring I was awarded a grant by the Social Science Research Council to find out how Buddhist monasteries in China used to operate before 1950, what the monks did from day to day, and why. This is a subject on which almost nothing has been published: the best sources of information are the monks themselves. There are about 200 of them in Hong Kong, most of whom are not natives of the Colony, but come from all parts of China: from the northeast, northwest, the central provinces, and the south. Unfortunately all but a few left the mainland ten years ago or more, and their memories are beginning to fade. Furthermore, some are in their seventies or eighties and not only have fading memories, but it is a question how much longer they will be here to talk to. Their knowledge, unless it is recorded now, will be lost to all future students of China. That is one of the reasons I am doing what I am.\n\nIt is not an easy job to interview these monks. First, they speak in a baffling variety of dialects and accents. Second, they find it hard to understand why I should be asking them so many questions. Furthermore, they are not accustomed to answering questions about the practical side of monastic life. They are accustomed to expounding the sutras and the dharma, or Buddhist law. I have done only six months of interviewing so far and many points are still obscure.\n\nMany points are still obscure. What I am giving you today, therefore, is not in the nature of conclusions, but a kind of interim field report.\n\nThe subject of my talk is the Buddhist career. By that I mean the stages that a Buddhist went through in following his religion. Not everyone went through all these stages; in fact, almost no one did. But I shall describe them all, one by one, so that you can see what the possibilities were. I shall disregard the great majority of Chinese, for whom Buddhism was just one\n\nAL.\n\nMr. Holmes Welch is currently engaged in a study of Buddhist organisations in modern China. He is author of a book on the history of the Taoist movement, The Parting of the Way.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204415, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "38\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\nelement of the many-sided popular religion. I shall be talking about the small percentage who were consciously Buddhist.\n\nThe first stage of the Buddhist career was that of a lay devotee, the chü-shih ±. He was someone who was interested in Buddhism, studied it, and perhaps joined a devotees' club, that is, a chu-shih lin ½±✯. There were many such clubs in China, particularly in the large cities. He might attend lectures there once a week, at which an eminent monk would come to talk about the sutras. He might learn from the monk to chant the basic liturgy and to handle the liturgical instruments, the gong, clapper, and so on. He might even learn to expound the sutras himself, although an ordained monk was always supposed to be present to attest to what he said.\n\nThe second stage of the Buddhist career was taking the Refuges, kuei-i. The layman went to a monk and repeated the formula: \"I take refuge in the Buddha, I take refuge in the dharma, I take refuge in the Sangha (i.e., the congregation of monks); and I acknowledge herewith that such and such a monk is my master.\" Afterwards he would get a certificate of this master-disciple relationship. One could take the Refuges over and over again, that is, one could have several masters.\n\n11\n\nThe third stage was to take the Five Vows, shou wu-chieh 1. This was normally done only once, perhaps at a small temple, but more probably at a big monastery in conjunction with an ordination of monks. Sometimes laymen would participate in the very first part of the ordination ceremony, which included the Five Vows, and then they would watch the ordinands go through the rest of it. Taking the Five Vows meant that a Buddhist was probably quite serious about his religion. Specifically it only committed him not to kill, not to steal, not to lie, not to drink wine, and not to indulge in illicit sexual intercourse. But many a layman who had taken the vows would recite a sutra every morning before breakfast in his household shrine, perhaps the Heart Sutra. On the first and fifteenth of the lunar month he would probably abstain from eating meat and he would also fast during the whole of the sixth month. But he was still a layman and likely to remain one.\n\nThe fourth step was to enter the novitiate. This was termed \"leaving home\" ch'u chia. It solemnized the layman's", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204416, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "THE BUDDHIST CAREER\n\n39\n\nintention to become a monk under the auspices of a master (not necessarily the same one with whom he might have taken the Refuges). \"Leaving home\" was a simple ceremony. The layman went to a barber, had his head shaved, except for a patch of hair on top, and repaired to his future master's temple, where he burned some incense and kowtowed first to the Buddha image and then to the master. Thereupon the latter shaved off the remaining patch of hair in the presence of witnesses and at this moment the layman became his disciple. There are several kinds of master-disciple relationships, but when a Buddhist monk speaks simply of his \"master\" or shih-fu, he means his tonsure-master, or t'i-tu en-shih #1824p, that is the one who shaved his head.\n\nBy leaving home he became a novice, or sha-mi, which is the Sanscrit word sramanera (not to be confused with a sha-men, that is, the sramana, or advanced monk). Notice that he had not received the novice's ordination (as he would have at this stage in a Theravadin country), but he was already called a novice and lived as one; that is, he wore a monk's robe, ate vegetarian food, and observed all the Ten Vows. These vows are, besides the first five mentioned above, not to attend theatricals or dancing parties, not to wear perfume or adornment, not to sleep on a high or large bed, not to accept gold or silver, and not to take food after noon (this last prohibition was ignored by most monks in China on the grounds that the climate was too cold). The disciple lived with his tonsure master in the latter's small temple for a period of training that, according to the rules, lasted three years, but was often shorter in practice. He learned not only ritual and liturgy, but also what it was like to be a monk. It was a trial period, from which he could withdraw at any time without embarrassment, and some did withdraw. At the end he was taken by his master to a big public monastery, shih-fang ts'ung-lin, for ordination. If he lived in the north, he might go to the Kuang-chi Ssu in Peking. If he lived in the south, he might go to Pao-hua Shan, which is not far from Nanking. These two were very strict and he could be sure that if he were ordained there, it had been done correctly. At Pao-hua Shan four or five hundred novices would come to be ordained every autumn and in the spring another four or five hundred would come. Sometimes as many as a thousand came", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204417, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "40\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\nand, as there were two hundred monks living on the premises all year round, you can imagine what an enormous place it was. According to the rules, ordination lasted fifty-three days and included an intensive period of study, repentance, and purification, as well as three rites, that is, first the novices' ordination sha-mi chieh; then about ten days later the bhikkhus' ordination pi-ch'iu chieh; and finally the bodhisattvas' ordination, or p'u-sa chieh.\n\nAt the end of the latter, six to eighteen pieces of moxa were placed in two rows on the ordinand's shaven head and set afire. They burned down to the scalp and left permanent scars. If you ever want to tell a monk from a layman, look at his head. If he has the marks, he is a monk. If there are no scars, he may still be a monk, but he was not ordained in China.\n\nOrdination meant a complete break. One no longer had his mother and father, wife and children. One had instead his master and brother disciples. All former responsibilities were dissolved. There was only one responsibility: to seek out salvation with diligence. Ordination was usually irrevocable. A monk could not be released from his vows except for some very good reason, as, for instance, if he were an only son and his parents fell ill. In practice very few monks returned to lay life.\n\nI said at the beginning that one seldom went through all stages of the Buddhist career. Most lay devotees did not go on to become monks; and many monks entered the Sangha without having first taken the Three Refuges or the Five Vows. This happened, for example, in the case of the person who \"left home\" in childhood. Usually he was given to a temple by his parents, sometimes because he had fallen ill and they had made a vow that if he were healed, he would become a monk, sometimes because they were too poor to raise him or took a pessimistic view of human life. I know of one monk, for instance, who was given to a temple when he was ten years old because his father had repeatedly failed his civil service examinations and did not want his son to be exposed to the same disappointments. I can think of another ten-year-old who was literally kidnapped by a wandering mendicant, but who lived to bless him for this act of anomalous charity.\n\n44\n\nSome \"left home\" in their late teens or twenties and of their own volition. They did so for a variety of reasons.\n\nOften", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204418, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "THE BUDDHIST CAREER\n\n+4\n\n41\n\nthey had a relative in the Sangha, an older brother or uncle whom they admired and who urged them to follow in his footsteps. Perhaps they had accompanied their mother when she went to the monastery to worship. They had played in the courtyard and had been impressed by the vast buildings, which were so much finer than the house they lived in. The monks were especially nice to children and told them stories that stimulated their interest in Buddhism. But the reason most often given for entering monastery life is that it was so peaceful ch'ing-ching \" I am not sure yet what is really meant by this, but we should remember that China has been in a turmoil for a century now, during most of which the individual's future has looked rather uncertain. The monastery has offered the hope of a kind of serenity not available elsewhere and it would appear that, although they were young, these people already wanted serenity. In any case, we should not accept the thesis of many Confucian scholars and Christian missionaries that the priesthood was a universally despised profession. This was true in some parts of China, but in other areas monks were much respected. In northern Kiangsu province, for example, it was done to become a monk and there was usually one in every family with three or four sons.\n\nLA\n\nto\n\nIn the last category, we have those who “left home\" in middle age, many of whom had had a lifelong interest in Buddhism. Now they wanted to work harder at religious exercises under optimum conditions, without interruptions and without the demands of family life. Therefore, they turned their backs on wife and offspring.\n\nAll three categories (those who became monks as children, in their youth, and in middle age) came from varying backgrounds. Some were rich, some were poor. Some of those in their twenties were university graduates. Some of the older ones had been successful businessmen, officials, or army officers. One cannot generalize, and I think it is a mistake to believe that most Chinese monks entered the monastery to escape from hunger or from some personal disappointment. This was, of course, the case with many. They were usually the ones who, after the ordination, went back to the small temples where they had trained and led lives of varying sanctity. Those who were more serious and more religiously motivated entered the Meditation Hall, either", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204420, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 52, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "THE BUDDHIST CAREER\n\n43\n\nmeditation. I know of a monk who tried the latter for about a year and a half and then gave up. He changed to T'ien-t'ai meditation, which is somewhat easier. He did this for nine years, but still did not feel that he was getting anywhere, and so for the last eighteen years he has been reciting Buddha's name, which is the practice of the Pure Land sect.\n\nNotice that there was no set career. A monk could meditate; he could recite Buddha's name; he could study. He was not committed to the practice of any one sect. It is as if in the West a Christian could be a Quaker this year, a Roman Catholic next year, and a Baptist the year after, regarding them all as complementary. Much of the Buddhist monk's time, of course, was spent in ritual which was common to all sects: chanting the scriptures morning and evening, rites to celebrate the anniversaries of buddhas and bodhisattvas through the calendar year, masses to release the souls of the dead from hell, prayers for the sick, prayers to avert disaster, and other ceremonies designed to assist the faithful with practical problems of life and death.\n\nThe newly ordained monk was, as I say, supposed to meditate and study for five years after ordination. Study was usually carried on in a seminary. The seminaries (there were about thirty-five of them) were established in the nineteen-twenties as a part of the general revival of Buddhism in China. I shall not go into the seminary curriculum, but it lasted from three to twelve years, depending on how much education the monk had already had. It began with secular subjects (history, mathematics, etc.), and ended with studying how to expound the sutras. Some seminaries had a tough programme: one monk I know got T.B. from overwork.\n\n**\n\nAfter the seminary the next stage of the monk's career was peregrination. I use this word because it properly means making pilgrimages. A monk would start off from the place he had been trained and wander up and down China. He might spend a week in one monastery, a few months in another, many years in a third. But in theory there could be no final settling down.\n\nPeregrination was a hard life, and this was one of the reasons it was considered essential. It rubbed off superficialities—from interest in personal comfort to feelings of self-importance. More than that, it enabled a monk to learn each text and doctrine", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204421, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 53, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "44 \n\nHOLMES WELCH \n\nfrom those who knew them best. The leading exponent of the Lotus Sutra might be living in Kiangsu, the leading exponent of the Surangama Sutra in Manchuria, and so on. One went around the country to the famous monasteries, studying at the feet of the famous masters. One's possessions were all in a bag that theoretically weighed only two and a half catties: bowl, robes, and, most important of all, the ordination certificate—so important that one monk I know keeps his in the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank. The ordination certificate was like a Diners' Club credit card. At any big public monastery anywhere in China, the travelling monk had merely to show it to the head of the Guest Department and, if it was in order, he had to be admitted and he could live there as long as he liked unless he violated a rule for which the penalty was expulsion. Under certain conditions it was not necessary to show his ordination certificate to gain admission. That could wait until he applied for a place in the monastic organisation.\n\nDuring his first weeks in a monastery the travelling monk lived in the yün-shui t'ang or “cloud-water hall” (monks were thought to be as unattached as drifting clouds or running water). Then when the next semester2 began, he would enroll in the Meditation Hall, or the Hall for Reciting Buddha's Name, or some other part of the organisation. In general he ascended by one or both of two ladders, the ladder of religious positions or the ladder of administrative positions. In the Meditation Hall, for example, he might first be an acolyte, then record the sayings of Instructors, then handle the liturgical instruments, and finally become the wei-no or head of the Hall. Though I call him “head,” his position was in fact inferior to the Four Instructors Ssu-ta pan-shou, who, in rotation, taught the monks how to meditate. On the administrative side he might begin as a serving monk. (The famous Hsü-yun spent four years as a water-carrier, as a gardener, and waiting on table). Step by step he could rise to be a chief of a department, perhaps of the abbot's personal office, or later of the Guest Department or the Treasury. There was a theoretical total of forty-eight positions and in a big monastery like Chin Shan they were all filled.\n\n2 The year was divided into two main periods beginning on the 16th of the first moon and the 16th of the seventh moon,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204423, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 55, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "46\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\ngetting certificates in several sects. Only the more serious monks had dharma certificates,\n\nThe difficulty of finding people willing to serve meant that many an abbot had to go on serving for decades. He had corresponding difficulties in finding officers to work under him. He appointed all the department heads himself, while they might appoint the personnel of their respective departments. But everyone was at liberty to refuse to serve, and many did. They too wanted to devote themselves to religious exercises and not to be bothered with the work of the monastery. So, when the abbot asked someone to be head of a department, he would do so with a deep bow, to show that he was making a plea and not giving a command. I have often heard it said that the right spirit, the true monastic spirit, was to serve when and where needed, because if competent people refused to do so, the monastery would fall apart. I know of a monk, for instance, who was the abbot of one well-known institution and then went elsewhere as a mere tang-chia, or Manager. I have heard of another who was the shou-tsoo Senior Instructor in a big monastery—a most exalted position—and then became its cook. This happened because the monk who had been supervising the kitchen had no talent for it, and the Senior Instructor was the only person competent to bring about a real improvement.\n\nIn the course of the years, while a monk was ascending the monastery hierarchy, he probably acquired a small temple, either from his own master or from a fellow disciple. Whereas a big public monastery could not, according to the rules, be handed on to the tonsure disciple of the retiring abbot, the head of a small temple, who usually owned it personally, almost always handed it on to one of his \"tonsure disciples,\" who might by that time be an officer of a big monastery. Thus many monks led two careers in parallel, one in a small temple and one in a big monastery. There were thousands of small temples in China—about 270,000 according to a survey made in 1930. Each had a few monks, sometimes two or three, sometimes as many as ten. Their life was very relaxed. There was no organised meditation, no morning and evening chanting of scriptures.*\n\nThe monks who lived there could come and go as they pleased\n\n* Except on the first and the fifteenth of the lunar month and throughout the last lunar month.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204427, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "50 \n\nT. Y. LI \n\nThe seal originated from jade tablets used by the Emperor and members of his Court in religious rituals. Later, seals were used to seal articles in the same way as we use sealing-wax nowadays. The only difference is that in those days, a ball of clay was used to receive the impression made by a seal. Writings on slips of wood or bamboo were bundled and sealed. Valuables were placed in a sack which was tied by string and again sealed in the same way. Naturally, these seals had to be small. Paper or silk for writing was not in popular use until long after the Han period (206 B.C.-221 A.D.), and it was then that vermilion ink was first used for seals. This practice has continued to the present day. \n\nThe Ancient Seals. \n\nThe so-called ancient seals were discovered at a much later period. They were thought to belong to the Chou Dynasty (1122-221 B.C.), or possibly earlier, but there is a lack of historical evidence to support it. The form of this class of seal is most variable. The size ranges from a fraction of an inch to a few inches square. The shape is mostly square, but many odd and strange shapes are also found. The engraving may be intaglio or relief. Many characters are difficult to decipher. The matrix was of bronze, though a few were of jade. The decorations are simple but elegant. They are the \"platform\" or \"nose\" type with an \"eye\" or \"hole\" provided for a cord to go through it. \n\nSubsequently, in the late Chou or Warring States Period (481-221 B.C.), a type known as Small Seals is found. The size is usually about one inch square. The shape may be oblong, oval, or round. The style of engraving is either intaglio or relief. Many characters are difficult to read because during the Warring States Period, each feudal state developed their own writing, and these were afterwards prohibited by the Emperor of the Chin Dynasty (221-206 B.C.). Hence, they became obsolete. However, their style is delicate, graceful, and well-balanced. They are all made of bronze with simple decoration, as in the ancient seals. \n\nAfter the First Emperor of the Chin Dynasty united the feudal states (221-206 B.C.), China was once more under one Government. Great reforms were carried out in many things, among which was the standardization of Chinese characters. A form known", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204433, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "54\n\nSOME OF CHINA'S THIRTY-FIVE MILLION NON-CHINESE\n\nA lecture delivered on January 15, 1962\n\nHEROLD J. WIENS, M.A., PH.D.*\n\nThe title of this paper indicates the existence in China of enough people, fundamentally of non-Chinese origin, to be equal to the population of Korea, Poland, or Mexico. Before discussing them, however, it is necessary to define the term Chinese. At least two definitions may be acceptable: one is that Chinese are citizens of the territory constituting China as a state; the other is more restricted and applies to that unique cultural group known as the \"Sons of Han\" which evolved the ideographic Chinese writing, which has a recorded history and literature of several thousand years, and whose ethical character has been epitomized in the teachings of Confucius. They constitute ninety-five per cent of the people of China, but there remain five per cent who do not derive from the cultural heritage of the Han, but whose ancestors occupied areas north, west and south of the Yellow river heartland of the Han people. These speak different languages, practice different customs, wear different habits and often make their livelihood in different manners from those of the Han. Recent classifications show at least fifty different such ethnic groups in China. This talk, however, is concerned with only the groups in south and southwest China where about twenty-five of the approximately thirty-five million people in the non-Han classification dwell.\n\nIf we examine the historical ethnography of China at the time of Confucius, we find that the Yangtze valley and China south of it belonged not to the Han but to the non-Han peoples. By this time, however, many of the occupants of the Yangtze valley had to a greater or lesser degree become acculturated to Han-Chinese ways. A fief holder of the Chou emperor who was \"barbarian\" whose descendant became the king of the state of Ch'u in the central Yangtze valley was proud to declare:\n\n* Dr. Wiens has spent many years in China. He is Associate Professor of Geography, Yale University, and has specialized in geographic studies of Southern China. Author of China's March Towards the Tropics. He spent the academic year 1961-62 as a visiting lecturer at the University of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204434, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "CHIN-SHA R.\n\nMEKONG R.\n\nSALWEEN\n\n104\n\nCHIA\n\n708\n\nZI\n\nTANG TZE\n\nYAO\n\n21:20\n\nYAC\n\nSPOL\n\nPAI\n\n...\n\nTA\n\nY\n\nTA/LARVA\n\nYI\n\nVUA TÂY HÀNH TÀI\n\nAN\n\n#\n\n#.\n\nMUL\n\nMIA\n\nTA\n\nMIAO\n\nY:\n\n...\n\nMIAO\n\nMITAC\n\nMIAO\n\nYIMIAO\n\nMIA\n\nHUL KELAQS\n\nPUAY!\n\nMIAO\n\nSHAMMAD Y40\n\nAMA\n\nMIAO\n\nZKK\n\nTUACHIA\n\nTUNG'AQ\n\n...\n\nYAO\n\nTUNG\n\nMIAO\n\nCHUANG\n\nYAO\n\nHUANG\n\nCHUANO\n\nBURMA\n\n**1\n\nWe are Man barbarians and have nothing to do with Chinese titles\". Actually, these \"barbarians\" were proud enough to bear Chinese titles later, but this statement in the Eighth Century B.C. showed what manner of people occupied the Yangtze valley at this date.\n\n1 Friedrich Hirth, The ancient history of China to the end of the Chou dynasty, New York, 1908, 120-123.\n\nBURMA\n\nTHAILAND\n\n\"NAM\n\nSHANGHAI\n\nSHA\n\n971\n\nSHONGKONG\n\nCHINA'S 35 MILLION NON-CHINESE\n\nTAIWAN\n\nISLAND\n\nKAO-3\n\nNYNHVH)\n\n...\n\nI\n\nISLAND\n\nDISTRIBUTION OF NON-HAN ETHNIC GROUPS\n\nIN SOUTH CHINA\n\n500\n\n17\n\nKMS.\n\nK. WIENS\n\n55", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204435, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "56\n\nHEROLD J. WIENS\n\nContact between the Han and non-Han resulted in the gradual acculturation of the lesser to the superior culture, and military conquest hastened the overwhelming of the lesser cultures in the kind of areas in which the Han were interested in settling, chiefly lowland valley farming regions. Into the poorer mountain lands of south China the Han found small reason at first to penetrate, and these were left to the mountain tribesmen whose ancestors occupied the land before the coming of the Han.\n\nThe history-conscious Han people left records of their contacts and conflicts with the non-Han peoples in all parts of China, so that we can find the names of some 800 ethnic groups, or, rather, 800 names of ethnic groups with whom the Han came into contact in the course of their expansion from the Yellow river heartland. Many of these names no doubt were of identical groups recorded at different times by different people. The brief notices revealing the ethnic characteristics of these groups were sufficient to allow their classification by later students into larger common tribes. An especially useful study of these groupings was made by Professor William Eberhard, presently of the University of California, Berkeley.2\n\nOf these 300 odd ethnic groups, Professor Eberhard found that only eighty were met with in north China; 290 were found in south China and 345 were found in southwest China. The small percentage found in north China probably reflects both the topography and the climate of the north. The dry climate of the northern peripherals of China restricted livelihood and population number, whereas the grasslands and plains reduced isolated ethnic evolution and developed a greater degree of intermixture and homogeneity than in the south. Similarly, the south China hills and valleys are less isolating than the high mountains and deep gorgelands of the southwest, so that less ethnic variety is found in the south than in the southwest. Thus, cultural diversity appears to reflect the topographic character of the land.\n\nProfessor Eberhard recognized that, with the beginning of history in south and southwest China, there were four major cultural groupings in southwest China and three major and six\n\n2 William Eberhard, Kultur und Siedlung der Randvölker China (The culture and settlement distribution of the peripheral peoples of China), T'oung Pao, Supplement to Vol. 36, Leiden, 1942.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204436, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "CHINA'S 35 MILLION NON-CHINESE\n\n57\n\nminor groupings in south China. In the southwest were the Ch'iang, the Fan (properly read Po), the Wu-man14 (who include the Yi, Lolo, Norsu, etcetera), and a fourth group of poorly differentiated tribes. In the south were the Austronesian Tai or Thai, the Yao and TanE, and the Liao#. The six subsidiary groups he considered derived from intermixtures and cultural overlays. These include the Miao (descendants of the Fan or Po), the Ch'i-lao or K'e-lao2 of the southwest plateau lands, the Pae of Szechwan, the Pai-man of the Ta-li✯ plain in west Yunnan, the Li of Hainan Island, and the Yueh centered on the Canton delta in early times.\n\nAlthough, in general, the historical movement of the non-Han people of central and south China has been southward in the face of the constantly expanding pressures of the Han from the north, the migratory paths of some of the chief ethnic groups within south China are interesting to note. Four of these groups of present importance are the Miao, the Yao, the Yi or Wu-man, and the Tai.\n\nSince the Miao are high mountain dwellers, their migration routes generally have followed mountain ranges where they could practice their fire-field or forest-burning, shifting type of cultivation and semi-nomadic pastoral herding. The Miao, apparently derived from the Fan or Po of the west Szechwan mountain lands, migrated slowly eastward along the Ta-pae and Ch'in-ling ranges and down into the Tung-t'ing lake region after traversing the Wu mountains of the Yangtze Gorges. Here they must have established themselves for a long time and acquired the name Ching Man# or the Barbarians of the Ching (Tung-t'ing Lake) region.\n\nThe Miao then spread southward in several directions, but especially into the west Hunan and east Kweichow regions among the tributaries of the Yuan river from which they acquired the name Wu-ch'i* (Five Streams) Barbarians. They became further dispersed during various dynastic struggles among the Han and especially during the Sung and Mongol struggles. The Manchu and their Han Chinese forces during the Ch'ing dynasty dispersed them further in many bloody battles with the Miao. Today the Miao have sought refuge not only in the more", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204437, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "58\n\nHEROLD J. WIENS\n\nmountainous regions of south China but also across the southern borders in Burma, Laos and Vietnam.\n\nThe Yao, like the Miao, also are mountain-loving people, but appear to have originated as ethnic groups in the hill country of east-central China, in such regions as the present provinces of Anhwei, Chekiang and Kiangsu. They were here as early as Chinese records mention them, but they appear to have gradually abandoned these areas, as Han-Chinese settlement increased in density, and friction over land and other matters led the Yao to seek more isolated mountains. Since they were like the Miao in their type of fire-field or forest-burning, shifting cultivation, they inevitably came into close contact with the Miao and have many cultural features in common with the Miao. Elements of the language also appear similar. Some Chinese ethnographers have considered the Wu-ch'i Man a Yao rather than a Miao group, and others believe them to have common origins. This confusion is probably due to strong Mon Khmer influences originating from India and Southeast Asia in the earliest times.\n\n4\n\nOne of the supporting arguments for the common origin of Yao and Miao is the common cult attached to the dog and the tiger. The Yao trace their ancestry mythically to the union of a princess with a supernatural dog-hero called P'an-hu. Yao myths trace their movement southward from both the central Yangtze valley regions and from the Chekiang-Fukien mountains. Folk songs of the Yao indicate further that they crossed over the Nan-ling mountains in great numbers during the period of Huang-ch'ao's rebellion in the reign of the T'ang Emperor Hsi-Tsung (A.D. 874-889),4\n\nWhen the Miao moved into the Kweichow region in the earliest times, they probably found the Yi or Wu-man peoples already in occupation of western Kweichow. The Yi certainly preceded the Han in this part of China, and the Han Chinese have known of the Yi in their present habitats in southwest China for over 2,500 years. The peculiar manner in which the\n\n* Chiang Ying-liang, Hsi-nan pien-chiang min-tsu lun-ts'ung (A discussion of the peoples of the southwest borderlands), Canton, 1948, 74-79; see also Ling Shun-sheng and Jui Yi-fu, Hsiang-hsi Miao-tsu t'iao-cha pao-kao (Report of research on the Miao of west Hunan), Academia Sinica, Shanghai, 1947.\n\n4 Hsu Sung-shih, Yueh-chiang liu-yü jen-min (The peoples of the Yueh river drainage), Shanghai, 1939, 130-135.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204438, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "CHINA'S 35 MILLION NON-CHINESE\n\n59\n\nmen among these people shape their hair into a single forward-pointing horn has not changed since the time of the Later Chou (A.D. 951-960), an amazing adherence to a cultural trait that must have had a deep-seated significance now possibly lost in the mist of antiquity. According to Eric von Eickstedt, the Lolo legends, their sphere of economy and their language and culture point unquestionably to the northeastern part of the Tibetan high plateaus as their early habitat. This would be the area of eastern Chinghai Province.\n\nInstead of moving eastward as the Miao did, the Yi moved southward to their stronghold region of the Ta-liang mountains in the southwest of Szechwan. From here they appear to have spread eastward along the Ta-liang mountains and the western part of the Nan-ling mountains into Kweichow, as well as southward into the Yunnan plateau. Although the earliest habitats of the Yi are shrouded in mystery, their European-type features and pastoral traditions point to at least a Central Asiatic origin. Fiercely warlike, they have created a much larger Yi cultural sphere by capture and enslavement and ultimate absorption of numerous other peoples, Han and non-Han, to their language and way of life. Strongly caste-conscious, the noble clans have maintained a racial purity distinguished from the lower castes of assimilated or enslaved people. The former are known as Black-bone Yi, the latter White-bone Yi. At least until 1950 the Black-bone Yi in their Ta-liang mountain strongholds continued to exercise virtually exclusive control over their own affairs.*\n\nIn contrast to the Miao, Yao and Yi, all of whom are fond of the cooler climates of the high mountains, the T'ai ethnic groups all are addicted to lowland, streamside valley locations. Since they occupied a much more productive type of land, they were able to develop a superior type of economy and a stronger type of political organization. Thus, we find that the T'ai have historically been great state-builders, from the period when they occupied the entire Yangtze valley to their present seat of power in Thailand. They are no doubt among the earliest occupants\n\n* Eric von Eickstedt, Rassendynamik von Ostasien (Race dynamics of Eastern Asia), Berlin, 1944, 175-176.\n\n* Lin Yuch-hua, Liang-shan Yi-chia (The Yi people of the Liang mountains), Commercial Press, Shanghai, 3-5, 9, 13.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204439, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 71, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "60\n\nHEROLD J. WIENS\n\nof south China that have evolved a significant culture. But precisely because of this and because they occupied irrigable valley lands, the Han Chinese came into conflict with them. Moreover, because of superior culture, technology and number, the Han gradually took over the T'ai states of the Yangtze valley and assimilated their populations. Those among the T'ai leadership who escaped Han political and cultural conquests were the ones who led their following in migration away from the front of contact. The direction of this slow historical flight was southward and southwestward,\n\nBefore the Han Chinese conquest under the Ch'in dynasty (Third century B.C.), south China contained 6-8 large T'ai states. In Szechwan the T'ai state of Shu was centered on the present provincial capital of Ch'eng-tu. The Pa state was centered at Chungking. In the central and lower Yangtze region were the T'ai states of Ch'u and Wu respectively. The T'ai state of Nan-yueh included such areas as the Canton delta and the Red river delta of Tongking. In Fukien were the Pai-yueh, sometimes politically centralized at Foochow. All of these were absorbed into the political body of China during the 400 years of the Han dynasties. Sinicization, however, took many more centuries and reached its greatest flowering in the Canton delta region during the T'ang period. West of this region in the Yunnan-Kweichow plateaus, however, a Sinicized T'ai power lingered on through the T'ang and Sung periods in the state of Nan-chao, at times strong enough to pose threats to the stability of the T'ang empire. The successor to this state, Ta-li, withered under the Mongol onslaught directed by Kublai Khan, and T'ai political genius moved across the southern borders of Yunnan into the Mon-Khmer cultural sphere in the basin of the Chao Phya river where it evolved the present state of Thailand.\n\n7\n\nT'ai autonomy within southwest China continued in smaller units in the lake and river basins of Yunnan near the Burma borders until the Communist conquest of China. The reasons for the extended freedom from close Han Chinese control over the southwest include the rough topography of the region with agriculture restricted to small basins or primitive self-sufficiency\n\nCh'en Pi-sheng, T'ien-pien san-yi (Reflections on the Yunnan borderlands), Chungking, 1941, 21-24.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204440, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "CHINA'S 35 MILLION NON-CHINESE\n\n61\n\ntype shifting-cultivation of mountain slopes. Food supplies were restricted and commissary problems for military or administrative organizations here were large. The inducements to Han conquest were small, whereas the costs of conquest and military occupation were relatively large. The Han were in the main content to set up or permit local chieftains to operate with little interference except when Han interests were too much affected or when uprisings against Han oppression required pacification. The system of local rule described by the term \"T'u-ssu\" institution evolved into a system of petty hereditary kings holding commissions or warrants from the imperial government, or the central government in republican times, to rule their areas. In general, these areas have today become the nuclei of the so-called \"autonomous regions\" or \"autonomous districts\" of the Chinese Communists. However, there is much less autonomy in these areas than in the pre-Communist period.\n\n44\n\nL\n\nR\n\nWhat are some of the ethnic characteristics that set off one group from another among the chief non-Han peoples discussed in the preceding paragraphs? The Miao and Yao both share the semi-nomadic fire-field type of mountain agriculture except where their Sinicization has caused them to become entirely sedentary in the Han type of farming. Both engage in hunting, gathering and some lumbering to supplement their livelihood. The Miao are more likely than the Yao to do some herding of goats or cattle on the poor grasses of south China. Their crops are upland (dry-land) rice, maize, wheat and buckwheat.\n\nIn social organization, neither Yao nor Miao have strong tribal organizations traditionally, and there are no ruling classes. Both are patriarchal systems, with the Miao having a strong ancestral cult. Both share the dog and tiger cult. Among the Yao, at the end of the year there are ceremonies with masked participants for driving out evil spirits from the home and settlement localities. The Miao may or may not bury their dead in coffins, the Yao generally do. Freedom in sex and love between girls and boys prevails until their marriage, which is of their own choosing rather than through middlemen or marriage arrangers. Marriage among the Yao takes place after the first child is born. Among\n\n* Yu Yi-tse, Chung-kuo t'u-ssu chih-tu (China's T'u-ssu system), Chung-king, 1944,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204442, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 74, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "CHINA'S 35 MILLION NON-CHINESE\n\n63\n\nAmong the Wu-man or Yi people, settlement tends to be more sedentary than among the Miao and Yao, although where forests existed, fire-field cultivation also has been practised. Dry-land crops such as corn, buckwheat, wheat, barley, beans and (since its relatively recent introduction) white potatoes are the main crops. In the higher altitude, horses, sheep and cattle, including yak, are raised on the grasslands. Hunting and fishing are practised where feasible. The material culture includes wooden houses with shingle or slat roofs, but traditionally, beds are on the floors with skin or felt bedding. Clothes of felt or coarse wool accompany the use of leather shoes and leggings. The hair of the noble men (Black-bone) is worn in a forward pointing horn. The beard is plucked out. Weapons include cross-bows, shields, armour, bows, swords and lances. As with the Tibetans, the Yi use milk, butter and tea.12\n\nThe Yi possess their own writing, but the written language has been used mainly for religious or superstitious purposes rather than for ordinary communications. Sorcery is a strong part of their religion, and animal sacrifices are made in connection with it. Divination is accomplished through the use of plant stalks. In the social organization are signs of an early matriarchal system which is reflected in the significant status of women in Yi society. A caste system of nobility and commoners differentiates them from most other non-Han tribes of southwest China.13\n\nAn interesting amplification of the Yi social system as well as those of the Wa or K'a-wa † and Ching-p'o 景颇 is provided by Alan Winnington14 who purportedly travelled under Chinese Communist auspices in western Yunnan in 1956. Although the book parrots the Communist line in making overmuch of Communist achievements and in vilifying the Kuomintang handling of the minorities problems, there is much useful information if the reader is careful to discard the chaff. The purported intention of the writer was to investigate slavery and this no doubt limited his observations of tribal society. Concerning the Black-bone Yi, Winnington found that, without a central administration among them, each family was a law unto itself. Nevertheless,\n\n12 Ibid., 50.\n\n13 Ibid.\n\n14 Alan Winnington, Slaves of the Cool Mountains, Lawrence and Wishart, Ltd., London, 1959.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204444, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 76, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "CHINA'S 35 MILLION NON-CHINESE \n\n65 \n\nwas contrary to the intention of the cadres. The distribution of confiscated animals among the slaves and bondsmen was at first regarded as a glorious opportunity to have a religious splurge of sacrifices and feasting instead of an investment for production. Sacrifices are required to placate the various spirits that were thought responsible for every evil and ill, from accidents to rheumatism.\n\nWinnington found that the Wa or K'a-wa of southwest Yunnan represent a different society, although Hsi-meng district to which he was taken by his Communist Chinese hosts lies only in the fringes of the Wa territory and may not be entirely representative. The Wa inhabit both sides of the south Yunnan-Burma borders and are divided into the \"wild Wa\" and the Wa tamed by contact with Burmese or Chinese civilizations. The \"wild Wa\" in British Burma in 1935 were still addicted to headhunting, both on other Wa and on non-Wa people coming into or living near their village areas.15 A Chinese account of the \"wild Wa\" on the Yunnan side related the headhunting to efforts to ensure good harvests. In any event, the \"wild Wa\" decorated the approaches to their thorn-fence walled-village with a double column of skulls mounted on posts. A person entered their territory at his peril.\n\nIn the Sinicized northern part of the Wa territory there is a transition zone of intermixed hill Shan, La-hu and other mountain people as well as of Wa. Slavery here is practised in a very relaxed form, according to Winnington. Slaves constitute only about five per cent of the villagers as compared with over 90 per cent of the population in the Black-bone country. A slave suffers no social discrimination among the villagers and takes part in village and clan ceremonies open to other villagers. He can marry whom he pleases, and when the new couple sets up separate housekeeping, the master is bound by tradition to help them on pain of community criticism for failure to do so. Such a marriage virtually ends the slavery status, although the slave is expected to make payments to his master until his price is paid for.\n\n1 Great Britain Treaty Series No. 80 (1947), Exchange of notes concerning the Burma-Yunnan boundary, 18th June 1941, London, 1947, 4.\n\n16 Li Sheng-chuang, Yün-nan ti-yi chih-pien chü-yü nei chih jen-chung l'iao-cha (Research into the ethnic groups within the First Border Settlement District of Yunnan), Researches on the Yunnan Frontier Problems, Kunming, 1933, 194.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204446, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "CHINA'S 35 MILLION NON-CHINESE\n\n67\n\na house or open a field. But afterwards I forget it. You are not obliged to do the same for me. You don't owe me anything. What grows on my land is mine, but you are welcome to come and eat it as my guest. We never heard of dividing the crop equally and giving people who work harder more grain. Counting work done seemed nonsense to us and rather unfriendly.”\n\nWhat irked the cadres in addition was the inefficiency of the primitive economy and light-hearted attitude toward mutual help in which, it seems, the Ching-p'o were already adept. This was a communal system which had its appeal, but the Ching-p'o operated it in a manner not approved by the cadres. Among the Ching-p'o nobody apparently believed in debts. As long as someone in the vicinity had food, no one went hungry. One merely went calling on the person who had food. When a family which ran out of food went to eat with another family until that one ran out of food there appeared to be no thought of debt or payment involved.\n\nThe Ching-p'o also found that it was a lot more fun to get up a work party to do a job cooperatively than to do it individually. When a Ching-p'o needed help, he merely made a large crock of rice wine or beer and invited other families to help him drink it and to give him a hand with the job to be done. There was no payment for the labour contributed nor had the host any feeling of obligation to return labour in kind. Nevertheless, since most Ching-p'o usually are quite ready for a social party, with or without work, formal sense of obligation is not required to get up a work party of neighbours.\n\nThe foregoing sections giving us some notion of the great variety of interesting differences that exist among China's non-Han ethnic groups. To complete our picture, we should also examine the present numbers and distribution of the non-Han peoples in southern and southwest China. No one knows what the history of tribal demography has been in southern China. Without writing, these peoples have left no written records of population numbers at different times. Han Chinese records only vaguely provide clues of relative sizes of populations. It is difficult, therefore, even to speculate rationally on whether the non-Han peoples have increased or decreased during the last century. Where acculturation and Sinicization have been strongly effected,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204447, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "68\n\nHEROLD J. WIENS\n\npeople of tribal ancestry often have been registered as Han rather than as Miao, Yao or Yi.17\n\nOn the other hand, from the viewpoint of livelihood of traditional type, the mountain dwellers' habitat has been shrinking with time. Since the shifting fire-field mountain farmer requires a forest of some sort to burn to provide the necessary ashes to fertilize the sterile and thin soils of mountain slopes, the destruction of forests on an increasing scale necessarily shrinks the space for his cycle of operation. As Han Chinese population has increased, it has moved deeper and deeper into the mountain ravines, forcing the non-Han mountaineer into lesser space. This would tend to accelerate the re-use of land in shifting cultivation abandoned during an earlier part of the cycle and leaves less time for new forests to regrow. Ultimately, mature trees for restocking the mountains become depleted so that only coarse grass, ferns and shrubs cover the slopes. Today, some ninety to ninety-five per cent of south China hill lands are denuded of forests and are unsuitable for the mountain farmers' type of shifting cultivation. The basis for support of tribal peoples such as the Miao and Yao would have decreased with time, and so, presumably, has affected the size of their populations.\n\nThis restriction of their habitat no doubt has had its influence in causing the Miao and Yao as well as other mountain peoples of south China to cross the southern frontiers into adjoining countries of Southeast Asia where forests are still abundant in the mountains.\n\nTable I lists the populations of the fifty ethnic groups listed by the 1953 census on mainland China as reported by Fang Jen.18 These groups together with later revisions have been analyzed by S. I. Bruk, a Soviet ethnographer, in a short monograph accompanying a two-sheet map of ethnographic groups in China on a scale of 1:5,000,000. The following account is largely based upon this map and accompanying monograph.\n\n17 Kuei-yang Chung-yang Jih-pao, Hsin Kuei-chou kai-k'uang (The development of new Kuei-chou), Kuei-yang, 1944, 280.\n\n18 Fang Jen, Wo-kuo shao-su-min-tsu ti jen-k'ou yü fen-pu (The populations and distribution of our national minorities), Ti-li chih-shih (Geographical Knowledge), Vol. 9, No. 6, (July, 1958), 258-259.\n\n19 Solomon I. Bruk, Naseleniye Kitaya, MNR i Korei (Peoples of China, Mongolian People's Republic and Korea) Moscow, 1959, (as translated by the United States Joint Publications Research Service, No. 3710, 16 August, 1960, Washington, D.C.).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204448, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "CHINA'S 35 MILLION NON-CHINESE\n\n69\n\nTable II lists the numbers of people in each ethnic group distributed by provinces in south and central China. In brief, the T'ai-related groups lead with some 10 million people at present. They are followed by the Tibeto-Burman related group with some 8.4 million, followed by the Miao-Yao related group with about 3.4 million. The greatest concentration of minorities in any one group is among the Chuang in the Tai group. The Chuang live in a compact body numbering some seven million in Kwangsi. The Miao, however, are the most widely distributed of all ethnic groups, being found in significant numbers in every province of south and central China except Kiangsi, although their chief strength is in Kweichow. Yunnan, by all odds, is the most complex province ethnically. Of the 30 national minorities listed by the Census for 1953, some twenty-four are found in Yunnan. This Census apparently may need considerable revision when the minorities are scrutinized more closely. Thus, it listed only 90,000 so-called T'u-chia, which was proclaimed to be a newly discovered ethnic group hitherto confused with Han Chinese and Miao because of their degrees of acculturation. A personal check by Fang Jen revealed over 300,000, and a still more detailed check in subsequent years disclosed that actually these were 549,000 that should be so classified and, from their original cultural traits, they belonged in the Yi-related group. They occupy an area in northwest Hunan.\n\n44\n\nThe Yi comprise so many sub-groups under different names (there are 40 sub-tribes in Yunnan alone) that confusion is understandable. In northwest Yunnan such sub-groups of the Yi as the Na-khi or Na-hsi and Li-su live in the region between the great bends of the Chin-sha river and the Burma border. In the western part of this region are the Nu, Tu-lung, and Ching-p'o, occupying parts of the Salween and Mekong drainage of north Yunnan. Farther south in the drainages of these rivers are the related La-hu and A-ch'ang. The Pai people, in a solid bloc on the plain of Erh Hai (Lake Erh), have been thought by some writers, including this one, to be a T'ai-related people, but are listed by Bruk as a Yi sub-group. In the west bank region of the Red river of Yunnan are the sub-group known as the Han-yi. The Yi proper are scattered over the three southwestern provinces,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204450, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "CHINA'S 35 MILLION NON-CHINESE\n\n71\n\nbeen pushed into the higher mountain districts and are surrounded by Han or T'ai people in the lower valleys.\n\nThe chief Yao concentration is in the border mountains where Hunan, Kwangsi and Kwangtung come together. In Kwangsi they form a compact group in the Yao Mountains. According to Bruk, only a third of the Yao still speak the Yao language; the other two-thirds are said to have adopted one or the other of the Miao, Tung, Chuang or Han Chinese languages. Of the Miao-Yao group, but set somewhat farther apart culturally by time, is the She cultural group which mostly are in the east coast provinces but consider themselves to have come from Kwangsi. All except about 3,000 of the 151,000 She are in Fukien and Chekiang, the most compact settlement region being Ching-ning district in southern Chekiang, in which about a third of the total number reside.\n\nAside from whatever problem the minorities constitute to the controlling Han Chinese, their occupation of the frontier regions of south and southwest China give them a peculiar significance. Many of them inhabit blocs of territory overlapping the international boundaries. With the development of national consciousness, especially in periods of real or imagined oppression by governments not of their own choosing on one side or the other of the border, resentments tend to be reflected in desires for pan-national or pan-ethnic consolidation. Trouble on one side of the border leads to easy flight across the border to receptive and related peoples on the other side. This also works for criminal elements wishing to escape from police authority in their home territory. Frontier smuggling and banditry require the cooperative effort of friendly neighbour states, but are hard to deal with when neither side exercises effective control in the isolated, sparsely-settled frontiers of southwest China. International grievances over minority peoples in the past have been numerous between former British-controlled Burma and China.\n\n21\n\nWithin China, the ethnic character of its southwest clearly indicates its frontier aspects. This is a region of clashing cultures in various stages of peaceful or compulsory Sinicization. Today the acculturation process is being greatly accelerated by the\n\nChang Hu, T'eng-yueh pien-ti chuang-k'uang chi chih-nien ch'u-yin (A discussion of the situation in the T'eng-yueh frontiers and of their control), Yunnan Frontier Research, Kunming, 1933, 321-322.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204451, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "72\n\nHEROLD J. WIENS\n\naggressive push of Chinese Communist socialism. Whatever new syntheses will emerge, it is likely that much of what is unique in traditional customs, dress and social systems will soon disappear forever. Some, such as the slave-system of the Yi Black-bone, will be mourned by few; other aspects may be regretted.\n\nCultures appear to be relatively static when geographical isolation prevails. With present-day increasing improvement of communications, the deepest isolations are being penetrated. Whether the changes be for the good or bad of the small national groups of China, there is no turning back the hand of time. Even Communist indoctrination of a backward tribal society inevitably must bring increases in literacy, improvements in sanitation and medical care and increase in technological knowledge and production, although freedom and happiness may suffer. A final lamentable aspect for the interested observer of ethnography and culture, however, is the inevitable decrease in the variety of the intricate combinations we call cultures, and the substitution of a rather dull uniformity in the fascinating territory of China.\n\nTables I and II are printed on the following pages.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204452, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "CHINA'S 35 MILLION NON-CHINESE\n\nTABLE 1\n\n73\n\nCHINA'S MINORITY POPULATIONS IN ORDER OF SIZE,\n\n1. Chuang\n\n2. Wei-wu-erh (Uighur)\n\n3. Hui (Dungan)\n\n4. Yi (Lolo, etc.)\n\n1953\n\n5. Tsang (Tibetan)\n\n6. Miao\n\n7. Man (Manchu)\n\n8. Meng-ku (Mongol)\n\n9. Pu-yi\n\n10. Ch'ao-hsien (Korean)\n\n11. Tung\n\n12. Yao\n\n13. Pai (Pai-man)\n\n14. Ha-sa-k'e (Kazakh)\n\n15. Ha-ni\n\n16. T'ai\n\n17. Li\n\n18. Li-su\n\n19. Tu-chia\n\n20. She\n\n21. K'a-wa (Wa)\n\n22. Kao-shan (Malay-Polynesian)\n\n23. Tung-hsiang\n\n24. Na-hsi (Na-khi)\n\n25. La-hu\n\n26. Shui\n\n27. Ching-p'o (Singpho, Kachin)\n\n28. Ko-erh-k'e-tzu (Kirghiz)\n\n29. T'u (Mongor)\n\n30. Ta-kuan-erh (Daghor)\n\n31. Mo-lao\n\n32. Ch'iang\n\n33. Pu-lang (Palaung)\n\n34. Sa-la (Salar)\n\n35. Ngo-lo-ssu (Russian)\n\n36. K'e-lao\n\n37. Hsi-po (Sipo)\n\n38. Mao-nan\n\n39. A-chang\n\n40. T'a-chi-k'e (Tadjik)\n\n41. Wu-tzu-pieh-k'e (Uzbek)\n\n42. Nu\n\n43. T'a-t'a-erh (Tatar)\n\n44. O-wen-k'e (Evenki)\n\n45. Pao-an\n\n46. Yü-ku (Sara Uighur)\n\n47. Peng-lung\n\n48. Tu-lung\n\n...\n\n7,000,000\n\n3,640,000\n\n3,559,000\n\n3,250,000\n\n2,775,000\n\n2,511,000\n\n2,418,000\n\n1,463,000\n\n1,247,000\n\n1,120,000\n\n712,000\n\n665,000\n\n567,000\n\n509,000\n\n481,000\n\n478,000\n\n360,000\n\n317,000\n\n300,000 *\n\n286,000\n\n210,000\n\n200,000\n\n155,000\n\n143,000\n\n139,000\n\n133,000\n\n101,000\n\n70,000\n\n53,200\n\n44,100\n\n43,100\n\n35,600\n\n35,000\n\n30,600\n\n22,600\n\n20,800\n\n19,000\n\n18,400\n\n17,700\n\n14,400\n\n13,600\n\n12,700\n\n6,900\n\n6,200\n\n4,900\n\n3,800\n\n2,900\n\n2,400\n\n2,200\n\n450\n\nO-lun-ch'un (Orochun)\n\n50. Ho-che (Nanai)\n\n* Found by Fang Jen in 1955 to be 300,000, but Bruk listed 49,000.\n\n† From April 19, 1957 issue of Kuang-ming Daily News.\n\n† An estimate.\n\n§ Collectively including the So-lun (4,900), T'ung-ku-ssu (Tungus: 1,205), and Ya-k'u-te (Yakut; 137).\n\nHere is the revised response in HTML format using Markdown table syntax for the table:\n\n \n Order\n Minority Population\n Population (1953)\n \n \n 1\n Chuang\n 7,000,000\n \n \n 2\n Wei-wu-erh (Uighur)\n 3,640,000\n \n \n 3\n Hui (Dungan)\n 3,559,000\n \n \n 4\n Yi (Lolo, etc.)\n 3,250,000\n \n \n 5\n Tsang (Tibetan)\n 2,775,000\n \n \n 6\n Miao\n 2,511,000\n \n \n 7\n Man (Manchu)\n 2,418,000\n \n \n 8\n Meng-ku (Mongol)\n 1,463,000\n \n \n 9\n Pu-yi\n 1,247,000\n \n \n 10\n Ch'ao-hsien (Korean)\n 1,120,000\n \n \n 11\n Tung\n 712,000\n \n \n 12\n Yao\n 665,000\n \n \n 13\n Pai (Pai-man)\n 567,000\n \n \n 14\n Ha-sa-k'e (Kazakh)\n 509,000\n \n \n 15\n Ha-ni\n 481,000\n \n \n 16\n T'ai\n 478,000\n \n \n 17\n Li\n 360,000\n \n \n 18\n Li-su\n 317,000\n \n \n 19\n Tu-chia\n 300,000 *\n \n \n 20\n She\n 286,000\n \n \n 21\n K'a-wa (Wa)\n 210,000\n \n \n 22\n Kao-shan (Malay-Polynesian)\n 200,000\n \n \n 23\n Tung-hsiang\n 155,000\n \n \n 24\n Na-hsi (Na-khi)\n 143,000\n \n \n 25\n La-hu\n 139,000\n \n \n 26\n Shui\n 133,000\n \n \n 27\n Ching-p'o (Singpho, Kachin)\n 101,000\n \n \n 28\n Ko-erh-k'e-tzu (Kirghiz)\n 70,000\n \n \n 29\n T'u (Mongor)\n 53,200\n \n \n 30\n Ta-kuan-erh (Daghor)\n 44,100\n \n \n 31\n Mo-lao\n 43,100\n \n \n 32\n Ch'iang\n 35,600\n \n \n 33\n Pu-lang (Palaung)\n 35,000\n \n \n 34\n Sa-la (Salar)\n 30,600\n \n \n 35\n Ngo-lo-ssu (Russian)\n 22,600\n \n \n 36\n K'e-lao\n 20,800\n \n \n 37\n Hsi-po (Sipo)\n 19,000\n \n \n 38\n Mao-nan\n 18,400\n \n \n 39\n A-chang\n 17,700\n \n \n 40\n T'a-chi-k'e (Tadjik)\n 14,400\n \n \n 41\n Wu-tzu-pieh-k'e (Uzbek)\n 13,600\n \n \n 42\n Nu\n 12,700\n \n \n 43\n T'a-t'a-erh (Tatar)\n 6,900\n \n \n 44\n O-wen-k'e (Evenki)\n 6,200\n \n \n 45\n Pao-an\n 4,900\n \n \n 46\n Yü-ku (Sara Uighur)\n 3,800\n \n \n 47\n Peng-lung\n 2,900\n \n \n 48\n Tu-lung\n 2,400\n \n \n 49\n O-lun-ch'un (Orochun)\n 2,200\n \n \n 50\n Ho-che (Nanai)\n 450\n \n\n* Found by Fang Jen in 1955 to be 300,000, but Bruk listed 49,000.\n\n† From April 19, 1957 issue of Kuang-ming Daily News.\n\n† An estimate.\n\n§ Collectively including the So-lun (4,900), T'ung-ku-ssu (Tungus: 1,205), and Ya-k'u-te (Yakut; 137).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204453, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "74\n\nHEROLD J. WIENS\n\nTABLE II\n\n(Population in 000's) Provincial distribution of South China peoples\n\n \n \n Szechwan\n Kwangsi\n Kweichow\n Yunnan\n Hupei\n Chekiang\n Fukien\n Kiangsi\n Kwangtung\n Hunan\n \n \n Chuang\n \n 6,445\n 43\n 1\n \n \n \n \n 18\n \n \n \n Molao\n \n 116\n 14\n \n \n \n \n \n 1\n \n \n \n Maonan\n \n 14\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Pu-yi\n \n 1,233\n 479\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n T'ai\n \n \n 439\n 1,333\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n T'ung\n \n 360\n 1,425\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Shui\n \n 84\n 204\n \n \n \n \n \n \n 378\n \n \n Li\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n 469\n \n \n \n Miao\n 453\n 150\n 1,233\n 70\n \n \n \n \n 21\n 72\n \n \n K'e-lao\n \n \n 41\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Yao\n \n 358\n 14\n 1\n \n \n \n 14\n 28\n 14\n \n \n She\n \n \n \n \n \n 25\n 96\n 52\n \n 2\n \n \n Tibetan*\n \n \n \n 713\n 67\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Ch'iang\n 36\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Nu\n \n \n \n 13\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Tu-lung\n \n \n \n 2\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Ching-p'o\n \n \n \n 102\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Yi\n \n \n 275\n 1,852\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Ha-ni\n \n \n \n 481\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Li-su\n \n \n \n 317\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Nakhi\n \n \n \n 143\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n La-hu\n \n \n \n 139\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Achang\n \n \n \n 18\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Pai\n \n \n \n 567\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n T'u-chia\n 549\n \n \n \n 1,123\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n K'a-wa or Wa\n \n \n \n 286\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Peng-lung\n \n \n \n 3\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Pa-lang\n \n \n \n 35\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Kao-shan\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n (found only in Taiwan 200,000)\n \n \n \n Ching\n \n 4\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n (Vietnamese)\n \n \n \n 2\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n* In Tibet proper and in the Chamdo region there is an additional Tibetan population of about 1,274,000.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204455, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "76\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\nThe New Territory comprised an estimated 376 square miles of hill and plain situated on the mainland of China and a number of offshore islands, large and small, some of which were inhabited and some were not. For the purpose of this article it is sufficient to say here that in 1898 it was primarily an agricultural district consisting of a few broad valleys and many pockets of farm land among the hills or at their foot, both on the mainland and on some of the larger islands, with a few market towns here and there. The emphasis was on agriculture, though there were a few small industries in operation. Village life was bounded by the two rice crops in summer and autumn and the winter season, when most land lay fallow; and by the occasional visit to the market town, often two or three hours away and over the hills, always on foot, and frequently laden with produce and livestock to sell or exchange.\n\n3\n\nIt goes almost without saying that this small slice of territory, only half the size of San On District which was one of the smaller administrative districts of the Kwangtung Province, and 1,500 miles from Peking, was an insignificant part of the Chinese Empire. However, despite its minute size and remoteness from the central provinces and the seat of government it was fundamentally Chinese and essentially Confucian in its component parts, two features which are worth emphasising. One of its former District Magistrates made an observation covering both these points in a Confucian discourse which he contributed to mark the restoration of a school at Kam Tin in 1744 when he wrote \"In this era of prosperity culture has spread to even this remote place near the sea. Here the Book of Poetry is read as early as sunrise\".4\n\nThe integrated life in which everything under Heaven has its place and plan is a recognisable feature of the Confucian code which was evolved and formulated in an agricultural society ever 2,500 years ago. A study of the daily life and background of New Territory people in 1898, which was also placed in an agricultural setting, though one based on the cultivation of rice and not of wheat, leaves me with the impression that the high degree of mental and environmental integration attainable within a Confucian framework had certainly been attained here. Life was lived generation after generation according to a set pattern. The disciplined life imposed upon an agricultural community", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204457, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "78\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\nbeing made of blue or sun-dried bricks. The door posts and lintels are of dressed granite slabs with tiled roofs on rafters made of China fir. The floors are generally concreted, and frequently paved with red brick or with granite. Well built and handsomely decorated temples exist in all the important villages, and in many places large and expensively constructed buildings, in which the ancestral tablets are kept, were seen. As usual in China the streets are narrow and paved with large slabs of stone. Such drainage as exists is on the surface, underground drains never being used in Chinese villages.\n\nIn their surroundings and the generally peaceful life they led, everything conspired to make the people of the New Territory a conservative-minded and generally amenable body, and Lockhart said of them, \"Taken as a whole the inhabitants may be regarded as an industrious, frugal and well-behaved people\". It may be appropriate at this stage to mention who they were. He found 161 Punti or Cantonese villages with a population of some 64,000 persons and 255 Hakka villages, most of them smaller and more remote than the Cantonese ones, with a population of 36,000 people. He also mentions the boat people, of whose numbers he was unable to obtain an estimate. He does say, however, that they formed a class by themselves and were looked down upon by the land population.\n\nNeither Punti nor Hakka are native to the district or to the province. The former, says Lockhart, are supposed to have come from the provinces bordering on the south of the Yangtse river and made their way to South China during the early periods of Chinese history. They were firmly established in the south during the time of the Southern Sung dynasty (1127-1278) and, as he observes, it is a fact that most of the Punti inhabitants easily trace their descent from ancestors who were settled in the San On district in that period, or elsewhere in the Kwangtung province. The Hakka, or \"strangers\" as the term signifies, are, he says, supposed to be descended from the Mongols and to have reached the southern provinces when the Mongol dynasty was overthrown about the middle of the 14th century. They are regarded by the Punti as aliens, and speak a dialect quite distinct from the Cantonese. They are a hardy and frugal race and are generally found in the hill districts. As a rule, Cantonese and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204464, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "LIFE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n85\n\nexamination by the District Magistrate at Nam Tau and by the Kwang Chau prefect at Canton, proceeded to the Viceroy's yamen in the same city where eventually a favoured few would manage to pass the first degree of sau choi. This in theory entitled the scholar to qualify for an official post. In practise there were many more sau choi than there were posts and a scholar had to pursue further study and pass other examinations before he stood a real chance of becoming an official. In every district there were sau choi who would never obtain posts. Many became local schoolmasters. Others by virtue of wealth and position became the local gentry who, by report, were sometimes a help to the magistrate and frequently a nuisance, both to him and to the litigant or criminal public. They sat on the local tribunals kuk and advised the magistrate on local affairs. Being literati like himself they had ready access to his yamen and to his ear. Sometimes they even outranked him. Elders, on the other hand, rarely sat on the kuk. Lockhart estimated that there were one hundred and fifty sau choi in the whole district.20 In 1898 the elders of important villages like Ha Tsuen and Ping Shan were literati. Several of them played a leading part in the planning of operations against the British take-over.27\n\n20\n\nSometimes the wealthier village elders enhanced their position by purchasing degrees. In the late Ch'ing period the sale of examination titles appears to have been considerable. Smith mentions it in his Village Life in China** and I have come across several such persons in villages in the Southern District of the New Territory. They were usually substantial villagers. Such a one was CHAN Tak-hang4 of Cheung Kwan O in Junk Bay who died in the seventeenth year of Kwong Shui (1892) at the age of sixty-four. According to his descendant, the present Village Representative, he was a man of substance who built a guest house in the village which is still standing to-day, gave money for the upkeep of the stone tracks which linked the villages of the area with Kowloon, and was well known locally. His portrait, painted at the age of fifty-seven, shows him in his borrowed finery as a kwok hok sang, for which he paid an unknown consideration to Government. A man such as this would obviously play a considerable part in the affairs of his immediate neighbourhood.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204466, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "LIFE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n87\n\nHeaven. In Canton itself there was a serious plot to seize the city in October 1894, which led Consul Fraser to write in his next report\n\nThere is little doubt that dissatisfaction with the administration of their native country is growing among the Southern Chinese, and if no attempt at reform is made, may result in a serious insurrection\". He mentioned the plot but remarked that its failure was due more to the ineptitude of its organisers than to the vigour of the local authorities.33 His colleague at Pakhoi, in the south-east of the province, was more critical.\n\nSuch as is Chinese civilisation, Pakhoi is of its outskirt only and shows a lower level than I have seen anywhere else in this country. Piracy is in the blood of the race. A glance through the year's diary shows a monotonous record of petty coast raids, hoverings of pirate junks (which still terrorise the neighbouring coastline) and robberies of every degree of dignity from the sacking of the larger pawnshops to the plunder of a returned emigrant from the Straits or Sumatra. Of Chinese local authorities at Pakhoi itself there are practically none, the highest native Civilian within 20 miles being an officer of the rank of sub-district deputy magistrate armed with an amount of authority that barely enables him to call in question the theft of a matchbox. It would be invidious to say this much of the Pakhoi neighbourhood without adding that most of the adjacent areas are worse.34\n\nWhilst these reports were confined to individual districts there can be little doubt that the general unrest was known and felt in the New Territory. It will be recalled that SUN Yat Sen was a Cantonese and some of his followers are credited with swelling the ranks of the village bands which offered resistance to the British troops who entered the New Territory in 1899.35 This tale of unrest and lawlessness, and weakness on the part of the civil authorities, provides a background to the unsuccessful reform movement of 1898, sponsored by the southern party at Peking, whose sequel was the incarceration of the emperor by his formidable aunt, the Empress Dowager, the stringent capital measures against the reform party and their dispersal overseas or in foreign concessions in China. The leader of the movement and adviser to the emperor was KANG Yue Wei, a prominent scholar and mandarin, and himself a Cantonese.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204474, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 106, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "LIFE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n95\n\n2 Extracts from the Report are given between pages 181-209 of Papers laid before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong 1899, (Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1900). For this quotation see p. 198. Lockhart was referring specifically to development which was noticeably lacking. The same cannot be said of the population during this period. The evacuation of the coastal areas (1662-69) caused a great disruption to the villages at the time. For a brief mention in English, based on Chinese authorities, see S. F. Balfour, \"Hong Kong before the British\", an article in T'ien Hsia, Vol. XI, No. 4, 1941, p. 334. In any case there has been a continuous inward flow of both Cantonese and Hakka since then, more especially of Hakka in the 19th century, from which time many of the hill villages in the Colony take their origin.\n\nIt is interesting to compare this report with a book on Wei Hai Wei, Lion and Dragon in North China (London, John Murray, 1910) which was written by a junior colleague from Hong Kong, R. F. Johnston (1874-1938) who went to Wei Hai Wei as Magistrate and Secretary to Government in 1904, probably at Lockhart's request. Johnston, later knighted and Professor of Chinese in the University of London was a man of great application and erudition who became tutor to the deposed boy emperor, P'u Yi, (1919-25) and wrote the well-known book Twilight in the Forbidden City, (London, Gollancz, 1934). He was himself Commissioner of Wei Hai Wei 1927-30. His detailed description of Wei Hai Wei, its people and their customs leaves an impression of the striking similarity of life and thought between that remote part of Shantung and this small corner of Kwangtung. The means of government was of course the same, but so also are the ways of doing and thinking which seem, in my own experience, hardly to differ at all despite the different agricultural background. To anyone interested in the Chinese peasant Johnston's book is a mine of information. The annual reports on Wei Hai Wei presented to both Houses of Parliament are, too, an interesting commentary on life in this northern leased territory.\n\nThe market towns of the New Territories in 1898 were Tai Po, Yuen Long, Tai O, Cheung Chau, Sai Kung and Tsuen Wan. A despatch of 1905 in connection with the Kowloon-Canton Railway No. 59 dated 11th January 1905 from Governor Sir Matthew Nathan to the then Secretary of State, Mr. Lyttelton gives some figures. Yuen Long had \"seventy-four shops of which twenty-five are large and deal in rice, oil, samshu etc. The remainder belong to barbers, doctors, jewellers, vegetable sellers, piece goods dealers etc.\" Tai Po Market consisted of twenty-three large shops and fifteen smaller ones, Tsuen Wan had a few shops supplying the local needs\". No figures are given for Cheung Chau or Tai O with which the railway was not concerned, but an inscription of 1878 inside the grounds of the Fong Pin Hospital at Cheung Chau states that there \"used to be over two hundred shops trading here\". Lockhart Papers 1899, p. 207 gave Cheung Chau a population of 5,000, whilst Tai O with its fisheries and salt pans was reported to have about 3,000. These were larger towns than Yuen Long (no figure given), Tai Po (280), Sai Kung Market (800) and Tsuen Wan (900). The present New Territories towns were not the largest in the San On district. Pride of place went to Sham Chun, now on the Chinese side of the border, with sixty-one large shops and three hundred and twenty-three medium sized shops, and to Kun Lan Hui, also north of the border which was the cattle centre of the whole district with fifteen large and one hundred and thirty-six medium sized shops. (Enclosure C to No. 59). See Eastern No. 88 Correspondence relating to the Kowloon-Canton Railway (London, Colonial Office, 1907).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204477, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "98\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\napproval. This authority, with powers of discretion, was given to the D.O. to help preserve the traditional way of managing land within the clan, and to provide a cheap and impartial arbiter in case of dispute.\n\n13 In Shek Pik village the TSUI, CHEUNG, HO and CHI clans owned 1.1, 0.39, 0.55, and 0.04 acres of agricultural land in 1898. With the exception of the HO clan, they were intact in 1959. The TSUI tso probably dates from the fifteenth generation, and is therefore three hundred years old. The FUNG clan in Fan Pui owned 9.2 acres in 1898 but this was sold in 1953.\n\n14 At Fan Pui I dealt with a disputed case of ownership in which the defendant stated that eight lots totalling 9,581 square feet of agricultural land had been specially set aside as joss and oil fields (shen you tian). Fields are also set aside for the worship of earth spirits. At Cheung Kwan O village in 1898 the two clans of CHAN and NG administered 1.41 acres of agricultural land under the name of a to tei wui. The rentals were originally devoted to the maintenance of the to tei or earth spirit who looked after the village, but for many years the revenue has simply gone to the clans. Many other cases are known at Mui Wo and Tung Chung.\n\n15 See Chapter III (iii) and (iv) of H. B. Morse The Trade and Administration of the Chinese Empire (Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1908) which is based on an article by Byron Brenan \"The Office of District Magistrate in China” Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society XXII, (1897-98), 36-65, and incorporates his own wide experience of China and her officials in the course of over thirty years' service in the Imperial Maritime Customs. Brenan himself (1847-1927) had served in China from 1866 and was H.B.M.'s Consul-General in Shanghai 1898-1901. Of the district magistrate Brenan wrote, \"The magistrate is the unit of government; he is the backbone of the whole official system; and to ninety per cent of the population he is the Government\"; op. cit. p. 37.\n\n16 Papers 1899 p. 583.\n\nThe text of the stone tablet outside the Tin Hau temple at Kat O, referred to elsewhere in the article, uses this picturesque phraseology. Contrasting their sorry lot beside the power of the yamen officials they had written in their petition to the Viceroy \"We, civilians, whose lives are cheap as ants... who are we to start a lawsuit against the district yamen's worms?\" An interesting feature of this inscription is that it follows the customary form of Ch'ing document in which reference is made in the text to other papers, by summary or quotation, instead of the western method of adding enclosures. See John K. Fairbank, Ch'ing Documents, an introductory syllabus, (Harvard University Press 1952) p. 21.\n\n18 When I asked an old gentleman who graduated sau choi in 1896 about extortion and venality among magistrates, he replied in distinctly extenuating tones \"Some did; but then they had so many people to look after\". He observed that there were some rich districts in Kwangtung in which a magistrate had to do nothing to obtain money as it came rolling into the Office in the way of presents, inducements, additions to land and other taxes etc., whilst there were others which were so poor that the magistrate could squeeze very little from them even if he tried very hard. This is curiously echoed in Morse, Trade and Administration p. 92 “In Kwangtung we (the Imperial Maritime Customs) have regularly applied to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204478, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "LIFE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n99\n\nthree districts in the vicinity of Canton the phrase shui shui, tso shui, tsou shui (£££) literally \"sleeping in-come, sitting in-come, walking in-come\" which may be thus explained: the incumbent of the first may go to sleep, whilst his emoluments come rolling in; in the second he may sit still, and his emoluments come rolling in; and in the third he must trot around, but his emoluments come rolling in\".\n\n12 Lockhart calls these officers assistant and deputy magistrates, Papers 1899 p. 191 and so does Consul Allen in his Trade Report for Pakhoi 1896, FO No. 1983, but there appear in fact, to have been no such titles. There were one or two yuen shing (B) in each district styled to ye (*) who were officers of the sixth and seventh rank and were graduates of kam sang (1) degree. These were appointed from Peking and were transferable every three years like the magistrate himself. They were stationed at places in the district and their powers were very limited.\n\n20 He does not mention officers other than those at the two Lantau forts, but there was another fort on Lantau at Fan Lau, still standing, which may or may not have been occupied at this time, and there were posts on Lamma and Cheung Chau officered by shun tei kun (MILF) (information from Mr. CHEUNG Yau (4) of Tai Ping, Lamma Island, and from a list of donors inscribed on a tablet in the Tin Hau temple on Cheung Chau). There must also have been shun tei kun in the mainland part of the district. More information is sought about their stations and their duties. As far as I know, they were military officers of low rank who controlled ten or twenty men in an out-station,\n\n21 Papers 1899 p. 192.\n\n22 A map showing these divisions, dated July 1899 on the reverse, is to be found in the Registrar-General's Department, in the Supreme Court. It is probably the Map VI referred to on page 192 of the Papers 1899, which was not printed with them. The Councils of the Tung may not have existed in the remoter and more sparsely populated areas. On Lamma for instance the village elders appear to have administered summary justice individually and not in unison. Mr. CHEUNG Yau already quoted, and other gentlemen of similar age, state there was no Council on the island. The map does not assist in this instance, being vague in some details. There were four tung in any district: north, south, east and west.\n\n23 Dyer Ball, The Chinese at Home (London, Religious Tract Society, 1912) p. 189 says \"The life of an official in China, if he occupies a high position and rules over a populous district of country, is arduous in the extreme. He knows no hours. His work is never done. He is up before dawn, and official receptions take place in the small or early hours of the morning. The health of many a man is injured by the incessant toil and unremitting anxiety\". He calls him \"often hard worked, harassed with many cares, and loaded with responsibilities\". His is experienced and impartial testimony.\n\n24 Papers 1899 p. 192.\n\n25 Sir Robert Douglas, Society in China (London, Ward Lock & Co., 1901) pp. 120-1 has hard things to say of them. \"The mental activity of these men, not having... any power to operate in a beneficent way,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204479, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 111, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "100\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\nexerts itself with unprecedented vigour and hardihood in local affairs. No dispute arises but one or more of these social pests thrusts himself forward between the contending parties, and no fraud on the revenue or wholesale extortion is free from their similar influence\". Lockhart (through Governor Blake) says that the New Territory's literati \"have hitherto lived by irregular \"squeezes\" from the people\" and he blamed the opposition to British rule to them and to \"gamblers and bad characters banished from Hong Kong\" and not to the people who were incited by the gentry and elders. See Papers 1899 pp. 520 and 554.\n\n26 Papers 1899 p. 194.\n\n27 Papers 1899 p. 554.\n\n28 Arthur H. Smith Village Life in China (Edinburgh, Oliphant, Anderson and Ferrier, about 1900) p. 121.\n\n29 These affected the coastal and riverine regions of Kwangtung. See C. F. Neumann's Translations from the Chinese and Armenian with notes. 1. History of the pirates who infested the China Sea from 1807 to 1810, (London, John Murray 1831). This includes, pp. 97-125, a very interesting account of an enforced stay of eleven weeks and three days with the pirate fleet in 1809 by Richard Glasbrooke, the mate of an East Indiaman. The pirates spent a considerable time on and near Lantau, which must have suffered from their depredations. The clan record of the HO family of San Tsuen, Pui O, on the south side of the island mentions pirate raids and a decision to fortify the village with walls which can still be seen, with several embrasures for cannon.\n\nPiracy continued until a much later date. The Cheung Chau police station was attacked and burnt in 1912, necessitating its removal and enlargement, one of the Cheung Chau ferries was pirated in 1923, and in 1925 a band of sixty robbers from the Delta entered Tai O by way of Po Chue Tam creek, killed a woman and made off with young men and a fair amount of booty without any difficulty. The Police Station is situated at the other end of the town and knew nothing of the attack until it was over. See Administrative Reports, District Officer, New Territories 1912, 1923 and 1925.\n\n30 Papers 1899 p. 528.\n\n31 Foreign Office Report 1606 on Trade of Canton 1894.\n\n32 Salt was smuggled into China from Tai O as the government monopoly and price ring made it profitable to do so. See also Enclosure D to Sir Matthew Nathan's despatch No. 59 of 11 January 1905 in Correspondence relating to Kowloon-Canton Railway which mentions rice smuggling from Shum Chun and Deep Bay into Hong Kong. The export of rice from China was forbidden, and checked by the Imperial Maritime Customs.\n\n**F O Trade Report No. 1778 for 1895.\n\n34 F O Trade Report No. 1983 for 1896.\n\n33 Papers 1899, p. 540.\n\nBrenan, with his thirty-two years' service wrote feelingly \"The Chinaman is happiest who never sees an official, who does not even know the name of one\". J N CBRAS XXXII (1897-98) 37.\n\n31 Foreign Office Trade Report for Canton No. 1606 for 1894.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204480, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 112, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "LIFE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n101\n\nSee paras. 38 These feuds, often of long standing, persist to-day. 77-79 of Mr. K. M. A. Barnett's annual administrative report for 1955-56 as District Commissioner New Territories for a good instance of traditional hostility. For other cases see paras. 97 and 43 of the annual departmental reports for 1957-58 and 1958-59.\n\nSee Smith Village Life in China p. 286, also p. 222 \"The local Magistrates take care not to intervene too soon or too far, lest it be the worse for them. When the fight is over the officers put in an appearance, arrests are made, and the machinery of government recovers from its temporary paralysis\", and pp. 282-86 for a northern instance of clan violence.\n\n40 According to Dyer Ball Things Chinese (Hong Kong, Kelly and Walsh, 1903) p. 326 \"a dreadful internecine strife, in which 150,000 at least, perished, took place between the Hakkas and the Punteis in the south-western districts of the Canton province, from A.D. 1864 to 1866, and arms and even armed steamers, were procured from Hong Kong by both parties\". See also pp. 369-70 of B.C. Henry's Ling Nam (London, Partridge, 1886),\n\n41 From information supplied by elders of Ho Chung village who were at school during or before 1898.\n\n42 See the section on Disasters in the San On Yuen Chi.\n\n43 See stone tablet outside Tin Hau temple, Kat O, Tai Po district.\n\n44 From a stone tablet dated Ch'ien-lung 42/4/26 (1777) at Yuen Long Old Market.\n\n45 From a stone tablet dated Chia-ch'ing 7/3/23 (1802) at the Tin Hau temple, Kat O.\n\n46 From a stone tablet dated Ch'ien-lung 42/lucky month, lucky day (1777) at the Hau Wong temple, Tung Chung.\n\n47 From a stone tablet dated Tao-kuang 21/7/19 (1841) at Tin Hau temple, Peng Chau.\n\n48 From a stone tablet whose date is uncertain, at the Tai Wong temple, Yuen Long Market.\n\n49 Variously, as above.\n\n50 Reminiscences of Mr. TANG Kiu Fong of Fui Sha Wai near Yuen Long, in an article in the New Territories Weekly for January 1962.\n\n51 Tree spirits are quite common in the New Territories where many old trees have joss sticks and red paper inscriptions placed under them on a rough altar. There is, in particular, a very large old banyan tree at Long Kang a few miles east of Sai Kung Market which must surely be the oldest tree in the Southern District. This is visited regularly by devotees. From personal experience of every part of the old Southern District I can say with confidence that belief in tree and earth spirits still exists to-day, and might indeed be said positively to flourish.\n\n52 An ancestral temple is not open to the public: it is for the private use of the clan, for whom alone it has any meaning. Most villages of any age and consequence have ancestral temples, and in multi-clan villages", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204482, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 114, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "103\n\nEXCAVATIONS AT MAN KOK TSUI ON LANTAU ISLAND\n\nELSPETH MANEELY *\n\n[On 13 May 1961 over fifty members of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society landed from a launch at Man Kok Tsui, a promontory on Lantau facing Hong Kong. Here Professor S. G. Davis and Dr. S. M. Bard explained to the members of the Society how the excavations were carried out and what objects had been discovered. Later the party walked over the hills to Silvermine Bay. This article gives an account of the excavations carried out there in 1958, Ed.]\n\nTo date, the investigation of Neolithic remains in China points to the existence of three main Neolithic cultures.' This broad classification depends largely on differences in the types of fine pottery. In the north-west traces of the Painted Pottery Culture were first noted by J. G. Andersson at Yang Shao, Honan in 1920, and three years later at the Tao river sites, Kansu. In the north-east, traces of the Black Pottery Culture were uncovered in 1928 at Lung Shan, Shantung. The finds at Man Kok Tsui belong to the third of these Neolithic traditions: the South-East Neolithic, and the characteristic fine pottery found is a hard stoneware bearing a variety of impressed designs. This type of impressed pottery was first discovered in Hong Kong by Dr. C. M. Heanley in 1926 and it was associated with several kinds of stone artifact. It is interesting to note that the traces of these three Neolithic cultures were uncovered within a period of eight years and that in 1926—the year in which Dr. Heanley began his work on pre-historic remains in Hong Kong—the exciting discovery of \"Peking Man\" took place at Chou Kou Tien, south-west of Peking.\n\nDr. Heanley was joined in his systematic survey of the Hong Kong area by Professor J. L. Shellshear and Mr. W. Schofield and they soon established that the Colony was rich in scattered finds, in general concentrated near the beaches and on the low\n\n* Mrs. Maneely has lived in Hong Kong since 1956, and is the Hon. Secretary of the Hong Kong University Archaeological team.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204483, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "104\n\nELSPETH MANEELY\n\n16\n\nhill slopes of the western islands and in the Castle Peak area; but perhaps only four places investigated since archaeological work began in the Colony may be dignified by the term \"site\". These are: So Kun Wat #, a series of low hilltops to the west of the Tai Lam Chun reservoir; Lamma Island (Pok Liu Chau14), which really comprises several distinct sites; Shek Pik and Man Kok Tsui, both on Lantau Island (Tai Yu Shan). A report on the findings at So Kun Wat was presented by C. M. Heanley and J. L. Shellshear in 1932 at the first Congress of Prehistorians of the Far East held at Hanoi. Father Finn's publications on the Lamma sites, begun in 1932, have recently been reprinted in one volume, Archaeological Finds on Lamma Island Near Hong Kong.3 The Shek Pik site, on the south-west coast of Lantau Island, was excavated by W. Schofield and J. G. Andersson in 1937 and a report was published in the Proceedings of the Third Congress of Prehistorians of the Far East, Singapore, in 1938. The artifacts uncovered at Man Kok Tsui are similar to those found at these earlier sites and are of three kinds: stone tools and ornaments, pottery and bronze.\n\nBefore describing the discovery of Man Kok Tsui in more detail however, reference should be made to Father R. L. Maglioni's extensive discoveries in Hoifung as they bear a definite relationship to finds in the Hong Kong area. Hoifung lies on the China coast about one hundred miles north-east of Hong Kong. In 1934 Fr. Maglioni, then a priest in the Hoifung region, embarked on a thorough search for prehistoric remains. He located as many as twenty distinct sites. In general the finds were of the same type as those described by archaeologists working in Hong Kong, but Fr. Maglioni was able to distinguish three separate Neolithic cultures. These three he called the SON, SAK and PAT cultures from the capital letters of the romanized names of villages adjacent to the sites. So far Neolithic remains in Hong Kong resemble closely those of Fr. Maglioni's PAT culture, the latest of the three.\n\nIn April 1958, Dr. S. M. Bard first reported Man Kok Tsui as a possible area for investigation by the University Archaeological Team. The site, given the number 30 by the Team, lies at the extreme tip of the northern arm of Silvermine Bay, Lantau Island. It consists of two sheltered, sandy beaches, a flat fertile valley", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204489, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "108\n\nELSPETH MANEELY\n\nThe suggestion of glaze on two of the pots, the bronze, the variety of shapes of the polished stone adzes, and the impressed patterns on the pottery similar to Fr. Maglioni's PAT culture, all indicate a Late Stone Age or Early Bronze Age date (Warring States, 481-221 B.C.) for the Man Kok Tsui site. However, the people living in this area may have continued to use stone tools and pottery of this type well into the Han period.\n\nREFERENCES\n\n1 William Watson, Archaeology in China, Max Parrish, London, (1960).\n\n2 C. M. Heanley and J. L. Shellshear, “A Contribution to the Prehistory of Hong Kong and the New Territories\", Proceedings of the First Congress of Prehistorians of the Far East, Hanoi, (Jan. 1932),\n\n3 Daniel J. Finn, S. J., Archaeological Finds on Lamma Island Near Hong Kong, Ricci Publications, Ricci Hall, University of Hong Kong, (1958).\n\n4 W. Schofield, \"A Protohistoric Site at Shek Pik, Lantao, Hong Kong\", Proceedings of the Third Congress of Prehistorians of the Far East, Singapore, (1938).\n\n5 R. L. Maglioni, S. J., \"Archaeology in South China\", Journal of East Asiatic Studies, Manila, II, No. 1, (Oct. 1952).\n\n6 R. L. Maglioni, S. J., \"Archaeology Finds in Hoifung\", Hong Kong Naturalist, VIII, Nos. 3-4, (March 1938).\n\n7 S. G. Davis and Mary Tregear, \"Man Kok Tsui, Archaeological Site 30, Lantau Island, Hong Kong\", Asian Perspectives, IV, Nos. 1-2, (1960), 183-212.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204495, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "112\n\nM. W. WELCH\n\nand improved the primitive method of firing so much that well-shaped vessels of fairly hard clay, which may be considered as ancestors of porcellaneous ware, were actually produced. Supports of refractory clay evidently used for the pots in the kiln are proof of this great progress.\n\nThe pottery found in site I and II is pretty uniform in composition and appearance, and I would say typical of SAK. The mixture of clay is very fine; the potsherds quite thin and hard. When struck they give off a fairly fine \"ping\". So far, no other kind of pottery has been found on the sites. There has, for instance, been none of the rough and sandy ware found on Lamma and Lantao, which is crumbly and very thick.\n\n44\n\nOn the potsherds I have found, there are three types of SAK pressed patterns. Though there are no complete pots, I have been able to put together enough of one to conclude that it was fashioned in the same manner as those found by Maglioni in the Hoi-fung area: the pot shaped and patterned first, the foot added later.\n\nPerhaps the most interesting aspect of my site is what I have not found. There has, for instance, been no bronze. Maglioni makes the point that absolutely no bronze or other objects belonging to a metallic period have been discovered in any of the pure SAK sites. Nearby, however, he came upon numerous large villages of the later (PAT) period, often with bronze pieces, and he has a theory that the spreading of the PAT culture was the reason for the dispersion of the SAK people.\n\nI have found nothing that can be assigned to PAT. This is in contrast to other sites in Hong Kong, where a few SAK pieces have been found, but always mixed in with a much larger number of PAT artifacts. My sites are not only rich in SAK, both implements and pottery, but they are pure SAK. They are, indeed, the first pure SAK sites to be found in the Colony.\n\nThere are two other things I want to mention. One is the type of very roughly shaped large tools that I have found in groups on all three sites near kaolin deposits, frequently embedded in a lump of hardened kaolin. I have tentatively separated these tools into eight categories according to their shape. Five are\n\n“Archaeology in South China\" by Raphael Maglioni, University of Manila Journal of East Asiatic Studies, Vol. II, No. 1 October, 1952.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204497, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "114\n\nM. W. WELCH\n\nsurface of one side is uneven). It is very finely polished on one side and shows signs of polishing on the other. Whether it has been chipped by use or exposure I cannot tell. At any rate there are deep defects on the reverse side that were missed in polishing. The second item is a white quartz adze (the only one of this material found so far in Hong Kong). It is fashioned in much the same way as some of the adzes from sites I and II, but again its size is larger. It is lenticular in cross-section, but while one surface of it lies nearly flat, the other one is humped. The flat side is almost fully polished and there are very few deep flaws in it. The humped side is polished only on the highest point and the chipping towards the edges is quite noticeable, not unlike the chert adzes from the other two sites.\n\nSite III is not as eroded and shot up as I and II. I found the quartz adze, as well as a second large chert axe, in a level hilltop depression, from which the soil had been washed off to a depth of nine inches (one steps down nine inches, that is, when entering it). Since they were embedded two inches, it seems to me that the people who last used them left them at a level about eleven inches below the level that the surface had before recent erosion began. I mention this because it is the only place that offers a comparison of levels and where the finds were still partly embedded in the soil.\n\nHong Kong and the surrounding territories are rich in archaeological sites. Only a few of them, I think, are known and a great many await the field work of the future. Little is known of South China man, much remains to be collated from the sites already found, and a great deal of work will have to be done before what has been done can be seen as a whole. All of us who like to sail or walk are given the possibility of helping in this field. By the mapping and careful reporting of finds, no matter how humble, we can share our discoveries with those who know what they are about and help provide the missing links that are necessary to complete the history of the culture of our area.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204498, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "115\n\nBRITAIN AND CHINA'\n\nReviewed by COLINA LUPTON, M.A.2\n\nChina is and will probably continue for some time to be the most unpredictable element in world affairs. With the passage of time she becomes more, not less so; her motives grow more obscure, her economic development more problematical, her political life—within the echelons of the Communist Party—more a matter for conjecture. On the face which she turns to the world there is little sign of the stresses and strains which she is undergoing; the information which China publishes about herself is remarkable only for the lack of knowledge it conveys. Unhappily—in view of our ignorance China is likely by sheer weight of numbers to be the dominant influence in the world in perhaps twenty years' time, and how this unleashed dragon will deal then with other nations largely depends on the kind of handling she receives now.\n\nHence any book which sheds light on Chinese thought processes, in particular relating present policies to past treatment, is a valuable one. Mr. Luard has gone one better and conjectured the course of the future. His book sets out a sane and lucid account of relations with China since the first British ships reached her shores in 1637, and describes both what he expects to see and what he would like to see happen in the next few years. In what really amounts to a series of essays on the historical background, on the Kuomintang, the Communists and the Korean war, on missionaries and merchants, Hong Kong and Taiwan—he neatly discusses, without a superfluity of chronological detail, the past, the present, and the future. This method necessitates a little overlapping between the chapters, but it is worth this since it saves a lot of narration inessential to the point of the book. For the author is trying to discuss sentiments and policies as much as facts, and this kind of pattern gives him the scope to do so. This is certainly not to say that he has ignored facts; though the historical background is compressed, the account of Britain's dealings with the Mao Tse-tung regime is very fully treated.\n\nBy Evan Luard. Chatto and Windus, 1962. 25/-.\n\n* The writer was formerly a research assistant in the Far East Department of the Royal Institute of International Affairs. She has been living in Hong Kong since the end of 1960, and is Assistant Editor of the Far Eastern Economic Review.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204499, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 131, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "116\n\nCOLINA LUPTON\n\nThe purpose of the opening account of the establishment of the British foothold in China and the development of Chinese attitudes to the whole outside world in the first thirty years of this century is really to explain the Chinese outlook today rather than to offer a new analysis of events. So much in the Chinese mentality is related to the humiliations suffered at the hands of arrogant and greedy foreigners; on a people who had always thought of themselves as the most civilised and intelligent in the world these made a profound impression. What emerges most clearly here is the way commercial interests dominated British policy in and towards China until as recently as Britain's involvement in the Japanese war. The legend (and Mr. Luard hints that he thinks, even today, that it is a legend) of a market of four hundred million eager buyers for British goods continually obliterated other considerations. Britain came to China for trade and the measures she took while there were designed largely to protect her commerce. Not until the 1930s did any feeling of sympathy for China emerge in Britain; in 1935 for instance, she made some effort to assist the Chinese economy, in particular to stabilise the currency, offering financial aid and advice and participation in joint ventures. But any goodwill which might have been engendered by this move was dissipated by the way British firms appeared interested only in whether and how they could carry on their businesses in Japanese-conquered parts of China, being otherwise indifferent to the inroads made on Chinese territory. Not until Britain and China were fighting side by side did the British government finally give up the so-called \"treaty rights\" which had been anachronistic for about thirty years—and this, the author points out with justice, was a moment when commercial interests were in abeyance.\n\nSince the end of the second world war and the establishment of the Communist government in China the world has become a much smaller place, and Britain has declined to the status of a second-class power. Mr. Luard's book has one weakness in that as he chiefly discusses British policy it sometimes seems rather narrow: Britain is not now so important that her interests can be considered in isolation from those of the rest of the world. To ponder how she can best promote her own influence rather than to discuss it in the context of world affairs and world survival seems shortsighted. This slightly distorted emphasis—", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204500, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 132, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "BRITAIN AND CHINA\n\n117\n\nnot altogether the fault of the author, who has written the book as part of a series on Britain in the world today—though it detracts slightly from its value, does not in practice make it any the less interesting.\n\nThe question of recognition of the Communist government by Britain is very ably dealt with; the whole trend of opinion at the time, both in Britain and in the rest of the world is summed up. In 1949 Britain's commerce with China still far exceeded that of any other western country, and since the division into blocs was less rigid then than now, (though Britain consulted both the U.S. and the major Commonwealth countries) recognition was still a matter for each country to decide for itself. Happily the British government waited only three months to take this step; had it delayed another six, it would never have been taken, for the Korean war broke out. At the time international comment, even from the United States, was fairly favourable. It was realised that Britain had followed her usual pragmatic policy of recognition where a government was clearly in control as opposed to the U.S. ideological path of recognising only where it approved. Commercial groups and other British residents in China were influential in bringing this about; strangely enough, looking back over the last thirteen years, this was because the Communists appeared more honest and efficient than the KMT, and it was hoped that after recognition British interests would be able to expand.\n\nMr. Luard shows how quickly this hope became vain. For with the Korean war the new China entered on to the world stage with a vengeance, and came face to face with the United States.\n\nIn this conflict the British government always seems to have been slightly more aware of possible Chinese sentiments than the U.S., and to have hesitated rather more than the U.S. at the 38th parallel; and when President Truman began to talk of extending the war to Manchuria and of using the atom bomb, Mr. Attlee at once flew to Washington to make certain that U.N. forces were not to be committed to any extension of the fray without consultation with the other powers involved. Mr. Luard relates this episode in a particularly effective deadpan style which contrasts vividly with the drama of the events.\n\nThis British intervention epitomises the new role that Britain has since played in the world; she has been a mediator between", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204501, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "118\n\nCOLINA LUPTON\n\nChina and the U.S. The Korean war of course accounts for much which has gone awry since; the Chinese cannot forget that the Americans (as they always regarded the U.N. army) showed no hesitation in overstepping the 38th parallel and advancing towards the Chinese frontier; they also remember Truman's action taken at the outbreak of war assigning the U.S. seventh fleet to the \"neutralisation\" of Formosa, thus cheating them, so they felt, of their rightful prey: as Mr. Luard says, in the summer of 1950 the Communists were almost certainly poised to invade and exterminate the Chiang Kai-shek regime once and for all. As bad was the fact that American interference brought the question of Formosa from the purely internal to the international level. The fear and resentment engendered in Chinese hearts exists to this day to colour their suspicions of all American actions, and is fostered by the evident American determination to keep them out of the U.N. The great merit of Mr. Luard's account of these events, which is relatively sympathetic to the Chinese point of view, is that it makes clear that Chinese fulminations against, for instance, the landing of U.S. marines in Thailand are inspired by a genuine fear of American imperialism. If the U.S. would comprehend how her actions are misconstrued in Peking she might be more willing to have China increase her contacts with the West in the hope of dispelling Chinese ignorance.\n\nBritain's position in the dispute over the China seat is a paradoxical one. There is not much doubt that, left to its own devices, the British government would choose to have Peking rather than Taipei in the U.N., partly because Peking is the government which is more representative of the Chinese people as a whole, and partly because it believes that China's isolation from the rest of the world can only be dangerous. Mr. Luard draws an interesting parallel between the present situation and that which prevailed before any westerners came to China at all: then and now, the country was and is culturally self-sufficient, inward-looking, arrogant, ignorant of foreigners and their ways and full of misapprehensions about the outside world. Since today such misapprehensions can have world-wide and dangerous consequences, Britain would like to see China mixing with other nations at least to the extent of rubbing shoulders with their representatives in the corridors of the U.N. building.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204502, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "BRITAIN AND CHINA\n\n119\n\nBut only once, in September 1950, has Britain voted for a resolution in the General Assembly calling for the admission of Communist China. From June 1951 the British representative has continued to vote in favour of postponement of discussion of the question, even when, on conclusion of the Korean war, the argument that China was participating in aggression against United Nations forces no longer held good. Mr. Luard well brings out, though unfortunately he does not try to explain, the expediency which guided western policies; how one argument was produced after another when the old ones went out of date; how the British government allowed itself to be swayed in this matter by the wishes of the Americans. He does not go into the intricacies of American internal politics, which are at the root of this matter—obviously he could not in a book about Britain and China—but without some understanding of them, Britain's behaviour, somewhat unfairly, seems feeble and misguided. Britain could have done more than she has to influence American public opinion, but to have brought China into the UN against the wishes of numerous Americans would only have devalued the institution in their eyes, and might even have resulted in earlier days in an American withdrawal of funds (upon which the U.N. is very dependent) or even, disastrously, of membership.\n\nSuch a criticism does not affect the discussion of Hong Kong, which is a matter purely for the British and the Chinese. As in the rest of the book, the historical background is only sketched in; the interest is all concentrated on wartime and post-war developments. Hong Kong is unique among British colonies in that since the war it has made no progress towards independence; having narrowly escaped being \"liberated\" by Kuomintang armies at the end of the war, the prospect of a more democratic constitution was shelved when the Communists overran neighbouring Kwangtung. As Mr. Luard points out, the constitution of the Colony remains, in all essentials, exactly what it was in 1843.\n\nAnd this is where the British government's devotion to commercial interests in its relations with China again becomes apparent. Now that Hong Kong has found a new lease of economic life in manufacturing, neither the British nor the Hong Kong government are prepared to do anything which may upset the present favourable climate for investors. It is generally", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204503, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 135, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "120\n\nCOLINA LUPTON\n\nargued that any reform in the constitution, especially one which permitted elections, would immediately be exploited by the Communist regime in China, seizing the opportunity to infiltrate its own supporters into positions of power and using political meetings to stir up trouble. While it is true that the economy has hitherto flourished because of Hong Kong's exceptionally stable conditions, the government should remember, as Mr. Luard points out, that it has an unequalled opportunity for disseminating the ideals of western culture, of which democracy is one, on the very shores of China. Too much should not be sacrificed to material prosperity. Yet despite all the criticisms which could be made, the fact remains, as Mr. Luard says, that \"it has proved a more fertile and more stable meeting ground of East and West than almost any other city of the world\". And whatever its political driving force, it is one of the finest examples existing of the speedy and successful development of a non-Marxist economy, which alone should provide some food for thought for the pragmatic Chinese over the border.\n\nAs to the future, Mr. Luard predicts that Britain and China will almost inevitably find themselves in conflict in both South East Asia and Hong Kong, since the new China expects to expand to the borders reached in its historic periods of greatness. Not everyone agrees that China's plans stretch only thus far; many close observers of the scene might think that China has territorial designs on South East Asia at the least—an area which in the past she has held in fee but not actually settled (if the Overseas Chinese are excluded). And today China is trying to extend her influence as far afield as Africa and Latin America. Nor is it Britain's interests only which are affected; not only the whole of the west, but also the neutrals have an interest in preserving the status quo in these areas. In this context particularly to speak of British interests in isolation from the rest of the world gives the book a false emphasis.\n\nBut when Mr. Luard deals with the future of British policy—as he does in a highly practical manner—this is avoided, partly because he discusses subjects which are specifically British concerns, trade and economic relations with Communist China and the future of Hong Kong, and partly because he conceives British policy as it truly should be in these days of her declining power—as a matter for giving advice and bringing influence to bear.\n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204504, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 136, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "BRITAIN AND CHINA\n\n121\n\neither upon more powerful allies or groups of nations such as the U.N. or SEATO. And the policies which Mr. Luard would most like to see the British government influencing are the transfer of the China seat in the U.N. to Peking; KMT withdrawal from the offshore islands; and the abandonment of Chiang Kai-shek's claim to the mainland. These accomplished, he contends - rightly, I think - that the Peking government, mollified and with the equanimity which comes from assured status, would pursue the extension of its aims with less belligerence.\n\nBritain's next move, in order to prevent the spread of Communism (it is a pity that Mr. Luard does not analyse for us why this should be a British policy, since, as he says, most Britons are ideologically vague) should be to cultivate friendly relations with the peoples of other nations. This is better than just being friendly with governments, which after all can collapse overnight. Further, many governments are highly unpopular and associating with them merely brings one into disrepute. Britain must also be prepared to contribute money to under-developed non-Communist countries to supply them with the capital needed for investment; otherwise they might be tempted by the economic advantages of Communism, the chief of which is the high rate of internal saving it makes possible. Britain, with her comparatively high standard of living, can well afford to give more to the shockingly poor countries of the east.\n\nMr. Luard's last advice to the British government is to try to make possible more visits from Chinese leaders to the west. He is undoubtedly right in his assessment of the ignorance and misunderstanding of the outside world which exist on all levels in the Chinese government, and there can be no doubt that travel in Europe would help. To think that Britain can do much in this sphere at present is perhaps optimistic; it might be worth giving the advice to one or two of the governments of eastern Europe, who are more likely to be believed in Peking than the British, and who, for all their Communism, have both knowledge and understanding of the west. Despite that, however, this analysis of the paths which British policy might follow is a splendidly thorough and practical one. To this the rest of the book leads up; the author's eye is firmly on the present and the future, his intention being to explain why China is as she is and what Britain can do about it. He succeeds admirably.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204510, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "127\n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\nHONG KONG BRANCH\n\nList of Members at 16th May, 1962.\n\nABRAHAM, R. D. ·\n\nAIDE-DE-CAMP\n\n-\n\nALLEYNE, Mrs. E. L. ·\n\nBAIRD, John W.\n\nBARD, Dr. S. M.\n\nBARNETT, K. M. A.\n\nBARON, D. W. B.\n\nBARR, John S.\n\n·\n\nBARTON, Hon. H. D. M.\n\nBASTO, Gerald De.\n\n-\n\n-\n\n41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, Hong Kong.\n\nGovernment House, Hong Kong.\n\nUniversity of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, Hong Kong.\n\nc/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. Hong Kong.\n\nHong Kong University, Pokfulum, Hong Kong.\n\nP. O. Box 248, Hong Kong.\n\n361 The Peak, Hong Kong.\n\nc/o Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, Shatin.\n\nJardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. Hong Kong.\n\n604 Fu House, 7 Ice House Street, Hong Kong.\n\nBEDWELL, Miss Elizabeth\n\nc/o H.K. Housing Authority, G. P. O.\n\nBERTUCCIOLI, Giuliano\n\nBIRNBAUM, Mrs. Sylvia Daniels\n\nBLACK, Donald\n\nBLACKMORE, Michael\n\nBLUE, A. D.\n\n-\n\nBLUNDEN, Prof. E. C.\n\nBONSALL, G. W.\n\nBORGEEST, Gus\n\nBRAGA, J. M.\n\n-\n\nBREUIL, N. du Mrs.\n\nBROOKS, D. E.\n\nBRUUN, Frederick T.\n\nBURKHARDT, Col. V. R.\n\n-\n\nBYRNE, Desmond J.\n\nBuilding, T/F.\n\n·\n\nItalian Embassy, Tokyo, Japan.\n\n7, Braga Circuit, Kowloon.\n\nPeat, Marwick Mitchell & Co., Alexandra House 8/F.\n\nDept. of History, H.K. University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nc/o China Navigation Co., Butterfield & Swire.\n\nThe University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, Hong Kong.\n\nFlat 3, 94-D, Pokfulum Road, Hong Kong.\n\nP. O. Box 1058, Hong Kong.\n\nP. O. Box 951, Hong Kong.\n\n86, Main Street, Stanley, Hong Kong.\n\nRadio Hong Kong, Hong Kong.\n\n908, Takshing House, Hong Kong.\n\n86, Main Street, Stanley, Hong Kong.\n\nc/o China Light & Power Co., Ltd. Argyle Street, Kowloon.\n\nBENHAM, Miss M. E. M.\n\nHarcourt Health Centre, Morrison Hill Rd., Hong Kong.\n\nCALCINA, P. G.\n\nCommercial Investment Co., Ltd. Union House, H.K.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204516, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 148, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "133\n\nSMITH, Leslie, O.B.E.\n\nSMITH, Lloyd A.\n\n+\n\nSMITH, Stanley Herbert -\n\nSOONG, Norman\n\nSPERRY, Henry Muhlenberg\n\nSTANLEY, Major Henry, F.\n\nSTANTON, William T.\n\nSTARBIRD, Linwood R. -\n\nSTENTON, Prof. Harry\n\nSTOCK, Prof. F. E., O.B.E. -\n\nSTOKES, John\n\nז\n\nJ\n\n.\n\n23-A, Robinson Road, Hong Kong.\n\n2741, SW 22nd Ave. Coconut Grove, Miami 33, Florida, U.S.A.\n\n(Local address: c/o R. S. Fountain, Esq.,\n\n309, Prince's Building, H.K.)\n\nc/o Messrs. Scott & English Ltd., P. O. Box\n\n1555, H.K.\n\nAsia Magazine, 31 Queen's Road, C., H.K.\n\n2, Queen's Road, Central, Hong Kong.\n\nFlat 12, Tjibatoe, 9 Plunketts Rd., H.K.\n\nDina House, Duddell St., Hong Kong.\n\nc/o American Consulate-General, Garden Rd., H.K.\n\nDept. of Botany, H.K. University, H.K.\n\nHong Kong University.\n\nEducation Department, Battery Path, H.K.\n\nSTRICKLAND, Mr. P. G. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd. H.K.\n\nSWIRE, A. C.\n\nTALBOT, Henry D.\n\nTANG, Shiu-kin, C.B.E.\n\nTHOMAS, Louis F.\n\nTHOMPSON, R. W.\n\nTOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie\n\nTREGEAR, Miss Mary\n\nTRISTRAM, M. P. W.\n\nTSEUNG, Dr. F. I.\n\nTURNER, The Hon. Sir Michael\n\nVETCH, Henri\n\nVETCH, Mrs. Henri\n\nVIO, Dr. Eric George\n\nVISICK, Mrs. Mary\n\nWALDEN, J. C. C.\n\nWARD, William L.\n\nWATSON, K. A.\n\nWEI, Dr. Tat, M. A.\n\n·\n\nc/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K.\n\nDept. of Geography, H.K. University, H.K.\n\n505, Pedder Building, Hong Kong.\n\n8, King's Park Flats, Kowloon.\n\nDept. of Modern Languages, H.K. University, H.K.\n\n6, Peak Mansions, Hong Kong.\n\nAshmolean Museum, Oxford University, Oxford, U.K.\n\nRating & Valuation Dept., Man Yee Bldg., 9/F., H.K.\n\nChina Building, 4th floor, Hong Kong.\n\nHong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., London.\n\nH.K.U. Press.\n\nH.K.U. Press.\n\n315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K.\n\nDept. of English, H.K.U.\n\nc/o Commerce & Industry Dept. Fire Brigade Bldg., H.K.\n\nApt. 3, 7 Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong.\n\nc/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K.\n\nH.K. Anti-Tuberculosis Association, Queen's Rd., E., H.K.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204517, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "134\n\nWEISS, Karel -\n\nWELCH, H. H.\n\nWILSON, B. D. -\n\nWONG, Dr. Man\n\nWONG, Pao-hsie -\n\n-\n\nWONG, Prof. Po-shang\n\nWOO, Dr. Arthur W. -\n\nWOO, Dr. Pak-foo\n\nWRIGHT, D. A. L.\n\nYAO, Pe-chun\n\nYAP, Dr. Pow-meng\n\nYEUNG, Walter\n\nYU, Ping-kuen\n\nZIGAL, Mrs. Irene -\n\nP. O. Box 718, Hong Kong.\n\nThe Pink House, B-9, Shatin Heights, New Territories.\n\nUrban Services Dept., Secretariat Bldg., H.K.\n\nRoom 108, China Building, Hong Kong.\n\nMessrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K.\n\nB-5 Wah Kiu Mansion, 1/F, 80 Tai Po Road, Kowloon.\n\nWoo Clinic, Edinburgh House, 1/F., H.K.\n\n204 China Building, Hong Kong.\n\nHong Kong Club, Hong Kong.\n\nI. L. 7635 Cooper Road, Block 2, East 2/F,, Jardine's Lookout, Causeway Bay, H.K.\n\nMental Hospital, Hong Kong.\n\nSecretariat for Chinese Affairs, Fire Brigade Bldg., Hong Kong.\n\nDept. of Chinese, H.K.U.\n\n12, Bowen Road, Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204523, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 4, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "# OBJECTS OF THE SOCIETY\n\nThe Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal.\n\nA brochure containing a short history of the Hong Kong Branch, together with a list of lectures given before the Society since its revival, can be obtained by prospective members from the Hon. Secretary, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong.\n\n# NOTE TO CONTRIBUTORS\n\nThe Editorial Committee welcomes contributions from non-members as well as from members. Articles, notes and queries, and other material dealing with such subjects as the history, languages, literature, art, social customs, and natural history of Hong Kong and adjacent areas will be considered for publication.\n\nContributors are requested to follow closely the style sheet of the Journal, obtainable from the Editor. Contributions of over 20,000 words will not normally be accepted for publication in the Journal. They may, however, be submitted for consideration as monographs.\n\nAll communications intended for publication should be type-written in double spacing on one side of the paper only, leaving adequate margins. They should be sent to the Hon. Editor, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204524, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 5, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "CONTENTS\n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1962\n\nHON. TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1962\n\nTRANSACTIONS OF THE BRANCH, 1962-1963:\n\nThe Old Protestant Cemetery in Macau\n\nThe Development of Printing in China and its Effects on the Renaissance under the Sung Dynasty\n\nFlowers of Hong Kong (with six coloured illustrations)\n\nRecent Changes in the Chinese Language\n\nThe Old British Legation at Peking, 1860-1959\n\nARTICLES CONTRIBUTED:\n\nCheung Chau 1850-1898: Information from Commemorative Tablets - LINDSAY RIDE - PAGE 1\n\n- L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH 7\n\n- B. T. CHIU - 36\n\n- MA MENG - 44\n\n- J. L. CRANMER-BYNG - 51\n\n- J. W. HAYES - 60\n\nEuropean Navigation on the Yangtze - A. D. BLUE - 88\n\nKashmir Holiday - CLIVE ROBINSON - 107\n\nBOOK REVIEWS - 131\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES - 136\n\nLIST OF MEMBERS - 149\n\nResponsibility for opinions expressed in articles published in this Journal rests with the individual contributors and not with the Editorial Committee.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204526, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 7, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "# PRESIDENT'S REPORT\n\n1962\n\nThis is the third Annual General Meeting of the Society since its revival in December 1959. During 1962 the work of the Society, judging by the popularity of the lectures and the success of the Journal, has shown a vitality which has justified the initial promise of the first two years, and has established its position as a permanent factor in the intellectual life of the community in Hong Kong.\n\nThe ten public meetings at which lectures were delivered were again all consistently well attended. The first two in January and February were held at the premises of the British Council, through the good offices of the Representative Mr. R. E. Lawry, who is also our Honorary Secretary. By the beginning of our third year the audiences had outgrown the normal capacity of the British Council Room and it was opportune that just then the City Hall with its admirable facilities became available for our subsequent meetings. The term \"lecture\" has now become inappropriate and somewhat of an anachronism in connection with meetings such as those of the Society. I recall an Annual General Meeting of the North China Branch held in Shanghai about twenty-five years ago when the late Mr. A. de C. Sowerby, the well-known naturalist and curator of the Society's museum, in his Annual Report referred to the \"lectures\" which had been given during the year. \"Of these,\" he said, \"two were illustrated with both motion pictures and ordinary lantern slides, seven were illustrated with lantern slides only, the remainder being without illustrations. It is evident that lantern slides form an added attraction, since it was noticeable that, regardless of the subject, lectures so illustrated were markedly better attended than those that were not.\" To some extent the same may be said of the more sophisticated audiences of Hong Kong today. However, the lectures that were not illustrated were of such interest that they brought excellent audiences, while those which were illustrated had the advantage of brilliant colours, such as Mr. Nixon's slides of flowers and Mr. Hugh Gibb's documentary films, and this added greatly to their popularity. The fantastic\n\n1", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204527, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 8, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "2\n\nmarvels of the life under the waters around us in the brilliant colours of Mr. Bromhall's underwater photography could not have been revealed to us a quarter of a century ago.\n\nThe lectures last year covered a wide variety of subjects, following the policy advised by the first President of this Society in Hong Kong, Sir John Davis, who stressed the importance of directing the attention of the Society to practical projects and to natural history, ethnology and botany as well as to linguistic and literary pursuits. The wealth of our local talent was strikingly shown by the fact that half of the lectures were given by scholars and experts from amongst our own members. The lectures given during the year were:\n\nJanuary 15th\nFebruary 26th\nDr. Herold J. Wiens* \"Some of China's 35 Million Non-Chinese\"\nMr. J. D. Pearson \"Recent Development in Oriental Studies in Great Britain\"\n\"Buddhism in Modern Life\"\nSir Lindsay Ride \"The Old Protestant Cemetery in Macao\"\nMr. Ma Meng \"Recent Changes in the Chinese Language\"\nApril 2nd\nVen. Khema \"Hong Kong Flowers\"\nMay 7th\nMiss B. T. Chiu\nJune 18th\nMr. J. L. Cranmer-Byng \"The Old British Legation at Peking 1860-1959\"\nJuly 16th\nProfessor L. C. Goodrich \"The Development of Printing in China and Its Effect on the Renaissance under the Sung (960-1279)\"\nAugust 20th\nSeptember 3rd\n\n* Printed in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 2, 1962,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204533, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 14, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "THE OLD PROTESTANT CEMETERY IN MACAO\n\nA lecture delivered on 7 May, 1962\n\nLINDSAY RIDE, C.B.E., E.D., D.M., LL.D.*\n\nThere are worse ways of occupying leisure than tours on foot through noteworthy cemeteries — EDMUND BLUNDEN in Cricket Country.\n\nMacao is of fundamental interest to all of us here tonight because, in the eighteenth and the early part of the nineteenth centuries, as well as being a Portuguese base, it was the Far Eastern home of those who were unconsciously but surely laying the foundations of the community which was to become known as the Colony of Hong Kong. It was also the main gateway through which flowed the influence that the west was exerting on the whole of China; and of all its non-Portuguese foreign residents responsible for this influence, the most valuable cross-section accessible to us today is the group of 162 members of many nations who lie buried in its Old Protestant Cemetery. Their personal histories, read in and between the lines carved on their weathering memorials, give us the most accurate picture it is possible to paint today of the parent community they represent; deciphering these lines and filling in their gaps, has been the spare-time hobby of my wife and myself now for over seven years; it has given us interest in members of divers nationalities and professions, and has introduced us to the fascinating lives of scores of people who lived in earlier times. It has directed our searching into many corners of the globe, and earned us a host of interesting friends and correspondents the world over.†\n\nIn the time at my disposal this evening it is impossible to describe in any detail any one of the life histories which it took individuals decades to weave and us years to unravel, but if I can give you even a general understanding of their community and their home, of their lives and their times, I shall be content.\n\n* Sir Lindsay Ride is Vice-Chancellor of the University of Hong Kong. †The results of these researches will be published shortly by the Hong Kong University Press in a volume provisionally entitled Macao's Old Protestant Cemetery.\n\nI", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204534, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "10\n\nLINDSAY RIDE\n\nLet us first go to the top of Monte Fort and view this historic spot where so many foreigners lived their eastern lives and not a few found eternal rest. From the Fort we can see practically the whole of the peninsula and the city of Macao. To the east, beyond the Guia lighthouse, stretches the South China Sea, studded by the Ladrone Islands of which the two nearest - Taipa and Coloane form part of this overseas Province of Portugal. Between these islands and the peninsula lie the Macao Roads and the Outer Harbour. To the west can be seen the narrow neck of land with its barrier gate which bars access to the large delta island of Heung Shan and to the mainland of China. Separating the main portion of this island from the city of Macao, is the Inner Harbour whose two lines of junks, Communist and Macanese, are separated only by the narrow fairway used by the larger sea-going junks, launches and the Hong Kong ferries. Just below us as we view this busy scene, stands, stately and calm, the façade of all that remains of the Jesuit Church of St. Paul, commenced in the sixteenth century, completed in the seventeenth and destroyed by fire in the nineteenth century,\n\nBehind it, almost at the harbour's edge, is a low wooded hill whose trees shelter the Camoens Grotto and on whose lower slopes nestle the Camoens Gardens and the neighbouring cemetery.\n\nIt is but a short walk from the Fort to the cemetery and gardens, access to both of which is gained from a small grassed and treed square the Praça Luis de Camões. On the extreme right as we enter this square, is a high stucco wall pierced by a most unimpressive gateway over which is mounted a small tablet; on which is carved:\n\nPROTESTANT CHURCH\n\nAND\n\nOLD CEMETERY\n\n(EAST INDIA COMPANY 1814)\n\nThis inscription poses a number of questions, a characteristic which, as you will find out later, it shares with many of the inscriptions in the cemetery itself; in fact it is the attempt to solve these problems that supplies much of the fascination and the interest of this cemetery. What was the British East India\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204535, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 16, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "PROTESTANT CEMETERY IN MACAO\n\n11\n\nCompany doing in Portuguese territory? Why did the Protestants need a separate cemetery? What is the significance of the date 1814? These are but a sample of the problems that these few words pose.\n\nThe first Europeans to set up permanent maritime contacts with the Chinese were the Portuguese, and by 1557 they had been granted permission to settle on a small peninsula of the delta island of Heung Shan. This peninsula, covering an area of only about five square miles, thus became the first permanent European trading base in China.\n\nLater came the Dutch, the Spanish and the British traders and navigators; the first and the second of these national groups eventually made their oriental headquarters elsewhere, but the British, through their highly organized East India Company, were more persistent and more successful as far as trade with the mainland of China was concerned.\n\nBut the China of those days was, in the eyes of her own people, the centre of the universe, and all those who lived outside the confines of her ancient and well-tested civilization were considered barbarians. They could only be admitted inside the fold as tribute bearers to the Imperial Court to receive the ethical instruction of the Son of Heaven, and were then sent back home. When such admissions were allowed, portals of entry were carefully chosen and rigidly controlled, and in the case of sea-faring people, the port appointed was Canton, situated ninety miles up the river from Macao, and thus the barbarians were kept as far as possible from the sacred heart of the Middle Kingdom.\n\nBut even at Canton there were further restrictions, geographical as well as political. The ships could only get up as far as Whampoa, which was the deep-sea port for Canton, and about eleven miles down river from it. The foreign merchants were allowed to go on to Canton itself but they had to reside in a place set apart outside the city—the Factories; nor could they remain there permanently; the length of residence permitted was determined by the time it took to dispose of the cargo brought in their ships and to load the return cargo of silk or tea. The time of the year at which these operations took place was determined by the monsoon; foreign trade was therefore completely seasonal—from September to March approximately, and as soon", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204536, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 17, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "12\n\nLINDSAY RIDE\n\nas the season was over all foreigners had to leave Canton and return to their barbarian homes. It mattered not to the Chinese officials that it was a physical impossibility for the foreigners to go to their homes on the other side of the world and be back again in time for the next trading season. When the ships sailed from Whampoa, the Factories at Canton closed, and the merchant staff called Writers, Factors and Supercargoes, all left too. They went as far as Macao, and while the cargo laden ships sailed on to Europe, the merchants waited there for the coming of the next season's ships.\n\nOne other restriction that we must mention is that no European women were allowed to go up river at all, so the annual expulsion of the men from Canton was really not so very hard to bear for most people. It meant reunion with one's wife and family for those married men whose families were in Macao, and the pleasure of European female company for the bachelors. Macao was thus the foreigners' home away from home. They worked strenuously in isolation in Canton while the season lasted, and then between seasons they repaired to the more natural abode of the families in the only equivalent of a health and holiday resort that the Far East then knew. Social life in Macao was strenuous, especially for women folk who were few in number; many of the men were either bachelors or grass widowers and for approximately six months in each year, they had very little official work to do at all; at any rate this was certainly true for the juniors.\n\nAnother significant fact which had important implications was that the Chinese, at the time of which I speak, recognized only one foreign official body other than the Portuguese- namely the British East India Company, and they made all the official contacts with the other nationalities through the controlling body of this Company in Canton -the Select Committee. As may well be imagined, this situation led to difficulties between the British and the various other foreign communities whose trade with China had increased tremendously towards the end of the eighteenth century. This was particularly true of the new maritime power, the United States of America. After their independence, the Americans were naturally no longer willing to depend on the British shipping for their foreign trade; Britain made it particularly difficult for them to retain any of their trade with their former sister colonies in the West Indies, and they were thus forced to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204537, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 18, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "PROTESTANT CEMETERY IN MACAO\n\nexplore trade possibilities outside the Americas.\n\n13\n\nThe New England states especially took the lead in this expansion of maritime trade, and towns like Salem and Boston soon became busy ship-building and overseas ports. Boston ships sailed east to the Pacific via the Cape of Good Hope, while those from Salem sailed west round the Horn; when, as was inevitable on a globe, east met west in the Far East, they agreed to an east-west boundary line which ran south of Canton and the Philippines; the area of South China was thus in the Salem sphere, and hence most of the early American traders in this area belonged to early Salem, Beverly, and Danvers families.\n\nThe procedure that had to be followed by foreign ships trading with Canton was briefly this. They made their first China landfall amongst the Ladrone Islands; here they took on a pilot from a junk, and he brought them to Macao; anchoring in the roads off Taipa, they made contact with the Chinese officials who were at that time established on the Praya Grande at Macao; on being cleared by them for Canton, the ships were allowed to proceed to Bocca Tigris at the river mouth, where, after a further delay, they were eventually given a Grand Chop, which was the permit to sail up river. The ships anchored at Whampoa, and the almost endless negotiations for discharging their cargoes and reloading with their purchases began. In the early part of the nineteenth century, the foreign floating population of Whampoa ran into thousands, and the sickness, accident, and mortality rates were very high.\n\nUp river, disposal of the dead was one of the easiest of all local business transactions; the Chinese had no such things as enclosed cemeteries, and neither had the foreigners; burials involved no legal or civil procedures; one merely negotiated with a Chinese landowner for a hillside plot and hired a few labourers. On Danes Island, French Island, at Whampoa, Lintin, Capsingmoon, and Cumsingmoon, there lie buried thus hundreds of foreigners whose frail memorials, if they ever existed, have long since disappeared.* In westernized Macao, however, the situation was different. There were enclosed cemeteries there, but they were consecrated by the Roman Catholic Church and therefore were not available to the other Europeans who were\n\n*For a map of the Pearl River estuary see p. 93.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204538, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 19, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "14\n\nLINDSAY RIDE\n\npredominantly Protestant, or to the Indians and Chinese who were not Christians. The Portuguese officials for a long time could not be persuaded to sell land to the Protestants for use as a recognized cemetery, and so, as on the islands up the river, the bereaved foreigners in Macao had to bury their dead on the hillsides beyond the city walls. In 1821 however, on the occasion of the death of Mary Morrison, wife of Dr. Robert Morrison, the Portuguese authorities at last agreed to let the East India Company have some land for burial purposes. The Morrisons had lost their first born, James, ten years before and he had been buried on Mesenburg Hill. During her last illness, Mary Morrison had expressed the wish to be buried with her first born, but the Chinese were reluctant to open an old grave. Strong representations were made by the Select Committee to the Portuguese and although they could not let her be buried in their cemetery, the pleadings plus the popularity of Dr. Morrison won the day, and a plot of land near one of the Company's official residences, now the Museum, was sold to the East India Company for use as a burial ground. Later, the East India Company allowed it to be used by all foreigners, and then a number of people sought permission for the remains of those formerly buried on hillsides to be moved into the newly established cemetery: that is why, if one looks carefully at the memorials, it will be found that a number of them have dates of death earlier than 1821, when the cemetery was opened. The earliest death recorded was of George W. Biddle of Philadelphia, U.S.A., he died in 1811, so that the date over the gate referred to earlier is neither that of the opening of the cemetery nor of the first death recorded there. It is probably that of the year in which the new charter came into force under which the East India Company operated in China at the time of the opening of the Cemetery.\n\nThe name \"Old Cemetery\" came into use after 1858 when the Portuguese authorities decided that no more burials were to take place within the city limits. This decision necessitated the closing of the cemetery and the opening of another, The New Protestant Cemetery, outside the city walls. A property named Carneiro's Gardens was bought at a public auction in 1858 by Osmund Cleverly (Cleverly Street in Hong Kong was named after him), acting on behalf of the Protestant community in Macao, and a Board of Trustees was set up to administer the property as a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204539, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 20, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "PROTESTANT CEMETERY IN MACAO\n\n15\n\ncemetery. Membership of the Board is open to the Consular Authorities in Macao of certain European Protestant nations, plus Protestant residents in Macao. In 1924 the Rev. John Galloway, a Canadian missionary, was appointed a Trustee; he still lives in Macao and it is to him that we are indebted for much of our information concerning the later history of these two cemeteries in Macao, the Old and the New. When the East India Company ceased operating in China in 1834, its property in Macao reverted to His Majesty's Government in England. But in 1870, it was thought wiser that the two cemetery properties in Macao should come under the ownership of one body, and the Old Cemetery property was transferred to the New Cemetery Trustees, under whose control it rests to this day.\n\nEntrance to the Old Cemetery. The door in the wall already mentioned gives entrance to the property which is on three levels; the highest or first level is a courtyard in which a simple chapel stands; the burial plots are on the two lower levels which we refer to as the Upper and Lower Terraces. A wide cement path leads down from the Chapel level to the Lower Terrace and a break in the left-hand wall on the way down gives access to the Upper Terrace. In the chapel are two wall memorials of interest; one is to a British merchant named Margesson who originally came from Surrey, and who was drowned on 17 June 1869 when the ship in which he was travelling struck a rock just a mile or two off the coast of Japan; the disaster occurred on a clear evening and in a perfectly calm sea, but the ship sank almost immediately with a big loss of life.\n\nThe other chapel memorial is to James B. Endicott who died of typhoid in 1870 after living for 35 years in Hong Kong, Macao, and Canton. He is actually buried in the Colonial Cemetery in Happy Valley, Hong Kong, but he has two daughters, an uncle, and many friends in the churchyard in Macao. Endicott was born in Danvers, Massachusetts, U.S.A. in 1814, and is a direct lineal descendant of John Endicott who sailed from the harbour of Weymouth, England, in 1628 in the ship Abigail on an adventurous voyage to the New World where he became the founder and first governor of the State of Massachusetts. James B. Endicott introduces us to the important American section of the foreigners who lived in Macao more than one hundred years ago, over fifty of whom rest in this cemetery.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204542, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 23, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "18\n\nLINDSAY RIDE\n\nDr. Robert Morrison. It is easily found, for if one continues straight on through the terrace from the end of the path one comes upon it amongst a group of altar tombs in the south-east corner of the cemetery. Morrison was a member of the London Missionary Society and was the first Protestant missionary in China, arriving from England via the States in 1807. He was a great Chinese scholar, wrote a Chinese grammar, compiled an English-Cantonese dictionary, and, along with a colleague, translated the whole Bible into Chinese. He became the indispensable interpreter and translator of the Select Committee of the East India Company, was taken by Lord Amherst in that capacity on his embassy to Peking in 1816, and was appointed in 1834 by Lord Napier to his staff when he assumed office in place of the East India Company in China. In 1825 he was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society in virtue of his outstanding scholastic achievements, and was also a member of the society under whose auspices we meet tonight — the Royal Asiatic Society.\n\nMorrison was buried alongside his wife, and next to her lies their very gifted son, John Robert Morrison, who died just as he was appointed the first Colonial Secretary in Hong Kong. Nearby lies another colleague from the same missionary society, Samuel Dyer, who did much to introduce metallic movable type to replace wooden blocks in the printing of Chinese books and tracts.\n\nAlong the eastern wall are to be found a number of members of East India Company families, and in the second row parallel to this wall is the second most frequently photographed memorial in the cemetery, that of Sir Winston Churchill's great-great-grand uncle, the 4th son of the 5th Duke of Marlborough, Lord Henry John Spencer Churchill, Captain, R.N. Near him lies a group of naval officers—Lieut. John Astell, Lieut. FitzGerald of the H.M.S. Modeste, and Captain Sir Humphrey le Fleming Senhouse, Senior Naval Officer in the China Seas during the attack on Canton in 1841.\n\nThe most conspicuous monument in the whole of the cemetery is a tall column near the north wall. It commemorates the life and death of Captain John Crockett who must have made a fortune when in command for some years of an opium storeship at Lintin. Nearby lies one of America's great ambassadors, Edmund Roberts, who served in the West Indies, South America, Muscat, Zanzibar,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204543, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 24, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "PROTESTANT CEMETERY IN MACAO\n\n19\n\nCochin China, Siam, and who died in Macao while en route to Japan in an attempt to open that country to American trade.\n\nTo the south of Crockett is Ljungstedt, a Swedish merchant, a philanthropist, an educationalist, and a Knight of Wasa, and alongside him are three small humble altar-tombs of the three children of an American girl, Caroline Shillaber of Danvers, Massachusetts, who married an English doctor, Thomas Richardson Colledge in Macao in 1833. After their return to England in 1838/39, Dr. Colledge practised his profession in Cheltenham, Gloucestershire, for about forty years, and both he and his wife are buried in the churchyard of the small village of Shurdington just outside Cheltenham. Their tombstone supplied us with the Christian names of one of their children buried in Macao whose memorial does not give the child's name, for it merely refers to \"the infant son of\" Dr. and Mrs. Colledge. The name was Lancelot Dent, the head of a famous merchant house here in those days.\n\nOne cannot mention Mrs. Colledge without referring also to her school friend Harriet Low. She came out to Macao in 1829 as a companion to her aunt. Her uncle was William Henry Low, head of the American firm of Russell & Co. Together they all three left Macao to return to the States in 1834, but the uncle died in Cape Town while on the journey home. Harriet, fortunately for us, kept a diary from the day she left Massachusetts, and it gives us most valuable information of the community life in Macao in the early thirties, as well as of many of the individual members of the community itself.\n\nAlong the eastern wall near the north-east corner of the Lower Terrace is the grave of another Boston merchant, Captain Nathaniel Kinsman. His wife too was a diarist, but whereas Harriet looked at everything through the sparkling and bewitching eyes of a gaiety-loving girl of twenty-one, Rebecca Kinsman viewed the life amongst the members of this predominantly masculine society from the viewpoint of a married middle-aged Quakeress.\n\nYet a third feminine writer to whom we also owe much was the widow of Dr. Robert Morrison. She wrote a biography of her husband which was published in two volumes, and although it necessarily deals mainly with the Morrison family, it nevertheless gives much information too about their contemporaries in Macao.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204560, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "36\n\nTHE DEVELOPMENT OF PRINTING IN CHINA and its effects on the renaissance under the Sung dynasty (960-1279) A lecture delivered on 3 September, 1962\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH,* PH.D.\n\nThe art of printing took a long time to develop. It came into being when the demand was urgent for multiple copies, and when the Chinese had both the essential materials and the technical processes. This seems to have happened some time after the year A.D. 700.\n\nLet us consider first the demand. It came in all circles where reading was essential. The Buddhists at this time were extremely active in their work of propaganda. For example, in 581 the emperor Kao-tsu4 of the Sui ordered the copying of Buddhist texts at state expense; this involved 46 collections in 132,086 rolls. In Taoist circles there was need for large numbers of charms to ward off evils. The Confucians, again coming into their own with the re-introduction of the system of civil service examinations, needed hundreds of thousands of text books for students, and copies of the Confucian canon for the scholar class. We read that at the capital alone, for instance, the emperor Yang (605-616) ordered the making of fifty duplicate sets of the imperial library. This involved the copying of 3,127 works in 36,708 rolls.\n\nLet us consider next the main ingredients and technical processes. The first were ink and paper. We know now that red ink was known to the Chinese at least by the 13th century B.C. (A) and black ink about the same time. For writing surfaces the Chinese experimented with wood, bamboo, silk, and harder materials. Then at the end of the 1st century A.D. paper came into being. At this time the dynastic history drily relates: \"Silk was too expensive and bamboo too heavy.\" In 1931 the Swedish member of the Sino-Swedish Expedition in Central Asia, Folke Bergman, discovered some paper in a lonely site called Chü-yen\n\n* Dr. Goodrich is Professor Emeritus of Chinese at Columbia University. He is well known as the author of A Short History of the Chinese People, and for his revised edition of T. F. Carter's The Invention of Printing in China and its Spread Westward.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204561, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "PRINTING IN CHINA\n\n37\n\nin the desert beyond Tun-huang, which Lao Kan subsequently dated around A.D. 98 or a little later. This confirms the date of 105 given for the announcement of the invention to the throne in the biography of Ts'ai Lun in the Hou Han shu. The technical processes included:\n\n(a) the fashioning of seals out of metal, stone, and clay;\n\n(b) the taking of rubbings (or inked squeezes) of inscriptions on bronze and stone.\n\nSeveral bronze seals have been found in Shang sites, and many later ones made of bronze, ivory, horn, stone, pottery, jade, and iron. They were cut both in relief and in intaglio. Known as yin, the seals were generally small; their purpose was a proof of genuineness. (The woodblock, yet to appear, was large and its purpose was reduplication.)\n\nAs to inked rubbings, these make their appearance during the 5th and 6th centuries; by 649 three professionals were appointed to the T'ang court. They were called T'a shu shou. Chinese scholars love to own copies of prized inscriptions; so the making of rubbings became a popular pastime.\n\nBy the year 640, after the T'ang had consolidated the empire, and achieved victories everywhere, except in Korea, China entered upon a period of material prosperity and cultural advance. It is small wonder that in the ensuing century printing should have developed. The demand must have been very great for elementary texts, dictionaries, copies of the canon, histories, Buddhist sutras, almanacs, etc.\n\nOne must mention here the interesting hypothesis of Robert Shafer [Journal of the Oriental Society, v. 80, No. 4 (Oct.-Dec. 1960), pp. 328-329] that the printing block originated in Tibet. This may be true; but was it first used for literature, or for some other purpose, such as textiles? The authors of both the Chiu T'ang shu (196 A/la) and the Hsin T'ang shu (216 A/lb), writing of the early years of the Tang dynasty, state categorically that the Tibetans had no writing. So do the writers of the Tibetan annals, covering the years 650-747, found by Pelliot at Tunhuang. (Cf. the translation of J. Bacot and Ch. Toussaint in Documents de Touen-Houang relatifs à l'histoire du Tibet.)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204562, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "38 \n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH \n\nTibet, Paris, 1940, p. 161.) Actually from the last named (see p. 129, n. 5) and from other sources (such as S. Lévi, Le Népal, II, Paris, 1905, p. 148), we learn that writing was just then being introduced to Tibet. This is a far cry from China's experience of two millennia of writing (before A.D. 600), and the great urge for multiple copies of texts on the part of all sections of the literate community. \n\nThe first known example of wood-block printing came from Japan during the years 764-770. This is explained by the constant coming and going of Japanese students to T’ang China, and some scholars and Buddhist priests from the mainland to Japan. We learn, for example, of one Chinese scholar becoming head of the new University at Nara in 735, and of one Japanese who, after 19 years in the Chinese capital, returned to Nara, and in 735 became tutor to the empress Shotoku. It was she who ordered the production of one million three storey stupas, in each of which were to be placed six charms. (Only last spring I saw at Horyuji # 96 of these reliquaries, together with six copies of the printed dharani.) \n\nThe first recorded notice in China is dated 835. It tells of a memorial to the throne suggesting an edict forbidding the printing of calendars from wood-blocks. After this the notices and dated materials recently discovered multiply. I list some of these: \n\n1. Under the date of 839 Ennin mentions seeing one thousand copies of the Nirvana Sutra at Mount Wu-t'ai § J. This is so large a figure one may well wonder if they were printed. 2. It has been suggested that the Vinaya was first printed before 845. We know that the wood-blocks were burned in a fire at Ching-ai ssu in Loyang. So the poet Ssu-k’ung T'u (837-908) proposed the preparation of a fresh edition. \n\n3. Fan Shu, who flourished during the years 860-874, is authority for the statement that Ho-kan Chi T✯ who was active in Kiangsi ⇓ in 846-851, printed several thousand copies of a book concerned with alchemy. \n\n5 \n\n4. A beautiful copy of the Diamond Sutra &♬Į✯, printed 868 (it is 174 feet long and 10 inches wide) on white buff paper, was discovered in 1907 at Tunhuang and is now in the British Museum.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204563, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "PRINTING IN CHINA\n\n39\n\n5. The Japanese monk Shuyei left China in 865, after a three-year visit, with a considerable collection of Buddhist rolls, two of them bearing titles indicating that they were printed.\n\n6. Calendars, dated 877, 882, and 887, have been found in Tunhuang.\n\n7. A printed charm was recently discovered in a T'ang tomb in Ch’êng-tu.\n\n8. In 883 the T'ang court fled to Shu and there (at Ch'êng-tu) one of the courtiers recorded seeing a variety of books printed on paper from wood-blocks for sale.\n\nFrom the next century on, printing becomes widespread. The whole Confucian canon in 130 volumes was printed in the years 932-953. The Buddhist canon in 5,048 rolls followed suit in 971-983 and many times thereafter. Manichean works were printed by the year 1000, if not a century earlier. The dynastic histories (史記, 漢書, 後漢書, 三國志, 晉書, and 滷唐書) were all printed between 994 and 1004. The Taoist canon, in 4,565 rolls, was printed in 1019. Besides this, several works were printed privately, such as the herbal in 973 and collections of essays and poetry. So, by the early years of the Sung, a large body of material was available in print. From about A.D. 1000 on, the publication of books in this form accelerated throughout China, and spread to the Khitan, Tangut, Jurchen, Uigur, and Mongol, and to Korea, Japan, and Annam. Printing by movable type too came into being (at least by the 1040's); also printing by metal blocks, as well as by wood-blocks.\n\nThe different classes engaged in printing included the Buddhist, the Taoist, the Confucian, and the secular. The first two groups produced a great number of texts in order to help them reach the masses. The last group, which was beginning to develop new philosophical ideas, also wanted to reach the people. The Sung government became worried about this; hence its interest in the printing of Confucian literature to propagate Confucianism among the general public. It was also considered an imperial prerogative. The printing of the canon was forbidden to private persons, and was entirely held in the hands of the government. Besides the printing done by the Academy, books were", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204564, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "40\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\npublished by numerous local and provincial schools under the direct supervision of the directors of these schools. Various government administrative officers also printed books; for example, the Offices of Tea and Salt in Chekiang published in 1151 the complete works of Wang An-shih. These government editions were distinguished by good quality of paper, elegant type, and also by a carefully checked text. They are therefore of high value.\n\nA considerable number of books in this period were published privately. This was done for various reasons: as gifts to friends and relatives; by relatives for a scholar-author; for philosophic reasons; possibly even for sale and to make a profit.\n\nCommerce in books flourished. In spite of the decree of 1180 forbidding non-government printing, bookstores continued to engage not only in the sale of books, but also in their printing, particularly in the province of Fukien and Chekiang, the political and cultural centres of China at the time. They put out such books as those on classics, history, medicine, lexicography, and the like; also a large number of text-books and review books for students going up for the examinations. Some of the latter were minute; they were called \"kerchief case copies\" and the students used to take them into the examination halls secretly. A special decree, issued during the period 1208-1224, forbade the printing of these books; but they continued to be issued nonetheless. From the point of view of quality, the commercial ones were very inferior to those put out by either the government or by private individuals.\n\nNo special permission was required for the publication of a work, and there was no censorship. No regulations existed restricting the rights to the publication of such-and-such a book. In certain cases, however, the government could forbid such publication. (After his death the books of Wang An-shih were for a time proscribed, and the Writings of the three Su were burned in 1103.)\n\nThe spread of books had a marked influence on the education of the general public. Likewise, the change in the shape of books—to accordion style from the scroll—helped the handling of books and their storage. Many schools were established, even in small localities. Confucianism began to lose its character as\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204565, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "PRINTING IN CHINA\n\n41\n\na school of thought restricted to the well-born, and became to some extent democratized. Methods of teaching changed. The practice of learning by heart was modified. This was the consequence of the great increase in publication of texts, reference works, compendia, etc. Books of this kind exceeded in number those on the classics.\n\nThere also resulted a gradual change in the written language. The vernacular penetrated the literary classical style.\n\nLastly, let me say something about libraries during the Sung period.\n\n1. The Palace collection. This was increased by various means: through purchase from private parties; through the granting of titles or awards in exchange for books; through gifts by the authors of books; through search by local officials; through the copying of rare books. The increase in the number of books, brought about through printing, required the enlargement of old libraries, and the construction of new ones. These imperial libraries were accessible only to a limited number of people: members of the Hanlin #, high officials. Books, however, were borrowed in quantity. A report of 1114 relates that 4,328 chüan ✯ had not been returned to the library since the year 1104.\n\n2. School libraries. The increase of education, and the need for more text-books made such institutions necessary. They were sponsored by the government not only in the capital but also in small towns. These collections were increased by purchase, made possible by government subsidies and private donations (sometimes quite extensive). Occasionally books were sent from the capital to these local libraries by special government order. The schools where these libraries were located sometimes published their own books. Many old Chinese books bear the stamps of school libraries. Readers were warned to use the books with care. At the same time, librarians were forbidden to take back damaged books or books that were soiled. All available information leads to the conclusion that there were public libraries and reading rooms open to a large circle of people.\n\n3. Private collections. These increased because of the low price of printed books, and the new form of books facilitated storage. Many bibliophiles, however, still valued hand-copied", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204566, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "42\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\nmanuscripts more than printed ones. To enlarge their collections private owners also exchanged books among themselves. In Sung times a number of collectors left detailed descriptions and catalogues of their collections. Some of these private libraries were put at the disposal of the public; others were turned over to students for their use.\n\nThe Sung was a period in the history of China noted for many things: advances in material culture, in political development, in science, in the fine arts, in literature, in music, and in thought. These advances may well have been due in large measure to the accessibility of the printed word.\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\nFor a general discussion of the beginnings of printing in China see Thomas Francis Carter, The Invention of Printing in China and its Spread Westward, revised by L. Carrington Goodrich, second edition, New York, 1955.\n\nAs a result of new finds in China and fresh investigations some of our earlier conclusions no longer hold. Here are some of the principal studies which have appeared between 1955 and 1962.\n\nChang Hsiu-min, Chung-kuo yin-shua shu ti fa-ming chi ch'i ying-hsiang, Peking, 1958.\n\nChen Tsu-lung, Liste alphabétique des impressions de sceaux aux certains manuscrits retrouvés à Touen-houang et dans les régions avoisinantes, Mélanges publiés par l'Institut des Hautes Études Chinoises II, Paris, 1960.\n\nJao Tsung-i, A study of the Ch'u silk manuscript, Hong Kong, 1958.\n\nLing Shun-sheng, Bark cloth culture and the invention of paper making in ancient China, Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica, 11 (Spring 1961), pp. 1-19.\n\nLi Shu-hua, The early development of seals and rubbings, Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies, n.s. I, No. 3 (Sept. 1958), pp. 61-90.\n\nThe printing of books in the latter half of the Tang dynasty, ibid. II, No. 2 (June 1961), pp. 18-32.\n\nChih ts'ung ch'i-yüan, Taipei, 1955.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204567, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "PRINTING IN CHINA\n\n43\n\nTsao chih ti ch'uan-po chi ku chih ti fa-hsien ✯ ✯ 6 #BA÷* ♣, Hsüeh-shu chi k'an $i$i] VI, No. 2 (Dec. 30, 1957), pp. 1-12.\n\nT'ang-tai i-ch'ien yu wu tiao-pan yin-shua ARR★T***? , The Continent Magazine ✯✯✯✯ XIV, No. 4 (Feb. 28, 1957), pp. 101-107.\n\nYin-shua fa-ming ti shilrch'i wên-ti * B*A64AM M. ibid. XVII, No. 5 (1958), pp. 133-138; No. 6 (1958), pp. 177-182.\n\nWu-tai shih-ch'i ti yin-shua £ R ★ ép 8), ibid. XXI, No. 3 (Aug. 15, 1960), pp. 107-115,\n\nTun-huang fa-hsien yw-nien-tai ti yimpen ✯UELTIRAP $ ibid. XXI, No. 11 (Dec. 15, 1960), pp. 367-373.\n\nPaik, Dr. Nak Choon # #, Tripitaka Koreana ZRAKA, Seoul, 1957.\n\nTsien, T. H. . Written on Bamboo and Silk. The beginnings of Chinese books and inscriptions, Chicago, 1962.\n\nFor the latter part of my paper I have leaned heavily on K. K. Flug, The history of the printed book in China during the Sung (in Russian), Academy of Sciences, Institute of Orientology, Moscow-Leningrad, 1959. I am grateful to Mrs. Leah Kisselgoff of New York for making its contents available to me.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204575, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "# FLOWERS OF HONG KONG\n\n45\n\nCAMELLIA HONGKONGENSIS, SEEM. ***\n\nFamily: Theaceae (Ternstroemiaceae)\n\nCommon names: Red Camellia\n\nRed Hong Kong Camellia\n\nThe genus Camellia is wholly native to south east Asia with the greatest concentration in abundance and in the number of species in western and southern China. Kwangtung and Hong Kong have been known to have 16 species, 5 of which are indigenous, being only known from Hong Kong. Camellia hongkongensis, with its native home on Hong Kong island, in a spinney, off a beaten track near Peel Rise, was discovered in 1849 by Colonel J. Eyre, R.A. and was first described in 1853, by Dr. Berthold Seemann.\n\nThis Camellia is the only local native species with crimson flowers. The combination of the crimson petals, the bright golden anthers, held together below by a brown involucral perule of overlapping bracts and sepals against a background of coriaceous, glossy dark green foliage is strikingly oriental. The numerous stamens of golden anthers and crimson filaments are fused to the petals and to each other, forming a fleshy rim at the base. The gynoecium G(3) consists of a tiny hairy ovary and three glabrous free styles. After blooming, the corolla and androecium are completely shed, leaving the gynoecia, protected by the persistent perules, to develop into large semi-globose brown woody capsular fruits, taking twelve months to mature. Each dehisces explosively but irregularly into three spreading valves which remain attached at the base, dispersing the large seeds and exposing the erect axis (columella) at the centre. The seeds are viable only for a short time and must be sown immediately after dehiscence.\n\nThe evergreen trees are tall and slender but much branched, reaching up to 30-40 feet. Blooming time is from December to March when blooms in Hong Kong are rare and precious and the demand for red flowers—a happy colour—is great. Much has been written about this Hong Kong Camellia but many local residents are not acquainted with its appearance nor its existence. It is time to introduce it into cultivation into our gardens and our courtyards. We, in Hong Kong, should be justly proud of producing this special Camellia hongkongensis.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204576, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "46\n\nBEK-TO CHIU\n\nTUTCHERIA SPECTABILIS (CHAMP.) DUNN.\n\nFamily: Theaceae 山茶科\n\nA\n\n榻捷本\n\nTutcheria is a comparatively new genus, created in 1908 by Mr. Dunn, Superintendent of Gardens and Forestry Department, in honour of his assistant, Mr. W. J. Tutcher who was the first to draw attention to its distinctive characters. The most important of all was the structure of the fruit and seeds. The capsular fruit, on ripening, splits into four, five or six valves which are completely deciduous, dispersing the laterally compressed or angular seeds, two and five in each loculus. The columella alone is left on the persistent perules.\n\nBecause the blooms are Camellia-like, before 1908, the plant was referred to as Camellia spectabilis, Champion and its significance of being indigenous to Hong Kong was overlooked. There is a medium size tree reaching up to 40 feet, with a spreading crown of handsome glossy evergreen leaves, in the upper part of the Old Botanical Gardens. This is well worth a visit, especially in May and June when the blooms are in season.\n\nThe showy white cup-shaped flowers, about 4 inches in diameter, are Camellia-like, with tangerine orange anthers that form a mass at the centre and are slightly fragrant. The white petals are tinged yellowish and greenish at the tips and the outer surfaces are each traversed by a stripe of a light golden sheen. The perules are pale green with a golden sheen and the single stout style, apically dividing into three to six short erect arms, is apple green. The flowers, almost sessile, arise singly from the axils of the upper leaves and appear stately and distinctive.\n\nThe capsules are large, 1 to 2 inches in diameter, subglobose and woody, covered with a soft green pubescens. It takes six months to ripen. The seeds are again viable for a short time.\n\nOther species of this genus have been recorded from S. China, Formosa and the Liuchiu Islands but the species spectabilis is native to Hong Kong and has been introduced into Great Britain for cultivation.\n\nI", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204577, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 58, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "FLOWERS OF HONG KONG\n\n47\n\nGORDONIA AXILLARIS (ROXB.) DIETR.\n\nFamily: Theaceae ✯✯\n\nCommon names: Mountain tea-flower\n\nMountain or Wild Camellia\n\n山 茶 花\n\nThis hardy evergreen shrub or small tree with its many branches bears white camellia-like flowers, and is very common on the hillsides of Hong Kong and the New Territories. It is a tropical or subtropical plant and this species has been found in South China, Formosa and Indo-China.\n\nThe showy white flowers, 3-4 inches in diameter, bloom fully from October to March. The five spreading white petals are notched with slightly wavy margins, displaying a golden mass of anthers at the centre and held at the base by a green perule of bracts and sepals. The flowers, almost sessile, arise singly or in cluster of three, from the axils of the upper leaves. Each flower lasts for one day only, when the corolla together with the numerous stamens fused at the base, are shed from the trees. The perules persist, subtending the developing woody, oblong elliptical capsule, one inch long, green when young but becoming dark brown when mature, taking six months to ripen. Each dehisces loculicidally from the apex to nearly the base, into five narrow pointed valves, splitting away from the erect columella at the centre and liberating many small seeds, each apically winged and resembles the winged seeds of Pinus.\n\nThe plant was originally named, Camellia axillaris (Kor.) Roxb. but has been separated and transferred to the genus Gordonia by the distinctive characters of the capsule, the loculi-cidal dehiscence from the apex and the winged seeds.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204578, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "48\n\nBEK-TO CHIU\n\nRHODOLEIA CHAMPIONI, HOOK #\n\n吊鐘花\n\nFamily: Hamamelidaceae ### 金縷梅科\n\nCommon name: King of Hanging Bells\n\nHooker, who described Rhodoleia from Hong Kong named it championi to commemorate Col. J. G. Champion who was the first to collect this plant while stationed here 1847-1850, as an ensign in the 95th Regiment. Champion wrote on his record “the handsomest of Hong Kong's flowering plants\". Hance in 1870 described the flowers as \"of extreme beauty and rarity\". Justifiable statements to all who are acquainted with the flowers of this plant. Indeed the colour combination of the flowers is uniquely striking and perhaps breathtakingly oriental. The involucre of bracts is of a pale yellow, gold, pink and russet brown; the petals of rose-carmine and the stamens, black. Besides its beauty, the fact that the plant is indigenous and only found on Hong Kong island, is worthy of note.\n\nBentham described the flowers as having \"the appearance of a semi-double Camellia\". This is so and they particularly resemble Camellia hongkongensis. The apparent flowers are each composed of a cluster of five flowers, aggregated compactly on a recurved peduncle (and hence \"hanging\" or pendulous) at the axil of the upper leaves of the branches, with the petals of the flowers arranged at the circumference, held at the base by an involucre of overlapping bracts. This unit is in fact an inflorescence of the capitulum type, comparable with that of a chrysanthemum,\n\nThe shrubs or small trees, reaching up to 20 feet high, are evergreens, bearing coriaceous dark green leaves with a bluish bloom on the upper surfaces. The flowers start to bloom from January to March, being at their best in February, the Chinese New Year time. The fruits are woody composite capsules, maturing at the end of six months, when each dehisces both loculicidally and septicidally, setting free many small winged seeds.\n\nTrees of Rhodoleia championi that bloom regularly, are to be found in the New Botanical Gardens, near the Pavilion and in a sheltered valley in Little Hong Kong, off Shouson Hill.\n\nThe genus Rhodoleia has two other species: one from China and the other from Java and Sumatra.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204579, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 60, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "# FLOWERS OF HONG KONG\n\n## BAUHINIA BLAKEANA, DUNN.\n\nFamily: Caesalpiniaceae (or a subfamily in Leguminosae)\n\n洋金鳳科\n\nCommon names: Red flowered Camel's Foot\n\nHong Kong Bauhinia\n\nHong Kong Orchid Tree\n\n49\n\nThis Hong Kong Bauhinia was first discovered by the fathers of the Missions Etrangères at Pokfulum near \"the ruins of a house on the seashore\" and was first described in 1908 by Mr. T. S. Dunn, Superintendent of Gardens and Forestry Department, who named it blakeana in honour of Sir Henry Blake, Governor of Hong Kong until 1903, for his keen botanical interest during his governorship. This has been regarded as the most beautiful and spectacular of all Bauhinias. The flowers are fragrant, large, 5-6 inches in diameter, and orchid-like with rhodamine purple petals overlaid with deep crimson streaks or patches. The inflorescences of dense racemes terminate the branches and take months to unfold and hence the blooming season lasts from October to April. Each flower remains blooming for several days and is shed completely, never maturing into fruit nor seed. Its origin is still unknown and no similar plant has been found elsewhere in the world.\n\nThe medium-size tree is an evergreen, with long spreading and graceful branches bearing handsome, large bilobed leaves, characteristic of the genus, and named after two brothers, surnamed Bauhin, who were herbalists. This was to describe their inseparable relationship. The outline of the leaf blade is comparable to that of the foot of a camel and hence one of its common names. The leaves are of a dark bluish green, with a soft felty appearance and the leaf blade traversed by 13 palmate main veins. The branches are tender and break easily and are always more severely devastated after typhoons than any other trees. Their sprouting power, however, is excellent, reviving quickly with numerous new shoots, within a short time.\n\nThe attractiveness and worth of Bauhinia blakeana is becoming increasingly known. It is cultivated in the Colony as well as in other subtropical parts of the world: Amoy and Canton in China, and Los Angeles and Florida in U.S.A. where there is a hot, humid summer and a cool, dry winter. Since no seed is produced, propagation is by grafting and air layering.\n\nPage 60\n\nPage 61", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204581, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "51\n\nRECENT CHANGES IN THE\n\nCHINESE LANGUAGE\n\nA lecture delivered on 18th June, 1962\n\nMA MENG, B.A.*\n\n*Mr. Ma Meng is Principal of the Language School of the Institute of Oriental Studies in the University of Hong Kong.\n\nRecent changes in the Chinese language, so far-reaching in many respects, should not escape attention by anyone interested in studying China. Comments on this subject, both in Chinese and other languages, have appeared quite regularly in recent years.† Most of these deal directly with the simplified characters and the adoption of romanization in place of the traditional ideographs — radical changes, which, however, form only one part of the latest developments in Chinese language reform.\n\nAlthough the extent of these changes has varied in different historical periods, the long process which led to the drastic reforms of recent years began only after China's contacts with the West in the late nineteenth century. The limitations imposed by the traditional language were felt more keenly as the demand for Western knowledge increased. As the traditional language seemed no longer adequate to cope with the new situation, the need to reform it began to appear imperative. The first efforts aimed at language reform came from a small number of intellectuals, including Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, a leader of the 1898 reform movement who also advocated radical political changes aimed at westernization. Their efforts soon bore fruit. Between 1890 and 1913 there appeared no less than six plans for language reform, all aimed at standardizing the spoken language and simplifying the written one. Both of these measures were considered necessary preliminaries to more thorough reforms. The last of the six plans for reform provided for a script based on the Peking dialect and was very similar to the Japanese Kana. This plan proved quite practicable and has therefore been adopted.\n\n*I should like to express my gratitude to Miss Li Chi of the University of California from whose work, Studies of Chinese Communist Terminology (Berkeley: University of California, Institute of International Studies, East Asia Studies, Nos. 1 and 2, 1956; Nos. 3 and 4, 1957) I have drawn information in preparing this paper.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204582, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 63, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "52\n\nMA MENG\n\nin many parts of China since 1913. It is still used as a teaching aid notably in Taiwan and in some schools in Hong Kong. However, on the Chinese mainland, it has been replaced since 1957 by a new system of romanization.\n\nThe May 4th Movement of 1919 gave a tremendous impetus to language reform in China, widening not only its scope but also its application. Previously the concern of only a handful of pioneers, it now became a spontaneous mass movement of the intellectuals, particularly the students. The importance of radical language reform gained general recognition, and demands for a literary revolution could be heard all over the country. From this wide-spread awakening sprang all subsequent efforts to reform the Chinese language.\n\nIn particular, the May 4th Movement gave rise to the two chief currents of subsequent language reform: the New Literature movement in which the classical language was replaced by the vernacular, or pai-hua; and the movement to create a common spoken language based on the Peking dialect. The New Literature movement led to changes in terminology, syntax and style which culminated in a new plan to romanize the language. Both movements showed deep traces of Western influence, which became more and more apparent in subsequent language reforms.\n\nRecent language reform has continued to follow its historical course, developing with particular vigour after the Second World War. As a result, some linguistic innovations have been practised more widely than before. These innovations, though the result of long-standing demands for linguistic reform, gained unprecedented force from political and social changes. Great differences in phraseology, syntax and style could be found in almost all popular writings. No reader can miss these differences when he compares a current journal with one, say, twenty years old. Great differences also appear in the spoken language as more and more Chinese speak Mandarin since the war, not only on the Mainland, but also in Taiwan, Hong Kong and within the overseas Chinese communities of South-east Asia.\n\nSince Chinese language reform still continues, it is difficult at this stage to make a final appraisal of the linguistic changes that have taken place since 1919. Hence I merely wish to present a brief summary of the most important changes that have occurred recently.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204584, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "54\n\nMA MENG\n\ninfluence. After 1919, Western sentence structures and punctuation marks were deliberately adopted, especially by the so-called \"New Literary writers\", such as Hsu Chih-mo and Hsieh Pin-hsin 謝冰心.\n\nSince 1949 new efforts have been made in Mainland China to work out a Chinese grammar on the Western pattern. As a result, the sentence structure of the Chinese language has become still more westernised, as a glance at the People's Daily will suffice to show. There are also signs of a deliberate effort to introduce Western phrases and grammatical patterns into the spoken language; but so far at least these appear chiefly in political or ceremonial speeches.\n\nIt should be noted that Western influence on the Chinese language, since the May 4th Movement, has been primarily English, not only because English has been the most widely used foreign language in China but also because since that time most Chinese translations of foreign literature have been made from English.\n\nThe most remarkable feature in the recent linguistic changes in China has been the rapid growth of vocabulary, which has greatly enriched the language. This growth has been due to the coinage of new terms to describe new situations or to replace old terms, and the use of traditional, colloquial or regional terms used in a new sense.\n\nAs in all languages, new Chinese terms or expressions can have foreign or native sources; but in Chinese the great majority of new terms have come from foreign sources. Mass assimilation of Western knowledge in recent years has created an ever growing demand for new terms to describe objects or situations hitherto unknown in China. However, since, with a few exceptions, the Chinese language is written in monosyllabic characters and lacks a uniform pronunciation, it does not lend itself well to the adoption of foreign terms by transliteration. Transliteration being difficult, new terms have more commonly been introduced into Chinese by translating the foreign term into Chinese characters - a practice that can cost more effort than the coinage of new terms. When Liang Ch'i-ch'ao described his impressions of a visit to the British Parliament, he coined the expression pa-li-men. “Science” and “democracy\" first became known in China as sai-yin-szu or sai-hsien-sheng (\"Mr. Science\")", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204590, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 71, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "60\n\nTHE OLD BRITISH LEGATION AT PEKING, 1860-1959\n\nBased on a lecture delivered on 20 August, 1962\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG, M.A.*\n\nOn the afternoon of March 26th, 1861, Frederick Bruce, the first British minister to China to reside in Peking, entered the grounds of the former palace of Duke I-liang, and the history of the old British Legation had begun. The desire of Great Britain to have a minister resident in the capital was of long standing, and had its origins in the eighteenth century. From at least 1760, some English merchants in Canton had been arguing that only when an ambassador from England resided at Peking would their grievances be properly represented to the Emperor of China and their position improve. Eventually, this point of view was strong enough to influence the Government of England. Indeed, one of the prime objects of the embassy of Lord Macartney to the Court of the Emperor Ch'ien-lung in 1793 was to secure for England just such permanent representation at Peking. However, there was not the slightest chance that such a request would be granted. All foreign embassies to China were regarded as tributary missions of a temporary nature, and all foreign countries as inferior. Even the first Anglo-Chinese War of 1839-1842, and the subsequent Treaty of Nanking failed to obtain this object. From the Chinese point of view, relations with the western barbarians were still a local matter to be carried on by the Governor-General at Canton or by the Governor-General at Nanking. The foreign powers, for their part, were still unable to gain direct communication with the Imperial Government at Peking, and therefore were unable to protest effectively when the treaties did not appear to be working properly, or when they wished to revise them. This was the background to the War of 1858-1860, in which English and French forces were used to secure the Treaties of Tientsin, by which the earlier treaties were revised. Article III of the British Treaty of Tientsin stated (in part): \"It is further agreed that Her Majesty's Government may\n\n* Senior Lecturer in History at the University of Hong Kong. Author of An Embassy to China, reviewed on page 136 of this Journal.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204591, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "BRITISH LEGATION AT PEKING\n\n61\n\nacquire at Peking a site for Building, or may hire Houses, for the accommodation of Her Majesty's mission, and that the Chinese Government will assist it in so doing\". Then, when the Imperial Government appeared to procrastinate over the ratification of these treaties, another English and French force fought its way to the capital and compelled the Manchu authorities to ratify them by the Convention of Peking. This was signed by the British envoy, Lord Elgin,1 and by Prince Kung,2 the chief Chinese representative, on October 24th, 1860 in the Hall of Ceremonies situated in what was later to be called Legation Street. The second clause of the Convention stated that \"Her Britannic Majesty's Representative will henceforward reside permanently, or occasionally, at Peking, as Her Britannic Majesty shall be pleased to decide”. \n\nLord Elgin proposed that Prince Kung's own residence should be rented to the British, but Prince Kung memorialized the throne as follows: \n\nAs regards the matter of the English residing at the capital in the near future, we have been discussing it with them during the past few days. The chief barbarian official [Lord Elgin] considers that the quarters in Prince I's [Prince Kung] palace are spacious and he insists that it is to be their future residence at the capital. Moreover, he stated that there were still open spaces in the palace and that he wants to build houses there himself. It seems to your ministers that to \n\n1 James Bruce, eighth Earl of Elgin. He served as Governor-General of Canada 1846-1854. In 1857 he was appointed envoy extraordinary to China and signed the Treaty of Tientsin in 1858, returning to England early in 1859. In 1860 he was again sent to China as special envoy, and signed the Convention of Peking. He returned to England in 1861 and was appointed Governor-General of India in the same year. He died in India in 1863. \n\nHis younger brother Frederick William Bruce held the post of Colonial Secretary at Hong Kong from 9 February 1844 until 27 June 1846. In 1857 he accompanied his elder brother to China as principal secretary. He was appointed minister plenipotentiary to the Emperor of China in December 1858, but had to wait until March 1861 before actually taking up residence in Peking. He left China on his appointment as British Minister to Washington in 1865. \n\n2 I-hsin (1833-1898), the first Prince Kung, was the sixth son of Emperor Tao-kuang. When the joint French and British forces approached Peking in September 1860 the Emperor Hsien-feng fled to Jehol leaving his half-brother, Prince Kung, to make peace with the allies. When a prototype Chinese foreign office, the Tsungli Yamen, was set up in 1861, Prince Kung was in charge of it, and he played an important part in Chinese affairs for the next fifteen years.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204593, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 74, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "BRITISH LEGATION AT PEKING\n\n63\n\nThese extracts give the official Chinese version of how the British came to occupy their first Legation quarters, and agree closely with Lord Elgin's own account contained in a despatch to Lord John Russell, the Foreign Secretary, dated Tientsin, 13th November 1860:\n\nOn the 7th instant Mr. Bruce reached Peking, having hastened up from Shanghae in compliance with my request. His arrival was most opportune, as it was very important that before my departure from the capital I should be able to confer with him on various matters, and more especially on the subject of the place of residence for the future of Her Majesty's Representative in China. Mr. Bruce informed me that he was perfectly willing to take up his abode in Peking at once. On consultation with Baron Gros and General Ignatieff, however, I found that the latter was about to leave Peking for the winter, and that the former was of opinion that it would not be advisable that M. de Bourboulon should establish himself in the capital until the spring. I considered it, therefore, to be my duty to advise Mr. Bruce to return with me for the present to Tien-tsin, and to remain there until a suitable residence should be provided for him in the capital. In order, however, that there might be no misapprehension on the part of the Chinese Government in reference to this point, we selected a house which we thought might be adapted to the purpose, and which was procurable on easy terms, and we accepted the services of Mr. Adkins, one of the Student Interpreters, a very promising young man, who volunteered to remain at Peking, and to superintend the arrangements necessary for putting it in order.\n\nHarry Parkes, who was Lord Elgin's interpreter at this time, writing to his wife on November 17th 1860 gave a few more details:\n\nPeking is in a wretched state of dilapidation and ruin, and scarcely one of their palatial buildings is not falling into decay. We have obtained one of the best, and yet it is quite\n\n* Elgin to Russell, 13 November 1860. Parliamentary Papers, “Correspondence Respecting Affairs in China 1859-60\", 2754 of 1861, No. 119, p. 254. See also ibid. p. 259 for a note from T. Adkins to Frederick Bruce dated Peking, 12 November 1860, reporting that the capital was returning to normal and that he had found no opposition to his residence there.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204594, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 75, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "64 \n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG \n\nuninhabitable according to our notions, and we therefore tell the Chinese that the Minister is obliged to postpone taking up his residence until the residence is fit to receive him. Mr. Adkins is therefore charged with the task of repairs, and in March of next year or possibly earlier Mr. Bruce expects to take up his quarters there. His arrival at Peking before we quitted it was a happy hit. Formal interviews took place between Lord Elgin and Prince Kung at which the former introduced his brother and abdicated in his favour; so that before we quitted Peking Mr. Bruce had commenced his business with the Chinese authorities, while that of the Special Embassy terminated.7 \n\nSo interpreter Adkins remained alone in the Palace of Duke I-liang throughout the winter of 1860-61, until in March 1861 Bruce set out from Tientsin, accompanied by Thomas Wade, his interpreter, and Dr. Rennie, physician to the new Legation. Colonel Neale, the Secretary of the Legation, with two attachés, St. Clair and Wyndham, had gone ahead with the baggage. We are fortunate to have a detailed account of the first year at the British Legation kept by Dr. Rennie. In the Preface to his book Peking and the Pekingese he explained that \"a few months after Her Majesty's Legation had been established in Peking, a feeling began to be entertained by its members, that, with a view to future publication, some record should be kept of the various incidents which were from day to day occurring, during what may be termed the inaugural period of foreign diplomatic residence at the capital—the most important event in the modern history of Anglo-Chinese intercourse.\" Since Rennie had been keeping \n\n7 Quoted in The Life of Sir Harry Parkes by Stanley Lane-Poole, 2 vols., (London, 1894), I, 404-5. \n\nParkes was born in 1828, and came out to China in 1841 to join his two sisters who were living with their cousin, the wife of the Protestant missionary, the Rev. Charles Gutzlaff. Parkes was attached to Sir Henry Pottinger's suite in the expedition up the Yangtze in 1842 and witnessed the signing of the Treaty of Nanking. He started to learn Chinese and at the age of fifteen was attached to the British Consulate at Canton. Many appointments as interpreter and consul followed until 1865 when he was appointed Minister to Japan. In 1883 he became British Minister at Peking. He died in 1885. \n\n* D. F. Rennie, Peking and the Pekingese during the First Year of the British Embassy at Peking, 2 vols. (London, 1865) vii. \n\nPage 75\n\nPage 76", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204595, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 76, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "BRITISH LEGATION AT PEKING\n\n65\n\na daily diary of events he was naturally encouraged to continue, and thus we have a very readable account of the first year at the Legation.\n\nRennie had reached Peking on the evening of March 25th, going on ahead with the French suite and staying the night at the French Legation. The next morning he was up early. \"Before breakfast I visited the Leang-koong-foo, the building which has been selected for the British Legation, and in charge of which Mr. Adkins has resided at Peking during the winter. The Leang-koong-foo, or palace of the Duke of Leang, was originally an imperial residence, given by the Emperor K'ang-hsi (who died in 1722) to one of his thirty-three sons, whose descendants are known as the Dukes of Leang. The present representative of the family, and owner of the Leang-koong-foo, holds a command in the neighbourhood of the great wall. The Duke of Leang has let his family residence in perpetuity to the British Government, at an annual rent of fifteen hundred taels (500 £.), no rent to be paid for the first two years, owing to the extensive repairs and alterations required.\" A visitor at that time described it as “a straggling, dreary, dilapidated building, which time and money might convert into a tolerably habitable barrack for a brigade of infantry, but which can never become a comfortable or suitable residence for a Minister and the few members of his suite.\" Time was to prove him wrong.\n\nMeanwhile the British party arrived on March 26th 1861 and Rennie describes the formal entry into the British Legation. “At three o'clock in the afternoon, Mr. Bruce, Colonel Neale, and the other members of the English Legation, arrived in Peking, escorted by the detachment of Sikh Cavalry. This morning the French flag was hoisted over the gate of the Tsin-koong-foo, and on Mr.\n\n'Ibid., I, 28-9. A language-student at the Legation, writing in 1885 stated: \"A rent of 1,500 taels, or between £400 and £500, is paid into the Tsung-li Yamen (the Chinese Foreign Office) every year. It is the duty of the senior student to make this payment, and, in order that he might appear at the Yamen respectably attired, a box-hat was, it is said, provided sometime about 1861, and is still at his disposal. But it is not often worn.' \"Where Chineses Drive\". English Student-Life at Peking. By a Student Interpreter, 27. See footnote 16 below.\n\n10 E. B. de Fonblanque, Niphon and Pe-che-li; or Two years in Japan and Northern China (London, 1862). 217.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204601, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "BRITISH LEGATION AT PEKING\n\n71\n\n1866 the student-interpreters put on an amateur theatrical performance, consisting of Our Wife, and To Paris and back on £5. The female parts were all taken by the students, and it was voted a great success. The faces of the Chinese servants, watching from the back of the hall, gave Mitford a lot of quiet amusement. The next summer he was staying in a temple which he calls Ta Chio Ssu or \"Temple of Great Repose\", about twenty-three miles from Peking, having moved there with all his furniture together with chickens and a cow and its calf. But even there he could not entirely escape the despatches. \"Copying despatches with the thermometer at 100° in the shade, with a basin of water and a towel at one's side for very necessary hand-wiping, and a pad of blotting-paper over the blank part of one's paper, is indeed an affreux métier.\" The climate took its toll, and Mitford mentions two of his young companions who died of fever.\n\nMitford left Peking for Japan in 1866. In the same year Major Crossman of the Royal Engineers was sent out from England by the Government to inspect the British Legation and Consular Buildings in China and Japan. From one of his reports, written at Shanghai in July 1867, we can glean some more information about the early development of the Legation at Peking. For instance he gave a hint as to the origin of the Legation Chapel when he wrote: \"There is a large house opposite to the Chinese secretaries' quarters, used partly as a theatre and partly as a lumber-room, well and solidly built, which can be converted into a good church by the addition of an external porch, removing the flooring of the upper storey so as to throw it open to the roof, and by the addition of some wood work and ornament, to give it a somewhat ecclesiastical appearance.\" He also mentioned that the number of student-interpreters was shortly to be increased to thirteen.\n\nMeanwhile Sir Frederick Bruce had been succeeded by Sir Rutherford Alcock at the end of 1865, while Sir Thomas Wade was promoted to be Minister in 1871, a post which he held for the next twelve years. In 1883 he was succeeded by another ‘old\n\n14 Parliamentary Papers, \"Reports from Major Crossman and Correspondence respecting the Legation and Consular Buildings in China and Japan\", 315 of 1868, No. 7, p. 22.\n\n!\n\n1", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204602, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "72 \n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG \n\nChina hand' of great experience, and a man of forceful character, Sir Harry Parkes. His daughter, Marion, had accompanied him to Peking and in a letter to a friend wrote of the Minister's house:\n\nHow can I describe the house to you? It is so utterly unlike anything we have seen or lived in before. It really was originally a series of Chinese temples, and has been adapted for the use of Europeans by having odd little rooms built on, at odd and inconvenient corners. The entrance is very fine: first come two courts, with handsome red pillars; the carving and painting of the roofs is very picturesque and the colouring really beautiful. From the court you mount a flight of steps, and enter the hall, or Queen's room as it is called - her picture being there.\n\n車\n\nThe grounds here are small but very nice; each person has his little home, and it reminds me much of a cathedral close; it is very peaceful and quiet.\n\n+\n\n16\n\nIn the following year Parkes had to part with his daughter Marion when she was married in the Legation Chapel to James Keswick, a partner in the firm of Jardine, Matheson and Company, and at that time Chairman of the Municipal Council of Shanghai. In the Spring of 1885 Parkes was unwell and he died after a short illness, the only British Minister to die in harness in Peking. He drove himself too hard and died of overwork.\n\nThe life of a student-interpreter at this time has been well described in a book called Where Chineses Drive,16 which was published in 1885, the title being taken from Paradise Lost, Book III.\n\nThe author, W. H. Wilkinson, described the Legation as having a frontage along the Imperial canal of about three hundred yards, and continued:\n\nThe compound forms an oblong of which the shorter side is about one hundred and thirty yards long. On the north it is shut in by the Han-lin College; on the west for the greater part of its length by the Lüan-i K'u, or as we call it, the \"Imperial Carriage Park”. South of this, still on\n\n15 Quoted in Lane-Poole, op. cit., II, 368-9.\n\n16 \"Where Chineses Drive\". English Student-Life at Peking. By a Student Interpreter. (London, 1885). The name of the author does not appear on the book but Henri Cordier, Bibliotheca Sinica, I, 217, attributes it to W. H. Wilkinson.\n\nI", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204604, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "74\n\nChinese Imperial Carnage Sheds and enclosure\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG\n\nRed Temple\n\nBowling Alley\n\nStudents Kitchen Mess\n\nHan Lin Library HALL\n\nKrosk Essay Hall Kosk\n\n \n [brar]\n Servants Store Room\n \n \n Teachers\"\n QVYI Students' O'tri\n \n \n Theatre\n \n \n\nMinister's House\n\nFives Court\n\nLarge Pavilion\n\n2 Chinese Doctor's O't'es a't'rs Chupet\n\n2 Wall 7\" thick 12\" high\n\nEscort QI'm Small Pavilion\n\nConstable's Bell Tower Chapt Minister's Stables\n\nStone Trans Gateway\n\nAssistant Chinese Secretary\n\n \n £ 22 22 2\n Accountant Stables Surgery Escort Otrs Stabler, Simbler.\n \n \n G D G D OF OF\n Tennis Courts 2nd Sect Chancery Chancery Assistant\n \n\nOpen space of Mongolian Market\n\nN Servants\n\nSCALE\n\n0 100 150 200 Ft phonepa 400\n\nSecretary of Legation Cemetery\n\nPlan of British Legation at Peking in 1900.\n\nCanal Wall 2′′ x 12′′\n\n12 Adapted from a plan in \"China in Convulsion\" by A H. Smuth, published by Fleming H Revell Company, NY 1901", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204605, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "BRITISH LEGATION AT PEKING\n\n75\n\nWilkinson's book is a gay account of student life with work and play nicely balanced. He mentions many things which must have been familiar to generations of inmates of the Foreign Legations at Peking, such as paying calls on the European residents, buying a pony, choosing a reliable 'boy', the continual battle against 'squeeze', the danger of theft and so on. For pleasure not only was there the bowling alley, which provided the chief amusement inside the Legation during the winter, there was also skating on an improvised rink nearby. Three of the students once skated down the canal to Tungchow, a distance of about twelve miles. There was also the usual entertaining. \"Balls and concerts were given at some of the Legations and at the Inspectorate-General of Customs (where a number of young European men were employed). Dinners everywhere. But the pleasantest of all, perhaps, were the carpet dances (with the carpet up) at two or three houses. We shared the misfortune of most European communities in the East: an undue preponderance of the male. Dancing men were at a discount.\" At Chinese New Year the students generally put on a pantomime or a Christy Minstrel Concert. By this time there was a weekly arrival of mail throughout the summer, and a monthly one during the winter. In the spring and autumn the Peking race meetings were held at a place a mile or so from the western wall of the city. The race-course boasted a tiny grand-stand but Wilkinson is careful to state that these were pretty amateur races; they were picnics first and race meetings second. In summer there was tennis on the Legation lawn, and in the grounds of the residence of the young European employees of the China Maritime Customs, as well as garden parties at the American Legation. The courts in the British Legation lay east and west, and since it was too hot to play until sundown one of the players had to perform with the sun full in his eyes which made play somewhat erratic. For summer dress the students wore a patrol jacket of white drill with trousers to match. In July and August they usually moved to a temple in the Western Hills where they could go for rambles. The main disadvantage of this life came from rain and rats. One summer it rained prodigiously and they were almost washed out of their temple. As for rats an ingenious student subdued them by training four owls which he had bought. They spent the day roosting one on each post of his bed, but at night went into action", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204607, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 88, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "BRITISH LEGATION AT PEKING\n\n77\n\nQueen. While we were waiting for our examiner, a sudden desire seized Gordon to show his loyalty, after the custom of the country; so he dropped down in front of the portrait, and solemnly knocked his head nine times on the floor, kotowing in proper form. He seemed much inspirited by it, and had a feeling that he was now in some way under the special tutelage of Her Majesty, and could be trusted to floor the paper.\n\nThe impression given by Wilkinson's account is that student life in Peking at that period held much that was enjoyable.\n\nHowever, there was plenty of work for them to do on being sent to their posts. As one observer wrote in 1900 \"Our Legation ... is a bigger establishment than that of any other country, owing to the fact that the British Consular Corps in China has exceptionally large requirements. In the Legation the Student Interpreters, who subsequently become Consular Assistants and Consuls, learn the language of their adopted country and to some extent their future political, judicial and commercial work. After two years at Peking they move on to a Treaty Port and begin to put theory into practice. There are often as many as twenty of them in Peking at a time, besides an efficient staff of older men who act as the Chinese Secretaries.”21\n\nMeanwhile trouble was imminent and another visitor at this same period mentions the marines. Describing the Legation Quarter he wrote: \"The familiar redcoats of British marines drilling on the lawn lent perhaps an extra touch of homeliness to the well-kept grounds. For in view of possible troubles, most of the foreign legations were provided last winter [1895- Ed.] with a special guard drawn from the fleets in the Gulf of Tchih-li. They have since been for the greater part withdrawn. ... As if to heighten the contrast, the Chinese authorities had also assigned to each legation a special guard of their own braves who were encamped along Legation Street.\n\nIn 1900 the marines were to lend a more than homely touch to the scene inside the Legation. By mid-May of that year the anti-foreign massacres inspired by the Boxers had alarmed the Europeans, who were coming into Peking for protection.\n\n20 Ibid., 266-7.\n\n21 Clive Bingham, A Year in China 1899-1900 (London, 1901), 47-8.\n\n22 Valentine Chirol, The Far Eastern Question (London, 1896), 42-3.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204610, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "80\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG\n\nGamewall, an American Methodist, became almost legendary. We get a pen picture of Gamewall in the diary of the Rev. Roland Allen, who was chaplain to the Anglican Bishop in North China at this time. \"Mr. Gamewall was almost voiceless, but still pursued his weary round of the Legation on his bicycle, overseeing the fortifications, and carrying out every suggestion of the military council with untiring zeal.\"25\n\nOutside the Legation Chapel (by now filled to overflowing with missionaries) stood a stone kiosk with a bell inside it, erected to celebrate Queen Victoria's Jubilee. This Bell Tower stood in the middle of the Legation at a point where four ways met. As Allen explained: \"The Tower stood in the midst of tree-shaded ways beautiful from every point of view, sheltered, too, more than most spots from shot and shell. It was only once struck; no one was wounded there. It was well suited to be the centre of the life, as it was by nature the centre of the structure of the Legation.\" People used to collect there in groups to discuss the latest news and rumours. The bell itself was used as an alarm in case of a general attack, when it was rung furiously, and in the case of fire when it was tolled. All round the kiosk were posted up notices for the guidance of the besieged as well as cables, messages, edicts and rumours. Here also was posted up, from time to time, an official census of the inhabitants of the Legation. For instance on August 4th Jessie Ransome entered in her diary the census figures just posted up on the Bell Tower which gave a total of 883 men, women and children. One of the few amusing incidents of the siege was only known to the besieged some time afterwards. On 16th July, 1900 the Belfast newspaper, Northern Whig, had published an account of\n\n25 Rev. Roland Allen, The Siege of the Peking Legations (London, 1901), 161.\n\nA photograph of the six fighting parsons' can be found in Archibald Little, Gleanings from Fifty Years in China (Philadelphia, 1908), 289.\n\n24 When Professor L. Carrington Goodrich passed through Hong Kong in 1962 we spoke about the siege of the Foreign Legations and he told me that he was one of the children of missionary parents who sheltered in the Legation chapel. His father was the Rev. Chauncey Goodrich, remembered today by students of Chinese as the author of A Pocket Dictionary and Pekingese Syllabary, which was first published in 1891 and is still in print, See A. H. Mateer (Mrs.) Siege Days (New York, 1903), 217-18 and photograph opposite page 44. For another photograph see Arther H. Smith, China in Convulsion (New Jersey, 1901) II, 494.\n\n27 Allen, op. cit., 119.\n\nH", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204613, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 94, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "BRITISH LEGATION AT PEKING\n\n81\n\nthe death of Sir Robert Hart during the siege, and on July 21st it carried a long letter from the President of Queen's College, Belfast, which served as a somewhat premature obituary notice for Hart, who, in fact, lived until 1911.**\n\nThe relieving troops finally entered the British Legation on August 14th, when a Company of mounted Sikhs rode in at about 3 p.m. accompanying General Gaselee and his staff. So ended the siege which had lasted from June 20th until August 14th, a total of 55 days. Fortunately no overwhelming damage had been done to the British Legation, though many of the roofs were badly smashed about and bullets and shells had gone through most of the buildings. One last ironic touch; immediately after the raising of the siege the commissariat functioned so inefficiently that the besieged had to forage for themselves and for some days got less to eat than during the fighting. Meanwhile those who had 'enjoyed' the hospitality of the British Legation during the siege departed and the work of clearing up and repairing the damage began.\n\nThe actual damage suffered by the British Legation buildings was slight in comparison with the damage done to the other foreign Legations. The outer walls were badly damaged and had to be rebuilt, but one small section on the north-east corner facing the Imperial Canal was sufficiently unharmed to be left intact, and on its surface someone painted in black nine-inch letters the words \"LEST WE FORGET”. Most of the buildings in the compound were soon repaired and the Legation again looked substantially the same as before the siege. However, as part of the settlement after the Boxer troubles and the siege of the Legation Quarter Britain acquired considerable ground on the northern and western sides of the old Legation. This consisted of land formerly occupied by the Mongol market, by the Imperial Carriage Park and by the Hanlin Academy, which was burnt out during the fighting. This newly acquired land was later used for\n\n28 Born in 1835 Hart came out to China in the Consular Service in 1854 and spent his first three months as an interpreter at Hong Kong. After various consular appointments he was permitted by the British Government to resign from the consular service in 1859 and to join the newly formed Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs service as Deputy-Commissioner of Customs at Canton. In 1863, at the age of twenty-eight, he was appointed Inspector-General of the Maritime Customs, a post which he held until his resignation in 1908.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204629, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "CHEUNG CHAU\n\nnot put back when the house next door, wall, was renovated about ten years ago. of these tablets.\n\n97\n\nwhich shared a party There is now no trace\n\nHowever, two inscriptions still remain from these institutions. One, removed to the Wai Chiu section of the Kwok Man School in 1952, is dated the wu-shen year of Kuang-hsü (1908-9) and is an ornamental granite head-slab with two side pieces, all with carved and painted characters upon them, the gift of wealthy members or else a sign of general prosperity in the Wai Chiu community. The present leaders of the association say that the date refers only to the handsome inscriptions and not to the establishment of their school, which is believed to have been in operation for many years before. This is likely as the office building is an old one and was already registered at the time of the lease of the New Territories as the Wai Chau and Chiu Chau Club, and the association has a reputed existence of over two hundred years.\n\n24\n\nSimilarly a head stone is still in position inside an old building on the Praya belonging to the Sei Yap Yik Sin Tong, which records its repair in the 23rd year of Kuang-hsü (1897-8), the inscription being the work of WONG Wai Sum ✯✯✯, said to be a teacher in the Tong's school. This Tong has an interesting origin, if the tale told by its present managers is reliable, in that it arose from a shipwreck which washed up a body carrying money on one of the Cheung Chau beaches. The ship was supposed to have been carrying emigrants back to China from San Francisco. The body was given decent burial by some Sei Yap persons who hit upon the idea of forming a Tong for the unity and betterment of their fellow countrymen on the island, and with additional subscriptions the initial windfall was used to build or purchase the present building, which was the only property owned by the Tong in 1898. A feature of the building was the establishment of an altar on the ground floor on which were placed the tablets of the original organisers and principal subscribers, but these have now all gone, though a shrine remains.29\n\nThe fourth of these district associations of long-standing is the Po On which has no connection with the old Po On study run by the Tung Kwun association. Its leadership in 1898\n\n!\n\n1+L\n\nF", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204631, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 112, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "CHEUNG CHAU\n\n99\n\nlocal parties who support the venture which is designed to assist the public by providing a safe, regular and reliable means of conveying cargo and passengers between the island and, in this case, Hong Kong. An agreed percentage of the profits is supposed to be contributed towards charitable and welfare purposes at need. Four junks appear on the list of donors to the Fong Pin hospital, and one of these, together with a fifth, appears on the list for the repair of the Tin Hau Temple a year later, in 1879. They have business names such as Tung On “universal peace”, Kung Cheong “public prosperity”, Yee Tai On “righteous peace”, Kung Yik “public welfare” and On Shun “peaceful tranquility”, all propitious names for sea and river travel. It is likely that the two which made donations to the repair of the temple were kaifong junks since their generous contributions placed their names almost at the head of the list.\n\nScrutiny of the tablets and other sources of information mentioned in this brief account of Cheung Chau just before the British lease therefore leaves a vivid impression of a lively, bustling community, largely dependent upon its own leaders and local resources for initiating works of communal benefit, but making use of its links with the outside world, both by business and kinship, to help achieve its ends. So far as I know, there are no studies of the internal structure of a community of similar size and location in the same period available in any western language and it is therefore difficult for me to say whether Cheung Chau is similar or dissimilar to the general pattern of small coastal towns in South China. It does, however, present a basic pattern of association and an enforced reliance on self-help which is typically Chinese, in which respects the community has altered little to this day.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204634, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "102\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\n36 shops from Hong Kong, 28 from Peng Chau and 15 from Tai O contributed to the Po On study (presumably all or mainly of Tung Kwun origin); a few outside shops sent donations to repair the Tin Hau temple; hardly surprisingly no outside shops contributed to the Defence Bureau; but the subscriptions for the Fong Pin hospital came from a wide area and the list included over 20 shops and 40 individual persons (including 2 tongs from Tung Kwun and Hok Shan), from Canton, Pun Yue, Tung Kwun, Nam Hoi, Shun Tak, Macau, and other areas of the province,\n\nMost of the temples still contain tablets and other dated items which record their repair from time to time. However, the series is far from complete and many tablets have been lost. A typical instance is the loss of commemorative tablets from the Tin Hau Temple at Tai Shek Hau (the local place name). A prominent citizen remembers seeing a whole row of them fronting an outside wall when he was a young man, about thirty years ago, but they have now all vanished without trace.\n\n15 For mention of these Cheung Chau posts see the following tablets: salt (Tin Hau and Fong Pin), stamp (Tin Hau and Fong Pin), customs, e.g. tax on kerosene (Fong Pin). There was also a customs post on Lamma (Fong Pin), and there were various patrol boats (both tablets). The officer in charge of the military post on Cheung Chau is mentioned on the Tin Hau tablet, whilst the Fong Pin tablet lists eight officers of the Tai Pang battalion.\n\n16 Only the defence bureau tablet gives donors their official ranks, though comparison with others shows that some of the graduates are mentioned there without their titles, i.e., persons mentioned in these tablets may also have been graduates. A comparison of the Tong's genealogical record with the names on the tablets is at first sight disappointing. The genealogical record does not record titles for the later generations, i.e. those of the generation whose names appear on the tablets. An additional confusion is that the clan generation names may not have been used on the tablets where business or personal names may have been recorded instead. However, I think we can be fairly certain that most of the WONGS on the tablets belonged to the Tong.\n\n17 I have translated \"WU\" as \"petitioned the district magistrate\".\n\n18 See Kung-Chuan HSIAO Rural China; Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century, (Seattle, University of Washington Press 1960), pp. 294-306 for defence organisations in this period.\n\n19 His precise title was described on the Cheung Chau tablet as 城鎮 *which was probably the equivalent of colonel. A few years later he presented a large painted wooden commemorative tablet to the Hau Wong temple outside Kowloon City, on which his rank is described as tsung-ping or brigadier-general (see Ralph L. Powell The Rise of Chinese Military Power 1859-1912 (Princeton University Press, 1955) pp. 15 and 367). \"The brigadier-generals were semi-independent, yet their units were scattered and practically sedentary,\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204635, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "CHEUNG CHAU\n\n103\n\n20 See T'ung-tsu CH'U Local Government in China under the Ch'ing (Harvard University Press 1962) chapter 9, especially pp. 161-164.\n\nI am indebted to Mr. W. Schofield, a former District Officer, and Cudet Officer, Hong Kong Government, for a reference to an inscription, now lost, relating to the foundation of the Lung Chun Yee Hok *** in 1847. The school, which is still standing inside the former Kowloon walled city, was opened by the district magistrate WONG Ming Ting after the sub-district deputy magistrate HUI Man Sham had reported that it was being built.\n\nOrme in his \"Report on the New Territories 1899-1912” in Sessional Papers 1912, p. 63, Appendix G, gives a school census for April 1912, by which time there had apparently been little change since 1898. There were 10 schools on Cheung Chau, average attendance 20, average monthly fee 38 cents.\n\n21 See HSIAO op. cit. pp. 235-240 and CH'U, op. cit., pp. 161-162. Occasionally government-sponsored schools were granted land for their maintenance. In the 28th year of Kuang-hsü (1902-3) four years after the lease of the New Territories to Great Britain, land inside the boundary, previously used for the purpose of aiding a school still in Chinese territory, was sold by order of the Commissioner of Education for San On district. Part of the proceeds had also been used for offerings at the Confucian temple (in Nam Tau).\n\n22 The group of titles on the defence bureau tablet is another demonstration of the widespread sale of degree titles and positions in the late Ch'ing period already remarked in several places. (see HSIAO Kung-Chuan Rural China p. 415 and chapter 10 of CH'U's Local Government in China under the Ch'ing op. cit., pp. 168-173 and notes and, in more detail, Chung-li CHANG, The Chinese Gentry. Studies on their Role in Nineteenth Century Chinese Society, (Seattle, University of Washington Press 1955) pp. 102-111. For contemporary notices see Rev. Krone \"A Notice of the Sanon District\" in Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (Hong Kong), Part VI (1859) p. 84 and Arthur H. Smith Village Life in China (Edinburgh, Oliphant, Anderson & Ferrier c. 1900 p. 121, amongst others.)\n\nNo fewer than twenty-one persons have titles prefixed to their names, many of them minor ones, of which three-quarters were probably purchased.\n\nthe first\n\nOf the purchased titles and posts five were chien-sheng degree by purchase, which was the prerequisite to purchasing any superior post, such as that of district magistrate or prefect. It was the most commonly purchased degree. Two others were styled chih-chien and chih-sheng. There were four chin-kung and four chih-yüan 職員。", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204636, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "104\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\nThere were also examination titles among the organisers and subscribers to the defence office. There were three scholars, who held higher grades of the hsiu-ts'ai or first degree by examination. One was a kung-sheng, another a sheng-yüan, and the third held the grade of lin-sheng, all normally obtained by additional examinations by a literary chancellor appointed from Peking to examine hsiu-ts'ai in the provinces, though occasionally granted for merit. Another was a wu-sheng ±, a military hsiu-ts'ai, an officer by examination, not purchase. These four were WONGs, almost certainly members of the Tong. A fifth, named TSUI, was a tu-szu or first captain and was probably a serving military officer in the locality. The final title is ching sheng #.\n\nOf these various degree and title holders sixteen were named WONG *. The coincidence is probably too great to be accidental and the number of purchases testifies to the Tong's wealth, whilst the presence of genuine scholars, probably from the Cheung Chau branch, and the genealogical record, confirm its gentry status in the late Ch'ing period. There is no doubt that the main Tong was well entrenched and able to exert an \"interest\" with the district ruler and perhaps also with the prefect and viceroy at Canton.\n\n23 HSIAO illustrates the slight degree of local control on another island, Ch'a K'eng, off the coast of Sun Wui district, Kwangtung, in Rural China, pp. 344-348. For his views on the effectiveness of imperial control see pp. 320-322 and pp. 316-320 for the role of the gentry in local affairs. CH'U, op. cit., chapter 10, also examines the problem in general. Krone's article (see note 22), apparently written from long, first-hand knowledge of the western part of San On shows that the district magistrate and his deputy and sub-magistrates had little control over the population (see especially p. 81), and perhaps wanted it less, e.g. \"... the Mandarin of Fuk Wing (a sub-magistrate) confided to me, in a conversation that I had with him that he had nothing to do but to eat, to drink and to smoke”, though over 200 villages were in his charge.\n\n24 The district association is of considerable antiquity in China. They were known in Sung times: see J. Gernet, Daily Life in China on the Eve of the Mongol Invasion 1250-76 (London, Allen and Unwin 1962) p. 222; see also Y. K. Leong and L. K. Tao Village and Town Life in China (London, Allen and Unwin 1915) pp. 78-9 for \"the guild of co-provincials\" and H. B. Morse, The Gilds of China (London, Longmans, Green 1909) pp. 35-48 for the provincial club with a mercantile bias.\n\n25 With consequent language difficulties. See R. A. D. Forrest (a former Hong Kong Cadet Officer) \"The Southern Dialects of Chinese\", Appendix No. 1 to V. Purcell The Chinese in South East Asia (Oxford University Press 1951).\n\n26 The word \"member\" may have too strong a connection with the modern club where one pays an entrance fee and monthly subscriptions. In fact, one was born into membership of these early district associations and participated in their activities by subscription, as required. Mr. LEUNG Yau (see note 28) confirms this for his own association, the Wai Chiu.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204638, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "106\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\n30 The Tung Kwun association note book says that there was a Po On Wui Sor ★ ★ ƒ in the Ch'ing dynasty, but since this had always led to confusion their association (the Po On Shuc Shat) was renamed the Tung Kwun Wui Sor in the 12th year of the Chinese Republic (1923).\n\n31 A tablet (1953) in the Free School says that this institution dates back to 1921 and local leaders say that the kung sor was rebuilt at this time. The old kung sor was also known as the hon kaam lau ★ ★# or watchmen's building.\n\n** On the other hand it is unlikely that it predates the defence bureau (1863-70) as this would have been a suitable subject for the Kaifong to organise (there is no mention of it on the tablet).\n\n33 Mr. LEUNG Yau recalls that there were two Kaifong junks operating a daily service between Cheung Chau and Hong Kong before the lease (1898). One left Hong Kong (Sai Ying Pun) at 11 a.m., whilst the other left Cheung Chau at the same time. Both were sailing junks and took three hours to make the journey under good conditions and the whole day if otherwise. They were subscribed and run by a number of local gentlemen for public use. A steam Kaifong vessel was bought with public subscriptions in 1910. Administrative Reports, District Officer, New Territories, 1910.\n\n&\n\n34 There are now eight district associations on the island for natives of the districts of Po On; Tung Kwun; Wai-Chiu combined ✰✰ *#; Sei Yap (\"The Four Towns') i.e. Toi Shan 4, Sun Wui. Hoi Ping, Yan Ping; Ng Yap ♣ (“The Five Towns\") i.e. Hok Shan plus the towns of Sei Yap, Shun Tak: Chung Shan ✈ and Chiu Chau (separate), the four last named formed since 1945, all offering a variety of social, educational and charitable services to members.\n\n35 HSIAO, in his interesting and lengthy study of rural China in the 19th Century, does not deal specifically with the internal organisation of the market towns. The market town of Tai O at the south west end of Lantau island (land population 2248 in 1911) would provide an interesting local comparison, though material is not so readily available as for Cheung Chau. I hope to write a similar outline account at a later date.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204639, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "107\n\nEUROPEAN NAVIGATION ON THE YANGTSE\n\nA. D. BLUE *\n\nThe Yangtse is the greatest river in China, and has been of much greater importance in the history of the world than the Amazon and the Mississippi, which are superior in length and volume. In this respect it ranks with the Nile and the Euphrates, but unlike them it has always had a much greater population living along its banks. The Chinese know the Yangtse as the Long, or Great, River. Marco Polo may not have been the first European to see the Yangtse, but he was certainly the first to appreciate its importance, and to bring it to the notice of the Western world.\n\nOf the Yangtse in general Marco Polo said \"the multitude of vessels that invest this great river is so great that no one who should read or hear would believe it. The quantity of merchandise carried up and down is past all belief. In fact it is so big, that it seems to be a sea rather than a river\". There is no doubt but at that time, the second half of the 13th century, the Yangtse carried a greater volume of traffic than any other river in the world. Marco Polo was correct in thinking that no one would believe his reports on the Yangtse, or on China, and it was left to later generations to appreciate the accuracy of his observations.\n\nIt was the missions to China of Lord Macartney and Lord Amherst in 1793 and 1816 respectively, that made Europeans realise the importance of the Yangtse. Then in 1842, during the First China War, a British naval force entered the Yangtse, and was on the point of attacking Nanking (182 miles from the mouth) when the Chinese sued for peace. Sixteen years later, after the Second China War, one of the clauses of the Treaty of Tientsin\n\n* The author served as an Engineer Officer with the China Navigation Company from 1928 until 1938, and was on the Yangtse in 1930 in the Shengking and again in 1934 in the Wuhu. He was captured by pirates in the Newchang river in Manchuria in 1933 and held prisoner for five and a half months. During and after the War he was in the Colonial Service in West Africa, but in 1958 he returned to service with the China Navigation Company, and this has enabled him to revisit a number of the former Treaty Ports.\n\n1 Chinese records mention the visit of a 'Roman merchant' to Nanking about 230 A.D. See G. F. Hudson, Europe and China (London, 1931), p. 90.\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204641, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 122, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "NAVIGATION ON THE YANGTSE\n\n109\n\nThe Imperial forces had very little success against the Taipings in the next two years, and although it had been stipulated that the three ports on the river were not to be opened until they were defeated, a second naval expedition left Shanghai early in 1861 to establish consular posts at Chinkiang, Kiukiang, and Hankow. This expedition went up 158 miles beyond Hankow before turning back. Shortly after the return of this expedition the river was opened to foreign trade.\n\nThere is some ambiguity about Western policy during the Taiping Rebellion. It seems to have been regarded with sympathy in the early stages, when it was looked on as a reforming movement with Christian affiliations; and many foreigners welcomed the prospect of a change from the corrupt and reactionary Manchu régime. The British, American, and French governments, therefore, adopted a policy of neutrality in the early stages of the conflict. Later on, however, a marked change took place, which was not entirely due to the excesses committed by the rebels. Commercial considerations undoubtedly played some part. The Treaty of Tientsin had legalised the opium trade, but the Taipings were against opium and alcohol, and banned this trade in the territory under their control. They also made it clear that under their rule foreign trade would not be carried on in the one-sided manner so favourable to the foreign merchants. The Treaty of Tientsin again had stipulated that foreign ships could not navigate the Yangtse until peace was restored. Because of these and other reasons, the Western Powers abandoned their policy of neutrality. The rebels were looked on and referred to as firebrands and extremists, and the Manchu government as a peaceful and stabilising element, and steps were taken to help the latter. These included supplying the government forces with arms and ammunition — including the new Lee Enfield rifle, not yet used in Europe — allowing foreign steamers to transport government troops, and supplying officers to train and lead them.* As a result Nanking was captured in 1864, and the last vestiges of the rebellion were stamped out by 1866.\n\nIn 1862 the Scotland, a steamer belonging to Lindsay and Company of Shanghai was the first ocean-going merchant ship to go to Hankow, and thus opened the interior of China to direct\n\n* Gordon was the most famous of these officers.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204642, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 123, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "110\n\nLOWER YANGTSE\n\nHUPEH\n\nHankow\n\nDWILONA.\n\nLAKE\n\nAnking\n\nNanchang\n\nKIANGSI\n\nA. D. BLUE\n\nKIANGSU\n\nChakiang\n\nNandung,\n\nMuhu\n\nEAST\n\nCHINA SEA\n\nYANGTSE ESTUARY\n\nsung*\n\nShanghai\n\nHangchow\n\nHANGCHOW\n\nBAY\n\nNingpa\n\nCHEKIANG\n\nCHUSAN ARCHIPELAGO\n\n0\n\n120°E\n\n100 MILES 200\n\ntrade with foreign countries. In the following year Killick and Martin's famous tea clipper Challenger was towed up to Hankow by Lindsay's steamer Fire Cracker, and loaded the first cargo of tea at Hankow. It was cheaper to send tea to Hankow by water than by porterage over the Meiling Pass to Canton; so the opening of Hankow to foreign trade continued the decline of Canton as a tea port, which had commenced twenty years earlier with the opening of Foochow. Freights were considerably higher from Hankow, but so was insurance, and towing was also expensive. The Challenger was said to have paid £1,000 for being towed. Many famous clippers, such as the Cutty Sark, loaded tea at Hankow in the late 60's and early 70's.\n\nHankow, with its sister cities of Hanyang and Wuchang on the south side of the river, was at the heart of the Yangtse Valley, and was the main urban concentration in the interior of China. The French priest M. Huc, who travelled extensively through China in the years 1844-6, estimated the combined population of the three\n\nT", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204644, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 125, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "112 \n\nA. D. BLUE \n\nYangtse was not an easy river to navigate, and with its swift currents and shoals presented problems very similar to those on American rivers, in particular to the Mississippi. The Americans made good use of their experience in river navigation, and were also more willing to carry cargo on deck to speed up loading and discharging. They were more partial to paddle than to screw steamers, the former being better against strong currents and for reversing off shoals. This combination of factors gave the Americans a decided advantage in the early years, and the Shanghai Steam Navigation Company, belonging to the famous American trading firm of Russell and Company, was the most important company on the river for the first fifteen years of foreign trade.\n\nThe 1860's on the Yangtse was in many respects a repetition of the 1840's and 50's on the coast. Great stretches of the river were still under Taiping control, and it was constantly patrolled by British warships. Lawlessness was common among Chinese and foreign traders alike, and shipping was liable to attack from rebels, Imperial war junks, and pirates indiscriminately. Many foreign ships were engaged in illegal and immoral trades, in flagrant disregard of treaty rights, let alone of the welfare and laws of China. This applies to the sailing ships and lorchas under foreign flags, rather than to the steamers run by the Shanghai Steam Navigation Company, the other American companies of Heard and Olyphant, and the British companies of Jardine, Dent, and Lindsay. Opium trading had been legalised by the Treaty of Tientsin, and for the first decade or two at least 20% of the foreign imports into Hankow by the steamers was opium.\n\nThe salt trade was a government monopoly, and the most common illegal activity on the river was salt smuggling. Salt could be bought for the price of rice at Eching, eighteen miles above Chinkiang, and sold further up the river for at least double the price to the great detriment of the salt gabelle. Then there were foreign adventurers who supplied arms and ammunition to the rebels, and others who, if not actually smuggling themselves, convoyed native junks which were smuggling.\n\n— \n\nThe Shanghai Steam Navigation Company was formed by Russell and Company in 1862 with American, British, and Chinese capital, and performed valuable pioneer work in developing river", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204645, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "NAVIGATION ON THE YANGTSE\n\n113\n\ntransport. It was so successful that by 1872 it had a fleet of 17 steamers, had established 9 depots on the river, and found it necessary to increase its capital from Tls. 1,000,000 to Tls. 2,000,000.\" During 1866 and 1867 the Shanghai Steam Navigation Company succeeded in obtaining almost a complete monopoly of the Yangtse river trade, at least in that part of it carried by foreign ships. In these two years the rival American company of Olyphant withdrew their two steamers, Jardine's transferred their two river steamers to the Hong Kong-Shanghai run, and the Shanghai Steam Navigation Company bought the steamers of Dent, Lindsay, and Heard. Their only remaining rivals were two steamers of the recently formed Union Steam Navigation Company, a Shanghai British company. These were not serious rivals to American supremacy, but in five years' time were to be sold to a new British company which was destined to challenge the American near monopoly on the river successfully.\n\nAlthough American steamers were supreme on the Yangtse at this time, and also prominent on some of the coast runs, British trading firms were still the most powerful foreign firms in the treaty ports as a whole, including the three newly opened ports on the Yangtse. British ships were also the most prominent in the foreign trade of China, including that from the Yangtse ports. In 1869, for instance, two British ocean steamers went up to Hankow at the height of the tea season and loaded direct for Europe, and were followed by six in 1870, and nine in 1871.* This, of course, was a serious challenge to the Shanghai Steam Navigation Company.\n\nCompany. Of the Shanghai Steam Navigation Company's 17 ships at this time only five had been built in America, six having been built in Britain, and six in Shanghai; while a good proportion of their captains and officers were British. This, together with the fact that Russell and Company always had a friendly alliance\n\n\"Of the original Tls. 1,000,000 capital about one third was contributed by members of Russell and Company, another third by foreign business men in Shanghai, of whom the majority were British, and the last third by Chinese business men, also in Shanghai.\n\n* Six of their steamers were on the Shanghai-Tientsin run, with calls at Chefoo, and two on the Shanghai-Ningpo run.\n\n? As the result of a triangular arrangement between the firms of Russell, Jardine and Dent, Jardine withdrew to the coast, and helped Dent financially, and Russell agreed not to increase their services on the coast.\n\n* One of these was Holt's Agamemnon and the other the Erl King. After this Holt's sent at least two ships to Hankow each season.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204647, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "10th \n\nThe S.S. Glengyle which inaugurated the China Navigation Company's service on the Yangtze in 1872.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204648, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "NAVIGATION ON THE YANGTSE\n\n115\n\njourney by chair. He was the first Englishman to travel by this route, which it was hoped would develop into an important trade route from Upper Burma and West China.\n\nIn 1872 John Swire of London formed the China Navigation Company to trade on the Yangtse, and started by purchasing the two steamers of the Union Steam Navigation Company, following this up a year later with three ships of their own specially built on the Clyde. In this same year of 1873 the China Merchants Steam Navigation Company was formed, a Chinese company partly under government control and direction. This company purchased the steamers of the Shanghai Steam Navigation Company in 1877, and so became the owners of the largest river fleet. A few years later Jardine returned to the Yangtse with the Indo-China Steam Navigation Company, and by the early 1880's the greater part of the Yangtse trade was shared between these three companies: the China Navigation Company, the China Merchants Steam Navigation Company, and the Indo-China Steam Navigation Company.\n\nThe formation of the China Navigation Company in 1872 was a logical development from that of the Blue Funnel Line by Alfred Holt in 1866. Alfred Holt and John Swire were close friends and business associates, and when the latter opened an eastern branch of his company in Shanghai he took over the agency of the Blue Funnel Line ships. One reason behind the formation of the China Navigation Company was to provide cargoes for the Blue Funnel ships to and from the Yangtse. Alfred Holt was unwilling to operate ships so far from his personal control, but was willing to support the Swire enterprise. The inauguration of the Blue Funnel Service to the Far East, the opening of a Far Eastern branch of John Swire and Company in Shanghai in the same year, and the formation of the China Navigation Company six years later, meant the introduction of a new and powerful combination to the China coast. Holt and Swire, in association with the Clyde shipbuilding family of Scott, were soon to play a very important part in the China trade, and in the shipping of the whole of the Far East. Malaya, the Dutch East Indies, Japan, and Australia, were all to come within their orbit before many years had passed.\n\nIn 1881 the various shipping interests of Jardine were merged into the Indo-China Steam Navigation Company, of which Jardine were made permanent managers. For a list of the main shipping companies plying on the Yangtze see Appendix on p. 130.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204649, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "116\n\nA. D. BLUE\n\nThere was intense rivalry between John Swire's China Navigation Company and Russell's Shanghai Steam Navigation Company in the years before the latter's ships were sold to the China Merchants Steam Navigation Company. John Swire seems to have adopted and improved on Russell's methods of soliciting business from Chinese merchants, and making his shipping services and godown facilities as attractive to them as possible. This was a policy which the \"Princely Hong\" were much slower in adopting in their shipping services. It is amusing to read F. B. Forbes's exasperated comments on a dinner party which Swire's compradores gave for their Chinese freight brokers, and at which their European clerks were present and assisted in the hostly duties.12 Forbes thought this undignified, but one imagines his real grievance was that he had not thought of this himself.\n\nThe Chefoo Convention between Britain and China was signed in 1876, following the murder of A. R. Margary, a British consular officer, on the border between Burma and China. The connection between the two events may appear remote, but at this time the murder of a foreigner, or any untoward outburst of xenophobia on the part of the Chinese, was often followed by China being compelled to surrender some of her territory or sovereignty to the foreign power concerned. In this instance the Chefoo Convention provided for the opening to foreign trade of several more ports on the coast, and a further 340 miles on the Yangtse, the section between Hankow and Ichang known as the Middle River. Ichang, at the upper end of the Middle River, became a treaty port, and also Wuhu, a port between Nanking and Kiukiang. At the same time, Anking, Hichow, Luhchow, Tatung, and Wusueh, were opened to foreign trade as ports of call. These were ports where passengers and cargo could be loaded and discharged, but where foreigners had no rights of residence. All these ports of call, except Luhchow, were below Hankow; Luhchow being on the Middle River 70 miles above Hankow.\n\nF. B. Forbes was a nephew of P. S. Forbes, a former head of Russell and Company in America. He was a director of the Shanghai Steam Navigation Company from 1863 to 1866, and from 1868 to 1872, and president from 1872 to 1874.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204650, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 131, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "NAVIGATION ON THE YANGTSE\n\nUPPER & MIDDLE YANGTSE\n\nChengtuy SZECHUAN Chungking TID\"E 100 MILES 200 HUPLE H sichang Shesi 117 Hankow Yoshow FUNGTING GLAKE HUNAN Changsha 1104/2\n\nIt was not until 1878, two years after the Chefoo Convention was signed, that the first steamers went up beyond Hankow. In that year the China Navigation Company and the China Merchants Steam Navigation Company commenced a joint service between Hankow and Ichang. For technical reasons they were unable to maintain this service during the winter months of low water, and it was not until 1884 that a regular all-year-round service was commenced by Archibald Little with his small steamer Y-Ling, the other companies following suit a short time later. By 1901 there were twenty-two steamers running regularly between Hankow and Ichang, during daylight hours only, and it was not until 1920, after intensive surveys by the Chinese Maritime Customs, that night-time sailing was possible.\n\nA further section of the Yangtse was opened to foreign trade after China's defeat by Japan in the war of 1895, namely the 400 miles from Ichang to Chungking. At the same time Chungking and Shasi, the latter between Hankow and Ichang, became treaty ports. With the addition of Chungking to the list of treaty ports,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204651, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 132, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "118\n\nA. D. BLUE\n\nthe Yangtse was now open to foreign trade and navigation for almost 1,400 miles from the sea, and access had been gained to the rich and populous province of Szechuen, of which Chungking was the chief port.\n\nThe section of the river between Ichang and Chungking was known as the Upper River, and the first steamer to navigate this section belonged to Archibald Little, whose Y-Ling had been the first steamer to navigate the Middle River. Little was a member of a well-known Shanghai family, and he was the real pioneer of steam navigation on the Upper Yangtse. He had commenced his career as a tea taster for a German firm in Kiukiang in 1859, but soon went into business on his own and was one of the first to appreciate the possibility of trade in Szechuen Province and beyond in Tibet. He settled in Chungking soon after it became a treaty port, and started up several industries connected with wool, bristles, and coal—to mention some of the more prominent, and also engaged in marine insurance, specialising in covering cargoes on the Upper Yangtse.1 The Shanghai Chamber of Commerce had sent two prominent British merchants—Alexander Michie and Robert Francis—up the Yangtse to Chungking as early as 1869, to investigate trade prospects there, but no important developments followed. In 1887 Little made a much more intensive trip from Ichang to Chungking by junk, and formed the opinion that there were great possibilities for trade in Szechuen Province and beyond. The following year he attempted to run a steamer service between Ichang and Chungking with a stern wheeler specially built on the Clyde called the Kuling. Because of a clause in the Chefoo Convention stipulating that foreign steamers could only go to Chungking after Chinese steamers had gone there, the Kuling was not allowed to go beyond Ichang. Little then sold her to the China Merchants Steam Navigation Company, who employed her on the Hankow-Ichang service.\n\nOne of his brothers was a famous editor of the North China Daily News, and another a well-known doctor in Shanghai.\n\n[Robert Swinhoe, British Consul at Amoy was sent up the Yangtse by Sir Rutherford Alcock, British Minister at Peking, in March 1869 to enquire into the trade of the Upper River. He reached Chungking in May of the same year. His account of this journey was published in the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society Vol. XL (1870), pp. 268-85. It is accompanied by a folding map of the Upper River from the Tungting Lake to Chungking compiled from the charts made by two survey officers specially sent up the Yangtse for this purpose. Ed.]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204652, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "NAVIGATION ON THE YANGTSE \n\n119 \n\nThe restriction about navigation beyond Ichang was abolished after the Sino-Japanese War by the Treaty of Shimonoseki in 1895, and three years later the indefatigable Little had the satisfaction of taking his Leechuan from Ichang up to Chungking, the first steamer to navigate the Upper Yangtse. The Leechuan was a twin screw, wooden, steam launch only fifty-five feet long, and too small to carry any cargo. Little acted as his own captain and chief engineer, and the Leechuan had to be pulled up the strongest of the rapids by trackers. Two years later, however, a larger paddle steamer Pioneer, built by Little and a group of associates, made the first commercial passage to Chungking. The Pioneer was built by Denny of Dumbarton, and was 180 feet long, 60 feet beam over the paddle boxes, and had a draft of 6 feet. She carried 150 tons of cargo and many deck passengers, and took seven days between Ichang and Chungking on her first trip. There is a photograph of her in Gleanings from Fifty Years in China by Archibald Little (Philadelphia, 1908), p. 141. Shortly afterwards the Pioneer was commandeered by the British government to bring British subjects down the Yangtse during the Boxer troubles, and she finished her career as H.M.S. Kinshi, the headquarters ship of the Senior British Naval Officer on the Yangtse.\n\nIn that same year of 1900 the British river gunboat Woodlark, which was 145 feet long, by 23 feet beam, but had a draft of only 3 feet, also reached Chungking, and in the following year Woodlark and her sister ship Woodcock reached Sui Fu, 100 miles beyond Chungking. It was in the December of that year that the first of many serious accidents occurred on the Upper Yangtse, when the German steamer Suichsiang went on the rocks at the Tungling Rapids, 36 miles above Ichang, and was a total loss.\n\nThe Yangtse has its source in Tibet, not far from the headwaters of the Yellow, Mekong, Salween, and Irawaddy Rivers. When this became known to Europeans it became the ambition of many travellers to go up the Yangtse as far as possible, and then to cross over the Himalayas into Burma or India. This journey had a fascination for Europeans very similar to that exercised by the Nile and Niger over their fathers and grandfathers. The naval expedition of 1861, which went up the river as far as Yochow, landed three Englishmen there who intended to follow the river to its source in Tibet, and then cross over the Himalayas into India. Captain Blakiston, Lieutenant Saral, and Doctor Barton of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204653, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "120 \n\nA. D. BLUE \n\nShanghai, travelled by junk from Yochow to Pingsan on the Yunnan border, 1800 miles from the mouth of the river; but were then forced to turn back because of the unsettled state of the country.\n\nIn 1894, the Australian A. G. Morrison,15 successfully completed a somewhat similar journey. Travelling alone and by the customary methods, Morrison went up the Yangtse from Shanghai to Chungking, and then across Western China and the Shan States into Burma, a total distance of 3,000 miles. Morrison was unable to speak Chinese, but travelled in Chinese dress, and experienced nothing but kindness and hospitality all the way. He went from Shanghai to Hankow as a deck passenger on the Jardine steamer Taiwo, paying a dollar a day extra to the steward for foreign 'chow'. From Hankow to Ichang he again travelled as a deck passenger on the China Merchants steamer Kweili, then the only triple screw steamer on the river. At that time Ichang was the last open port on the river, and no foreign ships went past there. For the next stage to Chungking, therefore, Morrison hired a small sampan called a \"weipan\", with a captain and crew of four. This stage of nearly 400 miles through the Yangtse Gorges took 15 days, which was a record at the time, and cost him the equivalent of £2-16-0 in copper cash.\n\nIn his journey up the river Morrison noticed that many of the largest trading junks flew foreign flags, thus avoiding paying “likin” at the various provincial and regional boundaries. Under treaty regulations they only paid an ad valorem duty of 5% on their cargo, which was collected by the Chinese Maritime Customs at Ichang or Chungking. Morrison left the river soon after Chungking, and travelled overland for the remainder of his journey. He found food plentiful and cheap everywhere, and opium growing all along the Chinese section of his route. The total cost of his whole journey from Shanghai to Bhamo was under £20.\n\nSir Reginald Johnston, a British consular official, followed fairly closely in Morrison's footsteps in 1906. He started from Peking, going from there to Hankow by rail, and then up beyond Chungking by steamer and junk, finally going overland to Mandalay.\n\n15 Later to become famous as \"Chinese Morrison\" of the Times.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204656, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 137, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "NAVIGATION ON THE YANGTSE\n\n123\n\nThe Peking government claims that even greater floods took place during the summer of 1954, but because of the reconstruction work carried out on the dyke system by the Communists, the damage was much less. The dyke system, they say, has been still further strengthened since 1954.\n\nIn spite of its great depth along much of its length, navigation on the Yangtse always posed special problems. The main channel changes course from time to time, while the strength of the current varies from season to season. Foreign steamers usually carried two pilots, but in spite of all precautions many steamers have been lost on the river. Towards the end of the era of foreign shipping, losses had been greatly reduced by means of more efficient pilotage, greater knowledge and better charts, improved lighting, and other aids to navigation.\n\nLife on the Yangtse was very different from that on the coast, and had a strong fascination for most of those who experienced it. The river steamers penetrated right into the heart of China, where conditions were widely different. Even in the 1920's and 1930's the countryside and towns bordering on the Middle and Upper River remained much as they had been in the previous five or six hundred years. Foreign trade and influence had barely touched the fringes of social life and customs evolved many centuries earlier.\n\nThe heyday of Yangtse travel was in the 1920's and 1930's, when it was possible to travel in comfort, and even luxury, although not always in complete safety, from Shanghai to Chung-king, and beyond to Chengtu and Sui Fu. At that period there were four large companies operating regular services along the whole navigable length of the river, with something like a hundred steamers between them. There were also several small companies operating a few steamers each. The China Merchants Steam Navigation Company with 31 ships had the largest river fleet, followed by the China Navigation Company and the Indo-China Steam Navigation Company with 21 ships each, and then the Japanese Nisshin Kisen Kaisha with 15 ships. A German company had started a service in 1900, at the same time as the Japanese, but had been compelled to withdraw during the 1914-18 war, and had never resumed the service. At least four steamers left Shanghai for Hankow every day, where connection was made", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204657, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 138, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "124\n\nA. D. BLUB\n\nwith the Middle River steamers for the next stage of Ichang. At Ichang another change was made into the Upper River steamers for the journey through the Gorges to Chungking, where motor launches took over for the final stages to Sui Fu and Chengtu. In the high water season some of the Lower River steamers extended their run to Ichang, and some of the Upper River steamers extended their run to Sui Fu, but Chungking was usually regarded as the upper limit of navigation for all practical purposes.\n\nChungking became internationally famous when it became China's war time capital. Before that it was comparatively unknown to the outside world, although, under various names, a city has occupied the site for some 4,000 years. It is a unique site, a high, rocky bluff on the peninsula formed by the junction of the Yangtse and the Kialing Rivers, nearly 1,400 miles from the mouth of the Yangtse, and in the very heart of China. At this point the normal variation between high and low water seasons is 75 feet, and has been known to reach 100 feet. In the low water season the city is reached by innumerable broad flights of steps leading up from the river, most flights having 240 steps. The transport of goods from the river to the city provided work for an army of porters and ponies. Until 1934 all the water for the city was carried up those steps by coolies who earned the equivalent of a farthing for a load of two heavy wooden buckets.\n\nWhen A. G. Morrison passed through the city in 1894 he estimated the population to be about 200,000. He described the coolies as being hungry and wretched in the midst of plenty, and riddled with malaria and phthisis. Although he estimated that about 40% of the men and 5% of the women were opium smokers, he thought it a law-abiding city. Szechuen is one of the richest provinces in China, and Chungking's exports included silk, hides and skins, bristles, tung oil, musk, rhubarb, and wool, some of these things coming from Tibet.\n\nThe loss of the German steamer Suichsiang in 1900 and a narrow escape of H.M.S. Woodlark in the same year, coupled with the Boxer troubles, postponed the establishment of a regular steamer service between Ichang and Chungking for several years. When this was eventually established in 1908 the honour belonged to a Chinese company, the Szechuen Steam Navigation Company. The formation of this company was largely due to the inspiration", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204658, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 139, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "NAVIGATION ON THE YANGTSE \n\n125 \n\nand enthusiasm of Captain Cornell Plant who occupies the place of honour next to Archibald Little in the history of Upper Yangtse navigation. Little met Plant in London when the Pioneer was nearing completion, and infected Plant (whose previous experience of river work had been command of a paddle steamer on the Euphrates) with his enthusiasm for the Upper Yangtse. Plant took over the Pioneer and commanded her on her early voyages, and the Upper River fascinated him as it had Little. After the Pioneer was taken over by the Royal Navy, Plant built himself a large houseboat and traded successfully between Ichang and Chungking for several years, studying the Upper River in its varying moods and seasons. In 1907 he persuaded a group of Chinese merchants and officials in Chungking to make a further attempt to establish a regular steamer service, and the Szechuen Steam Navigation was formed, 40% of the capital coming from official sources. Their first ship, the Shuting, was built by Thorneycroft at Southampton under Plant's supervision, and he commanded her on her first voyage in 1908, and for the first five years of her successful operations.16 The Szechuen Steam Navigation Company's Shuting was soon followed by the China Navigation Company's Shutung, and both ships maintained a regular service between Ichang and Chungking, except for the three winter months — January to March — of low water. Both the Shutung and the Shuting were about 115 feet long with a draft of 3 feet, and both towed a float alongside for both passengers and cargo. If the current was too strong at any of the gorges or rapids the steamer went ahead on her own, tied up at the head, and then pulled the float up after her. Sometimes the steamer half steamed and half pulled herself up by her windlass. For this reason the Upper River steamers had very powerful windlasses and capstans, but even with this help there were some rapids it was impossible to overcome without further help. Then gangs of coolies called trackers, were employed, and there were villages at certain places whose sole raison d'être was to supply these trackers. The first steamer to go up the whole distance from Ichang to Chungking solely under her own power was the Szechuen Steam Navigation \n\n10 Plant joined the Chinese Maritime Customs in 1913 as River Inspector for the Upper River, which post he held at his death in Hong Kong in 1921. He is buried in Happy Valley alongside his wife. See his Glimpses of the Yangtse Gorges, 2nd edn., (Kelly and Walsh, 1936) which contains some interesting photographs.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204659, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "126\n\nA. D. BLUE\n\nCompany's second steamer Shu-hun, a larger and more powerful steamer than their Shuting, which was built by Yarrow's in 1913. It was not until the 1930's, however, that the majority of Upper River steamers were able to do the whole trip unaided.\n\nA unique feature of the Upper Yangtse was the trackers' paths cut in the hillside above the rapids, at some places as high as 30 or 40 feet above the river level. At the most dangerous rapids the junks were lightened of their passengers and most of their cargo, only a few men staying on board with the pilot to work the bow sweep and pole. The negotiation of the rapids required great skill on the part of the pilots, and instant obedience and co-operation from the junkmen and trackers, and it might take an hour or more of unremitting exertion to pull a junk up the worst 200 or 300 feet of one of those rapids. The trackers and junkmen would be encouraged and stimulated by drumming, and by the antics of the headman, to which they replied by a low, monotonous chanting. Some of the gorges were too precipitous for trackers' paths, and at such places junks had to wait for a strong, favourable wind.\n\nThere were frequent accidents, many of them fatal, at the more dangerous rapids, and special large-sized sampans were stationed at such places to rescue those who came to grief. These were called \"red boats\", and it was in a sampan of this kind that Sir Reginald Johnston travelled from Ichang to Chungking in 1906. One of the most dangerous rapids was the Hsin Tan, or New Rapid, 135 miles above Ichang, which was formed by a landslide some 300 years ago. It was here that the China Navigation Company's first Upper River steamer, the Shuting, was lost in 1937. The Hsin Tan was most dangerous in the low water season; other rapids were most dangerous in the high water season.\n\nThe Yangtse Gorges provide some of the most spectacular scenery in the world. Windbox Gorge and Witches' Mountain Gorge are the most famous of the Gorges. The latter is also the longest, being 20 miles long, with the river only 150 yards wide at some places. It is also probably the most beautiful and mysterious, in an awe-inspiring manner. As in Windbox Gorge, there are places where the passenger on a river steamer has the distinct impression that the mighty and almost sheer precipices actually overhang the river in places. There are caves high up in the cliffs, and villages over 1,000 years old clinging to ledges more", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204660, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 141, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "NAVIGATION ON THE YANGTSE \n\n127 \n\nthan a hundred feet above the river. The cliffs in Windbox Gorge rise to over 700 feet above the river, and it was here that in the record year the river level rose 275 feet in a short time. \n\nIn 1917, after there had been regular services operating on the river for some years, the Chinese Maritime Customs issued a series of recommendations for steamers intending to ply on the Upper River, based on the experience gained over these years. The maximum size for steamers intending to run all year round was 210 feet long by 31 feet beam and 94 feet draft, with a minimum speed of 12 knots. If they were intended to negotiate the main rapids under their own power, a speed considerably in excess of 12 knots was recommended. It was also recommended that the hull be divided into watertight compartments, and that ships should have a flat bottom. Ships over 130 feet long were recommended to have twin screws and two boilers, and if their beam was over 22 feet three rudders; all others having two rudders. Other recommendations and regulations related to steering gears, windlasses, and capstans, and illustrate the peculiar problems posed by navigation on the Upper Yangtse. By 1931 there were over a dozen special-type ships on the Upper Yangtse, half of them British, running regularly between Ichang and Chungking. Three of the others were Chinese, two American, and one French. There were also several small oil tankers. Above Chungking there were about two dozen smaller motor launches running, but in this part of the river a great part of the traffic was still handled by native craft of various types. In 1931 the American West China Shipping Company's last ship was wrecked in the Upper River, and the Dollar Company sold their last ship, the Alice Dollar, to the China Navigation Company, who renamed her the Wantung. This left British steamers predominant on the Upper River for the short time after that it remained open to foreign trade. \n\nAll ships operating on the Yangtse required pilots. On the Lower River these were mostly foreigners of the various countries which formed the Woosung-Hankow Pilots' Association. This was not a branch of the Chinese Maritime Customs, although these pilots were licensed and recognised by the Customs. On the coast and on other rivers, the Chinese Pilotage Service, which was a branch of the Customs, was the recognised authority. There was no official body of pilots on the Middle River, but there was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204661, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "128\n\nA. D. BLUE\n\nan unofficial association of Chinese pilots stationed at Hankow, whose members were employed by the companies on this section of the river. For the Upper River there was a branch of the Chinese Pilotage Service, whose members were licensed by the Customs, and an apprenticeship of five years was required to qualify as a pilot on the Upper River.\n\nThe Yangtse was opened to foreign trade through British diplomatic and naval action, and the Yangtse Valley was always a particular preserve of British commerce and industry. This was tacitly recognised by the other Powers, even during periods of intense international rivalry. By the early 1920's it was estimated that British investment in the Yangtse Valley, including Shanghai, was over £200,000,000. This was almost as much as was invested in the whole of British India at that time, and much more than was invested in British Africa. More than half of the shipping regularly employed on the Yangtse was owned by two British companies—the China Navigation Company of John Swire of London, and the Indo-China Steam Navigation Company of Jardine Matheson and Company of Hong Kong. Both Companies also had substantial investments in other industries in the Yangtse Valley, as well as in docks, wharves, and warehouses.\n\nThe operations of the British Yangtse steamers were severely curtailed shortly after the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War in 1937. Within a few months of the outbreak of the war the Japanese had captured Shanghai, and soon after that Nanking, the capital. The capital had previously been moved up river to Hankow, and when Hankow in turn was threatened it was moved further up to Chungking, which remained the capital for the remainder of the war. The capture of Hankow resulted in the closure of the Lower River to British shipping, but the services above Hankow were still maintained. After Ichang was captured in June 1940, a still more restricted service was maintained in the Upper River until the end of the war. No British ships operate on the Yangtse nowadays, and the Red Ensign is seen only on the rare occasions when a British ship under charter to the Chinese government visits Nanking or Hankow.\n\n17 By Shanghai is meant here the Chinese city surrounding the International Settlement and the French Concession.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204662, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "NAVIGATION ON THE YANGTSE\n\n129\n\nMany of the Chinese government's most ambitious plans are connected with the Yangtse. The bridge at Wuhan, first mooted in 1913, was completed in 1958 at a cost of $35,000,000, and after only two years and four months work. This is of double-deck construction, and 4,465 feet long. The lower level carries a double railroad track, and the upper level vehicle and pedestrian lanes. The bridge crosses the river just below Hankow, and is high enough to allow the largest ocean ships likely to call at Hankow to pass under all year round. Then there is the Three Gorges Dam project, between Ichang and Chungking. This is to provide hydro-electric power, flood control, irrigation, and to improve navigation. A much greater project is the plan to divert Upper Yangtse water into the Yellow River, and surveys have been made to see how much of the Yangtse's flow can be diverted for this purpose.\n\nAt present that part of North and North West China drained by the Yellow River has 51% of the cultivated land of China, but only 7% of the surface water flow; while the area around and south of the Yangtse with only 33% of the cultivated land has over 76% of the surface water flow. From these vast schemes under-way or planned, it is plain that in the future the Yangtse will play an even greater role in China's history than in the past.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204663, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 144, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "130\n\nA. D. BLUE\n\nAPPENDIX\n\nMain Companies mentioned in this article with ships plying on\n\nthe Yangtse.\n\nSHANGHAI STEAM NAVIGATION COMPANY 1862-1877.\n\nFounded by Russell & Co.\n\nCHINA NAVIGATION COMPANY. Founded 1872 by John Swire. Managed by John Swire & Sons of London, and represented in the Far East by Butterfield and Swire. This Company still runs on the China Coast.\n\nCHINA MERCHANTS STEAM NAVIGATION COMPANY.\n\nFounded 1873. Chinese owned. It still continues to operate.\n\nINDO-CHINA STEAM NAVIGATION COMPANY.\n\nFounded 1881 by Jardine, Matheson & Co. Now operates in the Far East generally with occasional calls at China ports.\n\nNISSHIN KISEN KAISHA. Founded 1907. Japanese owned.\n\nSZECHUEN STEAM NAVIGATION COMPANY. Founded 1908. Chinese owned.\n\n1", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204671, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "136\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nUNIVERSITY OF HONG KONG: THE FIRST 50 YEARS, 1911–1961. Edited by Brian Harrison. Hong Kong University Press, 1962. Illustrated with numerous black and white photographs and one in colour. 247 pages. HK$35.00.\n\nThis book, edited by Professor Brian Harrison, Dean of the Faculty of Arts, was issued to mark the Golden Jubilee of the University of Hong Kong which fell in 1961. It is divided into seventeen chapters by different authors, and contains not only a great wealth of information about the University then and now, but it also unfolds the dramatic story of a long struggle in the face of financial starvation and near disaster. The book is beautifully printed and produced and the editor and the printers are to be congratulated on a fine achievement.\n\nIt is hoped to review this book at greater length in the next issue of this Journal.\n\nJ. L. C-B.\n\nAN EMBASSY TO CHINA: Lord Macartney's Journal 1793–1794. Edited with an Introduction and Notes by J. L. Cranmer-Byng. Longmans, 1962, 420 pages. 42/-\n\nAny book that sets out to enable different countries and people to know and understand each other better is to be welcomed. Never was such understanding more necessary than today, when the world is in danger of dividing itself into Orient and Occident, when the two halves are developing at different rates of progress, when the first casualties are seen to be truth, sensitivity and tranquillity of spirit,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204672, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 153, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n137\n\nIt is therefore a delight to read such a work as Mr. Cranmer-Byng's An Embassy to China. Produced by an historian, and one moreover who combines integrity with an uncommon knowledge of the East, this book is indispensable to an understanding today of the problems that East and West have inherited in their dealings with one another.\n\nThe main body of the book consists of the Journal kept by Lord Macartney on his embassy to the Emperor Ch'ien-lung in 1793. He describes his journey to Peking, beyond the Great Wall to Jehol, and back by the Grand Canal and by river to Canton. There follow a series of \"observations\", compiled by Macartney from his own shrewd judgment and from data supplied by members of his entourage, on subjects such as the Manners, Religion, Government, Population, Arts and Sciences, Language etc. of China under the Ch'ing Dynasty.\n\nThe first 58 pages of the book contain an Introduction by the editor, in which he comments on early Anglo-Chinese relations, paints a brief biographical picture of Lord Macartney, and discusses the embassy, the manner of its reception, and its results. The final pages of the Introduction lead up to the Journal itself, its style, content and the method used by the diarist in compiling such a detailed account of his mission - an account written by a professional diplomat, skilled at seeing behind the facade, patient in negotiation, lucid in recollection and description.\n\nLooking back today from our vantage point in time nearly two hundred years later, it is easy to see that Macartney was given an impossible task. Remote in her geographical isolation and sublimely ignorant of world affairs, China had sealed herself for centuries in a false cocoon of imagined cultural superiority. The eighteenth century was both too late and too early for any European power to overcome the supreme complacency of the Imperial Court and Government. From the mid-sixteen hundreds onwards, Western nations, notably the Dutch, the Russians and the Portuguese had sent embassies to China, but all had failed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204673, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 154, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "138\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nto convince the Chinese and their rulers that they represented nations and civilizations which were in no way inferior in dignity, status and achievement to China herself. Macartney's mission, though most carefully planned and equipped, was no more successful than those of his predecessors in concluding any kind of treaty or agreement on the basis of equality and mutual respect.\n\nIn a brief review such as this, one is faced with an “embarras de richesses”, for there are many aspects of this unusual book that would be tempting to follow up. The eighteenth century European's view of an Oriental overlordship; the relationship of trust and friendship that developed between Macartney and his attendant Mandarins, Wang and Chou; the travelogue itself and its curious but obvious omissions; the detailed study of Chinese achievements revealed in the Appendices; all these and many more invite the reviewer's comment. But it is perhaps the nature of the diarist himself that offers the most rewarding study, for here is the unconscious self-portrait of a man typical in many ways of his own age and culture, set against a wholly strange background. Macartney's early career, added to his personal qualities, marked him out for this mission. He was an experienced diplomat, well versed in dealing with oriental peoples and with rulers enjoying despotic power. He had served his country well in India, and as envoy-extraordinary to the Court of Catherine the Great, he had negotiated a commercial treaty with Russia. He was of proven integrity, indeed as Governor of Madras he had refused the perquisites accepted by his predecessors. He was a man of the world, much travelled, of a flexible turn of mind, far from intolerant in matters of politics, religion or race. Accustomed to control, he was schooled in self-control. Moreover he was of known ability in recording his observations of other countries and their peoples, and realised full well that not only the opinions of rulers but everything about a people their manners, customs, history and achievements -were of vital importance to Great Britain in formulating policies in relation to the country concerned.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204674, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n139\n\nHe was ahead of his time in assessing the value of what are now described as \"cultural relations\" between countries. In spite of all the resources at his command, however, he failed to arouse any interest in concluding a commercial treaty, or to put in train a sequence of events, which, had circumstances been different, might have led to the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two greatest countries of the day in East and West to the undoubted benefit of both. In the event he came up against the extreme obscurantism of the Orient which until this twentieth century has been its own worst enemy.\n\nAlthough Macartney returned to England in 1794, no wholly satisfactory edition of his Journal has previously been available in print. We now have a virtually full transcription, and where irrelevant material has been omitted, the omissions and the reasons for them have been clearly stated. Scholars will welcome the well-documented notes designed for reference, and added at the end of the book, where they cannot distract the reader's attention from the main flow of the narrative. Only the maps are something of a disappointment.\n\n++\n\n\"While keeping in mind the needs of the specialist,\" says Mr. Cranmer-Byng in his Preface, \"I have edited this Journal in such a way that I hope the general reader will be able to enjoy it. . . . In this endeavour he has been entirely successful. Here is a work which will appeal to scholars, serve as an invaluable book of reference to present and future historians, and at the same time make entertaining reading for the layman who need possess no background knowledge of Chinese history or Anglo-Chinese relations to enjoy it to the full. Apart from its intrinsic worth, this book is an absorbing travel story. It was one of those supremely happy strokes of fortune all too rare in the unfolding of human affairs—that so able a man, gifted with incisive judgment and the power of descriptive writing, should visit China at the end of the finest hour in her long dynastic history.\n\nR. E. LAWRY.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204675, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 156, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "140\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nSOUND AND SYMBOL IN CHINESE. By Bernhard Karlgren. Hong Kong University Press, 1962. Paper covers. 97 pages. HK$6.00.\n\nThis is the first volume in a series published by the Hong Kong University Press under the title CHINESE COMPANION SERIES, and it is an admirable choice. It consists of a new edition of Professor Karlgren's illuminating study, first published in 1922, which has been revised by the author himself and the Bibliographical Notes brought up to date. Short in length this book is nevertheless of the highest importance and no student of the Chinese language can afford to neglect it. Even those who are not primarily linguists should certainly read it since the subject which it discusses lies at the very roots of Chinese culture. It is written in a pleasant and lucid style which helps to make it easy to understand. The text contains a number of Chinese characters. All students of Chinese will be glad to see that there is a photograph of the author at the front of the book. He is one of the most distinguished living Sinologists.\n\nIt is good to see this important work available in an inexpensive but attractive format and the Hong Kong University Press is to be congratulated on an auspicious start to its CHINESE COMPANION SERIES.\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG.\n\nASIAN PERSPECTIVES. The Bulletin of the Far-Eastern Prehistory Society. Edited by Wilhelm G. Solheim II. Volume V, Nos. 1 & 2, 1961. Hong Kong University Press, 1962. Approx. 130 pages each. Illustrated. HK$25 per number.\n\nNumber 1 of Volume 5 contains regional reports from seventeen areas, including a brief note for Hong Kong, and a longer one for China mainland by R. C. Rudolph giving a useful annotated bibliography of recent monographs and Journals dealing with current work on Chinese archaeology. It also includes a few notes and articles including a note on a glazed bowl from Lamma island.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204685, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "150\n\nBOYD, J. D. I.\n\nBRAGA, J. M. -\n\nBREUIL, Mrs. N. du\n\nBROMHALL, J. D.\n\nBROOKS, D. E.\n\nBRUUN, F. -\n\nA-1 9th Floor, 2 Oaklands Path, H.K.\n\n-\n\nP. O. Box 951, H.K.\n\n86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K.\n\nFisheries Research Station. The Fish Market,\n\nIsland Road, Aberdeen.\n\nRadio Hong Kong, Rodney Block, G/F.,\n\nWellington Barracks, H.K.\n\n908, Takshing House, H.K.\n\nBURKHARDT, Col. V. R. - 86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K.\n\nBYRNE, D. J. -\n\nCALCINA, P. G. *\n\nCHAN, Dr. H. C.\n\n-\n\nCHAN, Hok-lam\n\nCHAN, Leonard\n\n+\n\nCHAU, Hon. Sir T. N. *-\n\nCHAU, Wah-ching\n\nCHENG, T. C..\n\nCHEONG-LEEN, Hilton\n\n+\n\nc/o China Light & Power Co., Ltd. Argyle\n\nSt., Kowloon.\n\nCommercial Investment Co., Ltd., Union\n\nHouse, 12th Floor, H.K.\n\nBank of Canton Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Department of History, Chung Chi\n\nCollege, Ma Liu Shui, N.T.\n\nc/o Pâzer Corporation, G.P.O. 323, H.K.\n\n8, Queen's Road, West, H.K.\n\nEnglish Department, Chung Chi College,\n\nMa Liu Shui, N.T.\n\nUnited College of H.K., Bonham Road,\n\nH.K.\n\nG.P.O. Box 584, 310 Yu To Sang Building,\n\nH.K.\n\nCHESTERMAN, Prof. W. D. 4 Felix Villas, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nCHEUNG, O.\n\nCHING, Henry\n\nCHING, Joseph\n\n-\n\nCHIU, Miss B. T.\n\nCHIU, Ling-yeong\n\nCHOA, Dr. G. H.\n\nCHOW, Edward T.\n\nCLARK, Mrs. N. E. COHN, Dr. A. J. -\n\nCOLE, M.\n\n1002, Alexandra House, H.K.\n\n9, Village Road, 1st Floor, H.K.\n\nc/o U.S. Consulate-General, 26 Garden\n\nRoad, H.K.\n\nDepartment of Botany, The University, H.K. 167, Yee Kuk Street, 3rd Floor, Shumshuipo,\n\nKowloon.\n\nQueen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K. 3 Village Terrace, Happy Valley, H.K.\n\n71, Peak Road, H.K.\n\n116, Leighton Road, Lei Shun Court, 6th\n\nFloor, \"F\", H.K.\n\n16, Conduit Road, H.K.\n\n*Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204692, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 173, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "157\n\nPELZEL, J. C.\n\nPENNELL, W. V.\n\n-\n\nPERESYPKIN, O. P.\n\nFICCIOTTO, Mrs. J. R. -\n\nPIRIE, J.\n\n-\n\nPOLAND, T. D.\n\nPOLDY, Mrs. K.\n\nPORDES, F.\n\nPRATT, M. S. -\n\n=\n\nPRESCOTT, Jon A.\n\nRAE-SMITH, W. B.\n\nRASSIM, Mrs. E.\n\nRATH, F. C.\n\nRICHARDS, G.\n\nRIDE, Sir L. T.\n\nRIDE, Lady*\n\n-\n\n·\n\nROBINSON, F. C., M.B.E.\n\nROFE, F. H.\n\nROOKE, Miss B. E.\n\nROSS, G. W.\n\nRUTTONJEE, Hon. D.\n\nRUTTONJEE, Mrs. D.\n\nRYAN, The Rev. Fr. T. F., S.J.\n\nRYDINGS, H. A. ·\n\nSARGENT, Dr. G. E.\n\nSAUNDERS, J. A. H.\n\nSCHOYER, B. P.\n\n+\n\nPeabody Museum, Harvard University, Cambridge, 38, Mass., U.S.A.\n\nc/o S.C.M.P., Wyndham Street, H.K.\n\n22-A, Kennedy Road, Flat 3, H.K.\n\n46, Stubbs Road, H.K.\n\nP. O. Box 117, H.K.\n\nC.A.S. Headquarters. 39, Gloucester Road, 2/F., H.K.\n\n37, Macdonnell Road, H.K.\n\n209, Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\nU.S. Consulate-General, 26 Garden Road, H.K.\n\nRoom 434 Alexandra House, H.K.\n\nc/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K.\n\nc/o Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K.\n\nMuller and Phipps (China) Ltd., P. O. Box 25, H.K.\n\nThe British Council, Room 132, Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\nThe Lodge, 1 University Drive, H.K.\n\nThe Lodge, 1 University Drive, H.K.\n\nThe British Council, Rm. 132, Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\n5 Tai Hang Road, H.K.\n\n3-B, 3 University Drive, H.K.\n\nFlat 1, 94-C Pokfulum Road, H.K.\n\n2. Conduit Road, H.K.\n\n2, Conduit Road, H.K.\n\nWah Yan College, 281, Queen's Road, East, H.K.\n\nThe University Library, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\n3815 Nail Court, South Bend 14, Indiana, U.S.A.\n\nHong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K.\n\nNew Asia College, 6, Farm Road, Kowloon\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204694, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "159\n\nSTRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., H.K.\n\nSWIRE, A. C. *\n\nTALBOT, H. D.\n\nTANG, Shiu-kin *\n\nTHOMAS, L. F. +\n\nTHOMAS, Dr. O. L.\n\nMessrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K.\n\nDepartment of Geography, The University, H.K.\n\nThe Kowloon Motor Bus Co., (1933) Ltd., 505, Pedder Building, H.K.\n\nCo-operative Development & Fisheries Department, Li Po Chun Chambers, 11th Floor, H.K.\n\n17, Magnolia Road, Yau Yat Chuen, Kowloon.\n\nTHOMPSON, Lt. Col. P. H. CRE Hong Kong B.F.P.O.1, H.K.\n\nTHOMPSON, R. W. -\n\nTILL, The V. Rev. B. * -\n\nTOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie\n\nTREGEAR, Miss M.\n\nTRISTRAM, M. P. W. -\n\nTSEUNG, Dr. F. I.\n\nTURNER, Sir M. *\n\nVETCH, H. -\n\nVETCH, Mrs. H.\n\nVIO, Dr. E. G.\n\nVISCHER, Mrs. H. B.\n\nVISICK, Mrs. Mary\n\nWADDINGTON, Mrs. A.\n\nWALDEN, J. C. C.\n\nWARD, Miss J. E. A.\n\nWARD, W. L. -\n\nWARNER, J. M.\n\nWATSON, K. A.\n\nWEI, Dr. Tat +\n\nDept. of Modern Languages, The University, H.K.\n\nThe Dean's House, H.K.\n\n6, Peak Mansions, H.K.\n\nc/o Ashmolean Museum, Oxford University, Oxford, UK.\n\nRating & Valuation Dept., Murray House, Queen's Road E., H.K.\n\nChina Building, 4th Floor, H.K.\n\n\"Whispers\" Riversdale, Boume End, Bucks, U.K.\n\nc/o H.K. University Press, H.K.\n\nc/o H.K. University Press, H.K.\n\n315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K.\n\nA-23, Estoril Court, 15 Garden Road, H.K.\n\nDepartment of English, The University, H.K.\n\n9, Middle Gap Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Commerce & Industry Department, Fire Brigade Building, H.K.\n\n51, Buxey Lodge, Conduit Road, H.K.\n\nApt. 3, No. 7, Magazine Gap Road, H.K.\n\nCity Hall, H.K.\n\nc/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K.\n\nH.K. Anti-Tuberculosis Association, Queen's Road, East, H.K.\n\n*Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204695, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 176, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "160\n\nWEINREBE, H. M.\n\nWEISS, K. WELCH, H. H. * WILLIAMS, P. B.\n\nWILSON, B. D.\n\nWINKLER, Mrs. E.\n\nWONG, Dr. Man WONG, Pao-hsie\n\nWONG, Prof. Po-shang\n\nWONG, Shing-tsang WOO, Dr. A. W. -\n\nWOO, Dr. Pak-foo WRIGHT, D. A. L. WRIGHT, Miss P. YAO, Pe-chun\n\nYAP, Dr. Pow-meng YEUNG, W. T,\n\nYOUNG, Dr. R. S.\n\nYOUNG, Mrs. S.\n\nYU, Ping-Kuen\n\nYU, Yin C.\n\nZIGAL, Mrs. I.\n\nZIMMERN, W. A.\n\nWeinrebe & Pennell, Ltd., 1103/4 Yu To Sang Bldg., 37, Queen's Road, Central, H.K.\n\nP. O. Box 718, H.K.\n\n1. Austin Road, 10th Floor, Kowloon. c/o Colony Headquarters, Arsenal St., H.K. c/o Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, Fire Brigade Building, H.K.\n\n402, Clovelly Court, 12 May Road, H.K. Rm. 108, China Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K.\n\nB-5, Wah Kiu Mansion, 1st Floor, 80, Tai Po Road, Kowloon,\n\n16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st Floor, H.K.\n\nWoo Clinic, Edinburgh House, 1st Floor, H.K.\n\n204, China Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. 90, Mt. Nicholson, H.K.\n\nI.L. 7635 Cooper Road, Block 2 East, 2nd Floor, Jardine's Lookout, Causeway Bay, H.K.\n\nc/o Mental Hospital, H.K.\n\n60-B, Conduit Road, Ground Floor, H.K. Clinical Pathology Unit, Department of Pathology, Queen Mary Hospital Compound, H.K.\n\nClinical Pathology Unit, Department of Pathology, Queen Mary Hospital Compound, H.K.\n\nDepartment of Chinese, The University, H.K.\n\n205-207, Gloucester Building, Hong Kong.\n\nNo. 12 Bowen Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Wheelock Marden & Co., Ltd., Room 1234, Union House, H.K.\n\n \n \n \n \n \n The Hon. Secretary (P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform him of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses.\n \n \n * Life Member\n Please notify the Hon Secretary of any inaccuracy\n \n\n1", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204696, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 177, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "CONTENTS OF VOL. 1 (1960/61)\n\nThe Study of Asia: a Heritage and a Task, F. S. Drake; Birds of Hong Kong, A. M. Macfarlane; Flowers of Hong Kong (with one coloured illustration), B. T. Chiu; The Knight Errant in Chinese Literature, James J. Y. Liu; Tibet As It Was, Hugh Richardson; The Morrison Library, Dorothea Scott; Buddhist Sources of the Novel Feng-Shen Yen-I, Liu Tsun-yan; Buddhist Organizations in Hong Kong, Holmes Welch; Chinese Burial Customs in Hong Kong, B. D. Wilson; Notes and Queries.\n\nCONTENTS OF VOL. 2 (1962)\n\nNestorian Crosses and Nestorian Christians in China under the Mongols (illustrated), F. S. Drake; Currency Problems in a Cycle of Cathay, G. Findlay Andrew; The Buddhist Career, Holmes Welch; Chinese Seals, T. Y. Li (illustrated); Some of China's Thirty-five Million non-Chinese, Herold J. Wiens; The Pattern of Life in the New Territories in 1898, J. W. Hayes; Excavations at Man Kok Tsui on Lantau Island (illustrated), Elspeth Maneely; A New Archaeological Site in Hong Kong (illustrated), M. W. Welch; Review Article: Britain and China, Colina Lupton; Notes and Queries.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204701, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 4, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "JHKBRAS\n\nLIST OF REPRINTS AVAILABLE\n\nMail orders to: Hon. Librarian, Box 13864, Hong Kong\n\nVolume I\n\n(Prices are in Hong Kong Dollars)\n\n \n F. S. DRAKE. The Study of Asia: a Heritage and a Task.\n 7 pp.\n $1.40\n \n No. of copies in stock\n \n \n A. M. MACFARLANE. Birds of Hong Kong.\n 9 pp.\n $1.80\n \n 10\n \n \n B. T. CHIU. Flowers of Hong Kong.\n 3 pp.\n $0.60\n \n 7\n \n \n JAMES J. Y. Liu. The Knight Errant in Chinese Literature.\n 12 pp.\n $2.40\n \n 10\n \n \n HUGH RICHARDSON. Tibet as it was.\n 8 pp.\n $1.60\n \n 10\n \n \n DOROTHEA SCOTT. The Morrison Library.\n 18 pp.\n $3.60\n \n 999\n \n \n LIU TSUN-YAN. Buddhist Sources of the Novel Feng-Shen Yen-I.\n 30 pp.\n $6.00\n \n 10\n \n \n HOLMES Welch. Buddhist Organizations in Hong Kong.\n 17 pp.\n $3.40\n \n 9\n \n \n B. D. WILSON, Chinese Burial Customs in Hong Kong.\n 9 pp.\n $1.80\n \n 7\n \n \n Notes and Queries.\n 3 pp.\n $0.60\n \n 10\n \n\nVolume II\n\n \n F. S. DRAKE. Nestorian Crosses and Nestorian Christians in China under the Mongols.\n 15 pp. 4 plates (2 color).\n $4.60\n \n 11\n \n \n G. FINDLAY ANDREW. Currency Problems in a Cycle of Cathay.\n 11 pp.\n $2.20\n \n 11\n \n \n T. Y. LI. Chinese Seals.\n 5 pp. 2 col. plates.\n $2.00\n \n \n \n \n HEROLD J. WIENS. Some of China's Thirty-five Million Non-Chinese.\n 21 pp.\n $4.20\n \n 15\n \n \n JAMES HAYES. The Pattern of Life in the New Territories in 1898.\n 28 pp.\n $5.60\n \n 11\n \n \n Elspeth MANEELY. Excavations at Man Kok Tsui on Lantau Island.\n 6 pp. 2 plates.\n $1.80\n \n \n \n \n COLINA LUPTON. Review article: Britain and China.\n 7 pp.\n $1.40\n \n 3\n \n \n \n \n \n \n 11\n \n \n \n \n \n \n 11\n \n\nVolume III\n\n \n B. T. CHIU. Flowers of Hong Kong.\n 7 pp. 6 col. plates.\n $4.40\n \n 25\n \n \n MA MENG. Recent Changes in the Chinese Language.\n 9 pp.\n $1.80\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n 26", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204702, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 5, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "Volume III (contd.)\n\nNo. of copies in stock\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG. The Old British Legation at Peking, 1850 - 1959. 28 pp. 2 plates. $6.20\n\nJ. W. HAYES. Cheung Chau 1850-1898: Information from Commemorative Tablets. 19 pp. $3.80 CLIVE ROBINSON. Kashmir Holiday. 5 pp. 2 plates. $1.60\n\nVolume IV\n\nE. W. ELLSWORTH. Journal of Occurances at Canton, 1839. 33 p. 2 plates. $7.20\n\nK. M. A. BARNETT. Hong Kong before the Chinese. 26 pp. $5.20\n\n25\n\n15\n\n24\n\n18\n\n76\n\nHO TICKON. Introduction to Chinese Painting. 3 pp. $0.60\n\n78\n\nJ. W. HAYES. Peng Chau between 1798-1899. 26 pp. 1 plate. $5.50\n\n80\n\nV. R. BURKHARDT. Hong Kong Butterflies. 9 pp. 7 Col. plates. $5.30\n\n75\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG & A. SHEPHERD. A Reconnaissance of Ma Wan and Lantao Islands in 1794. 15 pp. 5 plates. $4.50\n\n53\n\nD. LESLIE. Forke's Translation of the Lun Heng. 8 pp. $1.60\n\n37\n\nF. B. L. George Chinnery 1774-1852, Artist of the China Coast. 5 pp. $1.00\n\n130\n\nKnight BiggerSTAFF. University of Hong Kong: The First 50 Years, 1911 - 1951. 3 pp. $0.60\n\n21\n\nT. C. LAI. The Art of Chinese Poetry. 3 pp. $0.60 A. ST. G. WALTON. An Introduction to the Birds of Hong Kong. 2 pp. $0.40\n\n220\n\n21\n\n22\n\nE. MANEELY. Asian Perspectives. 2 pp. $0.40\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG. A Collection of Chinese Books from the Royal Society now in the Library of Leeds University. 1 p. $0.20\n\nJ. W. HAYES. The Tung Chung Fort. 4 pp. $0.80\n\nC. Y. NG. Some Notes on Tung Chung. 3 pp. $0.60\n\nK. M. A. BARNETT. Loan-words in the Chinese Language. 2 pp. $0.40\n\n31\n\n19\n\n19\n\n16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204704, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 7, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "# OBJECTS OF THE SOCIETY\n\nThe Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal.\n\nA brochure containing a short history of the Hong Kong Branch, together with a list of lectures given before the Society since its revival, can be obtained by prospective members from the Hon. Secretary, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong.\n\n# NOTE TO CONTRIBUTORS\n\nThe Editorial Committee welcomes contributions from non-members as well as from members. Articles, notes and queries, and other material dealing with such subjects as the history, languages, literature, art, social customs, and natural history of Hong Kong and adjacent areas will be considered for publication.\n\nContributors are requested to follow closely the style sheet of the Journal, obtainable from the Editor. Contributions of over 20,000 words will not normally be accepted for publication in the Journal. They may, however, be submitted for consideration as monographs.\n\nAll communications intended for publication should be type-written in double spacing on one side of the paper only, leaving adequate margins. They should be sent to the Hon. Editor, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204707, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 10, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "# PRESIDENT'S REPORT\n\n1963\n\nThe year 1963-1964 - the fourth year of the Society in Hong Kong after its revival - was a very successful one. The membership has steadily increased each year. At the end of the first year, we had 160 members, of whom 20 were life members; at the end of the second, 266, of whom 25 were life members; at the end of the third year, 280, of whom 33 were life members; and at the end of last year, the fourth, we had a total of 371, of whom 41 were life members. Since then, more than 30 have joined as ordinary members and 2 as life members.\n\nThe great increase in the number of members last year is doubly welcome in that it reflects the increasing interest of the younger generation in the objects and activities of the Society. It is a healthy and gratifying sign of the intellectual vitality of the young people of the Colony to see them join. We rely largely on them to ensure the future success of the Society.\n\nDuring 1963, we had twelve meetings, all of which were very well attended. On several occasions, the capacity of the City Hall was fully taxed. The expedition to Tung Chung on Lantao Island was a highly popular feature.\n\nThe lectures given were:\n\nJanuary 21st\n\nMarch 4th\n\nMarch 25th\n\nApril 22nd\n\nProfessor S. H. Hansford\n\n\"Some Problems of Ancient Chinese Jades and Bronzes\"\n\n(Illustrated by colour slides)\n\nJ. D. Bromhall\n\n\"Underwater Photography in Eastern Seas\"\n\n(Illustrated by colour slides made by the speaker)\n\nDr. Maurice Freedman\n\n\"Social Anthropology and the Study of China\"\n\nMiss B. T. Chiu\n\n\"Flowers of Hong Kong\"\n\n(Illustrated by colour slides taken by Miss Chiu and Mr. F. A. Nixon)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204715, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 18, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "9\n\nJOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON\n\nDuring the cessation of trade at Canton 1839\n\nThe manuscript of this Journal was discovered in the library of the Boston Athenaeum by Professor E. W. Ellsworth, who transcribed it and sent it as a contribution to the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. Although it is not possible to claim categorically that it is by W. C. Hunter it is felt that it is a valuable contribution to our knowledge of this period and therefore worthy of publication in its own right.\n\nThe Introduction by Professor E. W. Ellsworth is followed by the transcription of the actual Journal with added notes contributed by Sir Lindsay T. Ride and J. L. Cranmer-Byng.\n\nINTRODUCTION TO THE JOURNAL\n\nE. W. ELLSWORTH\n\nWilliam C. Hunter of New York traveled to China in 1824. For the next two years as a necessary prelude to a business career he studied Chinese at the Anglo-Chinese College at Malacca. Thereafter he was employed by Thomas H. Smith and Son until the company ceased operation in China in 1827. Hunter then returned to the United States but he had been fascinated with the Far East and went back within a few months. In 1829 he joined Russell and Company and remained with the firm in China for fourteen years.\n\nHunter's associates in this largest and most famous American trading association in China were A. A. Low of Salem, Massachusetts and later Brooklyn, New York, who diligently amassed a magnificent fortune and also Robert Bennett Forbes and Joseph Coolidge members of illustrious New England families.\n\nThe comfortable existence and, indeed, complacency of Hunter and the foreign commercial community at Canton was rudely shaken by developments in early 1839 which were the opening salvos of the Opium War. The longstanding problem of opium traffic in China arose with a new intensity that was sparked by dedicated reformers. Drug addiction was a fairly widespread vice compounded by economic overtones; foreigners", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204716, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 19, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "W. C. HUNTER \n\nengaged in the lucrative trade drew out of the country large amounts of silver. Lin Tse-hsu, Governor General of Hupeh and Hunan wholeheartedly threw his support to those who memorialized the throne requesting stringent measures to prevent the use of opium within the country, and to cure addicts. Moreover, Lin took direct action and seized caches of opium, 12,000 ounces and 5,000 pipes. As a result of his success in combating opium addiction and forceful condemnation of the sale of the drug he was called to Peking by Emperor Tao-kuang and appointed Imperial Commissioner to examine the opium traffic at Canton. He arrived at the provincial capital in early March, 1839. For several years prior to 1839 nearly 30,000 chests had been imported annually there.\n\nFateful events immediately took form. Lin warned the western merchants of dire results if the iniquitous trade did not cease. His threat was followed by the demand that within three days they offer a bond that no opium would be imported. A counter proposal was made to turn over to Commissioner Lin about 1000 chests of the drug which he summarily rejected. On March 22, he demanded that Lancelot Dent, one of the principal importers be given to Chinese officials as a hostage until all opium was given up. The western merchants insisted that Dent could be surrendered only on condition that his personal safety was guaranteed. The Chinese merchants doing business with foreigners were frightened by the action of their own government. Some of them were deprived of their buttons of rank and two appeared in public with chains around their necks. Under these circumstances the Hong (the association of Chinese merchants trading with the western merchants at Canton) pressed the foreign community to comply with the ultimatum of Lin and deliver up Dent.\n\nIn the midst of this seething situation, on March 24, Captain Charles Elliot, British naval officer and Chief Superintendent and Plenipotentiary of the China Commission arrived from Macao. He entered the foreign compound with great difficulty inasmuch as the river had been blockaded and the streets leading to the foreign section had been barricaded. The predicament of approximately 300 western people seemed most serious since food and water were in short supply and a large encampment of Chinese troops was close at hand. Canton was cut off from formal communications from Macao which was nearly sixty miles distant", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204718, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 21, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "12\n\nW. C. HUNTER\n\nThe Hunter Journal was presented to the Boston Athenaeum by Dr. Robert W. Hooper on March 27, 1858. Hooper was born in Marblehead, Massachusetts in 1810, graduated from Harvard College in 1830, received a medical degree from the same institution six years later, and thereafter became a prominent surgeon in Boston. Hooper was also a bibliophile and a trustee of the Boston Athenaeum who added substantially to its holdings by gifts. It is impossible to establish definitely how he obtained the Hunter Journal, but it seems probable that it came from his wife's family. In 1837 he married Ellen Sturgis, daughter of William Sturgis who was active in the Orient trade. Many Massachusetts men engaged in the China trade were related. In 1788 Thomas Handasyd Perkins went to China on the Astraea and launched a commercial venture with the aid of his elder brother James. 1803 their nephew J. P. Cushing also travelled there and managed the business until 1828. Other nephews of T. H. Perkins, James Sturgis, and Charles Bennet Forbes also prospered in the China trade. In 1833 the third generation of the family left Boston for the Orient and for the next decade divided his time between Manila and Canton. William Hunter was a business associate of both R. B. Forbes and Russell Sturgis and mentioned the latter in his Journal, Julian Sturgis, son of Russell had vivid memories of Hunter.\n\nIn\n\nI remember Mr. Hunter visiting my parents at Walton (England) when I was a boy, a handsome, courteous man with a brown face and white moustache, like a fine type of Anglo-Indian, and speaking Chinese for our amusement with so soft a voice that I have often wondered how much of that soft musical quality was due to him and how much inherent in that unknown tongue.2\n\nHunter finally left Canton and closed Russell and Company in May 1841. This move was recorded in the letters of William Henry Low, a young man in his twenties who arrived in Canton in September 1839 and joined his brother A. A. Low in Russell and Company.\n\n1 Russell Sturgis joined Baring Brothers and Co. of London after he ended his commercial ventures in China about 1849. He became senior partner of the English firm in 1873.\n\n2 Julian Sturgis, From Books and Papers of Russell Sturgis (Oxford, 1893), p. 206.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204719, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 22, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON\n\n13\n\nOn the evening of the 19th affairs looked so squally that Mr. Hunter who had returned to Canton a day or two before ordered all the books and papers packed up and started with them at 2 A.M. the next morning for Macao. At 7 Mr. King started Mr. Spooner and myself off in Mr. Hunter's sail boat with a load of baggage, and books that Mr. H. could not take. We were towed down by Captain Endicott's boat and arrived safer after a passage of 6 hours on board the Naraganset. On our arrival we received a chit from Mr. Hunter stating that a number of transports and men of war were on the way up and advising us to get out of Canton as soon as possible. This I forwarded to Mr. King, but he did not get it as he had already left with the remainder of R and Co's Establishment.3\n\nExplanatory terms\n\nIn China the factory was a multi-purpose building. The lower floor usually was used for office space, storage, and the like, the second floor for dining and lounging, and the third for sleeping. Broad verandahs around the building gave it a spacious and airy quality. In Canton the factories of the various nationalities, American, Danish, French, Dutch, and Swedish faced the river. The British factory was truly magnificent for it contained a huge and lavishly furnished dining hall with terrace, library, chapel and numerous private rooms.\n\nHong was sometimes used interchangeably with factory but specifically it referred to all the buildings of a commercial establishment, i.e., the factory and subsidiary buildings such as living quarters for servants and workers and large storage areas for cargos of ships.\n\nHong merchants had formed an association in the early eighteenth century; in 1839 the Chinese merchants numbered thirteen and they had a monopoly of trade with foreigners. The most powerful and wealthy Hong merchant was Howqua, spelt by Hunter Houqua.\n\nConsoo House was the property of the Hong merchants, and in actuality was a series of buildings in the Chinese style. The main building contained lavish reception rooms and a series of courtyards.\n\n3 James Duncan Phillips, editor, \"The Canton Letters 1839-1841 of William Henry Low,\" The Essex Institute Historical Collections LXXXIV, 1948.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204722, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 25, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "W. C. HUNTER\n\n \n Soldiers with matchlocks, bows and arrows, flags and songs moving across the Square to reinforce those stationed on board the Chop and other boats.\n \n \n Tomorrow is Captain Elliot's last day, when I am quite sure the passports required will not be granted11. The heat of the weather is such that much of our provisions is spoiling.\n \n \n New China Street still remains closed with bars of wood nailed across the gates and police stationed to guard them. The Chinese houses in all directions filled with people looking from the roofs and out of the windows but none daring to attempt an entrance into the Square which is perfectly clear, except the police force. Foreigners move across the Square and into each others Hongs without impediment.\n \n \n Captain Elliot received a communication this morning from the Commissioner direct which ordered him to give up all the opium outside.\n \n \n Captain Elliot's secretary and myself went to the cow-yard with a small piece of paper containing a list of a few articles, such as rice, bread and meat which they wanted in the Company Factory. We thought we could bribe the cow-man to buy them and secrete the articles amongst the straw till we could carry them away a little at a time, but we were so closely watched we had no opportunity to speak to the man and finally the police drove him out of the yard.\n \n \n 27 March\n \n \n This morning Elmslie12, Captain Elliot's secretary, came round with a circular to the foreigners in which was requested that all opium owned by British subjects should be surrendered to him for the use of Her British Majesty's government to be delivered to the Commissioner.\n \n \n We made our list and gave up under receipt:\n \n\n \n 980\n chests Malwa\n \n \n 356\n chests Patna\n \n \n 33\n \n 97\n chests Benares\n \n \n 40\n \n 4\n 33\n \n 100\n piculs Turkey\n \n \n 700,000 dollars\n \n \n 1437 chests the cost of which is upwards of all belonging to our constituents in Bombay", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204723, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 26, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON\n\n17\n\nand Bengal, except the Turkey which belongs to Baring Brothers and Company, London.\n\nAt night the linguists took me on board their boat stationed in the creek opposite the Factories and gave me supper, after which I was returning home to turn in when two of Houqua's13 coolies on guard at the gate contrived to slip inside the gate a small bag containing two boiled capons, a boiled ham, three loaves of bread and some crackers tied up in leaves. I paid them half a dollar. The articles were brought by order of Houqua.\n\n29th\n\nTwo sheep, four pigs, sixteen hams, ten fowls, sixteen geese, and six bags of rice were brought today for distribution amongst the American residents. The linguists say they are from the Commissioner* and deputy Governor* and a mark of Imperial favor for having consented to deliver up the opium.\n\nOur situation is one of great mystery. Although the Chinese say that having promised to deliver up the opium we have risen in the Commissioner's esteem yet today no foreigner is allowed to pass up China Street which we were allowed to do till this morning, and a strong guard has been posted there of about fifty men with pikes, staves, shields and so on.\n\n30th 10 p.m.\n\nHouqua's head man came in just now in a great fright and told me that our cook and coolie, who have been in our Factory since last evening and who contrived to get in over the roof of the rear Factory, must immediately leave as the Commissioner had just issued another edict threatening with death any native who sold a particle of food to, or who served a foreigner in any way inside his Factory.\n\nI communicated this to the cook and coolie who consent to remain till morning.\n\n31 March, Sunday\n\nThis morning at 9 a linguist from Old Tom's establishment brought us a basket of bread and eggs.\n\nEvery night the force stationed to guard the Factories consists of about 500 men drafted from the different Hongs and armed principally with pikes or lances and long heavy staves.\n\nWord illegible.\n\nEach", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204724, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 27, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "18\n\nW. C. HUNTER\n\nwears a conical hat made of stout rattan capable of turning aside a cutlass, on it in front is written in large characters the name of the Hong, white on black ground, and every man is furnished with sandals made of twisted grass which lace over the instep. A pair of loose trousers, and a loose jacket tied with a sash about the waist complete the dress.\n\nThe coolie from No. I has just run in to say that the mandarins know he is inside the Factory and that he must be off. I locked the front gate and barred it inside and I tell him to shut himself up in his room.\n\nThese 500 men from the Hongs are posted from the creek to the entrance of our Factory in one line beneath the Company's arch and in the passage way. They are stationed on both sides, as each carries a large rattan shield their appearance is uniform and good, and a finer looking set of men I never saw. They are cheerful, and as we are all known by them they are exceedingly civil and do not molest us in the least. They nearly all know me personally and I often get such a crowd of them about me to talk over the news that sometimes I have a difficulty in escaping them.\n\nAt night they march out headed by the oldest member of the body, in parties, one Hong at a time, on patrol. Starting from their station they cross the front of the Factories, go up and down China Street, then return to their tent, when another party immediately goes the same round.\n\nThe Hong merchants constantly remain under the arch of the Company's Factory except when off on the business of the day. They relieve each other regularly at night, sleeping in large chairs, and the linguists have erected a large shed of mats in the middle of the Square where they also remain on watch. This is the land force. On the water are 200 of the Nam Hoe's guard,14 100 of the Kwang Hups, and a few of the Governor's1. They are distributed in boats lying close to each other and drawn up in three lines along the whole front of the Factories. The first and second line, separated from each other by a space of 100 feet, consist of large boats usually employed in carrying tea. Their bows look towards the Factories. The third row consists of Chop boats. They are placed so close side by side as to render any escape utterly impossible, and never were measures taken to prevent escape with such eminent success as those adopted to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204725, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 28, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON\n\n19\n\nkeep us prisoners in Canton. From the different boats are displayed the various triangular and square flags of different colors of the officers in command. At night the soldiers keep up an incessant blowing of conch shells and beating of gongs while all on guard cry out continually the watch words “K'an-Ch'o” and “Tseaou-Ch'o” which mean \"look sharp\".\"7 The coolies have another word which they cry out at intervals, \"An-Tsou\" which means \"morning\".18\n\nThus is our guard disposed in front. Behind the Factories from one extremity of them to the other, on both sides [of] the street (which runs along the rear) are stationed infantry with matchlocks and cartouch boxes. The Consoo House is turned into quarters for the officers whose horses are picketed in the area inside the building. Our entire guard of all sorts consists of between one thousand and twelve hundred men.\n\nIf it was not for the mysterious and peculiar circumstances under which we are situated we might laugh at the resources the foreigners are driven to, to obtain fresh food, while some are seen carrying bundles of clothes to the end of China Street where they are taken by the linguist who marks them and sends them to be washed and returns them clean in the same manner. Gilman and Spooner contrived yesterday to get into one of the back streets and bought a side of mutton which they brought home on a bamboo.\n\nLast night all the boats remaining in the boat houses were hauled on shore in the middle of the Square. Many received great injury by the rough way in which they were handled. The Chinese have also unshipped the rudders and unbent the sails from four schooners lying in front of the Factories, the Alpha, Sylph, Breeze, Rover.\n\nAt 12 today Houqua's servant came in with two coolies bringing a roasted leg of mutton and some boiled potatoes wrapped up in paper.\n\nWe hear today that a Chinese who was taken yesterday at Ta-Sha-Tow on his way to Macao with a foreign letter found on his person was tortured to death. We can not learn whose letter it was. A Chinese girl who was also on the boat is in prison.\n\nThis being Sunday nothing has been done between the foreign consuls and the Chinese authorities, but while we were at dinner", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204726, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 29, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "20 \n\nW. C. HUNTER \n\nthere was a large Chop posted on the wall of the Company's Factory giving a review of the correspondence between the Commissioner and the foreigners up to this time. \n\nAt 5 p.m. the coolies brought us 6 buckets of water and 4 bundles [of] hay for the cows and promised to bring us some spring water tomorrow. \n\nApril 2, Tuesday \n\nNew China Street, Hog Lane and the alley in front of Cox's house have been built up with bricks for the double purpose of preventing the escape of foreigners and to keep all Chinese out of the Square. None but those on duty are permitted to come in front of the Factories. The guards are erecting more mat sheds by the water side. Supplies of bread, fruit, spring water and other things brought to each Factory. \n\nEverything very dull in the day time. The Factories, deserted by the Chinese who used to live in them, are as desolate as possible, and at night dark and dreary. We have, however, quantities of food supplied us by the Consoo. \n\nHired six of the coolies on guard at our Factory gate to wash out the Hong, and paid them 25 cents each. We have a fellow to look after our cows who comes in and goes out at pleasure, the linguists having furnished him with a pass. All the coolies, police and soldiers stationed around the Factories are each supplied with a pass which they are obliged to show on passing in and out of the gate at the end of Old China Street which is the only entrance into the Square, all the other avenues having been bricked up. The pass is a small piece of wood attached to a red string with the characters Yaou-Pae, meaning \"a pass attached to the waist\" where it is fastened. Beneath these characters are others, private marks. \n\nThe washerman came yesterday and brought our clean clothes and took some away to be washed, having no pass a linguist came in with him and remained till he went away. Everything taken from the Factories, I am told, is first carried to the Consoo House, where, with the carriers, all are examined. A precaution taken to prevent any letter or note being carried out of the Hongs which might be sent to the vessels at Whampoa, at Lintin, or Macao.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204735, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON\n\n27\n\ncalled Chang Ta-Laou-Yay3, the first word being his name and the three last an appellation of respect. He was from Pekin. has been here three years on service and has served in various parts of the Empire. He was very tall and thin, thick heavy moustache, red nose and altogether a very forbidding aspect. Vain and ignorant he behaved with a deal of hauteur and stiffness, all of which was entirely thrown away so far as I was concerned. but it looked well probably to his servants who crowded into the room where we were sitting. The other Kiang Tsung-Yay was a northerner also, but quite a different man from his friend. He wore an opaque white button, a rank lower than Chang Ta-Laou-Yay, [was] talkative, cheerful, and of an exceedingly good address, no pretensions, though apparently far better informed than the crystal button man.\n\nThey both came on horseback attended by a large quantity of lantern bearers, and servants, sword bearers, pipe carriers etc. etc. It was their night on guard at the Consoo House behind the Factories but were on a social visit to Hwang Ta-Yay, the Custom-House officer, for a few hours.\n\nWe talked about a great many things relative to China, America, England and so on and parted the best of friends.\n\nSunday, 14 April, 1839\n\nIt is twenty-four days since all communication with Whampoa, Macao and the shipping outside was cut off. Three weeks ago over 400 Chinese compradores, servants, coolies, cooks, porters and others were driven from the foreign Factories, and all our intercourse with the natives no matter in what business has entirely ceased since that time. We are allowed to communicate what we want to the linguists39 who are all viz Old Tom, Young Tom, Ahtore, Alanci and Ahi, stationed on board a large boat opposite the Factories and alongside the small Hoppo House from where foreigners go, passing through the Hoppo House to see and make known to them their wants.\n\nIt is quite laughable to sit there a few hours daily as I do to observe the scenes that pass between the Fan Kwais40 and interpreters. They come to them in all and every business. One wants his clothes sent to wash, another his trousers or coat procured from the tailor, in comes another who blows them up sky high41 because he has not had his daily supply of spring water.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204736, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 39, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "28 \n\nW. C. HUNTER \n\nOne comes and says his cows are starving as the cow-man sent to look after them has run away. Mr. B appears and in great distress begs them to send a few coolies to wash out his Hong, it being unwashed for ten days. Mr. K wants a basket of oranges, and Mr. F comes to complain of some of the guard having been insolent, with threats of his being about to go and annihilate them with his stick, at which the linguists say, \"Hae yaw? 42 How can do? Mandarin angry too muchee\". Then Mr. C comes in with a bundle in his hand which proves to be a ragged jacket or two which he insists upon it must be mended instantly. Others come to hoax the poor fellows with threats of forcing their way up China Street which alarms them and brings out the usual, “Hae yaw? How can do? No good takee so?\" Mr. B runs in and swears the rats are running away with everything movable in his Factory, and Mr. A tells them if they don't make the guard keep out strange dogs and strange cows and calves from wandering up his Hong, half starved and barking and bleating, that he will fire at them and they must take the consequences. A multitudinous (what a shocking long word) quantity of calls of this and every other nature keeps these poor fellows constantly busy and in trepidation. Besides the headmen each has from 6 to 12 clerks or pursers as we call them, and some 8 or 10 coolies constantly by, and they are kept on the go from daylight till late at night running from the tailors to the butchers, from the washerman to the shoemakers, from the market to [the] cow-keepers to supply the wants of some 350 imprisoned foreigners who cannot go beyond the Square in front of the Factories. But these linguists and all their assistants are the best natured set of fellows living. They laugh at us, they cannot help it; our situation is so entirely that of a closely confined prisoner and making known our wants excites their fun. But they do everything they can to relieve us and go on all manner of errands with great good will. \n\nSunday, 14 April, 6 p.m. \n\nAt 5 this afternoon Captain Elliot issued a circular in which he states he had received a letter from Johnston dated at Chumpee 8 p.m. of the 12th up to which time the Hercules and Austen had delivered 650 chests of opium to the Chinese officers and that they hoped to get on faster when more boats could be procured of which there was a great scarcity. The Commissioner and the Governor were both at the Bogue, and Captain Elliot also received", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204744, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "36\n\nW. C. HUNTER\n\nmorning their rudders which were unshipped and their sails which were unbent and brought on shore six weeks ago were taken off and replaced.\n\nAt 6 p.m. intelligence was received from the Bogue of 16,702 chests of opium having been delivered.\n\nThe coolies dispersed, as they have behaved since placed to guard us, with good order and cheerfulness. They have conducted themselves remarkably well and proper. Hog Lane and the street in front of Cox's are to remain blocked up with bricks which is a good thing. Old and New China Streets are to be opened.\n\nWe are now to wait and see what takes place on the final delivery of the opium.\n\nW. C. HUNTER\n\nJournal will be continued and forwarded as vessels sail.\n\nCanton 5 May, 1839\n\nSunday night after 11\n\nI forgot to mention that just before the coolies and guard left the Kwang Hup and Nam Hoy came out and set carpenters to work to break up the ... Snipe49 who was taken prisoner by the Government for smuggling.\n\n* Word illegible.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204745, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON\n\n37\n\nNOTES ON HUNTER'S JOURNAL\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG and Sir LINDSAY T. RIDE\n\n1 Snow. Peter Wanten Snow, Consul for the United States in Canton. He surrendered the opium in American possession as demanded by Commissioner Lin, and was ready to promise that Americans would cease importing opium, but refused to have anything to do with the bond as the penalties were too severe. (See also note 43, bond.) (L.T.R.)\n\n2 Mr. Forbes. Joined the American firm of Russell & Co. in Canton in October 1838, became a partner 1 January 1839 and eventually was made chief of the house. Robert Bennett Forbes (1804-1889), first arrived in China in 1817. After some years back in the States he returned to China in October 1838 and was admitted a partner of Russell & Co., China on 1 January 1839. He retired in 1844 but had an interest in the firm till 1857. (L.T.R.)\n\n3 Mr. Green. John C. Green of Trenton, New Jersey, first went to China as an agent of N.L. & G. Griswold. In 1834 he was admitted a partner of Russell & Co., China, and retired to New York on 31st December 1839. At the time of the disturbances he was Chairman of the Chamber of Commerce at Canton. He died in 1875. (L.T.R.)\n\n4 Mr. Delano. Warren Delano, Jr. of Fairhaven, Mass., came to China 1834 to join the house of Russell, Sturgis & Co., of Canton and Manila. He was a partner of Russell & Co., China for two terms, 1 January 1840 to 31 December 1846, and January 1861 to 31 December 1866. He was a great-uncle of ex-President F. D. Roosevelt. (L.T.R.)\n\n5 Mr. King.\n\nThis is most likely to be Edward King of Newport, R.I., who was taken into the firm of Russell & Co., as a clerk on his arrival at Canton in 1834 in the Silas Richards. On 1 July 1834 he became a partner and retired in 1842 to Newport where he died in 1876.\n\nThere was a Charles W. King of Olyphant & Co. in Canton at the time, but as this firm had nothing to do whatsoever with opium, he may not have been confined to the Factory. (L.T.R.)\n\n6 Mr. Low. Abiel Abbott Low (1811-1893) was born in Salem, Massachusetts, and became a leading figure in both the New York and China shipping world. He first worked as a clerk in shipping firms in Salem and in New York and then went to China in 1833 as a clerk in Russell & Co. of which house his uncle, Wm. Henry Low, had been head for some years. He was made a partner in 1837, retired to New York where he founded the firm of A.A. Low & Brothers, famous for its clipper fleet. In 1863 he was President of the New York Chamber of Commerce. (L.T.R.)\n\n7 Spooner. Daniel Nicholson Spooner of Plymouth, Mass. was at this time a clerk in Russell & Co., Canton. He became a partner in January 1843 and retired to Boston on 31 December 1845. He returned to China again as a partner in January 1852, finally retiring in 1857. (L.T.R.)\n\n8 Gilman. Joseph Taylor Gilman of Exeter, New Hampshire, joined Russell & Co., Canton as a Clerk about the same time as Spooner. His dates of partnership and retirement were the same, too, as Spooner's. (L.T.R.)\n\n9 Mouqua. Also spelt Mowqua in pidgin English. His official name as Hong merchant was Lu Ch'i-kuang Lu Wen-wei✰✰ The suffix \"qua\" signifies \"an official\". (J.L.C.-B.) and his family name was (kuan in mandarin)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204746, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "38\n\n10 Linguist purser.\n\nW. C. HUNTER\n\nSee note 39, (J.L.C-B)\n\n11 Elliot's last day. On 25 March Elliot formally requested the Viceroy that passports should be issued within three days for all the English ships and people at Canton and that if passports were not issued he would consider the men and ships of his country as forcibly detained and act accordingly. Blue Book, Correspondence relating to China, 1840, p. 367. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n12 Edward Elmslie. Secretary and Treasurer to the British Superintendents of Trade, Captain Charles Elliot and the Deputy Superintendent, A. R. Johnston, (J.L.C-B.)\n\n13 Houqua. Known to Westerners at Canton as Howqua 7. His family name was Wu Ch'ung-yüeh (1810-1863). He was the fifth son of the famous Hong merchant Wu Ping-chien whom he succeeded as head of the firm in 1843. For his biography see Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period, II, 867-8. (F.L.C-B.)\n\n14 Nam Hoe. Also written Nam Hoi. This means Nan Hai Hsien #i.e. the Magistrate having jurisdiction over the western part of Canton city and the District lying to the westward of the walls which included the area in which the foreign Factories lay. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n15 Kwang Hup. The author may be referring to the Kwangchou hsieh \"the Canton brigade\", and so to its commander. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n16 The Governor. The Governor of Kwangtung province at this time was I-liang (1791-1867). For his biography see Hummel, op. cit., I, 389. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n17 K'an-ch'o (J.L.C-B.)\n\n18 An-tsou (J.L.C-B)\n\n19 Columbia & John Adams. According to the Chinese Repository Vol. 8, p. 56 the Columbia was a U.S. frigate and the John Adams was classed as a sloop-of-war. The Columbia was commanded by Commodore George C. Read. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n20 Johnston, Alexander Robert Johnston, H.M. Deputy Superintendent of Trade. When the Government of Hong Kong was set up he was deputy first to Elliot and later to Sir Henry Pottinger and in this capacity he administered the Government of the Colony on various occasions from 1841 until 1843. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n21 Pwan Kei Kua. Probably the merchant whose name was also spelt by Westerners at Canton at that time Ponkhequa and Puan Khequa. This was P'an Chengwei (1791-1850). See Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period, II, 605, (J.L.C-B.)\n\n22 Saoqua. His family name was Ma Tso-liang and the name of his Hong was Shun Tai Hong A. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n23 Sturgis. Russell Sturgis (1805-1887) of Boston was first named Nathaniel Russell Sturgis, Jr., but he was always known as Russell Sturgis after his name was changed by decree of the Middlesex County Court. He graduated from Harvard in 1823, married in 1828 but was widowed four months later. After an extended tour of Europe he returned to Boston and for a while practised law. He remarried and in 1833 took his family to the orient where he became a partner of Russell & Sturgis of Manila and Russell, Sturgis & Co. of Canton. Later in 1842 when the latter firm became incorporated with Russell & Co., China, he became a partner in 1842. In May 1844 he retired to Boston, his second wife having died in Manila in 1837. Being far too young to give up work altogether he decided to return to China in 1849 but while passing through London he", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204747, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON\n\n39\n\nwas persuaded to join the firm of Baring Brothers & Co. In 1873 he became senior partner of the house, finally retiring in 1882. (L.T.R.)\n\n24 Lin Tse-hsü's fate. Hunter long survived Commissioner Lin. Lin Tse-hsü was dismissed from office in 1840 and later sentenced to exile in Ili in Chinese Turkistan, where he remained for three years. He was allowed to return to Peking in 1845. He later served as Governor-General of Yunnan and Kweichow, and retired from office in 1849. He died in 1850 at the age of sixty-seven. (J.L.C.B.)\n\n25 Heang-shan (Heungshan). Former name of the District in which Macao lies. Re-named Chung-shan in honour of Sun Yat-sen. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n26 Morrison. John Robert Morrison (1814-1843) was born in Macao, the second son of Dr. Robert Morrison and his first wife Mary (née Morton). He had some schooling in England but at the age of twelve he came back to Canton with his father in 1826. He became a fluent Cantonese speaker as well as a Chinese scholar, and on the death of his father in 1834 was appointed Chinese Secretary to H.M.'s Commission in China. In 1838 he became, in addition, Interpreter, and in 1841 succeeded Elmslie as Secretary and Treasurer to the Superintendent of British Trade in China. In 1843 he was appointed Chinese Secretary and member of the Executive Council of the newly founded Colony of Hong Kong and was recommended for appointment, by the Governor, as Colonial Secretary. Before the appointment was approved, however, he died in Macao in August 1843, and was buried in the Old Protestant Cemetery there. (L.T.R.)\n\n27 Kwang Chow Foo. Kuang-chou fu The Prefect of the Prefecture of which Canton was the chief city. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n28 Kam Hay Hue. No such title. But I suspect Hunter intended to indicate the Namhoi Hien which title was sometimes written Nam Hoy Hien. See note 14. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n29 Pwan Yu Hue. Also written Punyu Hien. The magistrate having jurisdiction over the eastern part of Canton city and the District lying to the westward of the walls which included Whampoa and the foreign shipping there. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n30 Fearon, Samuel Turner Fearon was the second son of Christopher Fearon and Elizabeth Noad who were married on 14 May 1818 at the Streatham Parish Church. His father served as a midshipman at the Battle of Trafalgar and after being discharged from the Royal Navy he joined the Honourable East India Company's marine service. In this service he made a number of voyages to Canton and when he decided to take a shore posting there he brought his wife and family out with him. Samuel became a fluent Cantonese speaker and in 1838 was appointed Interpreter to the Canton General Chamber of Commerce. After the cession of Hong Kong he was appointed interpreter and clerk of the Chief Magistrate's Court and a couple of months later were added the duties of Notary Public and Coroner. Three years later he was appointed Assistant Magistrate of Police and on 1st January 1845 he became Registrar General and Collector of Revenue. In July 1845 he was granted a year's sick leave and while in England he was appointed Professor of Chinese at King's College, London, an appointment which he held from December 1846 until December 1852. (L.T.R.)\n\n31 Van Basel. Magdalenus Jacobus Senn van Basel, born in Groningen, Holland on 27 September 1808, was appointed clerk in the Dutch Consulate at Canton in 1826, and Vice-Consul in November 1831. He was later in partnership with G. M. Toe Laer and P. Tiedenan in the firm of Senn van Basel & Toe Laer & Co. In 1848 he became Collector General of Taxes", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204748, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "40 \n\nW. C. HUNTER \n\nat Samarang where he served for 3 years. He died at Delft in 1863. (L.T.R.) \n\n32 Viceroy. The Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi at this time was Teng Ting-chen who held this post from early 1836 until early 1840. See Hummel, op. cit., II, 716. (J.L.C-B.) \n\n33 Hoppo. The Superintendent of Maritime Customs at Canton in 1839 was Yu (?). (J.L.C-B.) \n\n34 The Yum Chae. Cantonese pronunciation for the characters (mandarin Ch'in-ch'ai) meaning \"an Imperial Commissioner”. (J.L.C-B.) \n\n35 Innes, James Innes (1787-1841), the \"storm petrel\" of Canton was the 7th Chieftain of the Inneses of Dunkinty, Scotland. He came out to China about 1825 and operated as a Free Trader mostly on his own, but for a time in the firm of Innes, Fletcher & Co. His dealings in opium had not a little to do with precipitating the trouble in 1839. He died in July 1841 and was buried in the Old Protestant Cemetery, Macao. (L.T.R.) \n\n36 Chaye Beale. Thomas Chaye Beale was a member of the firm of Magniac & Co. in Canton as early as 1826. He severed his connections with this firm in the early thirties, and operated on his own till 1845 when he set up a house of agency in Shanghai with Lancelot Dent under the name of Dent, Beale & Co. In 1851 he was Portuguese Consul and Vice-Consul for the Netherlands at Shanghai. (L.T.R.) \n\n37 Se-yin. This is probably a reference to the characters Ssu-ying, the officer in command of a ying which corresponded in some ways to a battalion. However, the rank of a ying commander corresponded more to the Western rank of captain or major. (J.L.C-B.) \n\n38 Ta-lao-yeh. The phrase ta-lao-yeh signifies \"revered elder”. (J.L.C-B.) \n\n39 The linguists. Linguists (t'ung shih) were supposed to be able to act as interpreters between the Canton officials and the foreign merchants when instructions needed to be conveyed. The foreigners, for their part, usually enlisted the help of the Hong merchants when they wanted a document translated into Chinese or they needed an interpreter at an important interview. They repeatedly declared that the linguists were useless when it came to linguistic matters. In fact, the linguists appear to have been rather low-grade men of not much education, and able to speak only pidgin English. However, by law a foreign merchant trading at Canton was bound to employ a linguist. Since it was forbidden by the statutes of the Ch'ing dynasty to teach the Chinese language to foreigners, it was reasonable that linguists should be licensed to cope with their language problems. However, in order that the foreigners should not learn much about affairs in the interior, the qualifications needed by a linguist were low and their pidgin vocabulary was restricted to matters of trade. This was part of a deliberate policy which grew up among the officials at Canton, and the linguists merely acted as another cog in the mechanism whereby communication between the foreign merchants and the officials, however minor, was prevented, and the foreigners dealt instead with a number of different unofficial functionaries such as the compradores and linguists. Thus, the foreign merchants were kept at an arm's length and also kept in ignorance. \n\nThe linguists and their servants mentioned in this journal appear to have acted as general clerks and messengers, as much as linguists. The prefix A or Ah (ya) signifies the status of servant. (J.L.C-B.)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204749, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 52, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON\n\n41\n\n40 Fan Kwais. Fan-kuei ₺ A foreign devil.\n\nforeign devil. The title of one of Hunter's books of reminiscences was The Fan Kwae' at Canton before Treaty Days 1825-1844, by an old Resident, London, Kegan Paul, Trench & Co. 1882; reprinted Shanghai 1911. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n41 blows them sky high. By a coincidence Eric Partridge in his interesting work A Dictionary of Slang and Unconventional English, 4th Ed. 1951 p. 68 defines to blow sky high as \"to scold or blame most vehemently\" and adds origin U.S. and anglicised ca. 1900. Here we have an American example of the use of the phrase \"to blow sky high\" in 1839. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n42 Hae yaw? Probably part of the common expression pronounced in Cantonese \"hac yao ch'i lei\" £À which means literally \"there is no such principle!\" So it comes to imply \"it can't be done”, (J.L.C-B)\n\n43 bond. The bond presented to the American Consul by Commissioner Lin \"stipulated that should any opium be found on an American vessel, the ship would be liable to confiscation and its entire crew liable to death. The Consul, moreover, was to be held responsible for his countrymen's behavior.\" Dulles, F. R., 1930, The Old China Trade, p. 157. (L.T.R.)\n\n44 Pankugua. Probably a reference to P'an Cheng-wei (pidgin Pwan-keikua). (See note 21.) (J.L.C-B)\n\n45 Chinchoo. Ch'üan-chou, a port in Fukien. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n46 the Governor of Macao. Don Adriao Accacio da Silverira Pinto who served as Governor from 1839 until 1843, (J.L.C-B.)\n\n47 16 foreigners. A list is given in the Blue Book, Correspondence Relating to China 1840, p. 403, which states \"Supposed names of the sixteen individuals, as given in the list appended to the Kwang Chou fu's letter to Capt. Elliot dated 4 May 1839.\" \"Supposed\" because J. R. Morrison in translating from the Chinese had to guess what names were meant by the sounds of the Chinese characters used for transliteration, The names listed were:\n\nDent, Henry, D. Matheson, Daniell, Inglis, Ilbery, Dadabhoy, A. Jardine, Heerjeebhoy, Stanford, Green, Franjee, A. Matheson, Matheson, Bomanjee, Goldsborough.\n\nThe 16 left Canton with Elliot on 24th May. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n48 the Chung Hup. This may refer to the two characters pronounced in Cantonese Chung Heep. This officer commanded a brigade. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n49 Snipe. She was a brig of tonnage reported variously as 176 to 196 tons, and registered sometimes as British, sometimes American. She was owned by Augustine Heard & Co., and for many years she was commanded by Capt. William Endicott of Boston, and was stationed at Woosung as an opium receiving ship. (L.T.R.)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204757, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 60, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE CHINESE \n\n49 \n\nexperimental stations. And there is literary evidence for stating that all the hills between here and Canton were densely forested, as hills of similar geological structure still are in countries such as Japan, where the population does not destroy every tree before it is ten years old as they have been doing in South China for several centuries. Exactly what trees grew in these forests I cannot say; here is another missing piece in the puzzle which can probably be filled, as I shall soon suggest. The forests are supposed to have had two different kinds of human inhabitants, or at this time perhaps more than two, (a document of the early Yuan Dynasty mentions two types of hill-dwellers by name) but until further evidence comes to light, I suggest that in view of the small size of this territory, there is little reason to pre-suppose the existence of a third, and as I shall indicate later, my own preference is for a view that only one people lived here. \n\nOf the two non-Chinese peoples mentioned, one, the Yaos, are well-known and documented from South and Southwest China, Vietnam and Laos. Their languages have been studied, not an easy matter since their society comprises many small units, each possessing its own dialect and none having any form of writing; and work has been done on their customs and religion. There is an exhibit in the National Ethnological Museum at Leiden in Holland which shows the principal elements of their cultural and social life, including the type of house and the traditional patterns which they weave into their cloth, which in South China is made of wool. The exhibit at Leiden is particularly interesting because the adjoining showcase contains, or did contain when I visited that museum, an exhibit of a people from the island of Celebes who, although physically dissimilar in appearance, built somewhat similar houses and used almost identical patterns in their cloth, which however is bark-cloth. I asked the Assistant Curator whether the juxtaposition of the two exhibits was accidental or whether they had evidence of some connection between the Yao and the people of Celebes; he said that it was not fortuitous, because the resemblances were considerable, but there was no actual evidence of any connection and, as far as he knew, the peoples were of different racial types and spoke unrelated languages. Here is another gap to be closed. \n\nPage 60\n\nPage 61", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204758, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 61, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "J PUBL \n\n50 \n\nK. M. A. BARNETT \n\nThe Yao are reported to practise a type of agriculture based on cutting a clearing in the forest, burning the trees, hoeing in the ash and planting a crop of hill paddy, sweet potatoes or peanuts, none of which require irrigation. At the time we speak of, it is questionable whether they were yet cultivating peanuts, which had been introduced into Southeastern China by the Arabs not long before. Chinese books of reference speak of Foochow50 as the place of introduction of the peanut, but in view of the importance of this bean in the ecology of South China, it would be an advantage if Chinese botanists could collaborate with historians to fix the date and point of introduction and to trace the spread of its cultivation over the rest of South China, where it is now the principal oil plant. The sweet potato, also nowadays a vital crop in South China, is likewise an importation, but it comes from the other direction, i.e. from Central America across the Pacific. \n\nIt is quite certain that the Yao were one of the two pre-Chinese people living on the hills of this territory: and it is almost a certainty that many of our present inhabitants are their descendants. In previous studies I have already listed non-Chinese words preserved in local place names. I attempted a number of such identifications in my introduction to T. R. Tregear's Gazetteer of Hong Kong Place Names. Some of my conjectures have been since confirmed and I think many of them were sound; but there is a remarkable reluctance on the part of local Chinese scholars to admit that many of the people now living here can be of indigenous origin, or that their languages and place names can retain words from pre-Chinese languages.1 110 This attitude of mind is the reason why we are now missing so many of the pieces in our puzzle; Chinese scholars have shown remarkably little interest in the identification of the various non-Han peoples of China and their languages, betraying a tendency to group them in large heterogeneous assemblages, and to treat their languages merely as a collection of words, with no attempt to study the way those words were arranged and the way in which the languages expressed ideas which are not found in Chinese thought. This last, however, is a very common fault in the study of languages, and appears to have communicated itself even to those who have been busy inventing electrical translation machines.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204761, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE CHINESE\n\n53\n\nwhere the terraces are constructed running down a spur from the top, whereas tin denotes valley land which is terraced from a water-course upwards and stops at the toe of the hill around which flows the highest of the irrigation channels. A study can be made in the Lam Tsuen valley and in Pat Heung of the two systems of terrace; and one is often corrected by the locals if describing che as tin, or tin as che, though both are terraced and irrigated land. Whether this truly represents a new meaning given to an old word, or whether the Chinese reference books are wrong in describing che as dry cultivation, is another of the gaps in my puzzle which I hope can be authoritatively filled. Other indicator words which appear to be non-Chinese, though I cannot identify them as Yao, are quoted in my introduction to Mr. Tregear's Gazetteer, already quoted. The commonest among them are chun, kau, lek, pok, ting, to, run, tung, wat and yuen. In a paper presented at the Jubilee Congress of Hong Kong University I suggested that wongchuk and wongmai in local place names stood for left and right respectively. Another interesting specimen is the raised valley Wat Lo Fu northeast of Silvermine Bay, which preserves the original order (attribute after noun) of words in most of the non-Han languages of south-western China.\n\nRegarding the other tribe which is described as inhabiting our hills, the Shan Lao, I have not been able to obtain any distinctive marks of identification. However one easily observed feature of our hills, about which most of the present villagers disclaim all knowledge, is the system of low walls made of graded uncut stones enclosing rectangular areas of hillside which are either not terraced or only roughly terraced, with terraces at an angle; and since those of my acquaintance who have worked and lived among the Yao people say they have seen nothing of the kind in the Yao system of cultivation, it may well be that these old stone walls are a \"trade mark” of the Shan Lao people. If so, then the same people must also be responsible for a number of irrigation works, of which the two most conspicuous are the one that begins near Hau Tong and flows about half a mile, partly underground, to one of these walled enclosures about the village of Ko Tong on the west of Long Harbour; and another on the northwest coast of Lantao, part of which, owing to the tilt...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204763, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE CHINESE\n\n55\n\nof these sites in this territory and three have been expertly excavated with results which are well known to many of my hearers this evening. There can be no doubt that the people who left those deposits were a fishing community and the direct ancestors of our present boat population, either the Tanka13 or the Hoklo155 or, as I believe more likely, of both. At the same time, the patterns on the pottery excavated from these sites clearly connect the culture both with other sites excavated elsewhere on the coast of China and those excavated further south, much further south; and the shape of the stone adzes connects them, I am told, with other boat-making cultures in the Pacific. These sites therefore are an important link between a people who are now culturally and sentimentally Chinese but were not so as recently as 200 years ago; and who earlier still formed part of a wide-flung and comparatively advanced culture. Boat people by various names, but answering the same description, are mentioned frequently in the literature of the Tang,139 Wu-tai105 and early Sung132 periods. They are described as numerous, which they still are, bellicose, which they certainly are not, and dangerously hostile to the Chinese settlers, which brings to my mind the couplet: Cet animal est très méchant; quand on l'attaque, il se défend. Later on, in the Tsing12 Dynasty, we find a change of tone; and official documents both from the local officials to Peking, and from the Manchu Emperor himself to the inhabitants of Kwangtung63 and Fukien,49 speak of the boat people as a hard-pressed community to whom their landward neighbours are called upon to stop being beastly. I think the latter assessment might be somewhat nearer to the truth if it could be applied not only to the Tsing period but to the whole of the last 1,000 years, and not only to the boat people but to the tribes of the hills.\n\nA practical suggestion which I should like to make regarding the excavations of the former coastal sites, having regard to their number and to the meagreness of the resources, both pecuniary and human, available for this work, is that some archaeologists who are familiar with this type of site should conduct a search north of the axis of tilt of the New Territories. All the sites so far excavated have been on the side which is going down, that of Hung Shing Yel56 having first come to light as a result of the sea cutting into a sandbank. But on the other side of the territory,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204766, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "58 \n\nK. M. A. BARNETT \n\nfrom the point of view of my present subject, the event which ushered in the new age is the capture of Canton in +878 by the Huang Chao146 rebels. Between this event and the re-incorporation of Canton's territory into China in +971, by which time the earliest Chinese had already a firm grip on what is now Hong Kong, the Liu76 family gave five emperors to the Nan Han99 Dynasty at Canton. This family was allied by marriage with the Cheng163 and Tuen families which successively at this period ruled the powerful kingdom of Nan Chao;100 with the Ma89 family which ruled the kingdom of Tsu1 and no doubt, if the evidence could be pieced together, with many other peoples. For we are told that the emperor Liu Chang78 had a Persian princess in his harem, and among the many Arab travellers who visited Canton there must be some who left a description of these flamboyant half-Chinese rulers, with their eighty or more palaces, the walls of which were encrusted with pearls, their bloodthirsty exuberance and, what shines even through the disapproving accounts of the Chinese historians, their courage and administrative skill. The name Po On3 revived by the Republic of China as the name for the district of which geographically, Hong Kong is a part, was adopted by the Canton rulers in obvious reference to the pearls for which this district was at that period famous. The statement in the San On Yuen Chi123 that the name comes from the hill called Po Shan north of Nam Tau8 city is the \"cart before the horse\". The pearls were fished in great numbers somewhere near Tolo Channel, probably in Double Haven where the name Chue Tong Wat162 survives as a bay on Kar O Island.\" They were then transported overland along the route marked by a chain of forts over the pass northeast of Tai Po Tau34 village, through Kau Lung Hang, over the present golf course and skirting the Pat Heung2 marshes to the present Ping Shan, and across the creek to the fort of Tuen Mun4 which I mentioned earlier in this paper. The route, I would have you observe, almost at every point passes one of the chief settlements of the Tang44 clan who are, I believe, together with all the old Cantonese-speaking clans of this territory, the descendants of the soldiers stationed here in the Nan Han Dynasty and its successors for the express purpose of guarding these precious pearls. They were as I have said encouraged, when too old to serve with their arms, to settle down", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204767, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE CHINESE\n\n59\n\non the land with indigenous wives, probably seized from the boat people; a process of assimilation which was repeated all over South China and accelerated by the disorder of the times which prevented their embarking on the precarious journey to their ancestral homes, which their own tradition places in the province Kiangsi,58\n\nThis then is the picture, or the jigsaw puzzle. Subsequent work by those more qualified than I may show that I have put some of the pieces in the wrong place; may show indeed that some of the pieces are in the wrong puzzle, since I have indicated that there is yet no certainty whether we have one jigsaw puzzle or four. There are many Chinese sources into which I have dipped but which I have not thoroughly sifted. There are other Chinese sources to which I have not been able to obtain access: most important of these are the earlier editions of the San On Yuen Chi,123 to which the 1819 edition makes several tantalizing references, but reproduces only their prefaces. I have suggested how the geologists can contribute to this study. The botanists and agronomists should be able to reconstruct a general picture of the local flora a thousand years ago before removal of the forest cover started the rapid erosion which has defaced these hills. The archaeologists should do some really intensive work between Castle Peak and Mong Tseng. The Arabists and Indologists should contribute accounts of the voyages made by traders during the Tang139 and Sung132 dynasties. And the book collectors should hunt for the previous editions of the San On122 and Tung Kwun31 gazetteers.124 The first edition of the San On Yuen Chi123 was that of Chan Kwols of which the preface was written by Yau Tai-kin64 the sixth holder of the office of chi yuen.161 He wrote it in 1587 at which time there must have been several villages which preserved their former language, dress and customs which could not have failed to be noted. Even the list of Hakka149 and Cantonese villages in this and the intervening editions would teach us something about the subsequent pattern of occupation and agriculture and thereby give us some clues to other problems, such as the origin of the Hakka, which may have a bearing on the subject with which I have dealt today.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204769, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE CHINESE \n\n61 \n\nD \n\n27 Now known as Daar-gwuur-Irerng, , an odd name for a valley. \n\n28 dheng, $7. \n\n29 dheonn, *. \n\n30 Dhung-chung, kia. \n\n31 Dhung-gwuurn, **, previously Dhung-gwhuunn, ★T. + \n\n32 Discovery Bay is the bay NW of Peng Chau109 on which stand the villages of Tai Pak, Yi Pak, Sam Pak and Sz Pak,35 \n\n33 Draai-bou or Draai-brou, \n\nthat the latter pronunciation is \n\nthe original is shown by the Hakka Thay-puuh, not -bhuuh. \n\n34 Draaibou-traw, \n\n. \n\n35 Draai-braak, ē, Jri-braak, \n\nSei-braak, N‘. \n\n36 Draai-brou-xoe, ★#* - \n\n, \n\nShaamm-braak, and \n\nDraai-durng-shaann, AB4 or Draai-dungv-shaann, tu see 37. \n\n37 Draai-jryr-shaann, ★★λ, formerly Draai-xray-shaann, ★★; the name Lantao appears to be of Portuguese rather than Chinese origin, like Lamma, Lema etc. The two peaks are Frungwrong-shaann, ABEL and Draai-durng-shaann, AB or Draai-dungv-shaann. ★ikus, . \n\n38 Draai-laarm, £. \n\n39 Draai-mrou-shaann, ★Ḭu, or ★# + \n\n40 Draal-prang, see the section on sea defence in the San On Yuen Chi,123 The fort so named was originally on the Saikung126 Peninsula, then shifted to its present location N.E. of Mirs Bay, \n\n41 Draaiprang-whaann, ★★. The English name is a corruption of Ma Shi Wan,92 \n\n42 Draaltraw-shaann, AML, formerly Sreoi-jran **. Draai-xray. shaann, i see 37. \n\n— \n\n43 Draan-ghaah, . There have been many attempts to prove that these people are anything but what they clearly are the original inhabitants of the South China coast. \n\n44 Drang, B. \n\n45 Druk-ngrow-gorng, H¶4. \n\n46 drungv,, a word repeatedly used in the Histories to denote different Man88 tribes. \n\n47 Dryn . \n\nF \n\n48 Farn-Irearng, \n\nFhann-Irearng, \n\n(formerly Fhann-Irearng, $4). \n\nsee 48. \n\n49 Fhukgin-saarng, No★★. \n\n50 Fhukzhaw, 15M -", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204770, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 73, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "62\n K. M. A. BARNETT\n \n \n 51\n Frann-buai, also Wrang-buui,2 near where the Sung emperor Ti-cheng or Ti-shih (**) may have been buried.\n \n \n \n I am keeping out of the controversy on how his title should be pronounced.\n \n \n \n Frungwrong-shaann, EL see 37.\n \n \n 52\n Frung, .\n \n \n G\n \n \n \n 53\n Locally written: Hakka gaann, Cantonese gaarn,\n \n \n 54\n gao, A. There are so many examples of this word in the place of this and other districts of South China, obviously meaning \"behind” or “lesser”, that it is surprising that anyone should still translate Kowloon as \"Nine Dragons\".\n \n \n 55\n Gaolrung-xhaang, ★★-\n \n \n 56\n Garm-trinn, $w.\n \n \n 57\n Ghatqou-zhaw, ###.\n \n \n 58\n Ghongshay-saarng, ***.\n \n \n 59\n Ghowtrong, $.\n \n \n Gw\n \n \n \n 60\n Gwhaysrin, # today Hulyang,145\n \n \n 61\n Gwhuunn-fun-creong, later called Kowloon.\n \n \n *\n The name probably derives from fu or wu, the local word for salt, and gwhuunn standing, as so often in local place names, for ✯, dry.\n \n \n 62\n Gwhuunn-jhamm-xroh, #IN.\n \n \n 63\n Gworngdhung-saarng, ★★★.\n \n \n }\n \n \n \n 64\n Jhaw Tae-krinn, ###, himself a Hakka149 of Linchuan75 in Kiangs(58,\n \n \n 65\n Irawmraah-drev,\n \n \n \n .\n \n \n 66\n jreoną in Cantonese, jrong in Hakka,149 usually appearing as but occasionally as\n \n \n \n Jri-braak,\n \n \n \n see 35,\n \n \n 67\n Jrih Drek Jrung Mraann, A.\n \n \n 68\n Jriw-jrann,\n \n \n \n .\n \n \n 69\n frynn, ♫·\n \n \n \n A.\n \n \n 70\n Jrynncriw, # 1280–1367.\n \n \n 71\n Jrynn-Iromng, AM, pronounced jrynq-Ireorng.\n \n \n 72\n Jrytghong Irawwrek jrannmrannsir, *^^£.\n \n \n L\n \n \n \n 73\n leak, .\n \n \n 74\n Lramm-chynn, ##.\n \n \n 75\n Lramm-chynn, #}}} -\n \n\n62\n\nK. M. A. BARNETT\n\n51 Frann-buai, also Wrang-buui,2 near where the Sung emperor Ti-cheng or Ti-shih (**) may have been buried.\n\nI am keeping out of the controversy on how his title should be pronounced.\n\nFrungwrong-shaann, EL see 37.\n\n52 Frung, .\n\nG\n\n53 Locally written: Hakka gaann, Cantonese gaarn,\n\n54 gao, A. There are so many examples of this word in the place of this and other districts of South China, obviously meaning \"behind” or “lesser”, that it is surprising that anyone should still translate Kowloon as \"Nine Dragons\".\n\n55 Gaolrung-xhaang, ★★-\n\n56 Garm-trinn, $w.\n\n57 Ghatqou-zhaw, ###.\n\n58 Ghongshay-saarng, ***.\n\n59 Ghowtrong, $.\n\nGw\n\n60 Gwhaysrin, # today Hulyang,145\n\n61 Gwhuunn-fun-creong, later called Kowloon.\n\n* The name probably derives from fu or wu, the local word for salt, and gwhuunn standing, as so often in local place names, for ✯, dry.\n\n62 Gwhuunn-jhamm-xroh, #IN.\n\n63 Gworngdhung-saarng, ★★★.\n\n64 Jhaw Tae-krinn, ###, himself a Hakka149 of Linchuan75 in Kiangs(58,\n\n65 Irawmraah-drev, .\n\n66 jreoną in Cantonese, jrong in Hakka,149 usually appearing as but occasionally as\n\nJri-braak, see 35,\n\n67 Jrih Drek Jrung Mraann, A.\n\n68 Jriw-jrann, .\n\n69 frynn, ♫· A.\n\n70 Jrynncriw, # 1280–1367.\n\n71 Jrynn-Iromng, AM, pronounced jrynq-Ireorng.\n\n72 Jrytghong Irawwrek jrannmrannsir, *^^£.\n\nL\n\n73 leak, .\n\n74 Lramm-chynn, ##.\n\n75 Lramm-chynn, #}}} -", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204771, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 74, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "76 Lraw, #. \n\nHONG KONG BEFORE THE CHINESE · \n\n63 \n\nThe emperors were Liu Yin,80 Liu Yen,81 Liu Pen,77 \n\nLiu Sheng82 and Liu Ch'ang.78 \n\n77 Lraw Bhann, +942943, nienhaot \n\n, son of Liu Yen, ruled only a few months \n\n78 Lraw Ceorng, B, the last of the Nan Han emperors, +958— ++971, nienhao , son of Liu Sheng. \n\n79 Lraw-fraw-shaann, ¶ . \n\n80 Lraw Jarn, , virtual ruler 905-911, no nienhao. \n\n81 Lraw Jirm, , brother of Liu Yin, whom he succeeded as virtual ruler in +911, emperor +917-+942. Several nienhao - +917-- \n\n乾亨 +925, ✯✯ +925—+928, AĦ +928—+942. His mother was a Nanchao \n\nwoman. \n\n82 Lraw Sreng, X, brother of Liu Pen, whom he murdered and then reigned from +943-+958, nienhao A (part of +943 only), $† \n\n+943-+958, \n\n83 Lree Zreang Qhuk, ĦĦA · \n\n84 Lrek Jrynn, R. \n\n85 Lroofuur-xhaang, A. \n\n86 Lrooqhaah-zae, ✯✯Ħ. \n\n87 Lrung-jeok-traw, #HU, \n\nM \n\n88 Mraann, #. \n\n89 Mraar, M. \n\n90 Mraarjrawtrong, ***. \n\n91 Mraaririu-seoe, \n\n92 Mraarsir-whaann, \n\n#k. \n\nA. \n\n93 Mraarwhaann, #, perhaps for \"boat-people's anchorage\". \n\n94 Mrann, ★ (they pronounce it mranq). \n\nmrong-fhuuh-sreak, 16, see 1, \n\n95 Mrow, Ł. \n\n96 mruunn, 1. \n\nN \n\n97 Nraammshaann-drungy, a. \n\n98 Nraammtraw, $§. \n\n+ \n\n+ \n\n99 Nraammxon-criw, $1#, nienhao from +917 to +971, but effective control perhaps from +905. See notes 76 et seq. \n\n100 Nraammzio-gwok, #. There is a tendency to ignore or belittle the importance of this state in the history of South China. \n\n101 Nraytrong-gok, \n\n102 Nreoewhohsri, \n\n★ · \n\n* .", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204772, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 75, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "64 \n\nK. M. A. BARNETT \n\nNg \n\n103 Ngraahcrinn-chynn, \n\n104 Ngrhtrung-shaann, \n\nN. L. \n\n105 Ngrr-droi, £1 (+908—+959, with local variations). \n\n0 \n\n106 Obliterated villages:- Nai Tong Kok,101 Pak Hok Tuns and the original Tai Pak,35 some way from the present site. \n\nP \n\n107 Phuunniryh, #5. \n\n108 Preangzhaw, , an island five miles west of the western tip of Hong Kong Island. \n\n109 Preangzhaw, H, an island in the north-eastern part of Mirs Bay,41 \n\n110 Pre-Chinese languages: I should exempt from this stricture Professor Princeton S. Hsu,23 whose books, \"History of the People of South China”72 and \"A Study of the Thais, Chuangs and the Cantonese People\"133 are of great interest and should be read by anyone anxious to learn more in this field. But I think he goes too far in suggesting a Malay origin for the Tanka-or is it a Tanka origin for the Malays? \n\n111 Prengshaann, Ħ4. \n\n112 Pruunn-gwuur, 1. \n\nR \n\n113 River Capture. The break-through of the Kwun Yam Ho62 from the Lam Tsuen74 valley to Taipo:33 formerly it flowed through Fanling48 and Sheung Shui130 into Deep Bay;152 and that of the two streams which now flow into the sea at Sham Tseng,119 the headwaters of which used to flow through Tin Fu Tsai137 into Tai Lam.38 \n\n$ \n\nSei-braak, see 35, \n\n114 Shaahtraw-gok, YA★ · \n\n115 Shaahtrinn, 3⁄4w. \n\n+ \n\n116 Shaahtrinn-xoe, , still better known to the local people as Lik Yuen Hoi. \n\nShaamm-braak, E★ see 35, \n\n117 shaann-ghoh, Hakka saan-go, L. \n\n118 Shaannloo, \n\n#. \n\n119 Shamm-zearng, ##. \n\n+ \n\n120 Shamm-zeon, . The second word means an artificial channel with earth banks and suggests that the present river was cut to drain the swamps to the east and south-east of the present town. \n\n121 Shann Ngrrdroi-sir, ĦARK - \n\nPage 75\n\nPage 76", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204782, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "74\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\nfishermen and with all those who live close to the sea in South China. A commemorative tablet let into the wall is dated 1798.10 It may record the actual foundation of the temple, though this is not certain as the temple bell is dated six years earlier.\" The tablet has no introductory preamble, as is usual,\" and simply states that persons from the two districts of Tung Kwun ✯E and San On, described as ± subscribed money for the work. A list of 218 names follows, of which 26 appear to be those of shops or businesses, and the other 192 those of private individuals. No indication is given as to the addresses of subscribers, and it is therefore impossible to state with certainty that they were all Peng Chau people, though some of them must have been, or to say which of them were land people and which of them fishermen. It is more than likely that both groups participated in the project. This was certainly the case with the next full-scale repair in 187813 where the fact of co-operation is established beyond any doubt, because the entries on this second tablet are more precise and it is still possible to check names with old inhabitants.\n\nWith the establishment of the temple, Peng Chau's place as a permanent base for fishermen was probably assured, since this would have set the seal on its popularity. Religion has always played an important part in the lives of the boat people and it was probably as much a long-term attachment to the temple as economic ties with local shopkeepers which kept the fishermen there. There was another popular Tin Hau temple at nearby Nim Shu Wan, now in ruins. Throughout the nineteenth century therefore, and into the twentieth, the island continued to be a base for many sea-going and local fishermen. As such, it was important enough to be one of the places where, by order of the San On magistrate, tablets were set up in the middle of the Tao Kwang period (1834) for the information of the fishing population.14 The Peng Chau tablet, which is situated just outside the Tin Hau temple, records a petition which went as high as the Viceroy of the two Kwang provinces of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, and eventually resulted in a directive that no more fishing boats should be commandeered in order to capture pirates. Special craft were ordered to be built for the purpose instead.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204784, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "PENG CHAU\n\n75\n\nIt is not certain whether the fishermen who petitioned the Viceroy were local men, but, if so, their initiative on that occasion showed itself again some twenty years later when in 1857 an association called the Peng Wo Tong was formed among the trawlers based on Peng Chau. These are said to have numbered about 200 at that time. Though this may be an exaggeration, the Tong was undoubtedly a large organisation. Its name appears on the Tin Hau temple repair tablet of 1878 where its joint contribution of 140 taels of silver, out of a total of about 640 taels subscribed for the work, heads the list and its leaders were among the twelve principal organisers. Little is now remembered locally of its work and objects, or of its origin, but perhaps it was formed to retain more of the profits of fishing for the fishermen themselves, instead of letting them go to the Cantonese shopkeepers who might have become demanding and oppressive at the time. I do not know whether fishermen in other ports organised themselves into such groups, and it would be interesting to have further information on this point. This particular Tong concerned itself with more than business. As we have seen, it helped with temple repairs and it is known to have taken a hand in organising festival matters. One elder remembers attending an opera show organised by the Tong when he was about ten years old (1905) and he can even remember the name of the opera! It is certainly an organisation which would repay such detailed study as is still possible.\n\nThe number of fishing boats based on Peng Chau during this period was considerable, and an interesting variety of persons were engaged in fishing. At the end of the century there were said to have been still nearly 200 trawling junks there and a similar number, more or less equally divided, of two smaller types of sailing craft. Whilst this is perhaps an exaggeration it is certain that there were many more than can be seen there today. These were all operated by Tanka fishermen, the true boat people of South China, who lived and died on their craft.17 There were also a hundred Hoklo boats, long narrow craft with two or three standing rowers of a type still to be seen round Peng Chau and Cheung Chau. The Hoklos themselves spent their life between their boats and their mat-shed homes near the beaches. There were also lesser numbers of Hakka and Cantonese fishermen,18", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204800, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 103, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "PENG CHAU\n\n91\n\nThere are said to be over 230 islands within the Crown Colony of Hong Kong. See Hong Kong Annual Report for 1962 (Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1963) p. 319.\n\n? I am not well acquainted with the Chinese records, but there seems to be little information on Peng Chau available in the San On Gazetteer, or Gazetteer of the San On District, last edition 1819, but reprinted by Kwangtung Printers, Canton, 1933.\n\n10 A lucky day of a winter month of the third year of Chia Ching.\n\n11 A lucky day of the third winter month of the 57th year of Chien Lung.\n\n12 It is customary to do so: in fact the 1878 tablet states whether subscribers are local or from various other places. I base this statement on experience of many such tablets, but there are always exceptions to disprove the general rule. Tablets may be considered generally to be reliable, but are subject to occasional errors and omissions.\n\n13 A lucky day of the third winter month of the year, third year of Kuang Hsü (January/February 1878).\n\n14 The nineteenth day of the seventh Moon of the fifteenth year of Tao Kwang. There is nothing on the tablet to indicate that it was the only one erected. If it was, it confirms the island's importance as a fishing centre,\n\n15 This date and the number of boats stated cannot be confirmed. It is given in a short manuscript account of Peng Chau in Chinese, available locally, compiled anonymously a few years ago,\n\n16 On Cheung Chau a Peng On Tong existed in 1898 when, together with two other Tongs, it held a lease of land for a boatshed. These appear to have been organisations of Tanka fishermen. The Peng On Tong and its boatshed still exist, though its affairs have been managed by several generations of a prominent Punti family since at least 1910 (BCL and Land Registers).\n\n17 For some information on the origins of the Tanka see K. M. A. Barnett \"The Peoples of the New Territories\" in Hong Kong Business Symposium (Hong Kong, South China Morning Post, 1957) p. 261 and his Introduction, pp. 2-3 to T. R. Tregear's Hong Kong Gazetteer (Hong Kong University Press, 1958).\n\n18 The local name for trawlers is ... The smaller types of Tanka fishing craft using the anchorage in 1898 are described as * and *. Then there are Hoklo boats of a similar type: one usually equipped with cars and styled #, and a variant called, literally \"chicken hair claw\", which was the type of boat used by Mr. CHUNG and his fellow Hakka fishermen. I am told that the first are principally shrimp boats and the latter mainly used for catching fish. There is a good description of such craft on p. 53 of Orme's Report in Sessional Papers 1912 quoted above, which is also useful for a contemporary account of the boat people. A list of the various types of local fishing craft (modern) is given in Table I, pp. 45-51 of Stanley S. S. Yuan's paper on Fishing Junks, which was read to the Engineering Society of Hong Kong in the 1955-56 session and published in January 1956 in volume IX no. 2 of their Proceedings. A diagram showing six local types is on p. 55. For an interesting account of the Hong Kong fishing fleet before the Japanese War, see Reports on the Fisheries Industries of Hong Kong by S. Y. Lin, apparently written between 1938-48, of which there is a typescript copy in the Library, University of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204822, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 125, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "105\n\nA RECONNAISSANCE OF MA WAN AND\n\nLANTAO ISLANDS IN 1794\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG AND A. SHEPHERD\n\nHistorical Background\n\nThe English East India Company started to trade at Canton at the beginning of the eighteenth century. By the last quarter of the century the trade had grown extensively, mainly because of the increasing demand for China tea in England. However, the more trade grew the more the Chinese officials at Canton controlled it through various regulations. Unfortunately many of these regulations were changed frequently, especially those concerning the dues and fees to be paid. The supercargoes of the East India Company were never certain how much money would be demanded of them from one year to another, and their complaints against what they often considered to be arbitrary exactions increased. At last the government of England was forced to take notice of the unsatisfactory relations existing at Canton between the supercargoes of the East India Company and the various Chinese officials. As a result it was decided to send an embassy direct to the Emperor Ch'ien-lung at Peking in the mistaken belief that if the Emperor knew of the grievances of the English merchants at Canton he would rectify them. At the same time the English government decided to use this opportunity to attempt to put the relations between Britain and China on a proper diplomatic footing as understood in the West. The man selected as ambassador was Lord Macartney, a skilled diplomat and administrator, who had been British Ambassador at St. Petersburg and recently Governor of the Presidency of Madras.\n\nIn order to impress the Chinese officials with the advanced state of civilization in Europe, and especially with Britain's skill in scientific inventions and technical achievements, Macartney was given a large suite which included a natural philosopher, an experimental scientist, a draughtsman, a metallurgist, a watch-maker, a mathematical instrument maker and a botanist. This was the first time that an English embassy had been sent to China, and certainly the first time that a group of Englishmen", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204823, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "106\n\nCRANMER-BYNG AND SHEPHERD\n\nhad the opportunity of travelling to Peking and observing life at the Court. It was realized that even if the main objects of the embassy were not achieved it was a splendid opportunity for obtaining first-hand information about various aspects of China. In fact, the embassy was something of a reconnaissance behind the Manchu curtain of exclusiveness, since Macartney took with him an army officer, Lieutenant Henry William Parish, who was trained to make plans and sketches and to take measurements. As one of his tasks Parish made a detailed survey of a section of the Great Wall which Macartney passed by on his journey from Peking to the Manchu Emperors' summer hunting-palace at Jehol?. Also included in the ambassador's suite was William Alexander, a promising young artist who was given the title of draughtsman,\n\nMacartney arrived at Peking in August 1793, and then proceeded to Jehol where he had an audience with the Emperor on 14 September. After being shown round the parks and pleasure gardens at Jehol he returned to Peking where on 7 October he received the Imperial reply refusing all the requests made in the state letter from King George III to the Emperor Ch'ien-lung. A few days later Macartney set out from Peking on his way to Canton escorted by Chinese officials. After a long journey by inland waterways he reached Canton in December, and finally in January 1794 he moved to Macao where he stayed until all the East Indiamen were ready to sail in convoy with H.M.S. Lion (64 guns), the warship which had brought the ambassador out to China.\n\nWhile waiting for the Indiamen to complete their loading Lord Macartney used his staff for various tasks. Thus Lieutenant Parish was instructed to draw up answers to question on the defences of Macao3, and also in February 1794 he was sent, together with William Alexander, to explore the coast of Lantao island and the small island of Ma Wan (called in his report Cowhee) in case it might be considered necessary to form a settlement somewhere in that area. The idea of obtaining an island was not a new one. It had been put forward unofficially in the past and it received official recognition in the instructions to Lord Macartney dated 8 September, 1792 where it was stated:\n\nᅡ", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204825, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "A RECONNAISSANCE OF MA WAN\n\nSecondly that the great extent of our commercial concerns in China requires a place of security as a depot for such of our goods as cannot be sold off or shipped during the short season that is allowed for our shipping to arrive and depart; and that for this purpose we wish to obtain a grant of a small tract of ground or detached Island, but in a more convenient situation than Canton, where our present Warehouses are at a great distance from our ships, and where we are not able to restrain the irregularities which are occasionally committed by the Seamen of the Company's ships, and those of private traders4.\n\n107\n\nIn fact in his Journal under an entry dated 2-7 January, 1794, after discussing the possibility of obtaining Macao, he went on to mention the possibility of a settlement on an island.\n\nOr with as little trouble and with more advantage we might make a settlement in Lantao or Cow-hee, and then Macao would of itself crumble to nothing in a short time. The forts of the Bocca Tigris might be demolished by half a dozen broadsides, the river would be impassable without our permission, and the whole trade of Canton and its correspondencies annihilated in a season. The millions of people who subsist by it would be almost instantly reduced to hunger and insurrection.\n\nTherefore it was natural that Macartney should send Lieutenant Parish to survey the coast of Lantao and the neighbouring islands in search of a harbour and a possible place for a settlement. In his report Parish refers to \"a situation for a settlement, intended to protect the large and valuable ships employed in the China trade\". It was unfortunate that the bad weather during the short time available for the survey prevented Parish from obtaining a more detailed description of the area. However, he did manage to land on an island which he calls Cowhee and his report to Macartney contains information of interest which, together with his sketch map, is worth reproducing3. It reads as follows:\n\nMacao 28th February, 1794.\n\nPursuant to your Excellency's orders, Mr. Alexander and myself embarked on board the Jackall in the Typas, at seven", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204828, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 131, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "110\n\nCRANMER-BYNG AND SHEPHERD\n\nto within ten yards of the shore. We saw a hut on the beach, and six men at work with some bamboos. Here we disembarked and the sailors filled a cask with excellent water from a well close to the shore. The inhabitants who were fishermen were civil, but they appeared to be alarmed at our arrival14. Mr. Alexander and myself walked up to the high land over the point I, where we had a view of the island and of the north east end of Lantao, as well as of the eastern shore of the main as it is laid down in the charts. The general form of the island appeared to be triangular. Its length from north to south about a mile, and from east to west about three quarters. Its general surface is irregular, rising in unconnected hills or joined only at their bases, but these are smooth and thickly covered with grass of different kinds, some of which had been lately cut down. The soil is red, light and sandy; if we may judge from its verdure it is very fertile. Besides three or four other plants the gardener found some ginger, there were also some guava trees and wild figs15. The projection K is narrow but rather high, on it are five or six huts of fishermen, whose nets are suspended from different points, and hauled up occasionally by windlasses. Between K and I is a rocky bay, that appears to be very deep. South of the projection K we saw some trees, but there are not very many on the island17. About ten acres of land are under cultivation in two separate patches from the bay on the east shore where the land is low. The water on this side of the island is very rocky. Whilst on the hill we were visited by about fifteen persons, men, women and children, from these we learned, that the island is called Toong Shing-ow-a18.\n\nAs to its extent, its fertility and its situation, in a point of view merely military, it appears a desirable island, but perhaps it may be seen in a different light when examined as a situation for a settlement, intended to protect the large and valuable ships employed in the China trade. It appears incapable of future improvement to any very great degree as an harbour, since on account of the rapidity of the currents, the depth of the water and the badness of the bottom, large ships cannot lie with safety on that side of the channel next the island. A few may lie on the north shore, and perhaps but a few, and on this account it\n\n¡", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204837, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "A RECONNAISSANCE OF MA WAN\n\n115\n\nAs it happened, the north end of Lantao remained almost untouched for 150 years. It was leased to Britain in 1898 for 99 years, but little development was undertaken until 1960, when large schemes of reclamation and resettlement were prepared. The slumbering rural character of the island is now beginning to change rapidly.\n\nWhy was Ma Wan chosen for survey? Nearness to Macao? Access to the Pearl River and Canton? Ships occasionally came down the China coast from the east, and took a short cut to Canton through the Kap Sui Mun Channels, but Parish's report seems to suggest that this was regarded as a hazardous piece of sailing. These ships, however, would all have to pass Ma Wan, and so the island was at that time the best-known in Hong Kong waters. Also, the approach in a square-rigged sailing vessel to the then uncharted coast gave a confusing variety of small islands, promontories, and near-islands. The approach from the west was probably better known, and was easier to find. But it is to be regretted that Parish was forced by his orders and the bad weather to waste so much energy on such an unsuitable site.\n\nCONCLUSIONS\n\nWhen the East India Company's trading monopoly to China came to an end in April 1834 the position of English merchants at Canton changed. Lord Napier was sent out as Superintendent of Trade, though the Foreign Secretary, Lord Palmerston, tended to regard him as a representative of the King. Napier soon came into conflict with the officials at Canton over what may be called matters of national prestige, and relations between England and China began to deteriorate. More especially relations were embittered over the increasingly large amount of opium being brought to China from India in British-owned ships. It was illegal to import opium into China by Chinese law, and as a result a swarm of Chinese middlemen co-operated with the foreign merchants in smuggling opium along the coast, especially in the province of Kwangtung. However, in 1821 the Kwangtung authorities were much stricter in enforcing the anti-opium smuggling regulations and as a result the foreign merchants could no longer bring it up to Canton, but instead took it to the \"outer anchorages\" where permanent receiving ships were stationed during the trading season (approximately October until April). The main base for opium smuggling was the island of Lintin", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204838, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 141, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "116\n\nCRANMER-BYNG AND SHEPHERD\n\nwhich lies in the mouth of the Pearl River estuary between Macao and Castle Peak on the opposite headland. However, during the south-west monsoons the anchorages of Kapsuimun門 pq 29, and Hong Kong were used because they provided greater protection. The Kapsuimun anchorage was situated south of Ma Wan island and sheltered to the west by the headland of Lantao and to the east by Tsing I island. Because of the smuggling of opium from depot ships at these outer anchorages the capabilities of the anchorages off Lantao island and between Hong Kong island and Kowloon on the mainland became thoroughly known to British merchants and sea captains. In 1835 a former member of the British East India Company published a book in which he advocated the need for Britain to obtain some island from which trade with China could be carried on because of the uncertain conditions of trade at Canton following the ending of the Company's monopoly30. In a review of this book published in the Chinese Repository the reviewer remarks on the fact that the author pressed the idea of Britain acquiring Macao from Portugal, which he considered ill-advised. He wrote\n\nThe want of a good harbour, and its dangerous position in the season of typhoons and strong north or east gales, unfit it for the possession of a commercial nation, as point d'appui. Lantao is better, and this we should prefer of the places named by our author. It is an island, capable of defence, producing abundant supplies of food, with many good harbours, is not so near the provincial city as to render it dangerous for natives to resort to it, for the purpose of commerce.31\n\nThus in 1835 Lantao was still considered eligible as a possible British settlement. In May 1839 the British Superintendent of Trade, Captain Charles Elliot, and all British subjects, left Canton as a result of the measures taken by the Imperial Commissioner Lin Tse-hsü, and retired to Macao. However, when in mid-August of 1839 the British were forced out of Macao by Chinese pressure it was to the anchorage of Hong Kong that the English ships went. Although Hong Kong was eventually ceded to Britain by the Treaty of Nanking 1842 this had not always been an automatic choice, the possibility of forming a settlement on Formosa, the Bonin Islands, and on Ma Wan and Lantao island had previously been given serious consideration.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204839, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "A RECONNAISSANCE OF MA WAN\n\nNOTES\n\n117\n\n1 For a more detailed account of British trade to Canton at this period see J. L. Cranmer Byng, An Embassy to China. Being the Journal kept by Lord Macartney during his Embassy to the Emperor Ch'ien-lung 1793-1794 (Longmans, Green, 1962), 4-17.\n\n2 Macartney's own journal printed in J. L. Cranmer Byng, op. cit.,\n\nFor Parish and Alexander see Appendix A, 313-16.\n\n111-112.\n\nJ. L. Cranmer-Byng, “The Defences of Macao in 1794: a British Assessment\" in Journal of Southeast Asian History Vol. 5 No. 1 (1964).\n\n4 Printed in H. B. Morse, The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China 1635-1834, 5 Vols. (O.U.P. 1926-9), I., 237.\n\n5 This report is preserved among the Macartney documents in the Wason collection on China and the Chinese at Cornell University, No. 371 (part). I wish to acknowledge my thanks to the Director of Libraries at Cornell for permission to reproduce this document in full. In doing so I have modernized the spelling and the use of capital letters. I also wish to acknowledge permission received from the authorities of the British Museum to reproduce Parish's sketch map from the original preserved in the British Museum, Add. MS. 19822 (art. 13).\n\n6 The Portuguese name of an island close to Macao which also gave its name to the anchorage there.\n\n7 An officer of the Bombay Marine who had been sent to Macao in 1793 in command of the Endeavour brig, one of two surveying ships, which were earmarked for the use of the embassy. The Jackall had sailed from England in 1792 as tender to the Lion. Both the Endeavour and Jackall sailed from Chusan to Canton in October 1793, but I have not discovered why Proctor was transferred to the Jackall or why the original survey ship, the Endeavour, was not used for this purpose.\n\n8 A large island about twice the size of the island of Hong Kong. The east coast of Lantao, although it has at least one good bay- Silvermine Bay is not sufficiently protected from the wind and is too exposed to the sea to make a good harbour for ships. Lantao Peak rises to approximately three thousand feet and is a useful local landmark. The Chinese name for the island is Tai Yu Shan.\n\n+\n\n9 Chek Lap Kok *#, a long island just off Tung Chung bay, See map facing page 27. Like other ports of Lantao it appears to have been more prosperous in the past than at present. The 1911 census gave its population as 77, of whom 55 were men. They probably worked in its stone quarries.\n\nto This refers to the Tung Chung valley, which included a fort between the villages of Ha Ling Pei and Sheung Ling Pei. Tung Chung ranked as a cheng M. See Rev. Krone \"A Notice of the Sanon District\" in Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Part VI (Hong Kong 1859) p. 82.\n\n+\n\n11 This is correct, since presumably Parish was referring to the head land of San Tau #. From here the coast runs sharply SW to Tai O.\n\n12 Two islands known as the Brothers, consisting of the West and East Brothers.\n\n13 In the vicinity of Tsing Lung Tau\n\n\"Green dragon head\",\n\non the coast of the New Territories between Tsun Wan and Castle Peak.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204840, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "118\n\nCRANMER-BYNG AND SHEPHERD\n\n14 They had every reason to be alarmed on account of the continual attacks from pirates on coastal villages in Kwangtung and other places during the period from about 1787 until 1810. See A. W. Hummel: Eminent Chinese of the Ching Period, 446-8. Also C. F. Neuman, History of the Pirates who infested the China Sea from 1807 to 1810.\n\n15 Macartney took with him on the embassy a \"gardener and botanist”, David Stronach. For the botanical side of the embassy see J. L. Cranmer-Byng, op. cit., 317-19.\n\n16 These nets are known locally as \"stake nets\" or tsang pang are lowered and raised by means of a tackle. They are frequently used along the coasts of Kwangtung today. The fishing season is from February to mid-September,\n\n17 The island is now reasonably well covered with pine trees and there are a few small feng-shui woods of deciduous trees. A large number of kites have been observed using pine trees on a ridge in the centre of the island as a roost during the winter months.\n\n18 Parish knew the island, which he had been sent to reconnoitre, under the name of Cowhee. Now he learned that the inhabitants called it Toong Shing-ow-a. However, this name does not appear to have survived and the island is now always known as Ma Wan4 and was so called as far back as 1859. See Rev. Krone, op. cit. (note 8) p. 73. The word Cowhee was probably a phonetic rendering of the name of an island between Ping Chau island and Hong Kong island known as Kau I Chau 交椅洲.\n\n19 By the small island to the south-east Parish presumably meant Tang Lung Chau## which now has a small light-house on it. There is now a small harbour with a jetty at Ma Wan village, and this is the normal place for landing on the island today.\n\n20 This is a doubtful statement.\n\n21 The word as written in the manuscript report is clearly \"profil\". I can only suggest that Parish meant \"profile\", and was using it in a technical, military engineering sense, meaning \"outline\". A reading of Tristram Shandy and other eighteenth century books about sieges and defence works might give a clue to its technical meaning at that time,\n\n22 From the anchorage position marked on the chart this must refer to the bay of Tsing Lung Tau. Today Ma Wan is connected to the mainland by a regular ferry service running from the bay of Sham Tseng, where the Hong Kong Brewery is situated.\n\n23 By the word \"bay\" in this context Parish appears to refer to the wide bay formed by the northern coast of Lantao from its headland opposite Tsing Lung Tau to Chek Lap Kok opposite Tung Chung bay, but the wording is somewhat ambiguous at this point.\n\n24 Probably the western arm of Luk Kang\n\n-\n\n· + +\n\non Lantao.\n\n25 Tung Ku #island opposite Tap Siak Kok on the Castle Peak peninsula. It forms part of the Urmston Road.\n\n26 See Charles Tulse, Local Master's Handbook. Seamanship Illustrated (Hong Kong University Press, 1960).\n\n27 See photograph of the \"race\" between Ma Wan and Lantao on page\n\nIt is interesting to know that Professor Deryck Chesterman of the Department of Physics in the University of Hong Kong is carrying out research into the currents off Ma Wan and their effects on the sea bed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204841, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 144, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "A RECONNAISSANCE OF MA WAN\n\n119\n\nIn 1897, two years before the lease of the New Territories by China to Britain, the Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs set up a small customs house on Ma Wan in order to supervise trade between the Pearl River Delta and Hong Kong. The building used still stands. See photograph on p. 28 Ma Wan and a very small hamlet called Tin Liu. The total population of Ma Wan island at the 1911 census was 473. Papers laid before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong (H.K. Government Printer, 1911) p. 103 (36).\n\n29 Morse, op. cit., I, 178. The name Kapsingmun appears to have been used by foreigners as an alternative for Kapsuimun which should be preferred.\n\n30 Joseph Thomson, Review of Considerations Respecting the Trade with China (London, 1835). At this period both Lord Napier and after him Captain Charles Elliot spoke of obtaining an island and raising the flag somewhere.\n\n31 The Chinese Repository, IV (1835-6), 548.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204842, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "120\n\nFORKE'S TRANSLATION OF THE LUN HENG'\n\nReviewed by D. LESLIE2\n\nThe Lun Heng\n\nof about A.D. 85, is the work of Wang Ch'ung £ (c. A.D. 27-96), one of the most original thinkers of Han China.\n\nMany, including Hu Shih and most western scholars, have praised his critical ability. In fact, this praise is not entirely justified. Wang Ch'ung, in this respect, falls far short of the Chou Confucian philosopher Hsüntzu (also Chuangtzu and Hanfeitzu). Han philosophy is generally considered to lack the originality of the classical Chou philosophers, and Wang Ch'ung, as Fung Yu-lan points out, was a child of his time. The most we can say is that he rises head and shoulders above his Han contemporaries in his critical abilities.\n\nIt is true that Wang Ch'ung demands proofs and verification by experience at all stages in his arguments, but his idea of proof and experience is insufficiently empirical. He does not seek out the facts. He believes some of the weirdest stories (that Duke Ai was changed into a tiger; that Huang Ti, the Yellow Emperor, was twenty months in the womb; that hares give birth via the mouth). As Marcel Granet has expressed it (in his La Pensée Chinoise, 1934, p. 580), \"son scepticisme a quelque chose de livresque\".\n\nWang Ch'ung's criticism is always based on pre-conceived postulates. Rather than reject the superstitions of his time, he merely reinterprets them in accordance with these postulates. Herein lies both his strength and his weakness. A good example is his denial (in his chapter 15 and elsewhere) of the many supernatural births accepted by his contemporaries. For, together with this denial, he accepts the factual truth of all the omens that accompanied these supernatural births. Omens, such as signs in the sky or lines in the hand (the Lun Heng incidentally gives the earliest extant reference to palmistry in China), the appearance of weird animals and plants, all mark, he believes, the rise and\n\n1 Lun-Hêng. By Alfred Forke. Paragon Book Gallery, New York, 1962. Pt. I, iv+577; Pt. II, vi+536. U.S.$20.00,\n\n2 D. Leslic is a Research Fellow in the Department of Far Eastern History, Australian National University, Canberra,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204848, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 151, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "126\n\nD. LESLIE\n\nannotated. The Lun Heng is over six times the size of Mencius and thirteen times that of the Analects (of which Waley's translation takes up 150 pages with 100 pages of comment). The task is clearly enormous. Until such time as a modern scholar can devote many years to this work alone, Forke's translation will remain indispensable.\n\nForke's \"Introduction\" (pp. 4-44) is still amongst the finest summaries of Wang Ch'ung's thought. It goes deeper than the wider-ranging general surveys of Chinese philosophy mentioned earlier, and consequently gives a more rounded picture of his contribution. The only comparable western summary is given by Li Shi Yi in his \"Wang Ch'ung\" T'ien Hsia Monthly 5, 1937, pp. 162-184, 290-307. After reading Forke, one may turn to the more specialised studies by Joseph Needham in his Science and Civilisation in China, Vol. II, 1956, pp. 368-386; and by myself on \"Technical Vocabulary\" (in my \"Contribution\" pp. 134-149); on Wang Ch'ung's biological ideas in \"Early Chinese Ideas on Heredity\" Asiatische Studien: Etudes Asiatiques 1/2, 1953, pp. 26-46; and on \"Les Théories de Wang Tch'ong sur la Causalité\" (to appear in 1964 in the Mélanges).\n\nSince Forke's work appeared, several annotated commentaries to the Lun Heng have been published. The best is undoubtedly the 1938 Lun-heng Chiao-shih by Huang Hui. Unfortunately this is almost unobtainable. A second-best is the 1957 Lun-heng Chi-chieh by Liu P'an-sui, based on work up to 1932. Both include the comments by earlier scholars such as Yü Yüch and Sun Yi-jang; and both give, in extensive appendices, passages from the Chinese works throughout the centuries which mention Wang Ch'ung. However, Huang Hui not only gives a fully punctuated text, but also the pre-Han and Han parallels, rarely given in Liu P'an-sui's edition, but many of which had been found independently by Forke, who also gives a valuable list of Wang Ch'ung's quotations from earlier sources. Huang Hui also includes the brilliant essay on Wang Ch'ung's reasoning by Hu Shih.\n\nThere is no need to go into details about the many recent books and articles in Chinese on Wang Ch'ung, since Timoteus Pokora has dealt with them in his excellent, mainly bibliographical essay \"The Necessity of a more thorough Study of philosopher", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204849, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "LUN HENG\n\n127\n\nWang Ch'ung and of his predecessors\", Archiv Orientalní 30, 1962, pp. 231-257. Useful studies of Wang Ch'ung's materialism, more or less Marxist in orientation, have been written by A. A. Petrov (1954 in Russian, translated into Chinese in 1956), Hou Wai-lu and others (1957), Yang Ch'ao Kuan Feng (1957), Cheng Wen (1958), and T'ien Chang-wu (1958).\n\nThere are a large number of articles on Wang Ch'ung in Japanese by Kimura Ikusaburo, Shigezawa Toshio, and others. But I only know of one book in Japanese, the Ronko no Kenkyu 論衡之研究 by Sato Kyogen 佐藤匡玄 (1956, self-published).\n\nGrammatical study of the Lun Heng, commenced by Karlgren and extended by myself, must await a full concordance. Besides the 1943 Index du Louen Heng by the Centre franco-chinois d'études sinologiques, there are now two Japanese indices by Kato Joken, Shigezawa Toshio, and others, both produced in 1961.\n\n(a) Ronko Koyu-Meishi Sakuin 論衡固有名詞索引\n\nThis, similar in size and scope to the French index, which gave an index of names and topics with a paraphrase of the immediate text, gives a full concordance of names only, subdivided into names of people, of places, of books, titles and reign periods. It also adds a valuable appendix of textual corrections.\n\n(b) Ronko Jirui Sakuin 論衡事類索引\n\nThis is a massive work, over twice the size of the Lun Heng itself, which collects together, under topic headings, all the passages from the various chapters concerning that topic. The main topics covered are philosophy (and religion), science, ancient books, history, government, and sociology.\n\nVery valuable for certain kinds of research, these three works still do not fulfil the function of a complete word-by-word concordance.\n\nThe republication of Forke's monumental work (at almost the same time as these new indices) will be of double value if it encourages other western scholars to go ahead and work on Wang Ch'ung and his Lun Heng, a key work for our understanding of ancient China.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204850, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 153, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "128\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nGEORGE CHINNERY 1774-1852, ARTIST OF THE CHINA COAST. By Henry and Sidney Berry-Hill. 61 pages text, bibliography, and 76 pages of black and white photographs. F. Lewis, Publishers, Ltd., England. Price U.K. 10 Guineas, U.S. $30.00.\n\nThe various phases of the artist's life - early years, the English and Irish periods, the sojourn in India, and the final years in South China are described. The 76 plates of photographs comprise 154 subjects.\n\nSince the Arts Council exhibition of 1957 in England and Scotland, there is renewed interest in Chinnery. As information about him is frequently fragmentary, there is definite need for a comprehensive biography. However, enthusiasts and scholars will be disappointed by this book. The approach is lyrical and romantic instead of factual, authoritative, and scholarly.\n\nIt is all very well to quote the inscription on the silver palette presented to Chinnery by the Artists of Dublin (even though this information appears in Plate 1), but why describe it as “measures 16 inches across and was made by one of the leading silversmiths” when actual measurements, hallmark, date letter, and silversmith mark are all known and recorded.1\n\nTo claim Chinnery painted unsigned oils of sporting scenes2 in India on the sole basis of a label admittedly dated at least eight years after he left Dacca, strains imagination to the bursting point. Those who know what Chinnery sketched and painted in India and China - houses, temples, people, domestic animals — all placid scenes - will find it difficult, if not impossible, to accept this attribution.\n\nThe false alarm of Mrs. Chinnery's prospective arrival in China, amusingly described by W. C. Hunter, intimate friend...\n\n1 Arts Council Catalogue 1957 15\" x 13\", Dublin hallmark, date letter \"E\" (for 1801), and silversmith mark \"R.W.” (for Richard Whitford).\n\n2 Page 25, Plates 18 and 19.\n\n* Page 268, W. C. Hunter Bits of Old China,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204851, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 154, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n129\n\nof the artist, is well known. It is impossible to reconcile this story with the statement, made without citation from any authority and no supporting evidence, that \"Mrs. Chinnery did in fact follow him to Canton, but when she attempted to land she was not permitted to do so and was obliged to stay aboard ship, where she caught smallpox and died\". If the name of the ship, the date, or any reference to the Canton newspapers or to the records of the English graveyard at Macao can be produced in support, this event will be new history. Without proof, it must be denied.\n\n<<\n\n•\n\n+\n\nAll will agree with the statement without question, he (Chinnery) stands alone for his work on the China Coast. Here he had no peer\". However, it is curious that no other European artist who visited the Pearl River area is mentioned by name. True \"none stayed for very long\". Yet they were sound painters. The success of Webber, artist to the Cook Expedition, the Daniell brothers, and Borget all prior to Chinnery—as illustrators of travel books, undoubtedly spurred Chinnery in his efforts to have his pictures reproduced.\n\n+\n\nWhile the engraving of Morrison after Chinnery is noted, the Sartain stipple of Howqua and the pleasant colored lithograph of the Praya Grande at Macao by Reinagle and Hullmandel, both after Chinnery, are not mentioned.\n\nFour signatures of Chinnery are shown. They vary quite widely, but this fact is overlooked apparently, and there is no attempt to reconcile or evaluate.7\n\nIn speaking of Lamqua, the Chinese painter, it is stated “In 1850 he consigned a group of portraits of Chinese merchants to Boston, for exhibition at the Atheneum\". Compare this with the actual facts. Five portraits of Chinese merchants by Lamqua were exhibited in the Boston Athenaeum (please, we \"Proprietors” of this private library are sensitive about correct spelling) in 1850. They were the property of Augustine Heard, partner in Russell & Co., and were distributed under his will. They are all in existence\n\nPage 48.\n\n5 Page 20.\n\n6 Page 38.\n\n* Page 57, Plates 6, 7 & 24 top.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204852, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "130\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\ntoday. This information negates the subsequent statement \"The only specifically recorded Lamqua portrait in an American collection is that of Dr. Peter Parker\n\n+\n\n8\n\nA bibliography omitting nearly 50% of the last published bibliography will startle any serious scholar. It may be possible to write about Chinnery without consulting E. W. Bovil's articles in Notes and Queries and about the Opium War without using Maurice Collis' Foreign Mud with its Chinnery illustrations, but it is not recommended practice. W. C. Hunter, partner in Russell & Co., is quoted in the text, but both of his books The Fan-Kwae in Canton before Treaty Days 1825-1844 and Bits of Old China with its chapter on Chinnery, are omitted from the list. Any modern researcher will want to check the Jardine-Matheson papers in Cambridge, England. They are not mentioned here. There is a list of plates, but no general index.\n\nIn the China section of photographs, there are 57 oils, water-colors, and drawings captioned as by Chinnery, also 10 so-called \"School of Chinnery\", 28 port scenes, all called \"School\", and 2 miscellaneous. Authentication of any artist's work, particularly if unsigned, is a matter of opinion. When in doubt, it is far sounder to \"attribute\" and the best museums follow this custom. In recent months, a world expert on Chinnery and your reviewer considered together these 57 pictures and questioned or denied 21 of them, a substantial percentage.\n\n+ •\n\nIn 1953 the statement was made, and remains unchallenged, it is obvious that the Hong Kong Chinnery is the only portrait of Howqua that may be said to have been painted in a truly accomplished Western manner such as one would expect from the brush of Chinnery. The other portraits of Howqua, in spite of their long-standing attribution to Chinnery, almost without exception speak of Western art with a strong Cantonese accent\". There is no photograph of the Chinnery portrait of Howqua in Hong Kong in this book a significant omission. However, there are three portraits of Howqua11- all obviously by Chinese\n\n* Page 39.\n\n9 Arts Council Catalogue 1957.\n\n10 Albert Ten Eyck Gardner-The Art Quarterly, Winter 1953\n\n11 Plate 39 top and bottom, Plate 40 top.\n\n10", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204853, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 156, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n131\n\nartists. It is disturbing indeed to find that two of these previously published elsewhere as \"attributed\" — are promoted here to \"full\" Chinnery status without a word of explanation!\n\n12\n\nHow does one reconcile the title \"The Hong Merchant, Gou Qua\" with the picture showing a man in the costume of a North China scholar?\n\nAnyone familiar with Chinese ship portraits and Chinese port scenes will question the two handsome Chinese Junk oils.13 The clue is the small British and American vessels in the lower corners of the \"War Junk\" — alluring to a prospective nautical purchaser, typical of many ship portraits, but so different in style and subject from other Chinnery marines.\n\nThe time has come to bury forever that misused, euphonic term \"School of Chinnery\". Take port scenes. Mariners and merchants arrived in Canton centuries before Chinnery. Even my two great grandfathers14 had won their battle with the pirates off Macao nearly a generation before Chinnery's arrival. What is more natural than to take home a port scene oil to show one's family. These men were not art experts and Chinese representations were good enough for them. It is possible today to date port scenes definitely prior to Chinnery, proving that Chinnery had no influence on those Chinese artists. It is also possible to date similar port scenes after Chinnery's death that show no style change from the earlier representations. Why not be honest and call them \"China Trade Port Scenes\",15 which they are, instead of \"School of Chinnery\", which they are not? To all other port scenes such as St. Helena and the Cape of Good Hope16 “School of Chinnery”, verges on fantasy, particularly so when the text denies the existence of any Chinnery pictures made on his voyage to India.17\n\n12 Plate 42 top.\n\n13 Plate 73.\n\n14 William Sturgis and Daniel C. Bacon. See R. B. Forbes — Personal Reminiscences.\n\n15 It has taken many years to substitute the correct \"China Trade Porcelain\" for \"Oriental Lowestoft\".\n\n16 Plate 55 bottom, Plate 56 top.\n\n17 Page 59.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204855, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 158, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n133\n\nThe University of Hong Kong has from the beginning been handicapped by mixed aims and by financial difficulties. Sir Frederick Lugard, Governor of Hong Kong from 1907 to 1912 and the first Chancellor of the University, according to Professor Harrison \"advocated a university for Hong Kong on various grounds: it would help to serve the higher educational needs of an awakening China; it would be a lighthouse of learning, a symbol of the Western cultural tradition in the Far East and a meeting-place for Chinese and Western cultures; it would help to maintain British prestige in Eastern Asia; and, through its dissemination of modern knowledge and of the English language, it would indirectly benefit British business.\" The primary aim for many years \"was not so much a university of and for Hong Kong itself, as a university in Hong Kong for China.” (p. xiii)\n\nExcept in the field of medicine, the University of Hong Kong was not able, prior to the late 1940's, to provide a level of instruction that would draw students from China, where a number of universities of at least as high quality were developing at the same time. A large proportion of this University's students therefore have come from Hong Kong itself; and it would appear that as many students were drawn from Singapore and elsewhere in Southeast Asia as from China. Since World War II, particularly since 1949, thanks to the phenomenal economic and cultural growth of Hong Kong and to the active support of both the British and the Hong Kong governments, the University has developed rapidly, both in size and in quality. Today it stands among the recognized universities of Asia and of the British Commonwealth, and its sponsors and staff are determined to achieve an even higher level of educational and scholarly leadership. The colony is populous and rich enough now to justify and to support a great university.\n\nThe historical narrative is found principally in chapters III (The Beginnings, by George B. Endacott), V (The Years of Growth, by Brian Harrison), VI (The Test of War, by Sir Lindsay Ride), and VII (A New Beginning, by Francis E. Stock). Most of the other chapters are also essentially historical and supply details which elaborate or supplement the basic narrative, although there is some unnecessary duplication. One is impressed with the relative indifference of the colony toward the University during", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204857, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n135\n\nThe First 50 Years is not only a beautiful memento of the Jubilee Year but also an interesting first history of the University and a useful work of reference. More research is needed on certain subjects, such as the activities of graduates in China and in Southeast Asia as well as in the colony itself. I suspect that the University and the Medical College which preceded it, and such secondary schools as Central (later Queen's College) and Belilios, exercised more influence in China than is generally recognized. For that matter all of the contributions of Hong Kong to the modernization of China need study; many of these have not even been identified. When the definitive history of the University of Hong Kong is written, after considerably more research has been done, The First 50 Years will be one of the principal sources.\n\nCornell University\n\nKNIGHT BIGGERSTAFF,\n\nTHE CHINESE ON THE ART OF PAINTING: TRANSLATIONS AND COMMENTS. Osvald Sirén. Schocken Books, New York, and Hong Kong University Press, 1963. 21 monochrome illustrations. H.K.$16. U.S.$1.95.\n\nThis book was first published by the firm of Henri Vetch in Peiping in 1936 and had long been out of print. It is excellent to see it available again, this time in a paper-back edition, printed on good paper, with reasonably wide margins, attractive print, and twenty-one extremely good black and white illustrations.\n\nThis book was a landmark in the study of Chinese painting in the West when it first appeared because it gave the reader, through translation and comment, a knowledge of the attitudes of Chinese painters to their craft throughout the centuries. Now it is again available to a new generation of readers who will be able to discover what the Chinese themselves have said about the art of painting. It contains extracts in translation from Kuo Hsi's famous Shan Shui Hsün (“Comments on Landscape\"), put together by his son who gives us a vivid picture of his father's method in the following passage: \"On the days when he was going to paint (he would place himself) at a bright window before a clean table and burned incense right and left. He took a fine", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204858, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 161, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "136\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nbrush and the most excellent ink, washed his hands and cleaned the ink stone as if to receive an important guest. He let the thoughts settle in his soul, and then he work” (page 46). Among other essays and jotting here translated should be mentioned Ching Hao's \"Notes on Brush-work\" and the Hua Yü Lu #4 (\"Notes on Painting\") by Shih-t'ao of the Ch'ing dynasty. One sentence from Shih-t'ao's essay is typical of his attitude: \"When the superior man borrows from the old masters, he does it in order to open a new road\n\nTwo illustrations gave me special pleasure: \"Misty Hills\" by Ch'en Shun and \"Peach-blossom Spring\" by Shih-t'ao (plates 18 and 19). The book is equipped with a full index of Chinese names, terms and books with their Chinese characters.\n\nThis new edition of an important work by the doyen of Western authorities on Chinese art can be recommended to all who are interested in Chinese painting and it serves as introduction to Sirén's magnum opus, his Chinese Painters, Leading Masters and Principles in seven volumes.*\n\nJ. L. C-B.\n\nTHE ART OF CHINESE POETRY. James J. Y. Liu. Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1962. 166 pages. 30/-\n\nMr. James Liu's book is a fine introduction to the poetry of China for the uninitiated, and a substantial source of information and enjoyment for the sophisticated.\n\nOf a moderate size, the book is divided into three sections. Part I consists mainly of information, Part II of interpretation and Part III of criticism. The subject is generously illustrated with short poems translated by Mr. Liu and others.\n\nA remarkable feature of this book is the way in which Chinese poems are translated. Mr. Liu has in many cases followed the original verse form and rhyme scheme, a difficult and painstaking process requiring considerable virtuosity and originality. What he does, goes contrary to prevailing fashion and one is not surprised to find the critic of the Times Literary Supplement, while maintaining the general excellence of the book, taking\n\n*Lund Humphries, 1956. Profusely illustrated,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204860, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "138\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nbetween man and woman. True, there are many Chinese poems by men professing affection for other men in terms which would bring serious embarrassment if not public prosecution to an English poet; true also that in old China, where marriages were arranged by the parents, a man's need for sympathy, understanding, and affection often found their answer in another man\n\n15\n\nOne of the things that often lead to a misunderstanding of Chinese poetry is the insistence, to the point of excess, on the associative power of Chinese characters. One often hears that the genius of China is in its written language, in the curves and squares and dashes of its mystic signs. However, to the Chinese there is much less mysticism attached to their ideograms. They are taken for granted. No doubt association is important in Chinese poetry but it is allusion which provides the chief difficulty to readers, foreign and native alike. It is often impossible for people who have no classical Chinese background to go beyond the first line of some Chinese poems.\n\nPerhaps Mr. Liu's chief contribution to an understanding of this art is his application of Western methods to the criticism of Chinese poetry and his attempt at a synthesis between the traditional Chinese views of poetry and the verbal analytical approach of the West. This is contained in Part III of the book which begins with a criticism of the four schools of critics, namely, The Moralists, the Individualists, the Technicians and the Intuitionalists, and continues with a description of how these views might be reconciled. Imagery, symbolism, allusion, antithesis and other poetical devices are then described, contrasting Western and Chinese uses of them.\n\nThere will always be two types of readers: the man in the street and the academician. To whichever category one may belong, to those who are looking for something peculiarly Chinese or to those who look upon poetry as an exploration of different worlds (world as \"emotion and scene\")—there will be much to enjoy in Mr. Liu's well-conceived volume The Art of Chinese Poetry.\n\nT. C. LAI.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204861, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 164, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n139\n\nAN INTRODUCTION TO THE BIRDS OF HONG KONG. Compiled by Maura Benham. South China Morning Post, 1963. 97 pages. Numerous drawings. HK$5.\n\nMiss Benham's book is a worthy successor to Dr. Herklots' Field Note Book and The Birds of Hong Kong, first published in November 1946. That was a book to which many owe a great debt as it enabled them to start or continue in Hong Kong that most fascinating pursuit which gives increasing pleasure as one's knowledge grows. Before that date, it was extremely difficult to identify Hong Kong birds as the only really good book available was La Touche's Birds of East China, which described in minute detail the plumage of over 700 species but did not indicate which of the species occurred in Hong Kong and did not give a clear idea of what the various species looked like in the field. Dr. Herklots' book gave field descriptions of Hong Kong birds for the first time. It is, however, now out of print and also rather out of date in that it is based on observations ending in 1948, since when not only have a large number of new species been recorded but a tremendous development of roads and buildings has taken place. This has led to considerable changes in the distribution of birds within the colony.\n\nMiss Benham has wisely restricted the number of species described (98 out of a possible total of about 340) and this makes her book of greater value to the reader for whom it is intended — the visitor or newcomer to Hong Kong and the beginner of all ages. It cannot have been easy to decide which species to leave out, and the author has obviously taken into account the fact that visitors or newcomers from Europe will probably have a copy of the now famous Field Guide to the Birds of Britain and Europe, which includes many of the birds, such as the Waders, which occur on passage in Hong Kong. All the birds which a newcomer or beginner is likely to see or hear are, however, included except for the rather surprising omission of the Indian Cuckoo.\n\nThe descriptions of the ninety-eight species are clear and concise field descriptions, and, in giving the length of a bird (from tip of bill to tip of tail), mention is made of the length of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204863, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n141\n\nASIAN PERSPECTIVES. The Bulletin of the Far Eastern Prehistory Association, Edited by Wilhelm G. Solheim II. Volume VI, Nos. 1 & 2, 1962. Hong Kong University Press, 1962. Illustrated. HK$25 per number.\n\nThis issue of Asian Perspectives contains much of value for all students of Far-Eastern Prehistory—for the interested layman no less than for the expert.\n\nThe journal is divided under three main headings: Regional Reports, Topical Report and Notes, and Original Articles.\n\nThe regional reports cover the following areas: Eastern Asia and Oceania, Northeast Asia, Mainland China, Southeast Asia, Indonesia, Madagascar, the Philippines, Polynesia, New Zealand and Australia. All the reports have detailed bibliographies, invaluable for further reading and for the comparison and co-relation of work in the various fields of research. Especially interesting are the full note on A. P. Okladnikov's report on important archaeological discoveries in Mongolia in the Northeast Asia report, the notes in the Southeast Asia section which include P. I. Borikovsky's report on recent work in Vietnam and the inclusion, for the first time, of a regional report from Madagascar. The author of the report from Mainland China feels that the volume of work being done there and the problem of obtaining published results, make complete coverage difficult at the moment; but to have such a report at all, with a comprehensive list of references is useful. The Indonesian report is detailed and well-illustrated and covers field work and research in Java, Bali and Flores, Sumba and Timor. Those who have seen some of the Neolithic material discovered in Hong Kong will find the illustrations in this section particularly interesting.\n\nThe topical report is on the linguistic sessions of the 10th Pacific Science Congress held in Honolulu in 1961; again the bibliography is extensive.\n\nThe range of subject of the articles in the third section, Notes and Original Articles, is wide, but in this issue of the journal, predominantly archaeological. They include articles on the problems of archaeology in Madagascar, on the work of French prehistorians in Vietnam, on archaeology in North Borneo, Easter Island and in India. A. P. Khatri writes on A century of Prehistoric Research in India, paying tribute to the \"father\" of...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204865, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "143\n\nPRESENTATIONS AND ADDITIONS TO THE\n\nLIBRARY\n\nCheng, J. C. Chinese Sources for the Taiping Rebellion 1850-1864. Hong Kong, 1963, From Hong Kong University Press.\n\nCohen, Paul A. \"Some Sources of Anti-Missionary Sentiment During the Late Ch'ing\". (Reprinted from the Journal of the China Society, Vol. 2.) Michigan.\n\nFrom the Centre of Chinese Studies, Michigan.\n\nCrump, James I. Edited by. Occasional Papers, No. 2. (Centre of Chinese Studies, Michigan.) Michigan, 1963.\n\nExchange.\n\nEndacott, G. B. A Biographical Sketch-book of Early Hong Kong. Singapore, 1962.\n\nForke, Alfred. Translated by. Lun-heng. Parts I-II. (Reprint, 2nd edition.) New York, 1962. From Paragon Book Gallery.\n\nHenderson, Norman K. Educational Developments and Research with Special Reference to Hong Kong. (Hong Kong Council for Educational Research No. 1) Hong Kong, 1963.\n\nFrom Hong Kong University Press.\n\nHenderson, Norman K. Statistical Research Methods in Education and Psychology. Hong Kong, 1964.\n\nFrom Hong Kong University Press.\n\nHsüeh, Chun-tu. \"A Review Article: The Years of Triumph.” (Reprinted from the China Quarterly, July-September 1962.) London, 1962.\n\nFrom Chun-tu Hsüeh.\n\nHunter, W. C. Journal of the occurrences at Canton during the cessation of trade at Canton in 1839. Manuscript in Boston Athenaeum, U.S.A. (Microfilm copy.)\n\nFrom E. W. Ellsworth.\n\nKirby, E. Stuart. Edited by. Contemporary China: Economic and Social Studies: Documents; Chronology; Bibliography 1961-1962. Volume 5, Hong Kong, 1963.\n\nFrom Hong Kong University Press.\n\nMackey, Sean. Edited by. Symposium on the Design of High Buildings. Hong Kong, 1963\n\nFrom Hong Kong University Press.\n\nMaulvi, Imam Ma Tat Ng. Edited by. Prayer Ceremony. (English, Chinese and Arabic.) Hong Kong, 1962.\n\nFrom L. A. Khan", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204867, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 170, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "LIBRARY\n\n145\n\nHistory, Science, the Arts and Nature in Sarawak (1961-62). (Reprinted from Sarawak's Annual Report). Sarawak, 1962.\n\nExchange. Japan Quarterly. Vol.X, Nos.2-4, Vol.XI, No.1. Tokyo, 1963-64.\n\nExchange. Journal of the Asiatic Society. Vol.I, Nos.1-4. Vol.III, No.2.\n\nVol.IV, No.1. Calcutta, 1959-62.\n\nExchange. Journal of Asiatic Studies, The. Vol.VI, Nos.1-2. Seoul, 1963.\n\nExchange.\n\nJournal of the Royal Asiatic Society. Parts 1-2, Parts 3-4, 1963.\n\nLondon, 1963.\n\nExchange.\n\nKorea Journal. Vol.3, Nos.2-5, 9-12. Vol.4, Nos.1-2. Seoul, 1963-64.\n\nExchange. Korean Report. Vol.III, No.2. Washington, 1963.\n\nExchange. Lishi Yanjiu. Vol.6, 1962. Vols. 1-2, 4-6, 1963.\n\nExchange. National Library of Wales Journal, The. Vol.XII, No.4. Vol.XIII, No.1. Supplement, Series II, No.23. Aberystwyth, 1962-63.\n\nExchange.\n\nBangkok, 1963.\n\nPresented.\n\nExchange.\n\nExchange. Sarawak Museum Journal, The. N.S. Vol.X, Nos.19-20. Sarawak, 1962.\n\nSEATO Record. Vol.II, No.3.\n\nSinologica. Vol.VII, Nos.2-4. Basel, 1963.\n\nSociologie, Science du Langage. Vol.XVI, Nos.1-4. Vol.XVII, Nos.1-3. (Bulletin Signalétique 21) Published by the Centre de Documentation du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique. París, 1962-63.\n\nExchange. Tôhô Gakuhô, The. (Journal of Oriental Studies: Published by the Research Institute for Humanistic Studies). No.33. Kyoto, 1963.\n\nExchange. Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. Parts I-VI. Hong Kong, 1847-59. (Microfilm copy).\n\nPurchased. Transactions of the Korea Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. Vol.XXXVIII. Vol.XXXIX. Seoul, 1961-2.\n\nExchange. Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies. N.S. Vol.III, No.2; Vol.IV, Nos.1-2. (Combined issue). Taiwan, 1963-64.\n\nExchange. What's On in Hong Kong. 2nd Year, No.2. Hong Kong, 1964.\n\nPresented.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204873, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 176, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n151 \n\nevacuation (1662-1669). But it is certain that Tung Chung and Sha Lo Wan had a share in the incense trade which terminated with the evacuation. Wild incense trees can still be found but the art of making incense sticks has vanished.\n\nThe ancestors of the people living in the valley may have migrated into the area from the north in 1669 but the area has been, until recently, notorious for occurrences of malaria which claimed heavy tolls. The entire population may have been completely wiped out several times, as the oldest of the families has a family history of no more than seven generations.\n\nTung Chung came into the limelight again when Cheung Pao Tsai and his pirate band who had been using the bay as one of their bases to prey upon the coastal trade of the South China Sea, successfully repelled a Ching naval contingent after a ten-day battle in the Ping Chung Bay in the twelfth year of Chia Ching's reign (1807). The trouble was finally quelled in 1809 when Cheung Pao Tsai surrendered and his pirates were disbanded.\n\n2\n\nWith the suppression of the pirates, trade flourished. The Viceroy at Canton petitioned the Ch'ing Government in 1817 saying that \"Ta Yu Shan of San On District, an isolated island, is on the (trade) route of the ships of the \"barbarians\". Tung Chung and Tai O are the only places where these \"barbarian\" ships can anchor. A fort at Chi Yi Kok2 with a Captain(?) and soldiers from the Tai Pang Camp has been maintained but there is no garrison at Tung Chung. As the two places are very far apart, eight garrison houses should be built at the mouth of the Tung Chung Rivers and two batteries (the fort), seven garrison houses and one arsenal should be constructed on the foot of Shek Shee ShanJ. \"6 The petition was accepted and the work was completed in the same year. Whether the work was carried out as requested by the Viceroy has still to be proved. However, the fort has been relatively well preserved and seven old\n\n2 Fan Lau (), 24 miles from Tai O.\n\n3 Nan Tau (南頭), Po On District, 15 miles to the north of Lantau.\n\n4 The distance is 6 miles across the main watershed and about 9 miles along the coast.\n\n5 The idea was to prevent the \"barbarians\" from drawing fresh water for their ships.\n\n6 Kwangtung Annals (廣東通志), p. 2,530.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204874, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 177, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "152\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\ncannons still point to the sea. The inscription on two of these both on the eastern wing, is relatively clear. The words on the easternmost one show that the cannon was cast in the eighth moon of the fourteenth year of the reign of Chia Ching (1809), serial number Ching 80, weighing 1,000 catties (1,333 lbs.) and was cast by the master of the Man Shing Furnace. The second cannon was cast by order of the Fat Shan Magistrate in the tenth moon of the twenty-first year of the reign of Tao Kuang (1841) by Craftsmen Lee, Chan and Fok. The two dates are rather interesting. It can be imagined that the first cannon was transferred from the Fort at Nan Fau when the fort was first built and the second was cast in Fat Shan specifically for this Tung Chung Fort when Viceroy Lin wished to strengthen coastal fortification as he feared that Captain Elliot might attack the coastal areas of Kwangtung. Two of the cannons on the western side have shapes distinctly foreign to the Chinese, and they are more subjected to weathering than the others. As these rather remind the observer of those kept in the Raffles National Museum and the Malacca Museum, it is possible that these pieces might have been captured from the Portuguese or might have been cast with their help earlier on.\n\nThe granite slabs used for building the fort are foreign to the valley. They might have come from Chek Lap Kok Island across the Bay or might even have been brought in from T'un Mun (Castle Peak). There are many of these slabs lying about the fort and some have found their way to becoming part of a rural house. Recent site preparation for an extension of the school building revealed a tiled floor below the present ground level. Had some sort of a garrison been maintained throughout the dynasties? Is the present form of the fort a result of several expansions in the nineteenth century? Were there originally more cannons mounted on the battlements? Where are the sites of the other constructions mentioned in the Annals? The answers to these questions would be of great value in establishing the important role played by Lantau in the history of the region.\n\nLOAN-WORDS IN THE CHINESE LANGUAGE\n\nA gap in our knowledge which I suggest should be filled would be to establish the date of the introduction into China of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204888, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 191, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "166\n\nRATH, F. C.\n\nREID, A. R.\n\nRICHARDS, G.\n\nRIDE, Lady L. T.* RIDE, Sir L. T.*\n\nROBINSON, F. C.\n\n+\n\nROOKE, Miss B. E.\n\nROSS, Cdr. R. D.\n\nROTHE, U.*\n\nROY, Dr. A.\n\n+\n\nRUDGE, Mrs. A. K.\n\nRUMJAHN, S. M.\n\n+\n\nRUTTONJEE, Mrs. A.\n\nRUTTONJEE, Hon. D.\n\nRYAN, The Rev. Father T. F.\n\nRYDINGS, H. A.\n\nSAUNDERS, J. A. H.\n\nSCHOYER, B. P.\n\nSCHWARZ, Miss M. D.*\n\nSCOTT, A. C.\n\nSCOTT, J. M.\n\nSELLERS, D.\n\nSELLETT, G.*\n\nSHEKURY, Miss E.\n\nSHEPHARD, A. J.\n\nSHU, Dr. H. T.\n\nSHUI, Chien-tung\n\nH\n\n+\n\nMuller & Phipps (China) Ltd., P.O. Box 25, H.K.\n\nP.O. Box 479, H.K.\n\n19, Douglas Apts., Old Peak Road, H.K. The Lodge, 1 University Drive, H.K.\n\nAs above.\n\nc/o The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\n3-B, 3 University Drive, H.K.\n\nH.M.S. Tamar, H.K.\n\nc/o Deutsch-Asiatische Bank, Postfach 944, 2 Hamburg 1, Germany.\n\nChung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, New Territories.\n\n2 Macdonnell Road, H.K.\n\nP.O. Box 448, H.K.\n\n2 Conduit Road, H.K.\n\nAs above.\n\nWah Yan College, 281, Queen's Road, East, H.K.\n\nH.K. University Library, H.K.\n\nc/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K.\n\nNew Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon.\n\n1 Clovelly Court, 12 May Road, H.K.\n\nUniv. of Wisconsin, Dept. of Speech, 2201 Univ. Ave., Madison 6, Wisconsin, U.S.A.\n\nc/o H.K. Exchange Control, Fung House, H.K.\n\nc/o Labour Department, 22 Ice House Street, H.K.\n\n\"Pinecrest\", N.K.I.L. 3543 Tai Po Road, Kowloon.\n\n14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K.\n\n70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. Tsing Hua College, 263 Prince Edward Road, Kowloon.\n\nLife Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204890, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 193, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "168\n\nTALBOT, H. D. TANG, Sir Shiu-kin* \n\nTHOMAS, L. F. \n\n· \n\nTHOMAS, Dr. O. L. . \n\nDept. of Geography, The University, H.K. Kowloon Motor Bus Co. (1933) Ltd., 505, \n\nPedder Building, H.K. \n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert \n\nRoad, H.K. \n\nFlat 5, \"Cliffside\", King's Park Rise, \n\nKowloon. \n\nTHOMPSON, Lt. Col. P. H. CRE, Hong Kong, B.F.P.O.1, H.K. \n\nTHOMPSON, R. W. \n\nTHORN, Mrs. R. \n\nTILL, The Very Rev. B.* \n\nTOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie TOWNER, J. A. \n\nTREGEAR, Miss M. \n\nTRISTRAM, M. P. W. \n\nTSEUNG, Dr. F. I. \n\nTURNER, Sir M.* \n\nUHALLEY, S. Jr. \n\n+ \n\nVETCH, H. \n\nVETCH, Mrs. H. \n\nVIO, Dr. E. G. \n\nVISCHER, Mrs. H. B. \n\nVISICK, Mrs. M. \n\nVOGEL, E. F. \n\nWALDEN, J. C. C. \n\nWAN, Dr. Yik S. \n\nWARD, Miss B. E. \n\nWARD, Miss J. E, A. \n\n- \n\n+ \n\n- \n\n- \n\nSenior Lecturer in Spanish, Univ. of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad, W.I. \n\n14D, Headland Road, Hong Kong. \n\n3, Mulbury Road, London W.14, England. 19, Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K. District Office, South, 36 Gascoigne Road, \n\nKowloon. \n\n24 Portland Road, Oxford, England. \n\nValuation Dept., \n\n- \n\n► \n\nRating & \n\nBuilding, 9/F., H.K. \n\n- \n\n- \n\n+ \n\nChina Building, 4th floor, H.K. \n\nMan Yee \n\n\"Whispers\", Riversdale, Bourne End, Bucks, \n\nEngland. \n\nc/o The Asia Foundation, 2 Old Peak \n\nRoad, H.K. \n\nHong Kong Univ. Press, The University, \n\nH.K. \n\nAs above. \n\n315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. \n\nA-23, Estoril Court, 15 Garden Road, H.K. \n\nDept. of English, The University, H.K. \n\n3A, Marigold Road, 1st floor, Kowloon. \n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert \n\nRoad, H.K. \n\n2, Hoi Ping Road, Causeway Bay, H.K. \n\nc/o Miss Janet E. A. Ward, National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, N. Devon, England. \n\nc/o National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, \n\nN. Devon, England. \n\n• Life Member \n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204891, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 194, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "169\n\nWARD, W. L.\n\nWATSON, K. A.\n\nWEI, Dr. Tat\n\n-\n\nWEINREBE, H. M.\n\nWEISS, K.\n\nWELCH, H. H.*\n\nWIANT, B.\n\nWILLAN, E. G.\n\n-\n\nWILLIAMS, H. V.\n\nWILLIAMS, Mrs. H.\n\n+\n\nWILLIAMS, Miss H. M.\n\nWILLIAMS, P. B.\n\nWILMOT-MORGAN, Mrs. D. M.\n\nWILSON, B. D.\n\n+\n\nApt. 3, No. 7 Magazine Gap Road, HK.\n\nc/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K.\n\nH.K. Anti-Tuberculosis Assn., Queen's Rd., E., H.K.\n\nWeinrebe & Pennell, Ltd., 1103-4 Yu To Sang Bldg., H.K.\n\nP. O. Box 718, H.K\n\n33 Lexington Road, Concord, Mass., USA.\n\nChung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, New Territories.\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\nN.T. Administration Headquarters, North Kowloon Magistracy, Taipo Road, Kowloon.\n\nc/o District Office, Taipo, New Territories.\n\n612, King's Park House, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Colony Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K.\n\nGilrudding Cottage, Winterbourne Kingston, Nr. Bournemouth, Dorset, England.\n\nSecretariat for Chinese Affairs, Fire Brigade Building, H.K.\n\nWINKLER, Mr. & Mrs. E.\n\n402 Clovelly Court, 12 May Road, H.K.\n\nWONG, Ching-yau\n\n-\n\nWONG, Kwok Fong\n\nWONG, Pao-Hsie\n\nWONG, Prof. Po-shang\n\nWONG, Shing-tsang\n\nWOO, Dr. Pak-foo\n\nWORTHY, E. H. Jr.\n\nWOU, Dr. Paul, P. C.\n\nWRIGHT, Miss B. R.\n\nWRIGHT, D. A. L.\n\n+\n\n-\n\n22, Middle Gap Road, H.K.\n\n92A, Pokfulum Road, 1st floor, H.K.\n\nc/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K.\n\nB-5, Wah Kiu Mansion, 1st floor, 80 Tai Po Rd., Kowloon.\n\n16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st floor, H.K.\n\n204 China Building, H.K.\n\nNew Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon.\n\nWise Mansion 8-C, 52 Robinson Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of Education, The University, H.K.\n\nc/o Hong Kong Club, H.K.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204896, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 4, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "OBJECTS OF THE SOCIETY\n\nThe Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal.\n\nA brochure containing a short history of the Hong Kong Branch, together with a list of lectures given before the Society since its revival, can be obtained by prospective members from the Hon. Secretary, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong.\n\nNOTE TO CONTRIBUTORS\n\nThe Editorial Committee welcomes contributions from non-members as well as from members. Articles, notes and queries, and other material dealing with such subjects as the history, languages, literature, art, social customs, and natural history of Hong Kong and adjacent areas will be considered for publication.\n\nContributors are requested to follow closely the style sheet of the Journal, obtainable from the Editor. Contributions of over 20,000 words will not normally be accepted for publication in the Journal. They may, however, be submitted for consideration as monographs.\n\nAll communications intended for publication should be type-written in double spacing on one side of the paper only, leaving adequate margins. They should be sent to the Hon. Editor, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204897, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 5, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "CONTENTS\n\nPAGE\n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1964\n\nHON. TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1964\n\nTRANSACTIONS OF THE BRANCH, 1964 - 1965:\n\n✓ Archeological Discovery in and around Hong Kong S. G. Davis\n\nNiah Cave, 1947 - 1964 T. HARRISSON\n\nCHINA BRANCH TRANSACTIONS REPRINT:\n\nThe Population of China SIR JOHN BOWRING\n\nARTICLES CONTRIBUTED:\n\nThe Dialects of Hong Kong\n\nBoat People: Kau Sai J. McCoy\n\nThe Southern Sung Stone Engraving at North Fu-t'ang JEN YU-WEN\n\nPiracy on the China Coast A. D. BLUE\n\nThe Hong Kong The Chinese University of S. HUANG\n\nReview Article: Government and People in Hong Kong, by G. B. Endacott C. LUPTON\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nLIST OF Members\n\n1\n\n6\n\n9\n\n20\n\n27\n\n46\n\n65\n\n69\n\n86\n\n95\n\n101\n\n116\n\n127", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204900, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 8, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "20th January \n\n9th March \n\n23rd March \n\n27th April \n\n9/10th May \n\n25th May \n\n22nd June \n\n2nd September \n\n27th October \n\nMr. J. L. Cranmer-Byng, M.C., M.A. \n\n\"The Macartney Embassy Through Chinese Eyes\". \n\nProfessor J. K. Fairbank \n\n\"The Western Response to China”, \n\nAnnual General Meeting \n\nProfessor F. S. Drake, O.B.E., B.A., B.D., \n\n\"The Jewish Colony at Kaifeng and its Relation to other Monotheistic Faiths in China”. \n\nSymposium on Social Organization of Villages in the New Territories, including visits to villages in the New Territories. \n\nMr. Michael Lau, B.A., PID.ED.(H.K.), M.A.(HARV.) \"The Fung Ping Shan Museum”. \n\nDr. Marjorie Topley, B.SC.(ECON.), PH.D. \"Some of China's Little Known Religious Sects, and Their Migration Overseas”. \n\nMr. Tom Harrisson, D.S.O., O.B.E., \n\n\"Living Cultures in the Niah Context of Prehistory\". \n\nPeter Scott, Esq., C.B.E., D.S.C. \n\n\"The Conservation of the World's Wild Life and Wilderness”. \n\n16th November Professor Chao Mei-pa, B.A. \n\n\"A Brief Sketch of Chinese Music\", with instrumental illustrations by Dr. C. K. Wong and folksongs by Barbara Fei, Winnie Wei and Lee Bing. \n\nOf particular interest was the enthusiasm and the spirit of inquiry that were exemplified in the Symposium held on 9th and 10th May on the Social Organization of Villages in the New Territories which was organized and conducted by Dr. Marjorie Topley and Mr. R. E. Lawry with the active participation of two anthropologists from the University of London and District Officers of the New Territories, whose work had brought them", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204906, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 14, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "9\n\n# ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCOVERY IN AND\n\n## AROUND HONG KONG\n\nA lecture delivered on 15th February, 1965\n\nS. G. DAVIS\n\nThe exhibition of neolithic finds in our City Hall has for the first time brought together the choicest specimens from the collections of Rev. Fr. D. J. Finn S.J., who concentrated his main work on Lamma Island, Rev. Fr. R. Maglioni who worked along the Kwangtung coast around Swabue, and the University of Hong Kong Archaeological Team that excavated at Man Kok Tsui on Lantau Island. The sites were all dug carefully and have fortunately been written-up in detail and published. But they represent a very small fraction of the total number of sites that have been recorded together with those not so far discovered in this part of South China.\n\nMany sites have only been examined cursorily and there is still very much work to be done with well-organized \"digs\". Unfortunately many sites have suffered and many finds have been lost through free-lance enthusiasts with varying degrees of competence not working systematically and not keeping detailed records.\n\nThe vast amount of pottery and artifacts already found in this area certainly indicates the population in neolithic times was considerable and that there were well-established communications throughout. The types of materials used, the quality of design and the workmanship also point to a civilization that was highly cultured and organized.\n\nIt is strange that neolithic archaeology in China was neglected or barely known until the present century. Berthold Laufer claimed in his Chinese Pottery of the Han Dynasty (12) that the first mention of Han pottery in European literature was made by S. W. Bushell in his book Oriental Ceramic Art (New York,\n\nEditor's note: Numbers in parentheses in the text are references to fuller particulars on specific book titles in the bibliography which accompanies the article.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204907, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "S. G. DAVIS\n\n1897). Laufer also pointed out that the only reference that he could find in Chinese literature to pottery of the Han Dynasty is by Chow Mi in the Kuei Hsin Tsa Shih, Chow Mi lived under the Southern Sung Dynasty in the thirteenth century.\n\nSuch an observation by Laufer is of importance because he was an established authority on Chinese archaeology. As Curator of Anthropology at the Field Museum of Natural History in Chicago he was in China from 1901 to 1904 collecting specimens and making investigations with the Jacob H. Schiff Chinese expedition. He returned again to China in 1910 with the Mrs. T. B. Blackstone expedition. While he collected most of his Chou and Han pottery mainly in Shensi Province he also travelled widely in China and visited Canton and Hong Kong. Thus he would certainly have reported Han pottery if it had been known in the area.\n\nThis relatively recent discovery of neolithic archaeology in China is certainly paralleled here in Hong Kong. The first reference to it that I can find is by Dr. C. M. Heanley in 1928 when he described Hong Kong celts (8). Dr. Heanley, who fortunately is still active and keenly interested in Hong Kong (I received a letter from him recently), lives in Salisbury, Southern Rhodesia. He was head of the Government Vaccine and Bacteriological Department and in his spare time was a devoted amateur geologist. He knew of Laufer's work and in his article on celts referred to Laufer's statement that prehistory stone implements were scarce in China. Heanley suggested that they were only scarce because prospectors did not know how to look for them. He said, \"To find celts in South China select the crests and spurs of granite hills bared of vegetation by rain erosion. Do not look for celts but look for isolated fragments of pottery and water-worn stones. The eyes should be kept ranging well ahead and on either side and little attention given to the ground near the feet.\" Heanley estimated that on granite outcrops in Hong Kong there was an average of about 30 to 40 celts to the square mile within 600 yards of the sea and land reclaimed from the sea.\n\nDr. Heanley's shrewd advice to prospectors has helped considerably in later searches. It is on raised beaches, terraces and hill-spurs that most of our archaeological remains have been\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204908, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 16, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCOVERY\n\n11\n\nfound. The explanation for this is that this part of South China has been rising relative to sea level. This positive rise is connected with isostasy and eustatic movements of the oceans that cause cycles of submergence and emergence. Assuming a rise of one foot every hundred years then, Hong Kong in the last 2,500 years has risen 25 feet,\n\nDr. Heanley and his friend Mr. Walter Schofield, a government administrator, gathered a large and varied collection of celts from Kowloon, Cheung Chau and Lantau Island. Examination of this collection by experts soon established that they were not just freaks of nature but definite human artifacts. Since Heanley's first notification, other workers have found them in practically every part of the Colony, and contrary to his belief that they were principally found on granite hills, they have been found often in abundance on every other rock outcrop represented in the area — especially volcanic rock. It may be that because of the extreme susceptibility of granite to erosion, which causes 'badland country' with thin or no vegetation cover, the celts can be seen more easily,\n\nIncluding the places mentioned by Dr. Heanley, celts can still be found in the fields, on raised beaches or on low hills at Tai Wan, Hung Shing Ye, Yung Shu Wan, Aberdeen, Tai Po, Castle Peak, San Hui, So Kun Wat, Tsun Wan, Shatin, Shataukok, Man Kok Tsui, Ha Tsuen, Sheung Shui, Shek Pik, Sai Kung, Lai Chi Chung, Sok Ku Wan, Fanling and Kau Sai Chau.\n\nMuch is owed to Dr. Heanley, Mr. Schofield and Professor J. L. Shellshear, who was head of the Anatomy Department in the University of Hong Kong, for their conscientious and patient work in combing the Colony for other archaeological remains and sites after the celts had been identified. I have been told by our Vice-President, Sir Lindsay Ride, who knew all three intimately and often accompanied them on their field trips, that they were superbly energetic and covered tremendous distances in a day at great speed. Only fit and enthusiastic walkers could hope to last a whole day with them. They located several prehistoric sites, the most notable being So Kun Wat, Shek Pik and those at the northwest end of Lamma Island.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204913, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 21, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "16\n\nS. G. DAVIS\n\nThe findings of the Man Kok Tsui site showed similar remains to those reported by Father Finn and Dr. Schofield at Hung Shing Ye, Yung Shu Wan and Tai Wan on Lamma Island and Shek Pik on Lantau Island. There was also a similarity of seashore settlements on raised beaches and low hills. Geologically however the sites are dissimilar. The Lamma sites are on granodiorite, Shek Pik on volcanic rock and Man Kok Tsui on porphyritic granite.\n\nAlthough the finds at Man Kok Tsui were not as varied as those from the other sites mentioned above, the area of study was wider and closer attention was given to the relative position and distribution of finds. These showed a rough zoning of finds leading to a possible theory of \"working\", \"dwelling\" and \"burial\" areas.\n\nThe map of archaeological sites and positions of discovered remains indicates the richness of our Hong Kong area. Recent site studies have been made at Ha Tsuen, Deep Bay; Fanling; Upper and Lower Shek Pik villages, Lantau Island; and at Kau Sai Chau, Rocky Harbour (27).\n\nDuring the levelling of the Shek Pik Reservoir in March 1962 the bulldozing machines brought to light coins clearly dated in age from A.D. 713 to 1226 (Tang Dynasty to Sung). Also found were richly glazed potsherds,\n\nThese finds come from poor farming land, until recently malarial and with no nearby natural resources of economic value. They might have been the property of a rich man (or party) who was possibly in transit or resting, or as has been suggested was the property of the court of the boy Sung emperor, Ti Cheng. In A.D. 1277 when the Mongols were extending their control over China, Ti Cheng in his flight stayed for some time in Kowloon City. Later he crossed the mouth of the Canton River over to Chung Shan, and thus probably travelled along the southern shore of Lantau Island, going ashore for food and rest.\n\nIn 1954 when the Shek Pik area was being surveyed for a reservoir, the University Team was first to do archaeological work there by trenching across the sandy raised beach, where in 1938, Professor W. Schofield had reported artifacts. During the work, a rock carving behind the beach was found about 200 yards from the seashore on the east side of the valley. It was cleaned up and later in 1958 had a protecting wall built round it,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204915, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 23, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "18\n\nS. G. DAVIS\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\n1. Bard, S. M., Chiu, T. N., and So, C. L. \"Stone Ring at Loh Ah Tsai, Lamma Island, Hong Kong,\" Asian Perspectives, VIII.\n\n2. Ch'en Kung-che (1957). \"Archaeological Surveys and Excavations at Hong Kong,\" Kao Koo Hsueh Po, No. 4.\n\n3. Davis, S. G. (1952). The Geology of Hong Kong (Archaeology), Government Printers, Chapter XI, pp. 188-194.\n\n4. Davis, S. G. and Tregear, M. (1961). \"Man Kok Tsui. Archaeological Site, 30, Lantau Island, Hong Kong,\" Asian Perspectives, IV.\n\n5. Davis, S. G. (1962). \"Hong Kong University Team Archaeological Activities for Period 1958-61,\" Asian Perspectives, V, 53.\n\n6. Davis, S. G. (1964). \"Rock Carvings at Shek Pik, Lantau Island, Hong Kong,\" Asian Perspectives, VII, 19-21.\n\n7. Finn, D. J. (1933-1936). \"Archaeological Finds on Lamma Island, Hong Kong,\" The Hong Kong Naturalist, Reprinted 1958, Ricci Hall Publications, University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong.\n\n8. Heanley, C. M. (1928). \"Hong Kong Celts,\" Bull. Geol. Soc. of China, VII, 209-214.\n\n9. Heanley, C. M. and Shellshear, J. L. (1932). A Contribution to the Prehistory of Hong Kong and the New Territories.\n\n10. Heanley, C. M. (1935). \"Fields of Hong Kong,\" The Hong Kong Naturalist, VI, 233-239.\n\n11. Heanley, C. M. (1938). \"Letter to the Editor on Archaeological Finds in Hoifung,\" The Hong Kong Naturalist, IX.\n\n12. Laufer, B. (1909). Chinese Pottery of the Han Dynasty, American Museum of Natural History Publication, East Asiatic Committee.\n\n13. Laufer, B. (1914). Chinese Clay Figures, Part I, Chicago Field Museum of Natural History, Publication 154.\n\n14. Laufer, B. (1917). The Beginnings of Porcelain in China, Field Museum of Natural History, Publication 192, Anthropological Series, XV, No. 2.\n\n15. Lo, H. L. (1956). \"The Sung Wong Toi and the Location of the Travelling Courts by the Seashore in the Last Day of the Sung,\" Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol. 3, No. 2, 185-217.\n\n16. Maglioni, R. (1938). \"Archaeological Finds in Hoifung District, China,\" The Hong Kong Naturalist, No. 8, 208-214.\n\n17. Maglioni, R. (1940). \"Archaeology: New Nomenclature,\" The Hong Kong Naturalist, X, No. 2, 130-133.\n\n18. Maglioni, R. (1940). \"Some Aspects of South China Archaeological Finds,\" Proceedings of the Third Congress of Prehistorians of the Far East, Singapore, 209-229.\n\n19. Maglioni, R. (1952). \"Archaeology in South China,\" Journal of East Asiatic Studies, No. 2, University of Manila, Philippine Islands, 1-20.\n\n20. Meanelly, E. (1962). \"Excavations at Man Kok Tsui on Lantau Island,\" Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 2, 103-108.\n\n21. Schofield, W. (1935). \"Implements of Palaeolithic Type in Hong Kong,\" The Hong Kong Naturalist, VI, Nos. 3-4, 272-275.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204916, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 24, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCOVERY\n\n19\n\n22. Schofield, W. (1938). \"The Proto-historic Site of the Hong Kong Culture at Shek Pik, Lantau, Hong Kong,\" Proceedings of Third Congress of Prehistorians of the Far East, Singapore, 235-305.\n\n23. Schofield, W. (1938). \"Report of Ancient Beads Found Near Hong Kong,\" Proceedings of the Third Congress of Prehistorians of the Far East, Singapore,\n\n24. Seligman, C. G. (1935). \"Early Pottery from Southern China,\" Transactions, Oriental Ceramic Society, London,\n\n25. Shellshear, J. L. (1928). \"Pottery Associated with Bronze Implements from Hong Kong,\" Proceedings of the First International Congress of Prehistoric and Proto-historic Sciences, London,\n\n26. Weinberger, W. (1949). \"Some Notes on Early Pottery and Stone Artifacts Excavated on Lamma Island, Hong Kong,\" Transactions, Oriental Ceramic Society.\n\n27. Welch, M. W. (1962). “A New Archaeological Site in Hong Kong,\" Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 2, 109-114.\n\n28. Yuen, P. L. (1928). \"Review of the Hong Kong Neolithic Collection,\" Bull. Geol. Soc. of China, VII, Nos. 3-4, 215-220.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204921, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 29, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "T. HARRISSON\n\ntiny flakes, remain. It is planned to concentrate on continuing down to deeper levels when we resume field work later in 1964.\n\n2. West Mouth (b) rest of outer mouth-rich, undisturbed stone-age occupation in light area; stratified sequence from late neolithic down to full palaeolithic occupation; about 700 square feet completed.\n\n3. West Mouth, (c) inner, half dark section not in general early use as occupation, but dense late Stone Age cemetery, and up to early Iron. Eighty burials so far exposed; most treated and left in site for fuller physical study.\n\n4. Lobang Angin (“Wind Mouth\") - a shelf of c.400 square feet high on cliff edge, fully occupied before the late Stone Age and back into the palaeolithic; excavations, half-done so far, will be completed.\n\n5. Gan Kira (Traders Cave\") — a smaller rockshelf near sea level, evidently a neolithic trading camp, which includes an apparent murder incident and scattered sub-surface skeletons (some beheaded). Fully excavated down to limestone bedrock (fossil oysters, O.gigas).\n\n6. Lobang Tulang (“Caves of Bones\")-cliff grottos full of jar and other secondary burials, mainly of the early birds' nest trade with China period (?900 - 1200 A.D.); bronze and other finds; completed.\n\n7. Kain Hitam (\"the Painted Cave\")-a separate cave high in a limestone island, discovered by Barbara Harrisson in 1958; 200 feet of wall paintings above floor littered with \"death ships\" and an abundance of bone, beads, porcelain and stoneware sherds, etc. Evidently this was the centre of elaborate prehistoric funerary rites, related to those still extant in the Niah River (as filmed). C-14 dates on four \"death ships\" so far received give between 0 and 780 A.D.\n\nExcavated in 200×5 foot square blocks correlated to wall paintings. A small section was left for a check-study in 1965.\n\n8. Samti - a small rock shelter in an isolated corner of the Great Cave formation, which also held death ship remains.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204926, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "27\n\nTHE POPULATION OF CHINA\n\nA LETTER ON THE POPULATION OF CHINA,\n\naddressed to the Registrar General, London:\n\nBy SIR JOHN BOWRING. Read to the Society, 8th August, 1855.\n\n(Editor's Note:-Beginning with the present volume the Society will reprint a selected article from the Transactions of the old China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society whenever it is convenient to do so. There were published in Hong Kong six Transactions of the China Branch between the years 1847 and 1859. The only known complete extant sets of the Transactions in the Colony are the microfilmed sets recently acquired by the Library of the University of Hong Kong and by the Society. The present selection is taken from Transactions, Part V, 1855, pp. 1-16. The author was Governor of Hong Kong, 1854 to 1859, and an able early President of the Society. The subject is one of continuing, intriguing interest. The article is reprinted here in its original, unrevised form.)\n\nGovernment House, Hong Kong, 13th July, 1855.\n\nSir, I wish it were possible to give a satisfactory reply to your inquiries as to the real Population of China.\n\nThere has been no official census taken since the time of Kia King, 43 years ago. Much doubt has been thrown upon the accuracy of these returns, which give 362,447,183 as the total number of the inhabitants of China. I think our greater knowledge of the country increases the evidence in favour of the approximative correctness of the official document, and that we may with tolerable safety estimate the present population of the Chinese Empire as between 350,000,000 and 400,000,000 of human beings. The penal Laws of China make provision for a general system of registration; and corporal punishments, generally amounting to 100 blows of the bamboo, are to be inflicted on those who neglect to make the proper returns. The machinery is confided to the Elders of the district, and the census is required to be annually taken; but I have no reason to believe the law is obeyed, or the neglect of it punished,\n\nIn the English translation of Father Alvares Semedo's history of China published in London A.D. 1655, is the following passage\n\n\"This kingdom is so exceedingly populous, that having lived there two-and-twenty years, I was in no less amazement at my", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204927, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 35, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "28\n\nSIR JOHN BOWRING\n\ncoming away than in the beginning, at the multitude of the people. Certainly the truth exceedeth all hyperboles, not only in the cities, towns, and public places, but also in the highway there is as great a concourse as is usual in Europe on some great festival. And if we will refer ourselves to the general register book wherein only the common men are enrolled, leaving out women, children, eunuchs, professors of letters and arms, there are reckoned of them to be fifty-eight millions fifty-five thousand one hundred and four score.\" The minuteness of the enumeration would seem to shew that the father quoted some official Document.\n\nI forward herewith two Tabular Statements which I have copied from Dr. Williams' Middle Kingdom, one of the best books on China. The first (No. 1) gives a list of the various estimates from A.D. 1393 to 1812, with the authorities quoted. The second is a re-arranged statement of Censuses taken at different periods, (No. 2).\n\nAs there are few men in China more diligent or better instructed than Dr. Williams, I thought it desirable to communicate with him in order to ascertain his present views as to the credit which may properly be attached to the official statistics of China. I send copy of his letter, (No. 3).\n\nI do not know that there is any safer course than to reason from details to generals, from the known to the unknown; and I have taken every opportunity which my intercourse with the Chinese has afforded me, to obtain, if not correct, at least approximative, information as to the true Statistics of the country. It may be affirmed without any hesitation, that as regards the Five Ports and the adjacent districts, to which we have access, the population is so numerous as to furnish argument that the number of inhabitants of the entire Empire is very much greater than is represented by the official returns. These localities cannot be taken as fair averages; for, naturally enough, increased commercial activity has brought with it a flow of new settlers, and there can be no doubt that some of the ancient seats of commerce have lost much of their population in losing their trade; but whether all the causes of decline in particular spots have much counteracted the fecundity of the Chinese races considered as a whole, may well be questioned.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204928, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "THE POPULATION OF CHINA \n\n29 \n\nSome years ago I had an opportunity of discussing the subject of Chinese population with the Mandarin at Ningpo who was charged with making the returns for that district. Ningpo can scarcely be called a progressive place; it is decidedly the least so of the Five Treaty Ports; but I found, generally speaking, that the real returns were considerably in excess of the official estimates. \n\nAnd I would remark, that, in taking the area of the Eighteen Provinces of China at 1,348,870 square miles, the census of 1812 would give 268 persons to a square mile, which is considerably less than the population of the densely peopled countries of Europe. \n\nAccording to ancient usage, the population in China is grouped under four heads, 1, Scholars; 2, Husbandmen; 3, Mechanics; 4, Merchants. There is a numerous class who are considered almost as social outcasts, such as Stage-players, professional Gamblers, Beggars, Convicts, Outlaws, and others; and these probably form no part of the population returns. In the more remote rural districts, on the other hand, the returning officer most probably contents himself with giving the average of more accessible and better-peopled localities. \n\nI have no means of obtaining any satisfactory tables to show the proportions which different ages bear to one another in China, or the average mortality at different periods of human life; yet to every decade of life the Chinese apply some special designation:- The age of 10, is called \"the Opening Degree\"; 20, “Youth expired\"; 30, \"Strength and Marriage”; 40, “Officially Apt\"; 50, \"Error knowing\"; 60, “Cycle Closing\"; 70, \"Rare Bird of Age\"; 80, \"Rusty visaged\"; 90, \"Delayed\"; 100, \"Age's Extremity.” Among the Chinese the amount of reverence grows with the number of years. I made, some years ago, the acquaintance of a Buddhist priest living in the convent of Tien Tung near Ningpo, who was more than a century old, and whom people of rank were in the habit of visiting in order to show their respect and to obtain his autograph. He had the civility to give me a very fair specimen of his handwriting. There are not only many establishments for the reception of the aged, but the Penal Code provides severe punishments for those who refuse to relieve the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204930, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "The Population of China\n\n31\n\nAs these returns bear no proportion to the general population of the country, or to the relative extent of the various provinces, many fortuitous and local circumstances must have caused the obvious incongruities. For example: in the adjacent provinces of Kwangtung and Kwangse, in which the whole mass of population is in the proportion of two to one, the recipients are as 46 to 1, and as regards age, while the proportion of those above 80 is represented at 19 to 1, those above 90 are only a little more than 5 to 1. In all these matters the greater or less co-operation of the local authorities is one of the most important elements in producing a result. Kwangse is extremely mountainous, and bordered on the northwest by the country of the Meaou-tsz, or aborigines, the districts adjoining which are but in a half-reclaimed state, and governed by officers of a character and denomination distinct from those of the Provinces. But it is inexplicable that the province of Pechile, in which Peking is situated, should exhibit so small a proportional return, especially as compared with the adjacent province of Shantung. Hoo Kwang, with a population of 26 millions, has 37,354 indigent persons above 70, while Szechuen, whose population is 21 millions, presents only 176 persons in that category.\n\nI think there is abundant evidence of redundant population pressing more and more heavily upon, and suffering more and more severely from, an inadequate supply of food. Though there are periods when extraordinary harvests enable the Chinese to transport rice, the principal food of the people, from one province to another, — and sometimes even to foreign countries, —— yet of late the importations from foreign countries have been enormous, and China has drawn largely on the Straits, the Philippines, Siam, and other places, to fill up a vast insufficiency in supply. Famine has, notwithstanding, committed dreadful ravages, and the provisions of the Imperial Granaries have been wholly inadequate to provide for the public wants. It is true that cultivation has been greatly interfered with by intestine disorders, and that there has been much destruction by inundations, incendiarism, and other accidental or transitory causes; but without reference to these, I am disposed to believe that there is a greater increase in the numbers of the population than in the home production of food for their use. It must be remembered, too, that while the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204931, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 39, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "32 \n\nSIR JOHN BOWRING \n\nrace is thus augmenting, the causes which lead to the destruction of food, — such as the overflow of rivers, fires, ravages of locusts, bad seasons, and other calamities, — are to a great extent beyond the control of human prudence or human exertion. It would be difficult to show what new element could be introduced which would raise up the native supply of food beyond its present productiveness, considering that hand husbandry has given to cultivation more of a horticultural than an agricultural character.\n\nThe constant flow of emigration from China, contrasted with the complete absence of emigration into China, is striking evidence of the redundancy of the population; for though that emigration is almost wholly confined to two provinces, namely, Kwangtung and Fookien, representing together a population of probably from 34,000,000 to 35,000,000, I am disposed to think that a number nearer 3,000,000 than 2,000,000 from these provinces alone are located in foreign countries. In the kingdom of Siam, it is estimated that there are at least a Million and a Half of Chinese, of which 200,000 are in the capital (Bangkok). They crowd all the islands of the Indian Archipelago. In Java, we know by a correct census there are 136,000. Cochin China teems with Chinese. In this colony we are seldom without one, two, or three vessels taking Chinese emigrants to California and other places. Multitudes go to Australia, to the Philippines, to the Sandwich Islands, to the western coast of Central and Southern America: some have made their way to British India. The emigration to the British West Indies has been considerable; to the Havana greater still. The annual arrivals in Singapore are estimated at an average of 10,000, and 2,000 is the number that are said annually to return to China.* \n\nThere is not only this enormous maritime emigration, but a considerable inland efflux of Chinese towards Manchuria and Tibet; and it may be added, that the large and fertile islands of Formosa and Hainan have been to a great extent won from the aborigines by successive inroads of Chinese settlers. Now these are all males — there is not a woman to 10,000 men: hence perhaps the small social value of the female infant. Yet this perpetual out-flowing of people seems in no respect to diminish the number of those who are left behind. Few Chinamen leave \n\n* Journal of the Indian Archipelago, vol. ii, p. 286,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204932, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "The Population of China\n\n33\n\nTheir country without a fixed purpose to return to worship in the ancestral hall — to bring sacrifices to the tombs of their fathers; but it may be doubted if one in ten revisits his native land. The loss of life from disease — from bad arrangements — from shipwreck and other casualties, amounts to a frightful percentage on those who emigrate,\n\nThe multitudes of persons who live by the fisheries in China afford evidence not only that the land is cultivated to the greatest possible extent, but that it is insufficient to supply the necessities of the overflowing population; for agriculture is held in high honour in China, and the husbandman stands next in rank to the sage or literary man in the social hierarchy. It has been supposed that nearly a tenth of the population derive their means of support from fisheries. Hundreds and thousands of boats crowd the whole coast of China — sometimes acting in communities, sometimes independent and isolated. There is no species of craft by which a fish can be inveigled which is not practised with success in China — every variety of net, from vast seines embracing miles, to the smallest hand-net in the care of a child. Fishing by night and fishing by day, fishing in moon-light, by torch-light, and in utter darkness, fishing in boats of all sizes, fishing by those who are stationary on the rock by the sea-side, and by those who are absent for weeks on the wildest of seas, fishing by cormorants, fishing by divers, fishing with lines, with baskets by every imaginable decoy and device. There is no river which is not staked to assist the fisherman in his craft. There is no lake, no pond, which is not crowded with fish. A piece of water is nearly as valuable as a field of fertile land. At day-break every city is crowded with sellers of live fish, who carry their commodity in buckets of water, saving all they do not sell to be returned to the pond or kept for another day's service. And the lakes and ponds of China not only supply large provisions of fish — they produce considerable quantities of edible roots and seeds which are largely consumed by the people. Among these the esculent Arum, the Water Chestnut (Scirpus tuberosus) and the Lotus (Nelumbium) are the most remarkable.\n\nThe enormous river population of China, who live only in boats, who are born and educated, who marry, rear their families, and die — who, in a word, begin and end their existence", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204934, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "The Population of China \n\n35 \n\nIn all parts of China to which we have access, we find not only that every foot of ground is cultivated which is capable of producing anything, but that, from the value of land and the surplus of labour, cultivation is rather that of gardeners than of husbandmen. The sides of hills, in their natural declivity often unavailable, are, by a succession of artificial terraces, turned to profitable account. Every little bit of soil, though it be only a few feet in length and breadth, is turned to account; and not only is the surface of the land thus cared for, but every device is employed for the gathering together of every article that can serve for manure. Scavengers are constantly clearing the streets of the stercoraceous filth—the cloacae are farmed by speculators in human ordure; the most populous places are often made offensive by the means taken to prevent the precious deposits from being lost. The fields in China have almost always large earthenware vessels for the reception of the contributions of the peasant or the traveller. You cannot enter any of their great cities without meeting multitudes of men, women, and children, conveying liquid manure into the fields and gardens around. The stimulants to production are applied with most untiring industry. In this colony of Hong Kong, I scarcely ever ride out without finding some little bit of ground either newly cultivated or clearing for cultivation.\n\nAttention to the soil not only to make it productive, but as much productive as possible is inculcated as a political and social duty. One of the most admired sages of China (Yung-ching) says, \"Let there be no uncultivated spot in the country—no unemployed person in the city;\" and the 4th maxim of the sacred Edict of Kang-hi, which is required to be read through the Empire on the 1st and 15th day of every moon in the presence of all the Officers of State, is to the following effect: \"Let husbandry occupy the principal place, and the culture of the mulberry tree, so that there may be sufficient supply of food and clothing.” Shin Nung, the name of one of the most ancient and honoured of the Chinese Emperors, means \"the divine Husbandman.\"\n\nT\n\nJ\n\nThe arts of draining and irrigating, of preserving, preparing, and applying manure in a great variety of shapes, of fertilizing seeds—indeed all the details of Chinese Agriculture—are well\n\nL", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204935, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "36\n\nSIR JOHN BOWRING\n\ndeserving of note, and all display evidence of the inadequate proportion which the produce of the soil bears to the demands for the consumption of the people.*\n\nThe Chinese, again, have no prejudices whatever as regards food: they eat any thing and every thing from which they can derive nutrition. Dogs, especially puppies, are habitually sold for food and I have seen in the butchers' shops, large dogs skinned and hanging with their viscera by the side of pigs and goats. Even to rats and mice the Chinese have no objection, — neither to the flesh of monkeys and snakes: the sea slug is an aristocratical and costly delicacy which is never wanting, any more than the edible birds' nests, at a feast where honour is intended to be done to the guests. Unhatched ducks and chickens are a favourite dish. Nor do the early stages of putrefaction create any disgust: rotten eggs are by no means condemned to perdition; fish is the more acceptable when it has a strong fragrance and flavor to give more gusto to the rice.\n\nAs the food the Chinese eat is for the most part hard, coarse, and of little cost, so their beverages are singularly economical. Drunkenness is a rare vice in China, and fermented spirits or strong drinks are seldom used. Tea may be said to be the national, the universal beverage; and though that employed by the multitude does not cost more than from 3d. to 6d. per lb, an infusion of less costly leaves is commonly employed, especially in localities remote from the Tea districts. Both in eating and drinking the Chinese are temperate, and are satisfied with two daily meals \"the morning rice\" at about 10 a.m., and “the evening rice\" at 5 p.m. The only repugnance I have observed in China is to the use of milk -- an extraordinary prejudice, especially considering the Tartar influences which have been long dominant in the land; but I never saw or heard of butter, cream, milk, or whey, being introduced at any native Chinese table.\n\n* See a valuable paper on Chinese Agriculture in Chinese Repository, vol iii, pp. 121-27,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204936, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "# THE POPULATION OF CHINA \n\n37\n\nWhile so many elements of vitality are in a state of activity for the reproduction and sustenance of the human race, there is probably no part of the world in which the harvests of mortality are more sweeping and destructive than in China, producing voids which require no ordinary appliances to fill up. Multitudes perish absolutely from want of the means of existence; inundations destroy towns and villages and all their inhabitants; it would not be easy to calculate the loss of life by the typhoons or hurricanes which visit the coasts of China, in which boats and junks are sometimes sacrificed by hundreds and by thousands. The late civil wars in China must have led to the loss of millions of lives. The sacrifices of human beings by executions alone are frightful. At the moment in which I write, it is believed that from 400 to 500 victims fall daily by the hands of the headsman in the province of Kwang-tung alone. Reverence for life there is none, as life exists in superfluous abundance. A dead body is an object of so little concern, that it is sometimes not thought worth while to remove it from the spot where it putrefies on the surface of the earth. Often have I seen a corpse under the table of gamblers; often have I trod over a putrid body at the threshold of a door. In many parts of China, there are towers of brick or stone where toothless — principally female children — are thrown by their parents into a hole made in the side of the wall. There are various opinions as to the extent of Infanticide in China, but that it is a common practice in many provinces admits of no doubt. One of the most eloquent Chinese writers against infanticide, Kwei Chung Fu, professes to have been specially inspired by \"the God of literature\" to call upon the Chinese people to refrain from the inhuman practice, and declares that \"the God\" had filled his house with honors, and given him literary descendants, as the recompense for his exertions. Yet his denunciations scarcely go further than to pronounce it wicked in those to destroy their female children who have the means of bringing them up; and some of his arguments are strange enough: \"To destroy daughters,\" he says, \"is to make war upon heaven's harmony\" (in the equal numbers of the sexes): \"the more daughters you drown, the more daughters you will have; and never was it known that the drowning of daughters led to the birth of sons.\" He recommends abandoning children to their fate \"on the wayside\" as preferable to drowning them, and then says \"there are instances of children so exposed...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204937, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "38\n\nSIR JOHN BOWRING\n\nhaving been nursed and reared by tigers.\" \"Where should we have been,\" he asks, \"if our grandmothers and mothers had been drowned in their infancy?\" And he quotes two instances of the punishment of mothers who had destroyed their infants, one of whom had a blood-red serpent fastened to her thigh, and the other her four extremities turned into cow's feet.* Father Ripa mentions, that of abandoned children, the Jesuits baptized in Peking alone not less than three thousand yearly. I have seen ponds which are the habitual receptacle of female infants, whose bodies lie floating about on their surface.\n\nIt is by no means unusual to carry persons in a state of exhaustion a little distance from the cities, to give them a pot of rice, and to leave them to perish of starvation when the little store is exhausted. Life and death in China, beyond any other region, seem in a state of perpetual activity. The habits of the people, their traditions, the teachings of the sages all give a wonderful impulse to the procreative affections. A childless person is deemed an unhappy, not to say a degraded, man. The Chinese moralists set it down as a law, that if a wife give no children to her husband,\n\n*Doubt has been sometimes expressed as to the practice of Infanticide in China on any great scale; but abundance of evidence of the extent of the usage may be found in Chinese books. The following is a translation of a Decree of the Emperor Kanghi, entitled,-\n\n\"Edict prohibiting the drowning of children.\" \"When a mother mercilessly plunges beneath the water the tender offspring to which she has given birth, can it be said that it owes its life to her who thus takes away what it has just begun to enjoy? The poverty of the parents is the cause of this wrongdoing; they have difficulty in earning subsistence for themselves, still less can they pay nurses and undertake all the necessary expenses for their children; thus driven to despair, and unwilling to cause the death of two persons to preserve the life of one, it comes to pass that a mother to save her husband's life consents to destroy her children. Their natural tenderness suffers; but they at length determine to take this part, thinking themselves at liberty to dispose of the life of their children, in order to prolong their own. If they exposed these children in some unfrequented spot, their cries would move the hearts of the parents; what then do they? They cast the unfortunate babe into the current of a river, that they may at once lose sight of it, and in an instant deprive it of life. You have given me the name of Father of the People: though I cannot feel for these infants the tenderness of the parents to whom they owe their being, I cannot refrain from declaring to you, with the most painful feelings, that I absolutely forbid such homicides. The tiger, says one of our books, though it be a tiger, does not rend its own young; towards them it has a feeling breast, and continually cares for them. Poor as you may be, is it possible that you should become the murderers of your own children? is to shew yourselves more unnatural than the very beasts of prey.”— Lettres Edifiantes, vol. xix, pp. 101-2,\n\nIt\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204938, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "THE POPULATION OF CHINA \n\n39 \n\nshe is bound by every tie of duty to encourage and to patronize a concubine through whom his name may be preserved, and provision made that when he leaves the world honours will be done to his manes. One of the most popular of Chinese writers says, \"There are in the world wives who, never having borne boys nor nourished girls, even when the husband has reached the age of forty, prohibit his bringing home a concubine or entertaining a handmaid for the purpose of continuing his posterity\n\nthey look upon such a person with jealous hatred and malignant ill-will. Alas! do you not know how fleet is time! Stretch as you may your months and your years, they fly like arrows; and when your husband's animal spirits and vigorous blood shall be exhausted, then indeed he can never beget children, and you, his wife, will have stopped the ancestral sacrifices, and you will have cut off his generation; then repentance, though you may exhibit it in a hundred ways, will indeed come too late; his mortal body will die; his property, which you, husband and wife, have sought to keep together, will not descend to his children, but be fought for by multitudes of kindred and relations; and you will have injured not one person, - not your husband only, -- but even yourself; for who shall take charge of your coffin and your tomb? who shall bury you or offer sacrifices? Alas! your orphaned spirit shall pass nights in tears. It is sorrowful to think of. There are some wives who do control their jealousies, and allow their husbands to take concubines to themselves; but they do so (ungenerously) as if they were drinking vinegar, and eating acids; they beat Betty by way of scolding Belinda* - there is no peace in the inner house. But I beseech you to act as a prudent and virtuous woman. If you have no children, provide with openness and honesty a concubine† for your husband. If she bear him children, to you he will owe that the arteries and veins of his ancestral line are continued; his children will honour you as their mother, and will not this comfort you? Give not way to the malignant jealousy of a wicked woman! not a bitterness which you yourself must swallow.\"‡\n\n* Prepare Chang for Lee, i.e., they punish the concubine's servants to be revenged on the concubine.\n\n† Genesis, xxx 1-13.\n\nFrom the Perfect Collection of Household Gems.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204939, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "40\n\nSIR JOHN BOWRING\n\nGenerally however the wife willingly coincides with the husband in introducing into the household any number of concubines whom he is able to maintain, since she exercises over them an undoubted authority, and the child of a concubine is bound to pay higher respect to the first wife than to its own mother. The Chinese illustrate all the domestic relations by imagery, and are wont to say, that as the husband is the sun, and the wife the moon, so the concubines are the planets and the stars of the domestic firmament.\n\nAnd it has been often truly observed, that though the Chinese may be called sensualists, there is no deification of the grosser sensualities such as is found in the classical pantheons, and in many of the oriental forms of faith. Tales of the amours of their gods and heroes seldom figure in their historical books or traditional legends. The dresses and external habits of the women in China are invariably modest, and on the whole the social arrangements must be considered friendly to an augmentation of the human race. The domestic affections are strong. Parents are generally fond and proud of their children, and children obedient to their parents. Order is indeed the first law of Confucius; authority and submission are the apex and the basis of the social pyramid.\n\nThe sentiment of dishonour attached to the extinction of a race by the want of descendants through whom the whole line of reverential services (which some have called religious worship) rendered to Ancestors, is to be perpetual, is by no means confined to the privileged classes in China. One of our female servants, a nominal Christian, expressed her earnest desire that her husband should have another wife in her absence, and seemed quite surprised that any one should suppose such an arrangement to be in any respect improper.\n\nThe marriage of children is one of the great concerns of families. Scarcely is a child born in the higher ranks of life ere the question of its future espousal becomes a frequent topic of discussion. There is a large body of professional match-makers, whose business it is to put all the preliminary arrangements in train, to settle questions of dowry, to accommodate differences, to report on the pros and cons of suggested alliances. There being", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204940, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "THE POPULATION OF CHINA\n\n41\n\nno hereditary honours in China—except those which reckon upwards from the distinguished son to the father, the grandfather, and the whole line of ancestry, which may be ennobled by the literary or martial genius of a descendant—the distinctions of caste are unknown, and a successful student even of the lowest origin would be deemed a fit match for the most opulent and distinguished female in the community. The severe laws which prohibit marriages within certain degrees of affinity (they do not however interdict it with a deceased wife's sister) tend to make marriages more prolific and to produce a healthier race of children. So strong is the objection to the marriage of blood relations, that a man and woman of the same Sing or family name cannot lawfully wed.\n\nSoldiers and sailors are in no respect prevented from marrying. I expect there is from the number of male emigrants the greater loss of men by the various accidents of life abstraction in many circumstances from intercourse with women, a great disproportion between the sexes, tending naturally enough to the lower appreciation of woman; but correct statistics are wanting in this, as indeed in every other part of the field of enquiry.\n\nThe proportion of unmarried to married people is (as would be deduced from the foregoing observation) exceedingly small. To promote marriages seems everybody's affair. Matches and betrothals naturally enough occupy the attention of the young, but not less that of the middle-aged and the old. A marriage is the great event in the life of man or woman, and in China is associated with more of preliminary negotiations—ceremonials at different steps of the negotiations—written correspondence, visitings, protocols, and conventions than in any other part of the world.\n\nI am in hopes that we may be able to obtain the vital statistics of some given district, from which more accurate results might be deducted than are afforded by any existing data. I keep this object in view. I have the honour to be, sir, yours very faithfully.\n\nJOHN BOWRING.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204941, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "42\n\nSIR JOHN BOWRING\n\nTo GEO: GRAHAM, Esq.,\n\nRegistrar General, &c., &c.,\n\nLondon.\n\n(Table No. 1)\n\nReign of Monarch\n\n1 Hungwu, 26th Year,\n\n2 Hungchi, 3 Wanleih,\n\n4 Shunchi, 5 Kanghi,\n\n6\n\n7\n\n+\n\nA. D. Population\n\n1393, 60,545,811) Mirror of History,\n\nChi-\n\nnese Repository, vol. x.\n\n1662, 21,068,600) General Statistics of the\n\nwww\n\nEmpire, Medhurst's\n\n++\n\n4th\n\n**\n\n1492, 53,281,158\n\n6th\n\n*\n\n1579, 60,692,856\n\npage 156.\n\n++\n\n18th\n\n6th\n\n++\n\n49th\n\n**\n\n-\n\n1668, 1710,\n\n25,386,209 23,312,200)\n\nChina, page 53.\n\n49th\n\n**\n\nJ\n\n8\n\n**\n\n9 Kienlung,\n\n50th\n\n1st\n\n10\n\n8th\n\n**\n\n11\n\n8th\n\n12\n\n*\n\n***\n\n1710, 27,241,129\n\n1711, 28,605,716\n\n1736, 125,046,245 1743, 157,343,975 1743, 149,332,730\n\n8th\n\n1743, 150,265,475\n\n13\n\n18th\n\n**\n\n\"J\n\n1753, 103,050,060\n\n14\n\n1760, 143,125,225\n\n25th\n\n**\n\n15\n\n16\n\n25th 26th\n\nH\n\n17\n\n27th\n\n1762, 198,214,553\n\n4,552\n\n1760, 203,916,477 1761, 205,293,053\n\n18\n\n55th\n\n23\n\n1790, 155,249,897\n\n19\n\n57th\n\n++\n\n1792, 307,467,200\n\n*\n\n20\n\n57th\n\n**\n\n1792, 333,000,000\n\n21 Kiaking\n\n17th\n\n>>\n\n1812, 362,467,183\n\nYih-tung Chi, a Statistical work,\n\nMorrison's\n\nView of China. General Statistics, — Chi-\n\nnese Repository, vol, i. page 359.\n\nMemoires sur les Chinois,\n\ntom. vi.,\n\nGrosier, and by De\n\nGuignes:\n\nquoted by\n\nVoyages à\n\nPeking, tom. iii. page 72.\n\n\"Les Missionnaires\" De Guignes: tom. iii. page 67.\n\nGeneral Statistics, — Chi- nese Repository, vol. i. page 359.\n\nYihtungchi, a Statistical work,\n\nMorrison's\n\nView of China. Memoires sur les Chinois, tom, vi.,- De Guignes, tom. iii, page 72. Allerstain; Groster: De Guignes: tom. iii. page\n\n57.\n\nZ. of Berlin, in Chinese Repository, vol. i. page 361.\n\nGeneral Statistics,\n\n―\n\nDr.\n\nMorrison, Anglo-Chin: Coll: Report 1829.\n\nStatement made to Lord\n\nMacartney\n\n-\n\nStatistics,\n\nChinese Repository,\n\nvol. i. page 359.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204943, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "44\n\nSIR JOHN BOWRING\n\n(No. 3.)\n\nCANTON, 29TH JUNE, 1855.\n\nDEAR SIR,\n\nIn respect to the question of the Population of China, I have nothing new of any general application to the subject. It would be a good service to the statistics of the race, for Hienfung to make out a general census, as his grandfather did, now forty-three years after the last.\n\nThe visits made to villages and towns in this prefecture since the breaking out of disturbances last June, have strengthened rather than diminished one's faith in the accuracy of the census. Large towns, like Shihlung, Kiúkiáng, Kinchuh, Fuhshán, Sintsiun, and others, have been found to contain even larger numbers than the representations of the Chinese had led one to believe. Fuhshán occupies even more ground than Canton, rather than less; and several observers agreed in estimating the portion which was burned last autumn as large as the entire western suburbs of Canton. Sintsiun is estimated at Half a Million, though data are wanted to confirm this figure. You will see a list of villages enumerated by Mr. Bonney in the Anglo-Chinese Calendars for 1852 and 1853, all of which were situated within a radius of two miles of Whampoa, or on Fa-té island, west of Macao passage. Few spots in the world maintain a denser population than the delta of Pearl River, nearly all of which is included in the prefecture of Kwangshan, which is about one-ninth of the whole province. Its density of population doubtless is greater than any other equal area in the whole province; for if the whole contained as many, the entire amount could hardly be less than thirty millions instead of nineteen millions as now reckoned.\n\nThe Registrar General must needs be content with an approximate estimate, from the nature of the case, our inability to make minute personal examination, and the lapse of time since the last general census. Hue, I see, estimates the combined population of Wúcháng, Hányáng, and Hánkau in Húpeh, at the high figure of Eight Millions, if I remember aright, for I have not the book to refer to; this is more than I have seen any one else reckon it. He", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204944, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 52, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "THE POPULATION OF CHINA\n\n45\n\ngives one the impression of a highly cultivated and well peopled region in Eastern Sz'-chuen, too, and through the valley of the Yángtsz' in Húpeh. I have no special data to add to these general remarks on this subject; but if I could put as much credence in Chinese historical and political statements as I do in their statistical, I should think much more of their value. It is a melancholy reflection to think that so vast a portion of our race is almost entirely ignorant of God and his truth. Most truly yours,\n\nS. W. WILLIAMS.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204945, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 53, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "46\n\nTHE DIALECTS OF HONG KONG BOAT PEOPLE: KAU SAI1\n\nJOHN MCCOY\n\nI. Introduction.\n\nThis paper and the research preceding it were undertaken in an effort to solve a specific problem raised elsewhere concerning the origins of China's Boat PeopleLA. Many authors prefer the term Tanka and some distinguish these from Hoklo, Swatow, Cantonese and other boat-dwelling groups, but even if these basic linguistic distinctions are made we are not left with a Tanka which is a unique and homogeneous group. The Tanka, by their own admission and by such evidence as their speech, form subgroups which differ at least in minor features. The Hoklo and Swatow are easy to identify as separate linguistic entities, but probably they preserve variations within their own particular dialect groups. In order to eliminate what I consider to be misleading terminology, and to bring the terms closer to probabilities suggested by my present research, I will follow Miss Barbara Ward and use the term Boat People to refer to all those who permanently reside on boats and use these boats in water-based occupations. This term is occupational or cultural and includes groups which can be subdivided linguistically into Hoklo, Swatow, Cantonese, and possibly others. I will not make regular use of the term Tanka, partly because it is offensive to those to whom it is regularly applied, and partly because my data indicate that the group known as Tanka are at best merely a subgroup of the Cantonese-speaking Boat People.\n\nAdmittedly, final word on this terminology will require a number of studies of the type discussed here, and this is precisely the long-range research which I propose. If more of the Hong Kong Boat People are given the careful study which Miss Ward gave those in Kau Sai, it will be a much easier matter to solve some of the questions about their origins. With the hope that this research will be done in the future, I suggest a project designed to approach as many of the local Boat People as possible", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204948, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "THE DIALECTS OF HONG KONG BOAT PEOPLE\n\n49\n\nof any living resident and they have no consensus on their own provenance. In chatting with my informants on this subject I found some agreement that Tung Kun District was their source plus much speculation and guesses ranging from 'some place up north' to 'maybe Fukien Province'. The northern origins are of course common to all Han Chinese and reflect no special knowledge on the part of the informant. The possibility of Fukien Province seems completely unsupported by the linguistic evidence, but in view of the fact that many Boat People are Swatow, Hoklo, or other obviously Fukien types2, it is more than possible that Fukien individuals have been absorbed by the Kau Sai group from time to time. However, there is evidence to indicate that some area reasonably close to Tung Kun District may well be the origins of this community.\n\nConcerning the Boat People, certain assumptions have been made elsewhere which do not seem valid or which should at least be held in abeyance until making a number of the studies of the type I will describe here. First, the Boat People, or sometimes those referred to specifically as the Tanka, are often treated as a homogeneous group which represents the remnants of the earliest inhabitants of the South China regions, assumed to descend from the non-Han tribes and to have been assimilated and acculturated as the Han peoples moved into this area. It is difficult to refute this point except with cultural and linguistic data which support Ward's (1965) point that the boat people's descent is probably neither more nor less non-Han than that of most other Cantonese speaking inhabitants of Kwangtung.1 It would be reasonable to assume that some Yao or other southern barbarian blood may still flow in local veins but probably to about equal degree in the Boat People as in the average resident of Kwangtung Province. With nothing very concrete to go on we would be in the same position if we discussed the amount of Pict blood in today's inhabitants of the British Isles.\n\nWhen we do not have complete historical evidence for origins of a group it is possible to get information from other sources, such as archeology, anthropology, and linguistics. However, with all these fields our results will be more reliable if we are dealing with an overall picture of structured data rather than extracted", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204950, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 58, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "THE DIALECTS OF HONG KONG BOAT PEOPLE\n\nII. The Linguistic Analysis.\n\n51\n\n1. Approach. The goal of this research was to record and analyse the phonological system of Kau Sai speech (KS). In analyzing a Chinese dialect the most expedient way to work for maximum completeness is to use the Tang and Sung rime tables as a point of departure. It is the opinion of many linguists that the rime tables are overdifferentiated in terms of the modern requirements of a phonemic analysis and it is true that the present-day dialects of China tend to show fewer distinct groupings than are found in the early rime tables. However, by comparing the modern with the older groups it is fairly simple to plot the similarities and divergences of the modern dialect in terms of the ancient and to express these in a convenient form which is well standardized among students of Chinese languages. By recording a large volume of conversation of an informant the linguist could expect to cover all the possible combinations sooner or later, but by soliciting specific items from a list selected from the rime tables it is possible to insure an optimum approach to completeness in a minimum amount of time. With much of his work thus done for him the linguist is now faced with the job of insuring that the pronunciations recorded are those of the normal flow of speech and not learned, classical, or isolation forms of the given item. Generally this problem is solved by soliciting the forms as part of complete sentences in a typical conversational situation. Also, at an early stage of the informant contact patterns develop which can be compared with the rime tables and which assist greatly by highlighting irregular or unanticipated pronunciations. After a short time it is usually possible to separate what the informant would normally say from what he thinks he should say, to identify borrowings from other dialects, and to exercise more control over the mechanics of the data gathering process.\n\nI will not record here all the detailed information on ancient and modern correspondences which derived from my study of KS. Word lists are included below which summarize the general details. Furthermore, my expressed purpose here is simply to develop the data needed to answer a yes or no question concerning the similarities and differences of KS and Standard Cantonese (SC).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204959, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "60\n\nJ. MCCOY\n\nWith these reservations I would go ahead to describe KS as differing only slightly from SC and containing no phonological or grammatical elements identifiable as non-Chinese. The KS lexicon is essentially Cantonese with the superstructure of technical terms which are available to, but seldom used by, land dwellers plus a few terms worthy of further research which seem at first glance to be outside these patterns. Some examples of this latter category are /mai6/ 'to disembark' and /khau2/ 'to dwell'.\n\nThe next question would then be whether we can say something more positive about KS forms in terms of a possible point of origin for the ancestors of the present speakers. When I heard the tradition about Tung Kun as a possible source I checked the KS material with Yuan (1960) and with my own somewhat different data on Tung Kun phonology. There are interesting similarities but also a few marked differences. I have only a small amount of data on the rural Pun Yu dialects but what little I have seen suggests that this area would be good to check for an identification. With speculation of this sort we begin to get on fairly thin ice. In the first place, the Boat People at Kau Sai seem to have been there for more than two centuries, long enough for the development of a few distinctive sound changes of their own to cloud the issue. And secondly, we are still terribly short of the really detailed dialect area coverage that would be necessary to tie up KS with a particular point elsewhere in the Cantonese speaking regions. Works such as those by Wang Li (1932; 1949-50a,b), Chao (1947, 1951a,b), and Yuan (1960) have made great inroads into the problem but the regions of minor dialect variation are so unbelievably numerous in Kwangtung Province that there seems little hope for a detailed picture to emerge for many years to come. The recent interest which Peking has taken in such matters, principally in their efforts to foster Mandarin as a standard language, has produced a great deal of material on dialect and subdialect throughout China; Yuan (1960) published as part of this general effort and probably more is yet to come. Still, there is plenty to do and no linguist in the field will feel himself crowded. One of the points of this paper is that even within the limits of the Crown Colony of Hong Kong there exists the same problem in microcosm and much time could well be spent sorting out the local varieties.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204960, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "THE DIALECTS OF HONG KONG BOAT PEOPLE\n\n61\n\nGiven these obstacles in the way of locating KS origins geographically, I will continue to speculate that the most fruitful area for further research in the problem would be in the regions bordering the northern part of the Pearl River delta. Furthermore, and on firmer ground, it seems clear that the anthropological and the linguistic data put this group of Boat People well within the mainstream of Han Chinese culture and it would take some new type of evidence to assign other origins to them. I repeat the point that similar research should be done on other Boat People groups in Hong Kong before the full picture can develop. On the basis of this one study and a series of more casual observations I would also expect to find support for the thesis, shared by others, that the Boat People are not of a single origin but come from various regions of China at various times.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 The Kau Sai village and anchorage are located on Kau Sai Chau in the Port Shelter area off Sai Kung in the New Territories. My sincere thanks are due to those people of Kau Sai who gave so freely of their time to help with this project.\n\nI am especially grateful to Mrs. Stella Lau Fessler of Hong Kong for her generous assistance during all the collection phases of the research in Kau Sai and Sai Kung; she also served as informant for Standard Cantonese against which base the Kau Sai speech was compared.\n\nBy Standard Cantonese I refer to the dialect spoken by the majority of persons residing in Canton, Hong Kong, and now possibly Macau.\n\n2 See Egerod (1956) for some notes on the Hoklo and a detailed study of the dialect spoken by one particular group of Fukien Province immigrants in south Kwangtung.\n\n3 These three terms are not technical but may be self-explanatory. For a more precise definition reference should be made to Hockett (1958 pp. 137-8). My term grammar might include his terms grammatical and morphophonemic; my term lexical is roughly equivalent to his term semantic.\n\n4 The distinction between a phonetic and a phonemic description is highly significant in scientific linguistics and in oversimplified terms represents the differences between a close transcription of the gross sound features of a language and a transcription of this same language in an unambiguous script with a minimum number of symbols. Thus, a good phonetic transcription might indicate all the differences in the 'h' of he, hat, and home since the 'h' is articulated in slightly different areas from the roof of the mouth to the back of the throat as these words are pronounced. A good phonemic script, as English happens to be in this instance, would use one symbol with the guiding principle that these three 'h' sounds are nearer to each other than to other sounds in the language and that as a group they signal...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204963, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 71, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "64\n\n6.\n\n7.\n\n8.\n\n9.\n\nJ. MCCOY (1958). A Course in Modern Linguistics. New York.\n\nWang, Li (1932). Une Prononciation Chinoise de Po-pei. Paris.\n\nand Ch'ien Sung-sheng (1949-50a), “Chu-chiang San-chiao-chou Fan-yin Tsung-lun\" (A General Discussion of Local Dialects in the Pearl River Delta), Ling-nan Hsüeh-pao (Lingnan Journal), Vol. 10, No. 2.\n\nand Ch'ien Sung-sheng (1949-50b). \"Tai-shan Fang-yin\" (The Toishan Dialect), Ling-nan Hsieh-pao (Lingnan Journal), Vol. 10, No. 2.\n\n10. Ward, Barbara E, (1954). \"A Hong Kong Fishing Village,\" Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol. 1, No. 1. Hong Kong.\n\n11. (1965). “Varieties of the Conscious Model, The Fishermen of South China,\" The Relevance of Models for Social Anthropology. London. From the Association of Social Anthropologists Monographs.\n\n12. Wong, S. L. (1963). Cantonese Conversation Grammar. Hong Kong.\n\n13. Yuan, Chia-hua, and others (1960), Han-yü-fang-yen Kai-yao (The Principal Features of Chinese Dialects). Peking.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204970, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "69\n\nPIRACY ON THE CHINA COAST\n\nA. D. BLUE\n\nFor most of recorded history piracy has been a menace to sea-borne trade, and there have been times when it has been difficult to distinguish between pirates and honest or should one say legitimate traders. Nationality has often been the only mark of distinction, as Spanish and English views of Drake, Hawkins, and the like illustrate.\n\nThe Chinese were pioneers in piracy, as in so many other things, and a history of piracy in China would begin many thousands of years ago. The Chinese were probably skilled practitioners of the art before history began to be recorded. The earliest accounts are in the records of the Chou Dynasty in the fourth century B.C., and piracy continued in China long after it had been suppressed in other parts of the world.\n\nWhen the first Europeans arrived in the China Seas in the sixteenth century, many of the pirates on the coast were Japanese. For three centuries after the defeat of Kublai Khan's invasion of Japan in 1281, Japanese pirates mainly from Kyushu were active along the whole coast, from the Liaotung Peninsula in the north to Hainan Island and the Straits of Malacca in the south. The famous Arctic explorer, John Davis, met his death at their hands in 1604. Davis was serving on an East India Company ship which was anchored off the island of Bintang, east of Singapore, when it was attacked by Japanese pirates.\n\nThis was at the end of the Japanese era, which came about as the result of several different factors. One was the establishment of a strong central government in Japan by Iyeyasu, the first of the Tokugawa Shoguns at the beginning of the seventeenth century; and another was the increasing superiority of Chinese over Japanese junks.\n\nThe depredations of these Japanese pirates often extended far inland, and they were accompanied by atrocities reminiscent of the Japanese Rape of Nanking in 1937. Because of this the Ming Emperors banned all intercourse between the two countries, and this afforded the Portuguese the opportunity to act as", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204971, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "70 \n\nA. D. BLUE \n\nmiddlemen in trade between the two countries. There was a flavour of irony in this, as the Portuguese were to prove as great pirates as the Japanese, Their most famous pirate was Mendes Pinto, who flourished in the latter half of the sixteenth century, and who seems to have been a combination of Sir Henry Morgan and Baron Munchausen. Pinto's exploits are characteristic of Portuguese history during those early centuries, displaying that amazing mixture of gallantry and greed, of religious zeal, bigotry, and cruelty. \n\nThe eastern seas had always been full of violence, and the arrival of the Portuguese in the early sixteenth century, and the Dutch a century later, increased that violence. The Dutch lacked the religious zeal of the Portuguese, but substituted an equally unattractive obsession with trade. Much of the European trade in the Far East at that time was based on piracy. The Dutch, for instance, were excluded from direct trade with China until 1729, and in their Japan trade in which Chinese silk was the most important commodity they obtained much of their silk by plundering Portuguese and Chinese ships. \n\n— \n\nThe persistence of piracy in Chinese waters for so long after regular trade had been established there by Europeans, was due to the peculiar conditions under which that trade developed. In India, and in the East Indies, European trade was succeeded by a steady increase in European power, although in both places there was a considerable time lag between establishing political power on land and the suppression of piracy at sea. \n\nBy the mid-nineteenth century, however, British and Dutch naval power had made Indian and East Indian waters comparatively safe for European commerce. The situation in China was very different, however, and piracy continued there for fully another century. Not until after the First China War of 1841-42 were there any centres of European power in China, and the few centres established then were separated from each other by hundreds of miles of Chinese territory. The situation was aggravated by the increasing anarchy and lawlessness which became endemic over much of coastal China from the early nineteenth century, as the authority and power of the Manchu Government declined. \n\nWhen the East India Company's monopoly of the China trade was abolished in 1833, and the trade thrown open to all comers,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204972, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "PIRACY ON THE CHINA COAST\n\n71\n\nPiracy was firmly rooted along the South China coast. Then, during the First China War, many junks were allowed to act as armed privateers, and when the war was over, became pirates rather than return to peaceful trade. Hong Kong and its neighbouring islands had always been centres of piracy, or the home of fishermen ambitious to earn a dishonest dollar or two from piracy. The new British colony must have appeared like manna from Heaven to these people, and the colony's first years were marked by an increase in piracy. There was a similar increase in piracy around Singapore at the same time. The founding of Singapore in 1819 had resulted in a great increase in native trade in the area, and this suffered severely from attacks by well-armed Chinese junks, which sometimes attacked European ships. Captain James Brooke with his sea Dyaks played a big part in suppressing piracy in these waters.1\n\nThe period between the First and Second China Wars is one of the most confusing in Chinese history. On one hand is the founding of a British colony at Hong Kong, the opening of the treaty ports, and the inception of regular shipping services along the coast; while on the other is the persistence of lawlessness and piracy. In the background is the increasing weakness of the Manchu Dynasty, and during the last years of the period, the Taiping Rebellion.\n\nWhen the East India Company controlled the China trade, there was little need for naval protection in Chinese waters, and the Cantonese were traditionally opposed to the Royal Navy. The large and well-armed East Indiamen and \"Country\" ships were perfectly capable of fighting their way past the pirates who infested the Canton River delta, as were smaller, but faster and equally well-armed opium clippers. In spite of Chinese objections, however, British warships visited Canton on several occasions. Anson called in the Centurion in 1741, on the famous voyage on which he captured the Manila galleon, and Cook in 1779 with the Resolution and Discovery after his three-year cruise in the Pacific. Cook's ships were careened, refitted, and provisioned at Canton, the East India Company advancing the money in return for bills on the Admiralty in London.\n\n1 The first white Rajah of Sarawak.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204973, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "72 \n\nA. D. BLUE \n\nFor the first few years after the cession of Hong Kong, the British Government and Royal Navy practically ignored piracy on the South China coast; and the American, French, and Portuguese governments were equally indifferent. Any attempts at suppression by the Hong Kong Government were as feeble and ineffective as those of the Canton authorities. British traders in Hong Kong and the treaty ports, however, considered that they were entitled to much greater protection, and after repeated protests and representations to the home and Hong Kong governments, the Hong Kong Government passed its first anti-piracy ordinance in 1847, and the Royal Navy began to take more effective action. As a result, many unsavoury practices were uncovered. It was found that certain British merchants were supplying arms and ammunition to the pirates against whom they were demanding protection; and that Hong Kong officials were licensing ships to provide convoy protection for Chinese traders, which ships were using the cover of the British flag to plunder the cargoes they were paid to protect. This licensed convoy system was open to much abuse, and a source of great trouble to the Navy. The Chinese called these ships \"protecting tigers.\" The Navy itself was not blameless in its anti-piracy operations. The over-generous bounty system, which made pirate hunting a lucrative profession for the first decades after the cession of Hong Kong, often led to innocent Chinese traders and sailors losing their lives and property. Admiralty records ignore most of the errors committed by overzealous naval officers, but the Navy's anti-piracy campaign was one of the many British activities to draw unfavourable criticism from Lord Elgin in his mission to China and Japan in 1858.\n\nThe Royal Navy and the Hong Kong Government faced a difficult and complex situation when they undertook serious anti-piracy operations in the late 1840's. The Navy could attack pirates anywhere on the high seas, and commit them for trial to any British or Chinese court; but Hong Kong could only free its own waters of pirates. Piracy on the coast and rivers came within the jurisdiction of the Chinese Government, and neither the Navy nor Hong Kong could operate there without permission from the Canton authorities. Anglo-Chinese co-operation, therefore, was essential for successful anti-piracy operations, and this was not always available. The Treaty of Tientsin was the first", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204974, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "PIRACY ON THE CHINA COAST\n\n73\n\nofficial agreement between the two countries to refer to piracy. and Article 52 gave British warships permission, when in pursuit of pirates, to enter any port on the coast. Provision was also made for co-operation between the Royal Navy and the Chinese for punishment of pirates, restoration of stolen goods, and so on, and later treaties and agreements followed the same pattern. Unfortunately, experience proved that the Chinese had undertaken more than they could carry out; and that the provincial authorities were as often unwilling, as unable, to implement the pledges of the Peking Government.\n\nThe pirates on the coast in the 1840's, 50's, and 60's, included British, American, French, and other foreign renegades, who often worked in league with Chinese merchants in Hong Kong and the treaty ports. The system of ship registry then in force in Hong Kong was even more liable to abuse than the present system, and allowed Chinese shipowners an easy means of claiming the protection of certain foreign flags. This increased the difficulties of the Navy, already hard pressed to distinguish between convoy and pirate, and between pirate, trader, and fisherman.\n\nThe most famous renegade among the pirates in the 1850's was an American sailor called Eli Boggs, for whose capture the Hong Kong Government offered a reward of $1,000. This was won by an even more famous American sailor, more often associated with blackbirding in the Pacific, than with piracy on the China coast. Captain Bully Hayes, however, made his debut on the China coast, and when that part of the world became too hot for him he moved south to Australasian and Pacific waters.\n\nHayes first appeared in the Far East in 1854 at Singapore, as master of the American barque, Canton. He was then twenty-five years old. After selling the Canton, which did not belong to him, he appeared in Hong Kong a few months later as master of another American barque, the Otranto, which was probably under charter to the famous American house of Russell and Company. In Hong Kong's Victoria Hotel, and in the company of the masters of two Jardine opium clippers, Long John Saunders of the Chin Chin and King Tom Donovan of the Spray, Hayes made the acquaintance of some naval officers, and for the rest of his time on the coast he was a great favourite with the Navy. During", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204975, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "74\n\nA. D. BLUE\n\nthis time he visited Amoy, Foochow, and Shanghai several times, and it was in 1857 north of Shanghai that he captured his compatriot Eli Boggs. Hayes was a guest on H.M.S. Bittern when she attacked Boggs's fleet of between thirty and forty junks. When the junks fled into shallow water out of range of the Bittern's guns, Hayes persuaded Captain Vansittart to allow him to continue the chase in the longboat, and in this he personally captured Boggs. Boggs was taken to Hong Kong and found guilty of piracy. He escaped hanging, however, as no one could be found willing to swear to having seen him commit murder.\n\nHayes helped the Royal Navy on another occasion shortly afterwards, when he was on the steamer, Paoushan, and on this occasion obtained some of the pirates' ill-gotten gains for his trouble. He was a free spender, however, and everything went on a series of parties he gave for the officers and men of the Bittern in Shanghai, after which he left with his port dues unpaid and owing money to Chinese shopkeepers and tailors. This was a favourite trick which he repeated in Australian and South Pacific ports, and his final departure from the coast was in the same vein. He loaded a hundred coolies in Swatow for Australia, before Swatow was legally open as a treaty port, and did a large illegal trade in opium and emigrants. Hayes induced his passengers to pay him their poll tax for Australia as well as their passage money. After passing through Sydney Heads he flooded his bilges to give his ship the appearance of sinking, and then persuaded a tugboat to take the Chinese ashore to safety, by promising it the salvage work on its return. When the tugboat returned, however, Hayes and his ship had disappeared beyond the Heads.\n\nThe Navy had several spectacular successes against the pirates during this period, on a much bigger scale than those in which Hayes was involved. The most notable were Admiral Sir John Dalrymple Hay's actions against Shap-ng-tsai and Chu-apoo in South China waters in the summer of 1849, in which dozens of pirate junks were destroyed and hundreds of pirates killed. These actions cost the Admiralty £42,000 in bounty money, which was considered far in excess of the risks involved, and were responsible for the bounty system being modified. In spite of these naval successes piracy continued to flourish in South China, and new", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204976, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "PIRACY ON THE CHINA COAST\n\n75\n\npirate fleets appeared. The Hong Kong press was very critical of both the Navy and the Hong Kong Government, claiming that the latter was criminally careless in granting convoy and gunpowder licenses, and pointing out that scarcely a pirate junk was captured without having Hong Kong men in its crew and that many pirate junks were fitted out in Hong Kong. They omitted, however, to point out the connection between the opium trade and piracy. Opium was highly prized, and on one occasion in 1851 one hundred and fifty chests were seized from a Jardine opium clipper, and two of their European employees taken prisoner.\n\nThe steamship, more than the Royal Navy, was responsible for the decline in the old-fashioned style of piracy, in which a fleet of junks had an overwhelming advantage over a sailing ship becalmed in coastal waters. Steamships appeared on the coast in increasing numbers in the years between the two China Wars, and by the end of the Second War most of the foreign coasters were steamships. A steam hose was more effective against pirates than joss sticks, and the comparative immunity of foreign steamships from piracy was another powerful inducement for Chinese merchants to patronize them, thus weighting the balance more heavily in their favour.\n\nAn action in which the Peninsular and Oriental river steamer Canton was involved displayed other advantages which steamers brought to anti-piracy operations. The Canton was on her way from Canton to Hong Kong when she met H.M.S. Columbine, a sailing ship, engaged with a fleet of pirate junks. When the Canton arrived on the scene the wind had fallen, and the junks were using their oars and sweeps to get out of range of the Columbine's guns. The Canton took the Columbine in tow, enabling her to sink a number of the junks before they got clear. Two years later another river steamer called Canton, belonging in this case to the Hong Kong and Canton Steam Packet Company, captured a pirate junk in the river.\n\nIn these actions, in which dozens or hundreds of junks were involved, it would probably be more accurate to describe the Chinese as bandits or rebels, than as pirates. Such fleets attacked towns and villages as often as they attacked ships, and like the Japanese pirates of the thirteenth to sixteenth centuries, plundered", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204977, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "76\n\nA. D. BLUE\n\nthe countryside for miles from the coast. The leaders of such fleets were often opposed to the ruling dynasty, sometimes being disaffected former high officials. Koxinga, the greatest of all Chinese pirates, comes into this category. Koxinga was a supporter of the fallen Ming Dynasty against the Manchus, and the Chinese honour him to this day as a great patriot. His greatest exploit was the capture of Formosa from the Dutch in 1661. This type of rebel cum bandit cum pirate continued to appear down to modern times.\n\nThe expansion of the China trade, and the opening of Japan to foreign trade resulted in a great increase in British naval forces in the Far East. The first naval ships to operate in the China seas were based on the East Indies station, but very soon China became an important sphere of naval operations on her own. The suppression of piracy was only one of the Navy's responsibilities. The distance between Britain and China meant that unusual and interesting duties were often entrusted to naval officers, especially before telegraphic communications were established and when senior Foreign Office or Diplomatic officials were unavailable. Hong Kong became the headquarters of the China station, which extended from Singapore to Shanghai, and later to Japan. It continued as such until, as the result of a reorientation of naval policy in the inter-war period, Singapore became the major British naval base in the Far East. Even after that Hong Kong continued to be the headquarters of the anti-piracy forces.\n\nUntil France sent naval forces to co-operate with the Royal Navy in the Second China War, the Royal Navy was the only effective naval force in the China seas, and undertook the protection of all shipping. Even after the United States and France stationed naval forces permanently in these waters, the major responsibility for the suppression of piracy remained with the Royal Navy. It was British policy to station a warship at or near each treaty port, whether it was a coastal or a river port. This meant warships of two distinct types. There were the larger ships and their auxiliaries, which only saw action on rare occasions, and which were based in Hong Kong, with a summer cruise to Wei-hai-wei. Then there were the shallow-draft river gunboats, specially designed to operate on the Yangtze and the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204978, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "PIRACY ON THE CHINA COAST\n\n77\n\nWest River, and which were stationed permanently on those rivers. These were divided into two squadrons, one for the Yangtze, and one for the West River, with a senior naval officer in charge of each squadron under the overall command of the Commander-in-Chief of British naval forces at Hong Kong. The officer in charge of the Yangtze squadron was called Rear Admiral, Yangtze. The assumption of this title seems to have aroused little comment from the Chinese, unlike the British public's reaction when the Kaiser called himself Admiral of the Atlantic a few decades later.\n\nAs old-fashioned piracy died out with the coming of steamships, a new kind designed to cope with the new conditions appeared. While some of the new pirates may have been recruited from the old, the new piracy required a knowledge of modern shipping practices unlikely to have been common among the old fishermen cum pirates. As before, however, the new-style piracy was most prevalent around Hong Kong, embarrassingly close to the headquarters of the anti-piracy forces. It was adding insult to injury when the steam launch Wo Fat Shing was pirated in Hong Kong Harbour in 1927, and $30,000 in gold bars stolen. The newspapers made great play out of such facts. Highly coloured accounts of pirate companies being established in Hong Kong along sound business lines, replete with boards of directors and so on, were common in the British and American press in the 1920's and early 30's. The rumour that some of these companies had attractive Chinese women in command added some spice to these stories.\n\nOne of the earliest cases of this new kind of piracy took place in 1874, when the Hong Kong, Canton, and Macao Steamship Company's small river steamer Spark was pirated between Canton and Macao.2 The Spark's captain, mate, purser, one fireman, and four passengers were murdered. The pirates went ashore in the ship's boats, and the engineers took refuge in the bunkers then took the ship to Macao. The Spark was only 133 tons burden, but she had over 150 passengers who had prudently taken...\n\n2 The Spark was one of the oldest steamers on the river. She had been built in New York in 1849 for Russell and Company, sent out in sections and assembled at Whampoa. She was sold to the Hong Kong, Canton, and Macao Steamship Company in 1870.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204979, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "78 \n\nA. D. BLUE \n\non board at the time. A similar, but even more murderous case had occurred in 1858, on a river steamer between Canton and Hong Kong. As this was during the Second China War, and the attackers were definitely established to be Chinese soldiers in disguise, this case might be charitably described as an act of war.\n\nMost China coasters carried deck passengers, in addition to a dozen or so saloon passengers. In the emigrant trades, however, hundreds and even thousands of deck passengers were carried, and the emigrant ships were the greatest temptations to the pirates. The strategy was to get control of such a ship, take her to Bias Bay or Mirs Bay, both conveniently just outside Hong Kong territorial waters, and then make off ashore in Chinese territory with the money and valuables of the passengers. A few wealthy passengers might also be taken for ransom. An operation of this nature required careful planning and organizing ability, some knowledge of the ship's geography and routine, and some knowledge of navigation and engineering. In many cases it became known afterwards that some members of the gang had travelled on the ship previously, so as to make themselves familiar with it.\n\nA piracy of this kind required at least two dozen men, who boarded the ship along with the other passengers, with weapons concealed in their baggage. At a prearranged time a simultaneous attack would be mounted on the ship's key points—bridge, engine room, radio cabin, and saloon; often a meal time being chosen when everyone not on duty would be congregated in the saloon. While the ship was being taken to her destination under the supervision of a few pirates on the bridge and in the engine room, the others were robbing the passengers and broaching the most valuable cargo. As the destination was invariably Bias Bay or Mirs Bay, the piracy would take place as near there as possible, so as to reduce the time the ship was under pirate control and out of communication with Hong Kong.\n\nThe average coaster never had more than seven or eight European officers, and if the attack were well-timed they could all be immobilized in the first few minutes of the attack. There was usually little resistance from the Chinese crew, and a few men in the engine room and on the bridge were able to take the ship to its destination. There always seemed to be some pirates", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204980, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 88, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "PIRACY ON THE CHINA COAST\n\n79\n\nwith sufficient knowledge of navigation and engineering for this. When Bias Bay or Mirs Bay was reached one or more of the ship's lifeboats might be used to take the pirates, their loot, and their prisoners ashore. Sometimes junks were used for this, which might be innocent junks which had arrived fortuitously, or pirate junks which had arrived by prior arrangement. Invariably at least one of the ship's officers would be held as a hostage during this operation, being released when it was completed.\n\nIf everything went smoothly in a piracy of this kind, no lives would be lost. But the pirates were ruthless if they encountered any opposition or if a hitch occurred. A few shots were usually fired in the opening exchanges, perhaps causing a few injuries, but this made the rest of the crew and passengers more co-operative. Towards the end of this era of modern piracy, when the Hong Kong Government and the shipping companies had adopted more effective anti-piracy measures, casualties became more common, as the pirates intensified their resentment to these measures.\n\nOne important anti-piracy measure was the isolation of the centre part of the ship—bridge, engine room, and saloon accommodation—from the rest of the ship by steel grilles. Access was by a steel door, locked and under constant guard. The guards were usually Chinese or Sikh policemen, under White Russian officers; but on special occasions, British soldiers from the Hong Kong garrison were employed. In spite of all these precautions, piracy continued to flourish along the South China coast right down to the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War in 1937. However, there were no attempts on ships with British soldiers as guards.\n\nThere were fifty-one major cases of piracy on the China coast in the years between the two World Wars. The great majority involved British ships, and twenty British Merchant Navy officers were killed. There were also many Chinese casualties, and many Chinese kidnapped and never heard of again. There were also many cases involving Chinese junks which received little publicity in the foreign press. The worst years were 1922, 1927, and 1928, in which there were five, six, and eight piracies respectively. A few of the most famous cases of this period are described below.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204981, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "80\n\nA. D. BLUE\n\nThe China Navigation Company's Sunning was pirated on 14th November 1926, on a passage from Shanghai to Hong Kong.3 The officers recaptured the ship shortly afterwards, and when they refused the pirates an armistice the latter set the ship on fire. By turning into the wind the pirates were smoked out, and forced to leave in one of the lifeboats. When the fire got out of control the officers and crew were forced to do the same, but were picked up by a Norwegian ship. When the destroyer H.M.S. Verity arrived, however, they returned to the Sunning and put out the fire with naval help. The Sunning was then towed to Hong Kong.\n\nThe Haiching piracy of 1929 was very reminiscent of the Sunning. The Haiching belonged to the Douglas Steamship Company of Hong Kong, and was pirated while on her way from Amoy to Hong Kong. There were two hundred and fifty deck passengers and four saloon passengers on board at the time, and the attack took place when passing Bias Bay, just a few hours before reaching Hong Kong. The third mate and a Sikh guard were killed in the first few minutes, but the wireless officer continued to send out messages for help. The pirates, unable to get control of the ship, set it on fire; and two lifeboats were burnt out before their resistance was broken. When British warships arrived, they helped to put the fire out, and then towed the Haiching to Hong Kong, where all the passengers were thoroughly screened. Three of them were charged with piracy and murder, but one was later freed through lack of evidence, while the other two suffered the death penalty. Captain Farrar of the Haiching was awarded the O.B.E. for his part in the case.\n\nFrom the pirates' point of view the Anking piracy of 1928 was much more successful than either that of the Sunning or the Haiching. It was probably the classic piracy of modern times on the coast. The Anking, also a China Navigation Company ship, with over 1,000 deck passengers aboard, was on her way from Singapore to Amoy and Swatow when the piracy took place. These passengers were either returning to China to retire, or for a holiday after working in Malaya for several years, and were likely therefore to be well supplied with money and valuables.\n\n3 The Sunning had also been pirated three years earlier, on 23rd October, 1923.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204982, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "PIRACY ON THE CHINA COAST\n\n81\n\nThe pirates boarded the ship in Singapore along with the other passengers, and after taking over the ship took her to Bias Bay, where they made off ashore with over $100,000 in cash, and as much more in valuables. During the attack, the chief engineer, chief officer, and a Chinese quartermaster were killed, and the captain seriously injured. For some time after this, ships on this run were provided with guards from the British garrison at Hong Kong, and no piracy was ever attempted on any ship so guarded.\n\nThe piracy of the 4,500-ton Dutch motorship Van Heutz in December 1947 was notable for several reasons. It was the first serious piracy since the war, and the Van Heutz was the largest ship ever to be pirated on the coast. She left Hong Kong on 14th December for Amoy and Swatow with 1,600 deck passengers on board, repatriates from Indonesia, many with their life savings. The pirates, about twenty-five in all, captured the ship only four hours after she had left Hong Kong, and took her to Bias Bay. On arrival at Bias Bay they went ashore in commandeered junks, taking six wealthy Chinese passengers with them. During the few hours they had the ship, the passengers were robbed of cash and valuables worth more than $90,000, but the pirates were disappointed at not getting another $50,000 in currency which they believed was on board. On her previous trip when she had carried an even greater number of repatriates, the Van Heutz had had an armed guard of thirteen Dutch policemen. A few months after the piracy four men were arrested in Hong Kong, found guilty of being involved, and sentenced to long terms of imprisonment.\n\nThese four cases conformed to the traditional twentieth century pattern, where the pirates boarded as passengers, and when the passengers were likely to be well provided with money and valuables. During these same years, however, there were other piracies which did not conform to this pattern - the Tungchow piracies of 1925 and 1935, the Nanchang's of 1933, and the Shuntien's of 1935. All took place in the north, and all the ships belonged to the China Navigation Company. The Tungchow shares the distinction with the Sunning of being the only ship in modern times to have been pirated twice. On the first occasion in December 1925 it occurred between Tientsin\n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204983, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "82\n\nA. D. BLUE\n\nand Wei-hai-wei, in sight of a sister ship, the Linan. The Tungchow was turned south for Bias Bay, and a few days later was recognized by another sister ship, the Sinkiang, and flags were dipped. The Sinkiang accounted for the Tungchow's being off her usual route by assuming that she was bound for the Company's dockyard in Hong Kong. This was one of the most successful piracies in the interwar years. The pirates went ashore in Bias Bay with well over £30,000 in specie, $10,000 in cash, and only the last-minute cancellation of a large consignment of silver taels prevented their haul from being much larger.\n\nThe second Tungchow piracy was almost ten years later, when she was carrying several hundreds of thousands of dollar notes from Shanghai to Tientsin. The pirates captured her the day after she left Shanghai and, as before, turned her south for Bias Bay. During the next few days they painted out her name and altered the colour of the funnel. A disquieting feature of this second piracy was the fact that the Tungchow was passed by several ships when under pirate control, including a British warship looking out for her.\n\nThis second Tungchow piracy had its amusing aspects. The passengers included a number of European school children, returning to school in North China after spending their holidays with their parents in Shanghai. The pirates made friends with them, and supplied them with fruit and other delicacies broached from the ship's stores. As before, the Tungchow was taken to Bias Bay, where the pirates went ashore with their loot. Unfortunately for them, however, the dollar notes were unsigned.\n\nThe Nanchang piracy of March 1933 was even further from the normal pattern than either of the Tungchow cases. The most normal feature was that the Nanchang was a China Navigation Company ship. This piracy took place at the mouth of the Newchwang River in Manchuria, well outside the pirates' range of operations. Also, the Nanchang, which was boarded by two junks when she lay at anchor, carried no passengers. There were no casualties in this case, but four British officers were taken prisoner, and only released after five months of tortuous negotiations and the payment of a ransom. This incident took place eighteen months after the Japanese had overrun Manchuria, and had set up the puppet state of Manchukuo; it might possibly be described as banditry—with political undertones.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204984, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "PIRACY ON THE CHINA COAST\n\n83\n\nAnother case which might be said to have had political undertones was that of the China Navigation Company's Shuntien in June 1934. The Shuntien was the latest addition to the China Navigation Company's large fleet, and was making only her second voyage at the time. She was captured by some thirty pirates after leaving Tientsin for Chefoo, and was taken to the mouth of the Yellow River where she was beached on soft sand. The pirates then made off inland, taking five European and twenty Chinese passengers as hostages. Before leaving, they told the ship's compradore that the piracy was a reprisal for the Chinese Maritime Customs having stationed an extra customs cruiser in Shantung Bay, thus interfering with their smuggling operations. The Europeans returned a few days later, but nothing more was ever heard of the Chinese hostages.\n\nBias Bay, sixty-five miles northeast of Hong Kong, was notorious as the pirates' stronghold in the interwar years. Unfortunately, it was just outside Hong Kong territorial waters, and came within the jurisdiction of the Cantonese authorities, who were either unwilling or unable to co-operate with the Royal Navy against the pirates. The nationalist and anti-foreign feelings of the Cantonese probably contributed to this, as did the fact that the warlords of Kwangtung were suspected of being in league with the pirates. Whether this was so or not, it was definitely established that pirates based on Bias Bay committed nine major piracies between 1924 and 1926.\n\nAlthough the Navy was unable to suppress piracy on the China coast, so much of which took place almost on its own doorstep, the mere fact that naval ships were in the vicinity must have reduced its incidence. The pirates rarely boarded ships at Hong Kong, partly because of the strict naval and police control there, and also because passengers joining ships there were unlikely to have much money or valuables. In the case of the second Sunning piracy in 1926, it was definitely established afterwards that the pirates came on board at Amoy, and that their weapons were smuggled on board by stevedores. The lack of co-operation from Canton meant that the Navy was unable to follow up action at sea by punitive expeditions against the pirates' shore bases. The Kwangtung authorities had been much more co-operative in the first few decades after the cession of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204985, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "84 \n\nA. D. BLUE\n\nHong Kong, than in the 1920's and 30's. The latter period came within the warlord era when the writ of the central government at Peking or Nanking sat very lightly, if at all, on the southern provinces. In 1925 and 1927, however, the Navy sent expeditions into Bias Bay, to destroy—if possible without damage to innocent lives and property—villages known to harbour pirates and pirate junks. The second expedition was undertaken in exasperation after the pirating of the Jardine steamer S.S. Hop Sang in March 1927.4 The official report issued after the expedition claimed that one hundred and thirty stone and mat shed huts were destroyed in the two villages attacked, and forty junks and sampans destroyed. The raid had been no surprise, and definite evidence was found that the villages had been implicated in recent piracies. These raids only caused a temporary lull in the pirates' activities.\n\nThe Navy had one notable success in the Irene piracy of October 1927, which illustrates the difficulties with which the Navy and the Hong Kong Government had to contend in their anti-piracy campaign. H.M.S. submarine L4 challenged the China Merchants Steam Navigation Company's Irene when entering Bias Bay without lights and in suspicious circumstances. When she refused to stop, and then ignored a warning shot fired across her bow, a live round was fired which still drew no response. The Irene's captain was navigating under the pirates' supervision, and tried to ring down to stop the engines, but was too late.\n\nThe next shot struck the Irene amidships on the waterline, disabling the engines, killing a pirate standing beside the chief engineer, and starting a fire which almost gutted the ship before she sank. L4 went alongside and rescued most of the crew, and 220 of the 248 passengers. Three other warships and the tug Alliance arrived later, but were unable to prevent the Irene from sinking. When L4 arrived at Hong Kong the crew and passengers of Irene were screened by the police, and three men were identified as being pirates. A few days later seven other men were arrested, and all ten eventually hanged, after a sensational attempt to break out of Hong Kong's Victoria Gaol. The China Merchants Steam Navigation Company came under the control of the Chinese Government, and the Irene\n\n4 The only piracy of a Jardine ship in the modern era,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204986, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 94, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "PIRACY ON THE CHINA COAST\n\n85\n\ncase had serious political repercussions. China considered L4's actions as flagrant aggression, and disregard for international law. Two years later they brought a suit against the commander of the L4 which was unsuccessful. This was one of the few cases in which the Navy came into actual contact with pirates, and it had several unsavoury features,\n\nPiracy was on the decline in South China at the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War in 1937. As for the previous few years, the Kuomintang Government had been gaining more effective control of the southern coastal provinces. Isolated cases, however, still continued right down to the fall of Canton to the Japanese in October 1938. After that Japanese control over the coast of Mainland China curtailed the deck passenger and emigrant trade, as well as the coast trade in general. The pirates turned to smuggling arms through the Japanese blockade, assuming the guise of patriots as they had done so often in the past. When they resumed their normal profession after the war, their activities had a very short lease on life.\n\nThe last piracy involving a foreign ship on the China coast was in 1952. The victim, appropriately enough, was the Hupeh of the China Navigation Company, the company which had suffered so much from piracy in the past. The piracy followed the traditional pattern, with the Hupeh being taken to Bias Bay, where the pirates went ashore with their ill-gotten gains and some wealthy Chinese passengers to be held for ransom. Soon after this, the Communists secured complete control over the coast of Mainland China, and for the first time for centuries it became free of pirates. Unfortunately, there are now no British ships trading on the coast to enjoy this unusual immunity.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204987, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "86\n\nTHE CHINESE UNIVERSITY OF HONG KONG\n\nSTEVE S. C. HUANG\n\nThe need for a university in Hong Kong teaching through the medium of Chinese has existed for many years. As the \"Report of the Committee on Higher Education in Hong Kong,\" published in 1952 by a group of British scholars led by Professor John Keswick and commonly known as the Keswick Report, said, \"Hong Kong is unique geographically and politically and its people have a more advanced cultural background than the peoples of most other colonies.\"\n\nThe vast majority of its inhabitants are Chinese, and the Chinese have a traditional love of scholarship, and a highly developed language, literature, and artistic sense. Hong Kong, it was thought, by reason of its location and circumstances, should certainly be a centre for the East and the West to meet, not only for commercial advantage, but also for cultural exchange. To accomplish this, a university with Chinese as the medium of teaching was considered as important as a university with English as the medium of teaching; each would make a valuable complement to the other,\n\nEver since the inception of the University of Hong Kong, even among the British residents in the Colony, there have been many who have advanced the idea of establishing a university which would teach through the medium of Chinese, or a university which would teach through the medium of both Chinese and English, in all branches of learning. The Keswick Report gave strong support to such an idea. For various reasons, however, this recommendation of the Keswick Report did not lead to immediate action.\n\nNevertheless, the need existed. Since 1949, social and political conditions in China have undergone a great change. In addition to the large number of young men and women of college age who could no longer return to China for their higher education as earlier generations did, there were thousands who emigrated from\n\nThe author, a former student of Journalism and History at the University of California, Berkeley, and City Editor of the Hong Kong Tiger-Standard, is currently Assistant Registrar of the Chinese University of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204988, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "The Chinese University of Hong Kong\n\n87\n\nMainland China to the Colony. The growth of population in the Colony from less than a million to nearly four million between 1949 and 1963, accentuated the need for a second university.\n\nThere are thousands of students who passed the Chinese School Certificate Examination each year, but most of whom have found no opportunity for higher education. It would be not only wasteful, but also dangerous to society, should the ablest youths who pass the Chinese School Certificate Examination lack suitable avenues for university education, with the exception of those who go abroad.\n\nAmong the immigrants to Hong Kong were a number of refugee educators and missionaries, formerly teachers in universities or colleges on the mainland of China, who began to found colleges of their own, with very inadequate resources.\n\nNew Asia College was founded in 1949 by such a group of refugee professors and students, and, at first, used rented flats in a slum district of Kowloon. Chung Chi College was founded in October 1951 with only sixty-three students and a few rented classrooms, by educators and several representatives of various Protestant Churches and Missions in Hong Kong. The United College of Hong Kong, a combination of five refugee colleges, carried on its work in similar rented premises. However, in spite of adversity, devotion to learning kept the Colleges going, and with the help of overseas friends and society at large, and by their own persistent effort, all three Colleges developed steadily.\n\nAt the end of 1956, at the initial suggestion of the Rev. Charles H. Long, Jr., Representative of the Yale-in-China Association which was assisting New Asia College, the Right Rev. R. O. Hall, Bishop of Hong Kong, called a meeting of representatives from Chung Chi, New Asia and United at his home in order to discuss joint policies and action for the achievement of objects of common interest. This Provisional Committee for Joint Action by the Chinese Colleges of Hong Kong had several meetings and finally a Chinese College Joint Council was established on February 25, 1957, with Chung Chi, New Asia and United Colleges, each having three representatives. The Rt. Rev. R. O. Hall and Dr. C. L. Chien of the Education Department were co-opted as advisers, and Dr. F. I. Tseung was elected the first Chairman.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204993, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 101, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "92\n\nS. HUANG\n\nMainland. Chung Chi College has the tradition of Christian universities and colleges in China. United College is a merger of a number of small colleges organized by scholars mainly from Kwangtung Province, colleges that were privately and locally financed. Now the Chinese University is bringing all these three distinct elements of Chinese higher education into one single institution. Its success may become an everlasting contribution towards Chinese higher education.\n\nThe Chinese University Ordinance of 1963 provides for a federal university, in which the principal language of instruction shall be Chinese, incorporating as Foundation Colleges the three Colleges named above. Provision is made for a University Council, Senate and Convocation, as well as Boards of Studies and other bodies necessary to regulate the academic and administrative affairs of the three Colleges in a manner suitable to an institution of university status.\n\nTo keep pace with the unique international status of Hong Kong, the Chinese University immediately after the appointment of its first Vice-Chancellor, Dr. Choh-Ming Li, launched itself into a special role. International interest towards the University has been strong and genuine from the beginning and the University is aiming to be \"not just a Chinese institution with British affiliation but as a Chinese institution of international character,\" as the Vice-Chancellor said in his inaugural message.\n\nThe University has formed three Advisory Boards with prominent scholars from all parts of the world as their members.\n\nAlso serving on the Council are the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Sussex, the Director of the School of Oriental and African Studies of the University of London, the President of Harvard University and the President of the University of California.\n\nThe University is closely associated with the Inter-University Council for Higher Education Overseas in the United Kingdom. A programme of close affiliation with the University of California was finalized in April, 1965, and is expected to be developed into a comprehensive co-operation programme that will include general research efforts and exchange of scholars, faculties and students.\n\nMeanwhile, ties were strengthened with the Yale-in-China Association, the United Board for Christian Higher Education in Asia, the Harvard-Yenching Institute, Princeton-in-China,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204995, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 103, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "94\n\nS. HUANG\n\nfacilities for its faculty members to do research and to give training to postgraduates so as to serve directly the needs of the community and to enable faculty members to keep up with the latest developments in their own field and to contribute to it. Moreover, the University hopes to attract and to keep able scholars by having research facilities. Under the direction of the Vice-Chancellor, the University has established two institutes for advanced studies within the first year. They are the Institute of Science and Technology, and the Institute of Social Studies and the Humanities.\n\nThe Institute of Social Studies and the Humanities includes units in each of the areas of business and public administration, economics, geography, mass communication, modern Chinese studies, social survey, sociology, social welfare and world history. The Institute of Science and Technology will engage in both basic and applied research in such areas as biology, chemistry, physics, mathematics and statistics. These units will be working closely with industrial, commercial and communal interests of Hong Kong.\n\nA programme of intercollegiate teaching to allow all students of the three Foundation Colleges to take the third and fourth-year courses in Colleges other than their own, is now being carried out. The scheme is expected to be expanded when the new campus is completed. By carrying out such a scheme, the University is hoping to pool the special knowledge of the staff and the facilities for the benefit of all the students of the University, and to reduce the teaching load of some members of the teaching staff so that they may be released for other tasks.\n\nIn May, 1965, the University announced the adoption of a new system of teaching methods which was an integration of the best features of systems in all parts of the world, including China. The new system calls for re-examination of all syllabuses, reduction of lecture hours, introduction of small group teaching and de-emphasis of examinations. The new system, no doubt, will affect the development of the University drastically.\n\nThe long struggle of the Chinese University of Hong Kong for recognition, support and to meet the need of a fast growing society has completed its first phase. The future is opened to unlimited possibilities and challenges.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204996, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "95\n\nGOVERNMENT AND PEOPLE IN HONG KONG 1841-1962: A CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY\n\nA Review Article by COLINA LUPTON\n\nThe subtitle of this book begs the question. Has Hong Kong really had a constitutional history? And if not, why the book? Mr. Endacott puts this query on the second page of the preface, and his answer is an interesting one. Given the fact that Hong Kong received a Crown Colony form of constitution in 1843 and still retains it in 1965, there must be something which explains its tranquillity in the midst of a continent of upheaval. The stability here contrasts forcibly with the emergent nationalisms which surround the Colony, in Indonesia, Indochina, Malaysia and certainly not least in China itself. Government here must be broadly in sympathy with the desires of the people, or it would not be supported. Even if this is partly due to local realization that the important decisions about the Colony's future are taken in London, Peking and elsewhere, the fact is that the Government provides enough of what the people want for its authority not to be called in question.\n\nIt is certainly true that as the Colony has grown and developed, the Government has done so too. But it might perhaps have been a fairer statement to call this not a constitutional history but an administrative one, for in all justice it is largely in the administration that the changes have been made, and quite a substantial portion of the book does actually deal with these changes. It is sad evidence of the apathy which Mr. Endacott so frequently remarks on as evinced in Hong Kong public life that the publishers have limited the printing of this book to a mere 2,000. In a territory of nearly four million, where at least fifty thousand or so must have a good reading knowledge of English, it seems that such a book on government is not expected to provoke much informed interest.\n\nAnyone who attempts to narrate the whole history of Hong Kong in one volume is confronted by a problem. This is the fact that the Colony's history falls very decisively into two\n\nBy G. B. Endacott, Hong Kong University Press, 1964,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204997, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 105, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "96\n\nCOLINA LUPTON\n\nhalves, one of which today is really not of great relevance. The watershed provided by the war, and the change in Hong Kong's fortunes as a result of the establishment of a strong and Communist Government in China, the independence of most other former colonial territories in Asia and the incipient industrialization of all of them put post-1949 Hong Kong into a totally different category from the quiet backwater which it occupied before.\n\nSo much has changed that the early history of the Colony sheds little light on its development today, and it remains only of academic significance, particularly in connection with the expansion of Western interests in China. An account of Hong Kong's growth in the last fifteen years, however, does go some way towards explaining what is a unique political and economic phenomenon and one which is too much overlooked by the outside world. It is the chapters which deal with the post-war years and look to the future which are the most thought-provoking in the book, for they discuss questions and problems to which there are many answers and varying solutions. These speculations are more stimulating than the carefully documented facts about, for example, the evolution of Hong Kong's Sanitary Board; and the summing up of how today's Government actually functions has more relevance than the picturesque disputes between early officials.\n\nThe success of the present Administration — “government by discussion\", Mr. Endacott calls it — is certainly peculiar and deserves examination. In this most uncolonial age, Hong Kong's Colonial Government has grown and prospered. Of the Legislative Council, Executive Council and Urban Council, only the last named has any elected members, and the number of electors is minute compared to the population (and, it may be added, a very small percentage of those entitled to vote actually do so). Mr. Endacott adduces a good deal of evidence that public opinion, while having little constitutional voice, is very carefully ascertained and considered before a new policy is embarked upon, and given the lack of unrest here, it must be conceded that Government seldom if ever inflicts a truly unpopular policy on the people. The press, and the various sections of the populace which have an articulate voice are given considerable attention, and the members of the Urban Council are apt to bring well into the\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204998, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 106, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "GOVERNMENT AND PEOPLE IN HONG KONG 1841 1962 97\n\npublic eye the cases of those who might otherwise have no idea how to put their case before the Government. But it remains true, as Mr. Endacott implicitly concedes, that Government has only a general idea of the currents of opinion at the lower end of the social scale.\n\nIt is generally assumed that the vast majority of Chinese are more concerned with making a regular living than with politics, and the negative evidence (for there is little positive) confirms it; but it could be that people are simply unaware of how to make their demands and needs felt and in general prefer not to tangle with officialdom. In the New Territories the representation system, the District Offices, and the relative smallness of the population means that Government and people are reasonably in touch; in town there is scarcely any way for the man in the street to make his needs and aspirations felt.\n\nAnd yet, the fact is that it does seem to work. Policy-makers in the Administration do seem by and large to be aware that colonialism is an anachronism, and their attitudes are modified accordingly. Expatriate civil servants are not immune to the currents of thought prevalent in the nineteen sixties, and for the most part are young enough to take for granted in their own country the universal franchise, compulsory free education for all, extensive social services and very considerable personal freedom. And these are generally regarded as the ideal, if unlikely ever to be possible in the context of Hong Kong. Post-war trends of thought have produced a rather different type of colonial bureaucrat from those who, for instance, reserved The Peak exclusively for European habitation.\n\nConstitutional advance in Hong Kong was originally scheduled to keep pace, more or less, with what the British Government intended in other colonies. The war would have hastened on the process, had there been no change of government in China. The U.S. Government would have preferred Hong Kong to be restored to Chiang Kai-shek, and the Chinese themselves hoped that this might be the case. In the event, the surrender was accepted by both Chinese and British, but Britain, under the Charter of the United Nations, was committed to leading colonial territories towards self-government. It is rather a pity that no", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204999, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "98\n\nCOLINA LUPTON\n\nindication is given in this book of how the British Government saw the ultimate future of the Colony, though this is of academic interest today.\n\nThe years 1946-1949 were spent in drawing up what has become known as the Young Plan, after the Governor of the time, which would have provided for an elected Municipal Council, with a franchise for all men and women over the age of 25 who could read and write either English or Chinese. This plan was however thrown out by the Legislative Council, of which the unofficial members felt that reform of their own body should come first. They also objected to the fact that the proposed Municipal Council would overlap the functions of the Colonial Administration. In any case, the time, mid-1949, was unsettled in view of events in China and the opportunity was missed. Subsequently, the whole of Hong Kong society underwent such an upheaval with the flood of refugees and the diminishing of trade with the Mainland that constitutional reforms were shelved.\n\nA feature of the post-war situation of Hong Kong is the fact that everyone knows that the really important long-term decisions are not made in the Colonial Secretariat or even in Government House. This certainly adds to the lack of interest in acquiring any share in the Government. On the other hand, a paradoxical result of the establishment of the Communist Government in Peking is that most of the Chinese who have come to Hong Kong in the last fifteen years are here to stay, unlike the transients who before the war came to the Colony to find jobs in bad periods at home, expecting to return to their families when conditions improved. Hence the Chinese population does in fact have more interest than it did in pre-1949 days in seeing that the Government should at least be of the complexion it desires. As time passes, this will be both more and less true: a greater proportion of the populace will be Hong Kong born or educated, or both; but since it is clear that as Mr. Endacott says, Peking's demands for the revision of the \"unequal treaties\" are unlikely to stop at the Shum Chun river, the Colony's lifespan depends on how pressing the Chinese Government feels this revision is.\n\nAn interesting point in the early history of the Colony which Mr. Endacott brings out very clearly is that it was the British Government, which by not allowing any constitutional advance", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205002, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "101\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nCHINESE HISTORY: INDEX TO LEARNED ARTICLES 1902 - 1962. Compiled in the Fung Ping Shan Library, University of Hong Kong, by Ping-kuen Yu. XXXI 573 pp. Hong Kong: East Asia Institute, 1963. Paper, HK$70. Distributed by Universal Book Company, Hong Kong.\n\n―\n\nHong Kong, though boasting archeological remains of Chinese culture going back more than 2,000 years, has only recently come of age in the field of Chinese studies. This has resulted from the pressures of the extraordinary events of the past twenty years. No better corroboration of these two statements could be found than that provided by the appearance of this volume, and the circumstances surrounding its production. Mr. P. K. Yu, its compiler, was trained in Chinese studies first at New Asia College, now a component of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. New Asia College, like the other components of the Chinese University, was founded by intellectuals who had left the Mainland but who wanted to continue the scholarly traditions of the Mainland in Hong Kong. Professor Emeritus Frederick S. Drake, to whom this volume is dedicated and who contributes a graceful preface to it, headed the Department of Chinese at the University of Hong Kong until his retirement in 1964; he brought to that post a vast fund of Chinese learning garnered during his many years in China, as well as the high standards of modern scholarship. It was Professor Drake who called Mr. Yu to Hong Kong University, and who encouraged the present project with the double aim of making Hong Kong's resources for Chinese studies more accessible to scholars, and of training advanced students in methods of scholarly research. Mr. Yu himself represents one Hong Kong individual who has made one kind of response to the changing life of the Colony since World War II, that of becoming a first-rate sinologist and historian, first as a student at New Asia, then as a teacher and director of research at the University.\n\nNone of these things would or could have happened in Hong Kong before World War II. They are evidence that not only have the pressures of the post-war years created strains and problems for Hong Kong, they also have brought about growth", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205004, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 112, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n103\n\ncare with which the work of compilation was performed, not failure to note more errata.\n\nMr. Yu approached his work with very high standards. Instead of merely cannibalizing existing indices, as has often been done, he insisted that all entries be compiled directly from examination of the publications in question; in addition to judging each item afresh it was also possible to note complete data on page numbers and length, the seldom-offered facts on the bulk of an article here being regarded as one of the facts most useful to the scholar using an index. Moreover, the names of the 355 periodicals drawn upon in making the index are given in two lists, one in Chinese giving full information on history and editorship of the publication in question, and another briefer one in English and romanization. Professor Drake's preface reports that Mr. Yu will also write a history of Chinese scholarly periodicals, drawing on the data gathered in the course of this work of compilation. Moreover, the Harvard-Yenching Institute, which generously supported both research and publication, has been so impressed by the value of Mr. Yu's work that they have asked him to enlarge and supplement the present index by adding further periodicals not yet available in Hong Kong, and by continuing to produce biennial additions to keep this kind of indexing up to date with current publication. Hong Kong, its material and its human resources, are thus placed in the service of Chinese studies everywhere. We must be grateful, principally to Mr. Yu, but also to all those who have contributed to this achievement.\n\nPrinceton University\n\nFrederick W. MOTE\n\nLAND USE AND MINERAL DEPOSITS IN HONG KONG, SOUTHERN CHINA AND SOUTH-EAST ASIA. Edited by S. G. DAVIS. Proceedings of a meeting held in September 1961 as part of the Golden Jubilee Congress of the University of Hong Kong. Hong Kong University Press 1964. 260 pages. HK$60.\n\nThe golden jubilee of a university is, under most circumstances, an event to be proud of. The prestige of a reputable university increases of course with the advance of age. On the occasion of its golden jubilee in September 1961, the University of Hong Kong initiated six symposia. One of these was on land use", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205005, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "104\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nand mineral deposits in Hong Kong, Southern China and South-East Asia. After a lapse of three years, the proceedings have been published, making a very substantial contribution to the study of the geography of Hong Kong.\n\nThe book is divided into three parts:\n\nPart I deals with land use and contains eighteen short articles. Of the nineteen authors, eight are graduates of the Department of Geography, University of Hong Kong. With Professor Davis as editor, the book leaves us with a vivid impression akin to a painting which portrays a mother hen directing a group of her young in search of food. The eighteen articles occupy 152 pages or sixty-two per cent of the book's length. According to their nature, the articles are again divided into three sections: industrial planning (five papers), agricultural planning (two) and land use in South-East Asia (eleven). Of the eighteen articles, \"Land for Industry and Factors Influencing Location in Hong Kong\", \"Changes in Agricultural Land Use in Hong Kong\", and \"The Port of Hong Kong\" constitute the core of Part I, providing a basic explanation of the economic development of Hong Kong in recent years and the influence exercised thereon by the geographical setting.\n\nIn Part I, only two articles are unrelated to Hong Kong. They are \"Mixed Farming and Multiple Cropping in Malaya\" by R. Ho, and “The Development and Spread of Agricultural Terracing in China\" by J. E. Spencer. The former gave me an opportunity to re-examine the facts about land use in Malaya. In 1962, accepting an invitation from the University of Malaya, I had gone to Kuala Lumpur to participate in the Regional Conference of the International Geographical Union. We had lengthy discussions about land use in Malaya and Professor Ho had kindly accompanied us throughout the post-conference excursion and explained to us the problems concerned. The second article is of absorbing interest to me too, because, over the years I have been groping in a similar field. However, research of this kind entails much reading of the Chinese classics, and I feel that the more I have read, the more difficult it is to jump to conclusions.\n\nOne defect that is usually inevitable in any collection of articles is that they generally fail to reflect a uniform standard. As an article is a piece of writing done on request, the people invited to write often show different degrees of seriousness in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205008, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS \n\n107\n\nIn addition to the above merits over which it has no exclusive claim, Goodrich's dictionary has two special assets which are not commonly shared by other dictionaries. First, each character is immediately followed by its radical. This indication of the character's radical improves the value of the book as a tool for learning Chinese, especially for those who learn it by the inductive method. Radicals help the student understand the etymologies of the characters, and facilitate the process of associating the character and its meaning. Thus, they help, to some extent, remove that utterly 'lost' feeling which sometimes develops in the beginner who is tempted to think that Chinese characters are just so many arbitrary symbols.\n\nSecondly, abbreviated characters now in official use in Communist China are inserted in the new edition. This makes the dictionary particularly valuable to the student of contemporary Chinese problems, who must read source materials coming from Mainland China.\n\nNevertheless, the dictionary is not without its share of imperfection. It was probably considerations of space that led the author of this pocket-size book to keep the number of \"terms\" or \"expressions\" given as illustrations of the use of the various characters, to a bare minimum. Among its very limited number of illustrative expressions, some are obsolete or wrong or otherwise not commonly in use in China. The following are but a few examples:\n\nThe term shuikuo2 (or jui kuo2) (literally \"Shui-country\") given on page 177 to mean 'Sweden' is no longer in use at present. Chinese people coming across these two characters today would be at a loss as to what the user wants to say: Sweden (# shui tien3) or Switzerland (shui shih) or some obscure newly created state in some remote corner of the earth.\n\nThe expression hsi fu4 is given on page 71 to mean 'bride, wife'. This is a colloquial use confined to Peking and its neighbouring areas. Elsewhere in China, these two characters put together mean 'daughter-in-law'. Other expressions such as cha2 cheng1 for 'exerting oneself' (page 3) and cheng1 ching4 for 'wrangling' (page 39), which are in colloquial use in Peking, are unheard of in other parts of China. The usual related expressions in ...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205010, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 118, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n109\n\nof Buddhist Tantrism\" with a discussion of the mystic's approach to what is 'experience.' When he treats the concepts of 'reality' and 'spirituality' his reference to S. Freud's 'super-ego' for the Tibetan yid i.e. 'mind,' lacks persuasiveness, but admittedly this is not part of the main argument. Comparisons with Hegel and Kant as well as the Sanskrit sources and their interpretation could not be checked for this review. Apart from referring, among others, to Bertrand Russell and Karl Jaspers, the author seems to agree repeatedly with William S. Haas's The Destiny of the Mind. Taken as a whole, this broadly conceived study is valuable food for thought to the informed philosopher.\n\n\"Three Impressions of Bamian\" by Alastair Lamb is an exciting introduction to the sculptures, caves and wall paintings of this Buddhist monastic cave complex in Afghanistan. The views and pictures of three visitors to Bamian are compared: Charles Masson in 1832, Vincent Eyre in 1842 and Lamb himself in 1958. The picture section comprises altogether thirty-two plates, mostly photographs. The main features of Bamian are the Buddha colossi of 120 and 175 feet in height respectively, the \"giants of Gandhara sculpture.\" Bamian is taken as “a gigantic demonstration of the great extent of contacts between China, India, Iran and the Mediterranean which flourished from the foundation of the Roman Empire to the period of the T'ang Dynasty.\" The various early domes in Bamian cave architecture are treated in some detail and described as \"convincing proof of the strong Western influence in the Buddhist architecture of Afghanistan.\"\n\nThaung Blackmore presents a comprehensive view of the \"Founding of the City of Mandalay by King Mindon\" in 1857. Though some ancient Burmese customs such as myosade, i.e. human sacrifices at the foundation of a city, were given up, the construction of Mandalay was still mainly influenced by traditional concepts, in particular by astrology.\n\nWalter Hochstadter is a very outspoken fighter for the \"Real Shen Chou,\" as he sees him. Under the heading of \"Popular Conceptions of Shen Chou's Style\" he particularly criticizes Professor Osvald Sirén. Hochstadter lists seven points which are useful to establish a major painter's work, the main one being brushwork. He arrives at the conclusion that only two works", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205012, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n111\n\n-\n\nASIAN PERSPECTIVES: The Bulletin of the Far-Eastern Pre-history Association, Vol. VII, No. 1-2 (Summer-Winter 1963), Hong Kong University Press, 1965.\n\nThe 1963 issue of Asian Perspectives comprises the following four parts:\n\n1. Regional Reports\n\nThe achievements of archaeology, mostly up to the end of 1962, are discussed by the area specialists of the Far Eastern Prehistory Association for fourteen regions. These are: Eastern Asia and Oceania (W. G. Solheim II), Northeast Asia (C. S. Chard), Korea (Kim Won-yong), Hong Kong (S. G. Davis), Union of Burma (U Aung Thaw), India (B. B. Lal), Ceylon (P. E. P. Deraniyagala), Madagascar (P. Vérin), Malaysian Borneo (B. Harrisson), Philippines (A. E. Evangelista), Polynesia (Y. H. Sinoto), New Zealand (O. Wilkes), Melanesia (R. Shutler Jr.), Australia (F. D. McCarthy).\n\nEach report is accompanied by a valuable extensive bibliography. Editor Wilhelm G. Solheim II informs the reader that China and Japan are absent because these two countries have too many news items. This issue of Asian Perspectives for the first time covers India, Pakistan (in the section \"Notes and Articles\") and Ceylon.\n\nII. Topical Reports\n\nAn outstanding contribution in this section is a bibliography by M. E. Barker on \"Linguistics\" up to the end of 1962, which also includes unpublished manuscripts.\n\nIII. Notes and Articles\n\nA very remarkable report by Erika Kaneko on the archaeological survey of several of the Ryukyu islands in 1962 sheds new light on the present archaeological situation and on megalithic structures there (pp. 113-137). B. B. Lal's article (pp. 144-159) draws a comprehensive picture of \"A Decade of Prehistoric and Protohistoric Archaeology in India, 1951-1960.\" A. P. Khatri reports on field work during 1959-60, which, though it failed in its main object to discover fossil man's bones in India, brought\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205013, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "112\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nto light a rich collection of Stone Age tools and of fossils of mammalian fauna. Some of the implements are represented in beautiful drawings in the article (pp. 160-182). Two shorter reports, \"Prehistoric Pakistan\" by Ahmad Hasan Dani and \"Prehistoric Archaeology in Ceylon\" by P. E. P. Deranivagala, conclude this section.\n\nMost articles include drawings and many photos.\n\nIV. Special Taiwan Section\n\nThis part is introduced by guest editor Kwang-chih Chang. Taiwan can be regarded as being of particular interest to pre-historians as it is an important link between the East Asian continent and the islands of the Western Pacific, more specifically speaking, between the archaeology of the mainland and the ethno-logy of the Pacific. C. C. Lin in “Geology and Ecology of Taiwan Prehistory\" deals with the Quarternary Period in Taiwan. Pin-hsiung Liu reports on excavations in Ta P'en K'eng and other prehistoric sites in Taiwan in 1962 and 1963. Naoichi Kokubu presents an analysis of the prehistoric Ryukyu Islands and deals with questions different from those in Erika Kaneko's report listed in Part III.\n\nOther contributions by Kwang-chih Chang and Wilhelm G. Solheim II deal with the relationships of Taiwan in prehistoric times with China (Chang) and Southeast Asia (Solheim). Isidore Dyen's linguistic study on \"The Position of the Malayopolynesian Languages of Formosa\" concludes the articles in the Taiwan section. A \"Selected Bibliography of Taiwan Archaeology : 1953 - 1962” is appended.\n\nHong Kong University Press must be thanked for the excellent printing of this valuable volume, including its many photos and drawings.\n\nK. Bünger\n\nIN\n\nSOUTHEAST ASIA : ILLUSION AND REALITY POLITICS AND ECONOMICS. LENNOX A. MILLS. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis. 345 pages HK$32.\n\nIn the introduction to his recent work entitled, The Revolution in Southeast Asia, Victor Purcell writes, \"The view generally held", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205019, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "118\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nhalf of the century could be made subsequently. This is a job for an historical geographer and I suggest that the Department of Geography in the University of Hong Kong would be the proper place in which to undertake this project. Such a map should then be printed and sold through the University Press. This would be a useful tool which scholars increasingly need as they dig deeper into the history of China's relations with the West in this part of Kwangtung and as the early history of the Colony of Hong Kong is more fully studied.\n\nWhile on this subject of local history I would like to take up a few points concerning the article entitled \"A Reconnaissance of Ma Wan and Lantao Islands in 1794\" by Mr. A. Shepherd and myself and published in Volume 4 of this journal. At the time this article was written Mr. Shepherd was a Lecturer in the Geography Department of Hong Kong University and I was a member of the History Department there. On page 115, the seventh line from the bottom, we wrote that in 1821 the Kwang-tung authorities were much stricter in enforcing anti-opium regulations. It would have been truer to have said \"from 1821 onwards.\" One of the virtues of Dr. Chang Hsin-pao's recently published book Commissioner Lin and the Opium War is that he gives ample evidence from Chinese sources to show that the Canton authorities had taken energetic and successful measures to prevent opium smuggling in the Pearl River before the arrival of Commissioner Lin in Canton in March 1839. Both Juan Yuan as Governor-General of the two Kwangs from 1817 until 1826 and later Teng T'ing-chen who was Governor-General from 1836 until 1840 took a tough line against Chinese opium smugglers within the Pearl River before Commissioner Lin arrived.\n\nI would like to add these few corrections to this article: On page 118 note 25, the name Tung Ku should read Lung Ku or Lung Kwu Chau. In note 26 for Tulse read Hulse. In note 27: the photographs are printed between pages 114-115 and were taken by me in 1963. Finally, we would like to acknowledge the help which we received in writing this article from Mr. James Hayes, Mr. Webb-Johnson and Mr. G. B. Endacott.\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205037, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "136\n\nLI, Dr. Tsoo-yiu*\n\nLINDSAY, T. J.\n\nLINDSAY, Mrs. B. E.\n\nLIU, D. H.\n\nLIU, Sydney C.\n\nLIU, Dr. Tsun-yan\n\nLLEWELLYN, J.\n\nLO, Chin-tang\n\nLO, Hsiang-lin\n\nLO, T. S.*\n\nLOCKS, Miss A. M.\n\nLOSEBY, Miss P.\n\nLOTHROP, F. B.*\n\nLUCAS, Col. E. S.*\n\nLUM, Miss Ada*\n\nLUPTON, G. C. M.\n\nLYM, Miss Renee M.\n\nMA, Meng\n\nMCBAIN, E. B.\n\nMCBAIN, G.\n\n1C-3C Broom Road, H.K.\n\nMessrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K.\n\n26 Severn Road, H.K.\n\nc/o American Consulate-General, Garden Road, H.K.\n\n31 Kin Wah Street, 2nd Floor, North Point, H.K.\n\nc/o Faculty of Oriental Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, A.C.T., Australia.\n\nDept. of Geography & Geology, The University, H.K.\n\n38D, 8th Floor, Bonham Road, H.K.\n\nDept. of Chinese, The University, H.K.\n\nc/o Lo and Lo, Jardine House, 7/F., Pedder St., H.K.\n\nKing's Park House, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon,\n\nc/o Russ & Co., Rooms 523/5 Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Peabody Museum, Salem, Mass, U.S.A.\n\n94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K.\n\n142, Boundary Street, Kowloon,\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\nPark Mansions, 4 Mile Taipo Road, 1st floor, Kowloon.\n\nInstitute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K.\n\nc/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Imperial Chemical Industries (China) Ltd., 16th Floor, Union House, H.K.\n\nMACCABE, Miss E. M. A. King's Park House, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon.\n\nMCCABE, Mrs. S. J. New Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K.\n\nMCCRARY, M.* 25-A Robinson Road, Top floor, H.K.\n\nMCDOUALL, The Hon. J. C. Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, Connaught Road, C., H.K.\n\nMCCOY, J. Universities Service Centre, 155 Argyle St., Kowloon.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205041, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "140\n\nSELLETT, G.*\n\nSHEKURY, Miss E.\n\nSHING, D.\n\nSHEPHARD, A. J. SHU, Dr. H. T.\n\nSHUI, Chien-tung\n\nSIEGEL, H. W.\n\nSIKORA, F.\n\nSIMPSON, R. F.\n\nSINFIELD, G. H. C.\n\nSKELSON, Mrs. M. C.\n\nSKELSON, R. E.\n\nSLEVIN, B.\n\nSMALL, Dr. D. H.\n\nSMITH, Miss A. M.\n\nSMITH, L.*\n\nSMITH, L. A.\n\nSMITH, Miss M. H.\n\nSMITH, S. H.*\n\nSOONG, N.\n\nSPERRY, H. M.*\n\nSTANLEY, Major H. F.\n\nSTANTON, W. T.*\n\nSTEWART, Miss E. M.\n\n\"Pinecrest\", N.K.I.L. 3543 Tai Po Road, Kowloon.\n\n14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon.\n\nFlorida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K.\n\nAdministrative Officer, Police H.Q., H.K.\n\n70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. Tsing Hua College, 263 Prince Edward Road, Kowloon,\n\nc/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K.\n\n29 South Bay Road, H.K.\n\nDept. of Education, The University, H.K.\n\nH.K. Telephone Co., Ltd., Prince's Building, H.K.\n\nc/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K.\n\nAs above.\n\nc/o 1st floor, Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K.\n\nDental Unit, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon.\n\n512 King's Park House, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon.\n\n23-A Robinson Road, H.K.\n\n2741, SW 22nd Ave. Coconut Grove, Miami 33, Florida, U.S.A.\n\n19 Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K.\n\nc/o Messrs. Scott & English Ltd., P. O. Box 1555, H.K.\n\nAsia Magazine, 31 Queen's Road, Central, H.K.\n\n2, Queen's Road, Central, H.K.\n\nH.K. Tourist Assn., Caroline Mansion, H.K.\n\nDina House, Duddell Street, H.K.\n\nc/o The Housing Manager, Hong Kong Housing Authority, Ma Tau Wei Estate, Kowloon,\n\nQueen's College, Causeway Bay, H.K.\n\nFlat 1, \"Ravencourt\", 24 Mount Austin Rd., H.K.\n\nSTOKES, J.\n\nSTONEY, G. S.\n\nSTONEY, Mrs. G. S.\n\nAs above.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205042, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 150, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "141\n\nSTOWE, C.-\n\nc/o Education Dept., H.K.\n\nSTRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd.,\n\nUnion House, H.K.\n\nSTUART-JERVIS, Mrs. M. J. 4 Abermor Court, May Road, H.K.\n\nSU, Dr. Chung-jen*\n\nSU, Ming-hsuan\n\nSWIRE, A. C.*\n\nTALBOT, H. D.\n\nTAN, Khek-seng*\n\nTANG, Mrs. M.\n\nTANG, Sir Shiu-kin*\n\nTARR, A. D.\n\nTARWATER, J. W.\n\nTHOMAS, L. F.\n\nTHOMAS, Dr. O. L.\n\nTHOMPSON, R. W.\n\nTHORN, Mrs. R.\n\nTILL, The Very Rev. B.*\n\nTISDALL, B.\n\nTOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie\n\nTOWNER, J. A.\n\nTREGEAR, Miss M.\n\nTRISTRAM, M. P. W.\n\nTSEUNG, Dr. F. I.\n\nTURNER, Sir M.*\n\nUHALLEY, S. Jr.\n\nEvone Court, Flat C, 24 Yik Yam Street,\n\n6th Floor, Happy Valley, H.K.\n\n45 Hankow Road, 9th Fl., Flat C, Kowloon,\n\nMessrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House.\n\nH.K.\n\nDept. of Geography & Geology, The University, H.K.\n\n6 Goldsmith Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K.\n\n7C Bowen Road, Bowen Mansions, Apt., 402,\n\nH.K.\n\nRoom 1701 Central Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K.\n\n3 Old Peak Road, H4, H.K.\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert\n\nRoad, H.K.\n\nFlat 5, \"Cliffside\", King's Park Rise,\n\nKowloon.\n\nSenior Lecturer in Spanish, Univ. of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad, W.I.\n\n14D, Headland Road, Hong Kong.\n\nc/o Morley College, 61 Westminster Bridge\n\nRoad, London S.E.1, England.\n\nRoom 404 Hong Kong & Shanghai Bank\n\nBuilding, H.K.\n\n19, Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K.\n\nDistrict Office, South, 36 Gascoigne Road,\n\nKowloon.\n\n24 Portland Road, Oxford, England.\n\nRating & Valuation Dept., Murray House,\n\nGarden Road, H.K.\n\nChina Building, 4th floor, H.K.\n\n\"Whispers\", Riversdale, Bourne End, Bucks,\n\nEngland.\n\nc/o The Asia Foundation, 2 Old Peak\n\nRoad, H.K.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205044, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "143\n\nWONG, Kwok Fong WONG, Pao-Hsie\n\nWONG, Prof. Po-shang\n\nWONG, Shing-tsang WONG,\n\nMiss Shirley, Ting-yin WOO, Dr. Pak-foo\n\nWOOD, Mrs. C..\n\nWOOL-SMITH, Miss J. WORTHY, E. H. Jr.\n\nWORTLEY TALBOT,\n\nMiss P. E.\n\nWOU, Dr. Paul, P. C.\n\nWRIGHT, Miss B. R.\n\n+\n\nT\n\nWRIGHT, D. A. L. WRIGHT, Dr. Leigh R. YANG, V. T.\n\nYANG, Tsung-han\n\nYAP, Dr. Pow-meng\n\nYATES, Miss J. N.\n\nYEH, Rev. Hua-fen\n\nYEUNG, Walter, W. T.\n\nYOUNG, L. K.\n\nYU, Ping-kuen\n\nYU, Yin C.\n\nZIGAL, Mrs. I.\n\nZIMMERN, W. A.\n\n+\n\n·\n\n+\n\n-\n\n+\n\n92A, Pokfulum Road, 1st floor, H.K. c/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K.\n\n11th Floor, Mascot House, 746-8 Nathan Road, Kowloon,\n\n16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st floor, H.K.\n\n22 Wong Ma Kok Road, Stanley, H.K. Room 204 China Building, H.K.\n\nSisters' Qurs., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon,\n\nAs above.\n\nNew Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. Flat 3-C, Union Apartment, 11 Macdonnell Road, H.K.\n\nWise Mansion 8-C, 32 Robinson Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of Education, The University, H.K.\n\nc/o Hong Kong Club, H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of History, The University, H.K.\n\nFlat A-1, 9th floor, 2 Oaklands Path, H.K.\n\nP. O. Box 6175, Hong Kong.\n\n86C, Pokfulum Road, H.K.\n\nc/o H.K. Housing Society, P. O. Box 845, H.K.\n\n15, Stangee Place, Katong, Singapore 15.\n\n60-B Conduit Road, Ground floor, H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of History, The University, H.K.\n\nDept. of Chinese, The University, H.K.\n\n205-7, Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\n12 Bowen Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Wheelock Marden & Co., Ltd., Room 1234, Union House, H.K.\n\nThe Hon. Secretary (P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform him of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205048, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 4, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "# OBJECTS OF THE SOCIETY\n\nThe Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal.\n\nA brochure containing a short history of the Hong Kong Branch, together with a list of lectures given before the Society since its revival, can be obtained by prospective members from the Hon. Secretary, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong.\n\n# NOTE TO CONTRIBUTORS\n\nThe Editorial Committee welcomes contributions from non-members as well as from members. Articles, notes and queries, and other material dealing with such subjects as the history, languages, literature, art, social customs, and natural history of Hong Kong and adjacent areas will be considered for publication.\n\nContributors are requested to follow closely the style sheet of the Journal, obtainable from the Editor. Contributions of over 20,000 words will not normally be accepted for publication in the Journal. They may, however, be submitted for consideration as monographs.\n\nAll communications intended for publication should be type-written in double spacing on one side of the paper only, leaving adequate margins. They should be sent to the Hon. Editor, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205049, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 5, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "CONTENTS\n\nPAGE\n\n1\n\nPresident's Report for 1965\n\nHON. TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1965\n\nTRANSACTIONS OF THE BRANCH, 1965-66:\n\nA Plea for a Regional Approach to Chinese History:\n\nThe Case of the South China Coast\n\nThe Five Great Clans of the New Territories\n\nARTICLES CONTRIBUTED:\n\n- Sino-Western Contacts Under the Mongol Empire\n\n- The Foreign Relations of Buddhism in Modern China\n\n* The Hanlin Academy in the Early Ch'ing Period (1644-1795)\n\nOld British Kowloon\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nJ. NOLDE\n\nH. BAKER\n\n6\n\n9\n\n25\n\nH. FRANKE\n\n49\n\nH. WELCH\n\nA. L. Y. CHUNG\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\n-\n\n73\n\n100\n\n120\n\n-\n\n138\n\n159\n\nLIST OF Members\n\n-\n\n172", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205052, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 8, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "May 24\n\nJune 21\n\nSeptember 27\n\nOctober 25\n\nNovember 22\n\nProfessor C. D. Cowan\n\nA Chronicler of Traditional Malay Society: the unpublished journals of Sir Frank Swettenham 1874-76\n\nColour Films\n\n\"Mekong\" (by courtesy of Shell Company of Hong Kong Ltd.)\n\n\"Mount Kinabalu\" (North Borneo)\n\n(by courtesy of the British Council)\n\nMr. leuan Hughes\n\nLL\n\nRecent Visit to China\n\nDr. J. R. Jones\n\n++\n\nW\n\nGiuseppe Castiglione (1688-1766) Italian Artist and Architect in the Court of Ch'ien-lung\n\nSir Lindsay Ride\n\nAn Introduction to Macau\"\n\nDecember 5 Macau Tour\n\nThe Journal continues to maintain its high standard both of interest and scholarship. Our thanks are due to Mr. Uhalley and his Editorial Board for their good work in bringing out Volume V after it had been delayed owing to the editorial changes last year. Volume VI is well under way and may be expected by the autumn.\n\nOur library continues to grow. Mr. F. A. Nixon was generous again and presented two rare and valuable books, and soon we shall have the books for which The Asia Foundation made a grant of $2,850 last year. It is unfortunate that we do not yet have a room of our own in which we can house our accumulation of books and where they can be consulted and studied. Our library is at present housed in the Hong Kong University in the care of our Hon. Librarian Mr. H. A. Rydings.\n\nDuring the last six years the Council has undergone few changes. Last year we lost Dr. W. C. G. Knowles who with Mrs. Knowles had been one of the Society's firmest and most loyal supporters from the outset. When he retired last July his place on the Council was filled by Mr. Kenneth W. Robinson who", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205053, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "3\n\nsucceeded him as Vice Chancellor of the University of Hongkong, and whom we welcome to carry on the tradition of Sir Lindsay Ride and Dr. Knowles.\n\nThis year, however, the Society and the Council will be suffering three serious losses which will make it necessary to give careful consideration to the composition of the Council to enable it to maintain the vitality which it has sustained during the last six years. Early this year Sir Lindsay Ride, who retired last year as Vice Chancellor of the University and had gone to live at Taipo to concentrate on his forthcoming great work on Macao, to the appearance of which we look forward with eagerness, wrote that he felt that the time had come to give up his membership of the Council. Sir Lindsay is a founder member and was a pillar of strength on the Council from the beginning. His address on the Old Protestant Cemetery in Macao, which was published in Volume III of the Journal in 1963, was a memorable one and his address on the same subject last November and his inspired guidance on the occasion of the Society's visit to Macao assured the complete success of the tour. Although Sir Lindsay wrote that he would always follow the activities of the Society from the back benches with unabated interest, his loss to the Council will be severely felt; but we trust that we may still rely on his help and wise counsel which I am sure will be often needed.\n\nNext comes Mr. T. J. Lindsay who has performed the increasingly arduous task of Hon. Treasurer from the beginning when he joined the Society as a founder member. Mr. Lindsay has not only looked after our finances and borne the burden of collecting members' subscriptions, but with his immense knowledge of China and the Far East he has been a source of great strength on the Council in all its activities. He is leaving the Colony on retirement to Australia, and we wish him and Mrs. Lindsay long years of happy retirement.\n\nAs a culmination of our losses, comes the loss of Mr. Lawry. Mr. Lawry will be leaving the Colony this coming summer. From 1961 until recently he was our Hon. Secretary, popular and indefatigable. Upon the resignation of Sir Lindsay Ride as Vice Chairman in January last, the Council by virtue of their powers under the constitution, appointed him Vice President in Sir Lindsay's place until this Annual General Meeting. To fill his", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205057, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 13, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "HON. TREASURER'S REPORT\n\nINCOME & EXPENDITURE ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR ENDING 31ST DECEMBER, 1965\n\nINCOME\n\nEXPENDITURE\n\nSundry Expenses $ 3,254.00\n\nSundry Receipts $ 4,104.00\n\nSymposium Expenses 1,396.85\n\nSymposium Receipts\n\nMacao Tour Expenses 3,665.00\n\nJournal Expenses 14,833.10\n\nMacao Tour Receipts 716.23\n\nJournal Receipts 3,890.00\n\nLecture Expenses 956.74\n\nInterest on Investments 70.00\n\nMembership Expenses '65 1,742.54\n\nDonation 4.70\n\nMembership Expenses '66 5,000.00\n\nLife Memberships '65 0.15\n\nLife Memberships '66 400.00\n\nPaid in '65 250.00\n\nSurplus\n\nAnnual Memberships '65 7,412.20\n\nExcess of Income over Expenditure 1,915.96\n\nAnnual Memberships '66 Paid in '65 668.05\n\n$25,139.76 $25,139.76\n\nBALANCE SHEET AS AT 31ST DECEMBER, 1965\n\nLIABILITIES\n\nASSETS\n\nSurplus 31st December, 1964 $28,431.14\n\nInvestments at Cost $34,057.06\n\nExcess of Income over Expenditure in 1965 (Market Value) (See Below) 1,915.96\n\nCash on Deposit 6,000.00\n\nCash at Bank 1,312.43\n\nCash in Hand 229.45\n\n$35,973.02 $35,973.02\n\nINVESTMENTS\n\n114 shares H.K. & S.B.C. London Register @ 94 700\n\n6% Commonwealth of Australia '77/'80 @ 94%\n\n200 China Light & Power Co., Ltd. @ $19.\n\nNote: (1) Dividend received from China Light included in 1966 a/cs.\n\n(2) Stock of Vol, V of the Journal:\n\nIn hands of Librarian £1,054-10-0\n\nIn hands of Secretary 662- 7-6\n\n£1,716-17-6 @ 16 = HK$27,470.00\n\n3,800.00\n\nTOTAL HK$31,270.00\n\n$129.00 paid 29/12/65 will be 463 49\n\nLINDSAY,\n\n(Signed) T. J. Lindsay,\n\nHon. Treasurer.\n\nHong Kong, 16th March, 1966.\n\n512 at cost $2,524.16\n\n(Signed) J. M. Scott,\n\nHon. Auditor.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205058, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 14, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "A PLEA FOR A REGIONAL APPROACH TO CHINESE HISTORY:\n\nTHE CASE OF THE SOUTH CHINA COAST Based on A Lecture Delivered on 4th April, 1966\n\nJOHN J. NOLDE\n\nEver since men such as Thucydides, or Ssu-ma Ch'ien, began to collect, analyze, and interpret historical documents, they have been, from time to time, vexed by a series of nagging questions: How valid and authentic are the documents I have used? How closely does the portrait I have painted of the past correspond to the real world of the people who lived in that past? Have I, in fact, really described what was \"going on\"?\n\nOr to put the question the other way: Is there not always a danger that the historian may be led by his documents to create a picture of the past that is far too broad and general to have any relevance for the people living at that place and at that time? I wonder, for example, whether the studies of the coming of the Varangians to Russia in the ninth century have much to do with the lives and loves of the people then living along the Russian river system; or whether detailed analyses of the political structure of Renaissance Italy have much to do with the way the average Italian really lived. In short, if \"history is man's memory of what men have said and done\", to use Carl Becker's phrase, with what accuracy does the historian's tale reflect what was actually said and done? Is not the historian's view of the past not always in danger of being distorted by the zeitgeist of his own era (as Becker again would have it), and that what he may think important was of little consequence to those living at the time?\n\nI don't doubt that the certain Big Events are important, especially in terms of the extent to which they explain the general course of history, why the stream of history seemed to run in one direction and not another. Furthermore, I would be the first to agree that such events as the Pelopponesian Wars or the French Revolution did dominate the life and thoughts of the peoples living in those places at that time. But is this always, or even usually, the case?\n\nThe author is Dean of the College of Arts and Science at the University of Maine.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205059, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "10\n\nJOHN J. NOLDE\n\nThe problem of historical relevance is especially troublesome in the field of modern Chinese history, where, I suggest, three distortive forces have been at work.\n\nThe first of these has been the tendency to think of China as a single entity, a monolithic whole, as if it had the cohesiveness of an England or a France. One example is a recent book on local government which treats the problem in terms of all China throughout the entire Ch'ing period. Another study is concerned with the techniques of imperial control in rural China, and while the treatment is limited to the nineteenth century, the author attempts to bring all China within his scope, presumably from Kwangtung to Sinkiang and from Yunnan to Shantung.\n\nThe problem is, of course, that China is not a uniform whole. The differences between north and south China are vast indeed, and the Kwangtung fishing village is as unlike a Hopei farming community as the life of a Loire valley peasant differs from that of a Swiss herdsman. No one questions the fact that there are universals in Chinese history and culture: the written language, Confucianism, ancestor worship. But the differences are surely as great as the similarities, if not greater: linguistic variations, differences in economic organization, religious ceremonies and festivals that are peculiar to special areas, even racial differences. Important, too, is the attitude of the people themselves on this point. The northerner may still hold the southerner, especially the Cantonese, in some contempt, and the Cantonese still speak of people from other provinces as wai sheng jen, “outside province people”.\n\nA second distortive influence, and this is closely related to the first, has been to give Chinese history a \"north China slant”. There has been a tendency to assume that the cultural, linguistic, social patterns, indeed, the very history of the north, were typical of all China, and even if it is admitted that other areas differ widely from these patterns, it is somehow assumed that the other patterns are aberrations, variations from the ideal. Furthermore, there has been a tendency to think that the problems of north China were the problems of all China and that the troubles of Peking officialdom were somehow important in other parts of the empire.\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205060, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 16, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "REGIONAL APPROACH TO CHINESE HISTORY\n\n11\n\nThirdly, historians have tended to think of recent Chinese history largely in terms of the \"impact of the West\", forgetting that for most Chinese the foreigner and his activities were of little real importance. They may have been important to Peking and to some members of the bureaucracy in certain areas of the empire, but the barbarian and his doings could not have loomed large in the day-to-day life of the average Chinese villager or even the average Chinese official. Yet most studies of nineteenth-century Chinese history have been concerned with the Opium Wars, the \"scramble for concessions\", the Boxer Uprising, the impact of Western thought on Chinese intellectual history. Even the Taiping Rebellion has been thought of largely in terms of its Christian origins and its impact on Sino-Western relations and little has been done, until recently, to treat it as a Chinese phenomenon, which ultimately it was. But what relevance did all this have for the fisherman in his junk off Lantau or the peasant farmer in Szechuan?\n\nIf there is any validity to the above comments about distortions in Chinese history, it may be that a useful corrective device would be a regional approach to Chinese history. We might be able to gain a better insight into the life and times of nineteenth-century China, for example, by limiting the scope of our studies to cohesive geographic and cultural areas. This would tend to neutralize the all-China, or north-China bias. It would put the impact of the West in its proper perspective. Above all, it might provide answers to the questions raised at the very beginning of this paper: for the person living at a given place and at a given time, what was really “going on”?\n\nAs an experiment, I have chosen the Hong Kong-Macao-Canton area of south China. This has the advantage of being comparatively small and relatively homogeneous in terms of language, culture, and economic base. Its people were aware of their regional cohesiveness, especially in comparison to outside-province people, though even within this area there were racial and linguistic differences. I have limited my study, more or less, to the first half of the nineteenth century.\n\nPolitically, the area approximated the territory included in the hsien,3 or districts, which occupied both sides of the Canton River estuary. The districts constituted about two-thirds of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205061, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 17, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "JOHN J. NOLDE\n\nlarger prefecture of Kwangchou, whose administrative center was at Canton. Kwangchou itself was one of the fifteen prefectures which made up the province of Kwangtung, the latter being linked with the neighboring province of Kwanghsi to form the Viceroyalty of Liang-Kwang. Kwangchou prefecture was about 25,000 square miles in size and was occupied by a population of about five to ten million people.\n\nNow, when this area appears in the standard histories of nineteenth century China it is usually as the stage-setting for the activity of the foreigner and the conflict between the Western barbarians and Chinese officialdom. There are long accounts of the nature and organization of the Canton trade. H.B. Morse wrote six volumes on the East India Company. The diplomatic historian is concerned with the Amherst mission of 1816 and the Napier mission of 1834. There are detailed accounts of the effect of the dissolution of the Company on the Canton trade. And, of course, there are numerous descriptions of the Opium War and its causes and consequences.4\n\nIt would seem, somehow, that the history, if not the day to day living, of the people of the Hong Kong-Macao-Canton axis (if not all China) was inseparably linked with the foreigner, his exploits, the Canton system, and the opium traffic,\n\nBut what was really \"going on\"? What was life really like?\n\nThe most striking fact about the area during those times was not the foreigner and his trade but the deplorable state of civil administration. It was in chaos. Official authority did not extend much beyond Canton. Banditry and brigandage were the order of the day inland. Secret societies harassed government officials and private individuals at will,\n\nPiracy, especially, was a problem.\n\nIn the early years of the century a large pirate fleet under the leadership of one Cheng I had been organized. While his theatre of operations extended from Swatow to the Philippines, and perhaps as far as Borneo, most of his activity was centered in these waters. Commanding a fleet of hundreds of junks and thousands of men, Cheng I virtually terrorized the coast.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205063, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 19, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "14\n\nJOHN J. NOLDE\n\nPai Ling sent an emissary to Chang and his lady friend, offering him a post in government and the Dragon Lady a handsome pension if they would retire. Chang, in the meantime, had fallen out with some of his own lieutenants, and after a certain amount of negotiation he agreed to the government's terms. He agreed to disband his fleet and turn over most of his ships and equipment to the Imperial authorities. His men were to return to peaceful occupations. He was rewarded with an official position and actually took part in, perhaps led, several expeditions against those former comrades-in-arms who refused to surrender. The Lady received her pension and was reported living in Canton as late as 1830-1831.\n\nNow, aside from the more romantic aspects of this story, the point is that these raids were a major fact of life along the South China coast during these years. Local histories are full of accounts of the activities of Chang and his fleet, the Hsiang-shan hsien chih, especially, devoting many pages to his exploits.\n\nFurthermore, it seems fairly certain that many of Chang's men did not turn to peaceful pursuits after 1810. Many organized fleets of their own and continued their marauding, though on a reduced scale. While Chang's \"surrender\" may have broken the back of the pirate activity for a time, it would seem that by the 1820's piratical activity was again a major problem. Local histories record many instances of pirates extorting money from villagers along the Canton River. The Canton Register of July, 1829 reported that \"the rivers of the province are infested with pirates who force trading boats to purchase passes of them\". In the early 1830's pirate fleets attacked native craft near Macao Roads. The Chinese Repository of December, 1832 reported on a new class of pirate boat which, manned by crews of sixty to seventy men, kidnapped and carried off wealthy individuals for ransom. In the same issue the journal reported that a pirate fleet of thirty to forty sail \"was prowling off Macao. Its chief was said to be the son of a famous pirate.\"\n\nIn the interior things seemed to be in even more chaotic state, partly due to the activity of the ex-pirates now turned bandit and partly due to an increase in brigandage per se. English-language journals published at Macao in the 1820's and 30's commented repeatedly on \"parties of armed bandits\", \"vagabonds and ban-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205065, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 21, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "16\n\nJOHN J. NOLDE\n\nFirst of all, it is generally agreed that Imperial authority throughout the empire had begun to weaken during the latter years of the eighteenth century. After the era of the great Ch'ien-lung emperor, China was governed by two rather weak rulers. The sale of offices increased markedly in the latter part of the Chia-ching period and continued throughout that of Tao-kuang. Provincial authorities were being held in more and more contempt by the local populace and the gentry. We have, in short, a typical example of the setting in of a traditional dynastic decline. The mandate of heaven was running out for the Ch'ing Dynasty, and nowhere is this usually more apparent than in the outer reaches of the empire... the areas farthest from the Imperial center of power. Especially was this true in an area such as Kwangchou, with its linguistic, racial, and economic uniqueness. My guess is that Imperial control in Kwangchou had at best always been tenuous. Now it was almost non-existent,\n\n17\n\nSecondly, Kwangchou, during the 1820's and 1830's, suffered a series of severe natural calamities. In 1822 a disastrous fire swept Canton itself, doing incalculable damage. Beginning in the late 1820's catastrophic floods ravaged the area. In 1829 high tides \"to a degree unprecedented in the memory of the oldest inhabitant\", flooded the provincial city and swept away villages. Hundreds were drowned, and the rice crop was largely destroyed. An English-language journal reported that \"the loss of property far exceeds the sum of that sustained at the great fire of 1822\". The most serious of these disasters occurred during the summers of 1833 and 1834. Torrential rains raised the level of the rivers as much as ten feet above normal. Boats were reported navigating the streets of Canton. In July, 1833 10,000 lives were reported lost, 1,000 in the large town of Fushan alone. Most of the rice crop was lost in 1833 and the destruction of the mulberry-plantation-dykes in the southern part of Nan Hai Hsien resulted in the loss of the silk crop. The latter disaster would, of course, have long-range consequences. In September, 1833 the crew of the ship-wrecked vessel Bee, returning overland to Canton, reported \"the greatest possible distress among the inhabitants and a destruction of property such as has not been witnessed for many years\". The flood of 1834 was even worse and the loss of property and damage to the rice crop exceeded that of the previous", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205070, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 26, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "REGIONAL APPROACH TO CHINESE HISTORY\n\n21\n\nwould \"take advantage of the situation to create suspicion and burn down the buildings of the barbarians and loot and plunder foreign goods. All this they have been wanting to do for a long time, [and] if each robber should rise up at the same time both Canton and Hong Kong will be destroyed.\" \"Danger from without (the foreigner),\" he continued, \"was troublesome enough and must be guarded against, but internal troubles were even more important.”\n37\n\nAlong the coast piracy had again become well-organized. In 1844 a pirate fleet of 150 boats exacted blackmail from all passing native craft and attacked Imperial military outposts. At one point they actually captured the official in charge of the Bogue, cut off his ears, and demanded $60,000 ransom,\n38 A modern historian described the scene thus: \"Pirates swarmed in Hong Kong waters. Lawless European seamen joined the outlaws. Native marine storekeepers on the island (of Hong Kong) not only supplied them with arms and ammunition and disposed of their booty but furnished them also, through well-paid spies in mercantile offices and government departments, with information as to the shipment of valuable cargo and particularly as to the movements of the police and British gunboats. Chests of opium and other valuables were carried off. Men, ships, mail, and cargo disappeared forever.\"\n39\n\nAs in the early days of the century, the Imperial navy was powerless in the face of this piratical power, and it was not until the British navy went into action in 1849 and the pirate fleets were partially destroyed that a semblance of order was restored.\n40\n\nThis, then, was what was \"going on\" in the 1840's.\n\nTo the \"average\" Chinese villager, as to the \"average\" Chinese official, the real problem was the lack of internal peace and order. It is true that the foreigner was being attacked and his property stolen... of this there can be no doubt. But Chinese were being attacked and Chinese property was being stolen too.\n\nFor every barbarian assaulted there must have been hundreds, if not thousands, of Chinese victims as well. The dominant theme of the '40s was not anti-foreignism, or even an over-riding concern with the foreigner and his doings. It was, rather, the alarming spectacle of a large and populous area of south China slipping deeper into", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205071, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 27, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "22\n\nJOHN J. NOLDE\n\npolitical chaos. Surely this was the major concern of the peasant, merchant, or fisherman who found himself and his property at the mercy of marauding bands of lawless men. And surely this was the main concern of officials at all levels, especially the high authorities in the city, who were faced with demotion, exile, or worse, if this trend should continue.\n\nNow, I would be the first to admit that this thesis is hard to prove. The official documents are not of much help, for no bureaucrat wants to bring matters of this kind to the attention of his superiors. Even the local gazetteers are not as helpful as one would think, for, after all, they were the work of a scholar-gentry class which had close ties to officialdom. Western accounts are unreliable for obvious reasons. Yet if this material is pieced together carefully and with imagination, I think it is possible to create a fairly accurate picture of what really happened.\n\nUltimately, this kind of history requires a certain intuitive sense, and this can come only from a personal awareness of the land and sea, the winds and tides, the people and their characteristics and peculiarities. This is why, as I have suggested in the first part of this article, a regional approach to Chinese history might be fruitful. All China is simply too big and variegated to lend itself easily, if at all, to this kind of awareness. But a smaller unit, with geographical, social, linguistic, and economic limits does so lend itself, if for no other reason than that the historian can bring all of it within his comprehension. Eventually we may acquire a greater insight into China's past by trying to construct total pictures of a series of small areas rather than a series of unconnected vignettes of a big area, simply because we can grasp all aspects of the former but only unrelated bits and pieces of the latter.\n\nHong Kong, especially, lends itself to this kind of approach. The land and its people are here to be studied. The Cantonese reaction to a certain type of situation is probably much the same as it would have been a hundred years ago. There exist scores of villages which have changed little since the 1830's and 1840's. Cooperative research by experts in several disciplines, using the pooled resources of the two universities, and with the help of Government, especially the Office of Chinese Affairs, could go far in the direction of creating a picture of the past which would be in many ways more accurate than the one now existing.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205072, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 28, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "REGIONAL APPROACH TO CHINESE HISTORY\n\n23\n\nThis may violate some of the basic principles of the historian's craft. It means going beyond the documents, or at least reading into them interpretations which the documents per se may not warrant. It means reading between the lines. It may even mean attributing significance to the fact that a document does not exist. It means applying the principles of anthropology, sociology, agricultural economics, even psychology to events which occurred many years ago.\n\n....a tricky procedure at best.\n\nBut it may, in the end, bring us closer to what \"really happened\" than has heretofore been the case.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Ch'ü Tung-tsu, Local Government under the Ch'ing, Cambridge, 1962.\n\n2 Hsiao Kung-chuan, Rural China: Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century, Seattle, 1960.\n\n3 These are the districts (hsien) of Nan-hai, P'an-yü #, Hsun-teh 顺德, Tung-kuan 东莞, Hsin-an 新安, and Hsiang-shan 香山,\n\n4 Cf. M. Greenberg, British Trade and the Opening of China, London, 1951; P. C. Kuo, A Critical Study of the Opium War, New York, 1935; H. P. Chang, Commissioner Lin and the Opium War, Cambridge, 1964; etc.\n\n5 For account of this pirate's exploits see C. F. Neumann, History of the Pirates Who Infested the South China Sea from 1807 to 1810, London, 1831. This is a translation of a Chinese work entitled Ching-hai fen-chih 靖海氛志 by Yuan Yung-lun 阮永纶\n\n6 The Indo-Chinese Gleaner, July, 1821,\n\n7 The Canton Register, July 26, 1828.\n\n8 The Chinese Repository, June, 1834, p. 83.\n\n9 The Canton Register, February 18, 1828,\n\n10 Ibid., October 3, 1829.\n\n11 Ibid., December 12, 1829 and September 6, 1830.\n\n12 The Chinese Repository, June, 1832, p. 80.\n\n13 The Canton Register, March 8, 1828.\n\n14 The Chinese Repository, April, 1836, p. 566.\n\n15 Ibid.\n\n16 Ibid.\n\n17 Kwang-chou fu chih (广州府志), Canton, 1879 ed., chuan 81, p. 286.\n\n18 The Canton Register, June 18, 1829,\n\n19 For details see pertinent issues of The Chinese Repository, The Chinese Courier; The Canton Register; Kwang-chou fu chih, p. 306.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205073, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 29, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "24\n\nJOHN J. NOLDE\n\n20 The Canton Register, October 24, 1833.\n\n21 The Chinese Courier, September 14, 1833.\n\n22 Nan-hai hsien chih (*), 1910 ed., chuan 2, p. 52a. Hsum-teh hsien chih (MRA), 1853 ed., chuan 31, p. 20b.\n\n23 The Canton Register, May 20, 1834.\n\n24 The Chinese Repository, April, 1838, pp. 593-605.\n\n25 Italics mine,\n\n26 For the standard treatment see J. K. Fairbank, Trade and diplomacy on the China Coast, 1842-1854, Cambridge, 1953; Tong tekong, American Diplomacy in China, Seattle, 1964; E. Swisher, China's Management of the American Barbarians, New Haven, 1953.\n\n27 For details see pertinent British Blue Books such as Papers relating to riot at Canton in July, 1846..., 1847; Papers relating to murder of six Englishmen, 1848; Correspondence respecting insults in China..., 1857; etc. For the episode of 1849, see J. Nolde, \"The False Edict of 1849\", Journal of Asian Studies, May, 1961, pp. 299-315.\n\n+\n\n-\n\n28 Papers relating to murder....\n\n... PP. 17-18.\n\n29 The Chinese Repository, June, 1847, p. 320.\n\n+ 1\n\n30 The Foreign Office archives in the Public Record Office in London contain much material on this case which is not included in the published documents.\n\n31 G. W. Cooke, China: ..., London, 1858, p. 435. This is a translation by Thomas Wade of a memorial by the Chinese official Tseng Wang-yen 曾望颜.\n\n32 Ibid., p. 436.\n\n33 Ibid., p. 439.\n\n34 Ch'ou-pan i-wu shih-mo (*), Peking, 1930, chuan 75, pp. 11a-12b, 13a-14b; The Chinese Repository, January, 1846, pp. 51-52.\n\n35 Kwang-chou fu chih, 81, p. 43b.\n\n36 Cooke, p. 440.\n\n37 I-wu shih-mo, 79, pp. 46b-47a,\n\n38 G. Fox, British Admirals and Chinese Pirates, London, 1940, p. 92.\n\n39 Ibid., p. 94-95.\n\n40 J. C. D. Hay, The Suppression of Piracy in the China Sea, London, 1889, passim.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205074, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 30, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "25\n\nTHE FIVE GREAT CLANS OF THE\n\nNEW TERRITORIES\n\nBased on a Lecture Delivered on 1st March, 1965\n\nHUGH D. R. BAKER\n\nI\n\nSoutheastern China, and the provinces of Fukien and Kwangtung in particular, is an area which, to quote Freedman, \"has specialised... in large-scale unilineal organization\". The New Territories falls within this area and is true-to-type in its widespread settlement by patrilineal groups. I have to deal with two kinds of such groups and shall use the terms lineage and clan to distinguish them. By lineage I mean a group of agnatically related males together with their unmarried female agnates and the wives of the men, all living together in one settlement (village or village-cluster), holding property in common, and politically a unit under one leadership. By clan I mean the aggregate of all such groups in the area bearing a common surname and recognising a recent, traceable common origin, but yet not necessarily owning property in common and not united as one leadership unit. These definitions are not entirely satisfactory, but will perhaps suffice in this context, since there is a lack of precise terminology with regard to such units of the Chinese kinship system. In this paper I am going to describe in outline the history and development of the five largest clans and lineages of the New Territories, to try to tie in historical and land-type factors with wealth and growth, and to trace out some of the consequences of wealth in the lineage system. Finally I shall try to show briefly how these clans and lineages were engaged in a network of alliances and antagonisms, and how they reacted to external stimuli. The term Five Great Clans is an attempt at translation of the Chinese, by which name I have heard these people refer to themselves.\n\nThe author is a graduate student at the University of London who conducted research in the New Territories in 1963-65.\n\nPage 30\n\nPage 31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205084, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "THE FIVE GREAT CLANS\n\n35\n\nsibility of the watch to compensate the owner, so that they acted as a rudimentary form of insurance, as well as guards. They also acted as fire-watchers and firemen. One further advantage was that in this way there was always a small body of men under arms in case of attack from bandits or other clans.\n\nMen who were apprehended by the watch were taken before the village leaders for trial and judgement. Punishment frequently took the form of a beating, the criminal having a sack tied over his head to prevent his seeing who administered it. At the same time restitution of goods stolen, or a cash equivalent, had to be made. The system still survives, performing the same functions, though the watch no longer have to deal with bandits. Nowadays offenders caught would probably be handed over to the police, though a lineage member might well be subjected to the informal justice of his own lineage leaders in preference to this. Certainly it is not unknown for the lineages still to execute their own forms of punishment on wrong-doers. The chief advantages of the watch-system from the villagers' point of view are that both thieves and the police are kept away.86\n\nOne of the marks of a wealthy family, in this part of China at least, was the ability to buy and maintain outsiders in a position of servitude. Sai Man87 or Ha Fu, as these servile families were called, were to be found in each of the villages of the five clans, while other smaller lineages of the area do not appear to have possessed them — a further mark of the superior wealth and status of the five. Under this system of servitude, a male would be bought from his family and raised as a servant in the house of the purchaser. In due course he would be married at the owner's expense and provided with a house to live in and fields to till. He paid no rent, nor did he give up any proportion of his harvests; in theory, all he was required to do was to work for his owner on special occasions such as weddings and feasts, and to help at lineage ceremonies. In practice he was at the beck and call of all the lineage to do any task they set him. He was a servant for life, as were his wife and his descendants. In return for a guaranteed income and house he forfeited his freedom and submitted to a position of degradation throughout his life. Financially better off than the poorer members of the master lineage, he was socially way below them. Sai Man were not taken from", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205086, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "THE FIVE GREAT CLANS\n\n37\n\nMainland livestock. Rice cannot be grown to compete with the Mainland and Thailand. The vegetable revolution did not come early enough to alleviate the situation, and still has not spread wide enough to provide an answer. The clans one by one were forced to look elsewhere for income, and one after another began to send men overseas. While I have no figures to prove my point, it is clear that the order in which they succumbed to this process is in inverse order of wealth. In other words, the first to start sending people overseas were the Mans of San Tin, while the last were the Tangs of Kam Tin. The process of modernisation and rebuilding of villages throughout the New Territories shows the pattern in pictorial form. Some of what were previously poor, small villages are almost completely rebuilt now with a more modern style of house and many modern amenities. Then come the Mans of San Tin, whose large village is perhaps approaching one-quarter rebuilt with money earned overseas; and lastly comes Kam Tin, where the rebuilding has only recently started,\n\n97\n\nV\n\nMany writers on and observers of Southeastern Chinese society have drawn attention to the constant rivalry and feuding between clans in the area, and the New Territories have been no exception to this. In the past, and to a lesser extent now, the five clans have been rivals for power and influence in the area, the animosity between them at times breaking out into open warfare; but while rivalry and bad blood was the norm between the clans, they did draw together and cooperate when faced with danger from outside or with some other form of external stimulus. Two major historical examples of cooperation between the clans can be cited.\n\nIn 1662, the first year of the K'ang Hsi reign,99 all inhabitants of a wide strip of land on the Southeastern seaboard of China were ordered to move inland as part of a scorched earth policy formulated to help control pirate forces. All the five clans were involved in this evacuation, and it was not until seven years later in 1669—that they were allowed to return, and then only through the intercession and memorialisation of the throne of two high officials of the Kwangtung provincial administration, Chau Yau-tak and Wong Loi-yam.100 As thanks offerings to these two", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205091, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "42\n\nHUGH D. R. BAKER\n\nNOTES\n\nThis article is based on the lecture delivered to the Society on 1st March, 1965. The material has, however, undergone rewriting, augmentation and excision, firstly for the purposes of a paper read to the Anthropology Colloquium of Cornell University in April 1965, and secondly to suit it for publication in this Journal. When the original lecture was given, I began by pointing out that I could give no more than an outline of the history and conditions of settlement and life of the Five Clans, and that much more work would have to be done on this topic before concrete conclusions could be drawn. I must stress again the tentative and sketchy nature of this article, offering it rather as an inducement to others to continue investigations than as a satisfactory piece of research.\n\nMany statements made are unsubstantiated by footnotes, and it should be understood that in these cases I have drawn the material from oral sources and from my own observations during a residence of eighteen months in a village of one of the Five Clans. Chinese names and terms have been romanised according to their pronunciation in Cantonese.\n\n1 Maurice Freedman, Lineage Organisation in Southeastern China, London, 1958; Preface,\n\n2\n\n3\n\n4.\n\n6 X.\n\n7 *, A.D. 960-1127.\n\n8 寶安錦田鄧氏族譜、“干開寶六年宦遊入廣.........遂即遷居于寶安\n\n9. See Sung Hok-pang's articles in the Hong Kong Naturalist, Vols. VI and VII, \"Legends and Stories of the New Territories\", Parts III and IV, \"Kam Tin\", for a detailed account of the founding of this village. Strictly speaking, Kam Tin is an area rather than a village, but I shall refer to it as a village.\n\nThe population is given as 2,150 in A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories, Hong Kong, 1960. Population figures given below are also taken from this source, but they must be taken as a rough guide only, the Introduction to the Gazetteer warning that \"the statistics are based on an unofficial census in 1955\". Furthermore, the intervening decade has seen many changes in distribution and size of the population. In some cases the total population for one village is not given, and I have had to add together figures from component villages, which I may have selected too arbitrarily for accuracy.\n\n10. Population 2,760.\n\n11. Population 2,840.\n\n12 AЯ. Population 660 including Tai Po Tau Lo Wai ✰ƒ¤★¤,\n\n13 ★★A, also known as Lung Yeuk Tau. The name is that of a group of villages, an area; but I shall refer to this group as a village. Population 2,605, but only a small proportion are Tangs.\n\n14 $*, A.D. 1127-1279.\n\n15 ML, but frequently pronounced Wo Sheung Heung, and sometimes written #. Population 580.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205092, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "The Five Great Clans\n\n43\n\n16. Population 95.\n\n17. Population 460.\n\n18. Population 110.\n\n19. Freedman, op. cit., p. 28.\n\n20. Population 1,985.\n\n21. Population 3,600.\n\n22. A.D. 1280-1367.\n\n23. Population 2,046.\n\n24. also known as Cha Hang. Population 505.\n\n25. 江西省, 吉安.\n\n26. See the 寶安錦田鄧氏族譜, section headed 鄧氏之始.\n\n27. i.e. Canton.\n\n28. See the 新安侯氏族譜. Unfortunately this genealogy is not very detailed, apparently being a portion only of an original which was largely destroyed.\n\n29. I have not yet seen a copy of the Pang genealogy, the information here being taken from a sketchy, and perhaps not very reliable, survey made by Government in 1956.\n\n30. See the 新界文氏族譜, preface to the genealogy of the Second Branch.\n\n31. also known as Xin'an 新安, the District of which the New Territories were formerly a part.\n\n32. A.D. 1368-1643. See the 文氏族譜. Apparently the San Tin Mans arrived slightly earlier than the Tai Hang lineage, whose first ancestor moved at some time during his long life of 84 years (A.D. 1341-1425) spanning the Yuan and Ming Dynasties. I have not yet seen the genealogy of the San Tin lineage, but my information is taken from the Government survey of 1956 (See note 29), which includes a section probably copied from a Preface of their genealogy.\n\n33. 本地.\n\n34. 劉家.\n\n35. The Liu lineage, whose first ancestor according to oral lineage history was an itinerant tinker and blacksmith, a trade which appears to have been almost a Hakka monopoly in this part of China.\n\n36. Rev. Mr. Krone, Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Part VI, 1859; \"A Notice of the Xin'an District\", p. 95.\n\n37. Ibid., p. 80. Of course numbers of villages are not necessarily a true guide to population, and, indeed, Krone does stress that Punti villages were frequently larger and more important; but the 4:1 ratio of examination passes still appears inequitable.\n\n38. Charles J. Grant, The Soils and Agriculture of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1960. Of general use are Fig. 1(d), which demonstrates clearly that the major areas of low-lying (and therefore accessible and probably well-watered) land are within the areas occupied by units of the Five Clans; and Fig. IV(a), which shows that the major areas of paddy-soil coincide with areas of residence of the Five.\n\n39. Ibid., fig. VI(a).\n\n40. Ibid., fig. VI(b).\n\n41. 劉氏族譜, Notes on the seventh generation.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205094, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "THE FIVE GREAT CLANS\n\n45\n\n63 Ibid., In fact there was a second geomancer (of the eighth generation) cooperating in this plan,\n\n64 松柏朗\n\n65 Grant, op. cit., figs. VI(e) and (f). These figures also point to one of the mysteries of the New Territories—the settlement of the very rich upper half of the Lam Tsuen Valley by Hakka lineages, a phenomenon which denies the usual pattern of Punti monopoly of first-class land.\n\n66 Ibid., fig. IV(a).\n\n67 Ibid., fig. I(c), and p. 2. For a map see K.M.A. Barnett, \"Hong Kong before the Chinese” in JHKBRAS, Vol. 4, 1964.\n\n68. This moribund market was revived in 1925, and has thriven since 1949.\n\n69 元朗儅爐.\n\n70 大埔舊墟\n\n71 See Robert G. Groves, “The Origins of Two Market Towns in the New Territories\" in Aspects of Social Organisation in the New Territories, HKBRAS, Hong Kong, 1965, p. 17.\n\n72 Ibid., p. 18.\n\n73 For a brilliantly worked out study of marketing systems of this sort see G. William Skinner, “Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China” in The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. XXIV, Nos. 1-3, 1964-5.\n\n74 For some other ways in which they made the markets pay, see Groves, op. cit., page 18.\n\n75 See J. W. Hayes, \"The Pattern of Life in the New Territories in 1898\", JHKBRAS, Vol. 2, 1962, for an incomplete list of markets operative at the time. Sha Tau Kok and Shek Wu Hui are notable omissions.\n\n76.\n\n77 坑頭村-\n\n78 See, for example, Freedman, op. cit., pp. 66ff,\n\n79***. But they are often more in the nature of 'leaders' than 'representatives', a fact which is recognised in the title by which the villagers more commonly address them HE.\n\n80 The festival of Chung Yeung.\n\n81 Called ch'i l'ong.\n\n82 荃灣.\n\n83 See J. M. Potter, Ping Shan: the Changing Economy of a Chinese Village in Hong Kong, micro-filmed thesis for the degree of Ph.D. at the University of California at Berkeley, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1964.\n\n84 or T.\n\n85 As witness an incident a few years ago in San Tin, where, in an adultery case, a man was condemned by the villagers to drowning in a pig-basket in the pond. Timely intervention by the police was all that saved him,\n\n86 Rightly or wrongly the view persists in the rural areas that no contact with authority is good contact.\n\n87 A.\n\n88 FA. They are mentioned under the name of Sia-wu in Chen Han-seng, Agrarian Problems in Southernmost China, 1936.\n\n89 Quite what brought about the disappearance of this institution is not clear to me. Certainly it was not interference from the Government of Hong Kong, as witness the report by J. Russell dated 18th July 1886 and appended", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205095, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "46\n\nHUGH D. R. BAKER\n\nto \"Mui Tsai in Hong Kong\", the Report of the Committee appointed by the Governor, in Hong Kong Sessional Papers 1935.- \"The most careful inquiry shews that no male children are bought and sold here as slaves or servants. and confirms the statements in the Blue-book that 'Boys are sold to be sons. not slaves' and 'that no such thing as a slave-boy exists in Hong Kong\". It might too with truth have been added 'nor in Canton' \". The 1935 Report itself concludes that \"there is no evidence of slavery among Chinese males”. \n\n90 ***.\n\n91 蒙養學校.\n\n92 *.\n\n93 It is tempting to link this Sai Man surname with the original name of Kam Tin - Sham Lei - and to postulate a history of enslavement by 岑里 the Tangs of the original inhabitants. There is no evidence to support such a theory, however, and it must be put down to coincidence.\n\n94 趟。\n\n95 Anyway, since the vegetable-growers are mainly immigrants, indigenous men were freed from the land and looked elsewhere for income in addition to the rents from these fields.\n\n96 Perhaps the village of Tai Tau Leng ★★ may be taken as an example.\n\n97 See for instance Freedman, op. cit.; Hu Hsien-chin, The Common Descent Group in China and its Functions, New York, 1948; Arthur H. Smith, Village Life in China, New York, 1899; Lena E. Johnston, China and her Peoples, London, 1923; and many others.\n\n98. A.D. 1662-1723.\n\n99 For more details see Lo Hsiang-lin, Hong Kong and its External Communications before 1842, Hong Kong, 1963, (Chinese version 1960), chapter VI.\n\n100 Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, and *, Governor of Kwangtung. For details see the Hsin-an Hsien-chih B of 1819; also Lo Hsiang-lin, op. cit., chapter VI.\n\n101 I have not seen this temple, and believe it to be on the mainland side of the border which runs through the town.\n\n102 It has become very much a part of village life, accommodating a school; while on the ten-yearly occasions of Kam Tin's Ta-chiu Festival it is the physical focus of the ceremonies, and also has importance in that Chau and Wong are the 'patron saints' of the festival,\n\n103 周王二院.\n\n104 In fact, it was only the Tang Clan which was not wholly involved in the venture---those of its lineages on the West side of the New Territories not being included. The whole of each of the other four clans took part.\n\n105 That is the Tangs of Tai Po Tau and Lung Kwat Tau.\n\n106 Burned down in the fire of 1954, and not yet rebuilt.\n\n107 深圳河.\n\n108 The Tangs of Lung Kwat Tau, the Haus and the Lius.\n\n109 The Tangs of Tai Po Tau, the Pangs, and the Mans of San Tin and Tai Hang.\n\n110 J. W. Hayes, op. cit., note 52.\n\n111 \"Despatches and other papers relating to the extension of the Colony of Hong Kong\", in Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1899.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205097, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 53, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "Highland\n\nSwampland\n\nBoundary of Hong Kong\n\n2 MILES\n\nSham Chan\n\nKwongtung (China)\n\nHa\n\nSheung Shui\n\nTin Kong\n\nsta. Tow Long\n\nLong\n\nSon\n\nKam teiki\n\nHa Tien\n\nPing Shon\n\nYush Long\n\nKom Tin\n\nTou Trued\n\nLung Kuat Tow\n\nFan Ling\n\nTai Hoop\n\nItai Pa Kau Hai\n\nStar Pa mui\n\nArea of the New Territories largely controlled by the Five Great Clans\n\nCourtesy of Henry Talbot, Hong Kong University\n\n48\n\nHUGH D. R. BAKER", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205098, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 54, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "49\n\nSINO-WESTERN CONTACTS UNDER THE\n\nMONGOL EMPIRE*\n\nHerbert FRANKE\n\nContacts between Chinese civilization and that of the West, whatever we take \"West\" to mean in this context, have a long and tortuous history which, for some periods, is still far from sufficiently studied. All historians, however, even the most Europe-centered ones, do agree that these contacts reached a pre-modern, all-time high under the Mongol empires in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, and even the most superficial or condensed textbooks of world history have a few words to say about East-West relations following the conquests and campaigns of Chingis Khan. In such books, we frequently encounter the statement that this period facilitated intercourse and exchange because of the so-called Pax Mongolica, \"Mongol Peace\", when the Mongol domination of East and Central and even great parts of West Asia crystallized into an empire stretching from the Yellow Sea to Southern Russia. Like so many historical tags, this is, however, a statement that loses much of its seemingly uncontrovertible truth when one considers the historical facts. If it is really the task of the historian to reconsider from time to time historical writings and historical dicta, and to debunk history if necessary, then this notion of Pax Mongolica requires qualification.\n\nA historian of China will therefore perhaps ask if cultural contacts and interchange between China and the non-China West were really more frequent and easy under the Mongols in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries than under the Six Dynasties and the T'ang when no Eurasian universal empire like that of the Mongols existed. We know that a great number of travellers, missionaries, and merchants from the Western Regions came to China between the late second and the ninth centuries A.D., and that many non-Chinese cultural elements penetrated East, among them the world religion of Buddhism that became such an important part of Chinese culture. Most of the early Buddhist\n\nText of the Hume Memorial Lecture delivered at Yale University, February 5th, 1965. The author is Director of the Institute for East Asian Cultural and Linguistics Sciences, University of Munich.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205099, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 55, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "50\n\nHERBERT FRANKE\n\nmonks, missionaries and translators of the holy scriptures came from Iranian Central Asia at a time when there was certainly no universal peace in Asia. But was there really something like a Pax Mongolica, even during a very short time? The Mongol rulers of China who had adopted the Chinese dynastic name of Yüan in 1271, regarded themselves, from Khubilai on, more as rulers of China than of a universal empire of which China was only a part. This is reflected, as we shall see, in the Yuan dynastic history which is usually vague and uninformed as soon as a geographical area outside of China proper is mentioned. Although Khubilai was the Great Khan of all Mongols, his rule was always threatened by dissatisfied pretenders who tried to set up their own kingdoms in the Northern and Western regions, and there are recorded, in Chinese historical sources at least, as many feuds, campaigns and full-scale wars with other Mongol rulers and pretenders as good-will embassies from the other Mongol ulus (dominions); those of Chagatai in Central Asia, the Ilkhans in Persia and the Golden Horde rulers of Southwestern Siberia and South Russia. The situation, at least in the fourteenth century, among the non-Chinese ulus was not much different. The Golden Horde rulers and the Persian Ilkhans were, to say the least, not friendly to each other and war was frequent. In short, it seems as if the Pax Mongolica is no more than one of those brilliant simplifications that can serve as chapter titles for world history books. There remains some doubt whether it was easier to get from, say, Venice or the Black Sea region or Persia to China under the Mongols than some centuries earlier.\n\nHowever that may be, there can be no doubt that there was a certain amount of cultural contact between China and the non-Chinese West under the rule of the Mongol emperors. But the fact remains that there was no Chinese Marco Polo, no Chinese Rubruk or Giovanni da Montecorvino. China, it seems, was not very much interested in learning more about the countries of the West; we have in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries no Chinese pilgrims like I-ching and Hsüan-tsang who had travelled to India in search of the Buddhist religion. There was no appeal and no challenge to learn more about the West. This relative indifference towards the civilization outside one's own geographical habitat and cultural background is to be seen in The Secret History of the Mongols, This fascinating book, the oldest", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205100, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "SINO-WESTERN CONTACTS\n\n51\n\nsurviving specimen of a Middle Mongolian literary text, and an invaluable source on the customs and mores of the Mongols in their early formative period, has a lot to tell about the feuds and struggles of steppe tribes. But it remains singularly uninformative about the countries outside Mongolia. The campaigns against Russia, for example, are mentioned only in the most laconic terms. It is said in No. 274 \"they destroyed the towns of Ejil, Jayah and Meget\". Of these three only Meget, modern Mzcheti near Tiflis, is a town, whereas Ejil and Jayah are names of rivers—the Volga and the Ural respectively. And later similar confusion reigns between names of tribes and towns—the text mentions the \"population of towns like Asut, Sesut, Bolar and Man-Kerman Kiwa\". Asut are the As, the Ossetes; Sesut are probably the Saqsin; Bolar the Volga Bulgars; and Man-Kerman Kiwa means in Turkish the \"great town Kiwa\" which might refer to Sugdaq near Kaffa in the Crimea raided by the Mongols in 1223. All this shows a grandiose unconcern over countries that, after all, had become parts of the Mongol empire.\n\nThe situation is not very different if we turn to the Chinese sources. The dynastic history of the Yuan, Yuan-shih, compiled in 1368-1369 from existing records does not contain much on those parts of Asia that, at some time under Kublai Khan, had belonged to him who was also emperor of China. The compilers and historiographers whose work finally resulted in the Yuan-shih as we have it were mostly Chinese, and their attitude in writing a dynastic history was as a matter of course centered on China. It is perhaps significant that in the section reserved for foreign states in the Yuan-shih we find only entries of those countries which had always had ambassadorial contacts and so-called \"tribute\" relations with China, countries like North and South Korea, Japan, Annam, Burma and Champa. These were immediate neighbors of China. No special chapters were written on other Western states, even if they were dominated by Mongols—countries such as Persia or the Golden Horde or the Chagatai dominion of Central Asia. If they sent embassies or notifications the records must be looked for in the annalistic section (pen-chi). There are, it is true, a few data on Western Asia and even Russia scattered through the Yuan-shih, but they are extremely scanty. There is an appendix on the Western Regions to the section of political geography (YS ch. 63) where the kingdom of Uzbeg.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205101, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "52\n\nHERBERT FRANKE\n\nKhan of the Golden Horde (r. 1313-1340) is mentioned together with a very few notes on some nations which belonged to the Golden Horde, the Cherkess, the Alans and Ossetes, the Qipchaq Turks, the Russians (Wo-lo-ssu, from the Mongol Oros) and the Bulgars (Chinese Pu-li-a-êrh). Under the Qipchaq entry we find some data mentioning Russia and the Russians, such as Batus' conquest of Yeh-lieh-tsan which is the Chinese name for the ancient Russian town of Ryazan (1237), adorned with an Altaic prothetic vowel (like Oros from Ros, Rus). And in 1253 the Chinese annals record that a Mongol dignitary was dispatched to register the households of the Russians for taxation purposes. This was under the Great Khan Mongke (r. 1251-1259) under whom there was still a certain unity of command over the vast territories of the Mongol empire. But in later years the cohesion among the ulus was reduced more and more, and the Chinese official sources have little if anything to say of the West.\n\nThe multi-national auxiliaries of the Mongols included some Russians. These were mostly slaves, or prisoners of war, and repeatedly gifts to the Mongol rulers in China of Russian slaves are mentioned. In 1330 even a Russian guards regiment was established in Peking. There were other guards regiments in addition to the Mongol and Chinese soldiers at that time, consisting of Alans (i.e., Ossetes), Tanguts, Jurchen, Koreans, Qipchaq, and \"Western Regions People\", probably from Turkestan. And a Mohammedan (Hui-hui) artillery corps was equally a part of the Mongol armed forces. The Russians who served in the Peking guards regiment were given land north of Peking and settled there as military colonists. Their total number must have been something like 10,000 because the Yuan-shih mentions that figure in 1330. Other Russian troops were, together with Ossetes, dispatched to the Manchurian and Korean borders (Liao-yang Province), and to places in Northern China. As late as 1339 the Chancellor Bayan was appointed a commander of these Russian soldiers but after that date no more is heard of them. We do not know what became of these Europeans who had been a definitely Western element in the multi-national metropolis of Yüan China.\n\nIf official Chinese historiography as reflected in the dynastic annals did not display any great interest in the West, there are at least other fields where we find traces of broader world conception stimulated by a growing consciousness that the world did stretch", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205102, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 58, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "SINO-WESTERN CONTACTS\n\n53\n\nbeyond China's borders. A Sino-Korean world map going back to the fourteenth century has been discovered where not only Asia but also Europe and Africa are shown, the latter continent even in a triangular shape that is comparatively close to geographical reality. Not less than 100 place names are given for Europe and about 35 for Africa. It must be hoped that the Western parts of this world map will be studied in the near future because this will furnish valuable evidence for the incorporation of Arabic and Persian geographical knowledge into Chinese geography. But it does not seem that this knowledge, restricted as it certainly was to a few geographers, was ever assimilated with the Chinese world conception which continued, in spite of this geographical information, on entirely traditional lines. The idea of China as the Middle Kingdom and center of the world was not really challenged, and not much curiosity on what lay beyond China was aroused among the Chinese intellectuals. What Chinese texts of the Yuan period have to say on countries beyond the sea is usually a poor extract from an earlier work of Sung date (ca. 1225), the Chu-fan chih \"Description of Barbarians\" by Chao Ju-kua. The foreign domination of China by the Mongols did not stimulate interest in foreign countries but rather encouraged a latent tendency of xenophobia.\n\nThere is another passage in a Chinese text which should be mentioned briefly because it concerns the first Europeans who came to China in the Middle Ages. This was some years before the Polos reached China, which was in 1265 or 1266 if we are to believe that they ever were in China at all, a question which is not yet settled. It has been suggested that in Polo's description of China there are some unsupported boasts about his having been governor in Yang-chou and his taking part in the siege of Hsiang-yang as artillery engineer. It is true that the Chinese sources mention foreign engineers who built stone catapults for attacking the city, but their names are Arab and they came from Baghdad. No Po-lo mentioned in the Yuan-shih or other sources can be identified with the Italian Polos; all the Po-lo's of the sources have had a good Altaic name, Bolod (“steel”), because they were of Mongol or Turkish extraction. And there are also a few glaring blanks in Polo's otherwise very detailed account. He never mentions tea, but this may be because he did not like tea or the Mongols in China never offered him any. He never mentions the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205103, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "54\n\nHERBERT FRANKE\n\npeculiarity of the Chinese script, and Chinese script is something that would strike even the most casual observer as something different from any other script in Asia or Europe. Even William Rubruk, who had never been in China but only in Mongolia, gives an entirely correct description of the Chinese writing system. All this has cast some doubt on the contention that the Polo family spent a long time in China. But however that may be, until definite proof has been adduced that the Polo book is a world description, where the chapters on China are taken from some other, perhaps Persian, source (some expressions he uses are Persian), we must give him the benefit of the doubt and assume that he was there after all. Polo tells us that he was \"the first Latin\" to come to Kublai Khan's court. \"Il (that is, Kublai) avait très grande joie de leur venue comme un qui n'a jamais vu aucun Latin.\" This is another statement in his book that is open to doubt. The Polos were certainly not the first Europeans who came to Kublai Khan's court. This is shown by a passage in a Chinese chronicle covering the time from the eleventh month of 1260 to the eighth month of 1261, that is, the beginnings of Kublai's reign. This chronicle is, at the same time, the most detailed annalistic source for any period of the Mongol dominion in China. There we find recorded under the seventh day of the second month of the second year of Chung-t'ung (June 6, 1261) that an embassy of the \"Fa-lang\" country came to Shang-tu (Dolon-nor) and was received in audience. Fa-lang is the Chinese rendering of Farang, the Franks, the name by which the Near Eastern peoples called Europeans. The description that these self-styled envoys gave of their country and their travels is very curious, but not more curious than some of the fantastic notions about the East that are found in European medieval literature: \"These people came and presented garments made from vegetable fabrics (cotton?) and other presents. These envoys had travelled three years from their country to Shang-tu. They reported that their country is in the Far West beyond the Uighurs. In their country there is constant daylight and no night. It is evening there when the field mice come out of their holes. If somebody dies there, then Heaven is invoked and it might even happen that the person is restored to life. Flies and mosquitoes are born from wood. The women are very beautiful and the men usually have blue eyes and blonde hair. There are two oceans on the route from", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205105, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 61, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "56\n\nHERBERT FRANKE\n\nThese Northern European traders, then, were the first Europeans that ever came to China, or so it seems. They left very little, if any, impression on the Chinese. Not even the annalistic chapters of the Yüan-shih recorded their arrival, and but for the court diary kept by a Chinese official in Kublai's residence we would never have known about them at all. The same is true for the Polos, who are, as indicated above, not recorded in any Chinese source. But this applies not only to the Venetian travellers. The many missionaries, mostly Franciscan friars, who came to China have left no traces in Chinese records and we would not know about their visit if Western sources had not preserved their accounts.\n\nGiovanni da Montecorvino, who was dispatched to the Great Khan in 1289 by Pope Nicholas IV, went to Peking (Khanbaliq) and we have in a medieval chronicle his letters dated from Khanbaliq 1305 and 1306 respectively. There he reports on the progress of his evangelistic work, on baptisms, and he asks to have sent to him an antiphonarium, a collection of legends, a psalter and a graduale. He pretends to have learned the Tatar language; that is, either Mongolian or Turkish. Otherwise nothing in his letters indicates things Chinese. They could have been written anywhere where the \"Tartar\" language was spoken and that was almost everywhere between the Black Sea and the Yellow Sea. He did not notice that the majority of the Peking inhabitants did not speak Tatar but Chinese.\n\nA similar impression is given by most of the other letters written by Franciscan friars residing in China all of which points to a singular lack of contact between China and representatives of Occidental civilization. There are, on the other hand, a few remains of an archaeological nature proving that Latin Christianity reached China after all. The most famous relic is the \"Latin Tombstone\" in Yang-chou, which has been called, not inappropriately, by the author of a study of the monument, “a landmark of Medieval Christianity in China.\" This stone was discovered in 1951 and has a Latin inscription saying that \"In the Name of the Lord Amen here lies Catherine, Daughter of the Late Sir Dominic de Viglione, who died in the Year of the Lord One Thousand Three Hundred Forty-Two in the Month of June.\"\n\nAbove the inscription there are several finely chiseled drawings of Mary with the Child and scenes of the martyrdom of St. Catherine, the patron-saint of the girl. These representations of Christian art show an impressive combination of Western motifs", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205106, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "SINO-WESTERN CONTACTS\n\n57\n\nwith Chinese technique and art forms. This stone is so far the \"sole material monument\" of the Franciscan mission in medieval China. It has been suggested that there might exist another one. Christian tombstones from Ch'üan-chou were published some years ago, and it has been thought that the language on one of them is Latin. It must be Christian because the inscription begins with the sign of the Cross, but the attempt to read it as Latin and to regard it as the tomb inscription for Andrew of Perugia, the third suffragan bishop of Zayton — modern Ch'üan-chou — does not seem convincing. The only thing that can be said with certainty is that the inscription is not in Syriac script.5\n\nThere is, however, another mission from the West that reached China and where even the dynastic history of the Yuan has recorded their arrival. It is that of the papal envoy Giovanni da Marignolli, Bishop of Bisignano. A medieval manuscript in Prague has recorded the Western part of the story. This embassy, if we may call it that, was occasioned by a letter from some Alan Christians in China dated 11th July 1336. Some of the senders can be identified with persons mentioned in Chinese sources of the period. The Pope, Benedict XII, answered with a letter dated 13th June 1338, and Giovanni da Marignolli left Avignon — the papal see in those years — in December 1338. He travelled first to Constantinople and proceeded from there to the Crimea and the court of Uzbeg, Khan of the Golden Horde. Another station was Almaliq in Central Asia. Finally the papal envoy reached Khanbaliq (Peking) and was presented to the Emperor, Shun-ti. Giovanni presented the emperor with gifts, among them a Western horse. After a few years in China the envoy went back to Europe via India and reached Avignon in 1353. The Chinese annals have recorded the exact date of the audience when Giovanni met Shun-ti, or, to call him by his Mongol name, Togon Temur; it was August 19, 1342. The Chinese dynastic history calls the country Fu-lang, another way of transcribing the name of the Franks, that is, the Europeans. However, Giovanni's name and that of the Pope, are not mentioned by the Yuan-shih. In any case, this embassy seemed so important to the compilers of the dynastic history that they recorded it, and this means something because the basic documents for Togon Temur's reign were already lost at the time of the compilation of the Yuan-shih so that the annals for his reign are notoriously incomplete. But even so it does not seem", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205107, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 63, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "58\n\nHERBERT FRANKE\n\nas if the court historiographers and recorders recognized the importance of the mission. The Western horse, at least, impressed Mongols and Chinese alike. It was, if not one of the Flemish battle horses, certainly much bigger and stronger than the native breed of horses familiar to the Mongols. The court painter Chou Lang was commissioned to paint a portrait of the horse. This painting was still extant in the eighteenth century when the Jesuit Father Gaubil saw it; the Catalog of the Imperial Collections compiled in 1815 lists it. There is no trace of that painting left, but in a time when so many and sometimes stunning discoveries are made in China and Chinese archives we should not give up all hope of tracing this pictorial evidence of Giovanni da Marignolli's embassy. Apart from painting, there are many passages in fourteenth-century Chinese literature where allusion is made to the gift of Western horses to the emperor. Many poets of that time wrote poems praising this kingly gift and extolling the horse which, as one poet says, stood out like a camel among the other horses in the Imperial stables. At least a full dozen writers can be found who considered this horse important enough to be the subject of a poem. Almost invariably, allusion is made to the famous \"Heavenly Horses\" brought to China under the Han Dynasty from the Western Regions by Chang Ch'ien. Then, as under Shun-ti, the gift of a Heavenly Horse was regarded as an auspicious omen for the Imperial house and the emperor in particular. All this is completely in accordance with Chinese tradition. If far-distant countries send tribute, this shows that the Mandate of Heaven truly extends to the end of the inhabited world. One wonders what Giovanni da Marignolli would have thought, being the representative of the Vicar of Christ on earth, if he had known that his embassy served as the subject for a display of Sinocentric sentiment and an exhibition of pro-dynastic loyalty. The lucky omen of the Heavenly Horses turned out to be of not much avail, however. A few decades later, the emperor had to flee to the Mongolian steppes when the Ming troops took Peking. It remains, nevertheless, quite surprising that so many Chinese poets (there is hardly a non-Chinese among them) went to the length of writing hymns of praise of the dynasty when nobody forced them to, and it seems that at least among the literati, there was not yet much anti-dynastic and anti-Mongol feeling. In any case, it is striking how much this incident is treated in literature in a traditional Chinese way.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205108, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "SINO-WESTERN CONTACTS\n\n59\n\nand that the foreign country of Fu-lang itself did not arouse any curiosity among the writers. Europe, in any case during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, remained unknown to the Chinese. It was not until the arrival of the Portuguese, and, a little later, of the Jesuit missionaries in the sixteenth century that the two worlds were brought into closer contact. This relative disinterest in foreign countries is paralleled 100 years earlier by the poems of Yeh-lü Ch'u-ts'ai. He had been in Khwarezmia (today Russian Turkestan) with Chingis Khan's armies and wrote a number of poems on Western subjects. If one would put it in a flippant way, one would have to say that Yeh-lü in his poems seems to have been impressed not by the proud mosques and the ancient culture of that region but mostly by the grape wine and the water melons that were grown in Khwarezmia.\n\nIf we take the word Western in a broader sense than just European and include the Near East, then we find for the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries much more detailed information on \"Westerners\" and their influence on activities in China. Islamic civilization had some impact on China under the Mongols, and we have seen that certainly geography in China was flourishing, incorporating data on the non-Chinese world taken from Arab sources. The geographical interest of the Mongol court is also reflected in Kublai Khan's attempts to discover the sources of the Yellow River. Expeditions were sent and the reports that can be found in the dynastic history and also in another, private source the Cho-keng lu, printed in 1366 are a valuable source for the historical geography of the Ch'ing-hai region and Eastern Tibet. Islam had, of course, reached China much earlier, that is, under the T'ang in the eighth and ninth centuries A.D., but it was under the Mongol rulers that Muslims began to take part in Chinese life to a greater extent. The Muslim contribution to Chinese civilization under the Yüan seems to have been chiefly in the fields of science. Astronomy was highly developed in the Islamic countries. After the Mongols had conquered Iraq and Persia, not a few Muslim scholars went to China. A center for astronomy was the observatory in Maraghah (Azerbaijan) founded in or about 1258. Under the Ilkhan Hulagu or his successor a Marāghah astronomer, Jamal ad-Din, was dispatched to China with what may be called blue-prints for astronomical instruments. We find their Persian-Arabic names and a short description of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205109, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "60\n\nHERBERT FRANKE\n\ntheir functions in the Yuan-shih. On the Chinese side, the leading astronomer was Kuo Shou-ching (1231-1316). To him fell the difficult task of reconciling the Arab astronomical system with traditional Chinese astronomy which had entirely different mathematical and geometrical foundations. As I am not a specialist in the history of science, I have to refer to Needham's detailed study of this problem.7\n\nAnother field where Western Asians reached some prominence in China was medicine. It seems as if the skill of Westerners in surgery greatly impressed the Chinese, because physicians from the Near East who performed all sorts of difficult operations are frequently mentioned. Some of them were not Muslim but Nestorian Christians, like Ai-hsieh (1227-1308) whose Chinese name is a rendering of Syriac Isa, Yehoshua, or Jesus. He was not only a famous physician but also for some time served as a Court Astronomer under Kublai Khan prior to the arrival of Jamal ad-Din. Ai-hsieh reached high offices at Kublai's court and was even honored posthumously by having his biography included in the Yüan dynastic history. His activities in China, however, and the presence of many other doctors from the Western Regions, failed to leave a permanent impact on Chinese medicine. The theoretical framework of traditional Chinese medicine continued to be the basis for medical literature and there is not much trace of Western contacts to be noticed in such medical and pharmacological Chinese works as the Pen-ts'ao kang-mu by Li Shih-chen (sixteenth century). On the other hand Chinese medicine was made known rather widely in Islamic countries, as we shall see later. It seems, in any case, that individual skills and techniques were appreciated in Yüan China rather than new theoretical issues and ideas that were entirely foreign to the Chinese. This is certainly the case in both astronomy and medicine; both remained faithful to the inherited theories in spite of occasional borrowings from the West.\n\nTechnology was another field where Westerners were active in China. We have mentioned artillery already. The catapults used by the Mongol and Northern Chinese armies against the fortified town of Hsiang-yang on the Han River were built by Mohammedan engineers. Hsiang-yang has, during a long period in Chinese history, been a town of great strategic importance. Whoever commanded Hsiang-yang could block the access to the fertile Middle", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205110, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "SINO-WESTERN CONTACTS\n\n61\n\nYangtse basin. The national Chinese state of Sung therefore tried hard to defend Hsiang-yang against the invading Mongol forces, and the town was besieged for five consecutive years (1268-1273). The engineers who built catapults for the Mongols came from Baghdad and had such unmistakably Muslim names as Ala-ud-din and Ismail. This disproves the story told by Marco Polo, that it was the Polos who distinguished themselves by constructing the artillery used against the fortifications of Hsiang-yang10. Another technological field in which Muslim engineers excelled was hydraulic engineering. In Yunnan, a Chinese province that was incorporated into the Chinese-Mongol empire as late as 1253, the governor was a Muslim from, it seems, Turkistan, by the name of Sayyid Ajall Shams-al-Din. He did much for the irrigation of the K'un-ming basin, works that still survive today.11 The eternal hydraulic problem of China, the Yellow River, came, at some time under the Yüan, equally under the supervision of a foreigner; a Persian or rather Arab called Shams (1278-1351). He is the author of a treatise on river conservancy, the Ho-fang 'ung-i \"Comprehensive Explanation of River Conservancy\", published in 1321. The grandfather of Shams had come to China in the wake of the Mongol conquest of Arabia and settled there. Apart from hydraulic engineering, Shams is described in his biography as having been an expert in astronomy, geography, mathematics, and musical or rather acoustic theory. He had not yet lost the cultural ties with the homelands of his forefathers, as so many other Westerners did once they had come to China, but was still interested in what the Chinese biography called \"books of foreign nations\". In this case, Arab or Persian literature is certainly meant. But, ironically, the biography of Shams has been incorporated in the section reserved for Confucian Learning in the Yüan dynastic history! It is a matter for regret that of all the works he wrote in his lifetime, only the treatise on Yellow River conservancy has survived. The list of the books he wrote is tantalizing to read because their titles reflect a lasting interest in Western (Islamic) scientific thought, and their contents would perhaps have enabled us to see more clearly the interplay of Chinese and Near Eastern science.12\n\nThe largest group of foreigners in Yüan China were, however, not the Arab and Persian or Syrian scientists but merchants from the Near East. Transcontinental trade flourished under the Mon-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205111, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "62\n\nHERBERT FRANKE\n\ngols and in China merchants were more powerful and influential than under previous dynasties. The Mongol rulers in China followed in their attitude towards trade and private enterprise a policy of compromise between non-interference and the traditional Chinese bureaucratic hostility to free trade. It was normal for the Chinese scholar-literati class to view the rise of merchants with misgivings and whenever they could they tried to curb the activities of the merchant class. Some of these traditional features can be found in Yuan Dynasty legislation. Yet rich merchants, mostly foreigners, found access to offices in great numbers. Tax-farming became a common practice, and some Westerners rose to positions of power and prestige by their activities in tax-collecting and in the state monopolies. The best known among these careerists is the famous or rather infamous Ahmed who became a minister of state under Kublai Khan and whose assassination is described with many colorful details both in Marco Polo's book and in the Chinese sources.13 As late as the 1350's we find foreigners mentioned as office holders in the state monopolies administration. A text published in 1360 tells us that the officers of the Hangchow Sugar Bureau were all \"wealthy merchants of Jewish and Mohammedan extraction\".14 It is not surprising that the Chinese historical sources for the Mongol period have not many friendly things to say on these foreigners and their techniques of money-making. At best tax-collectors are not popular in any country, and if they happen to be foreigners some additional venom is apt to appear. Historiography under the Mongols remained firmly in the hands of the Chinese, and therefore the picture that they give is inevitably distorted and biased.\n\nIt cannot be denied that international and transcontinental trade and relations on a non-official level contributed greatly to cultural contacts. Yet these contacts remained marginal and did not affect the basic features of Chinese civilization. The spread of Western music in China under the Mongols is a repetition of what had happened in the Six Dynasties and T'ang periods (third to ninth centuries) when dances, musical instruments, melodies and whole music bands were introduced from Central Asia and had a lasting effect on Eastern Asiatic music. Exotic music has, it seems, always found acceptance in high civilizations and been more easily integrated than other cultural elements. Europe is no exception — some of the names of our most common instruments", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205112, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "SINO-WESTERN CONTACTS\n\n63\n\ntestify to their Oriental origin, such as the lute (from Arabic al-lūt, \"wood”), and even in our century we have witnessed the spread of Negro jazz over the whole world. A similar development took place in China, and there are many passages in Yüan literature where foreign music and musicians are mentioned.15 In this connection we should perhaps save from oblivion the name of one of these musicians from the Near East. We find her name in the Ch'ing-lou chi “Records from the Green Bowers\", an anonymous work dated 1364 which gives a list of the most popular courtesans under the Yüan, together with a description of their accomplishments. Among these ladies of easy virtue we find one solitary girl from the Western Regions mentioned among her many Chinese professional sisters. She was a Mohammedan girl by the name of Miliha (or Maliha) praised for her sweet and clear voice and her skill in singing. She was, alas, not beautiful, but we are told that she was a superb theatrical performer. The author of the book once made her acquaintance and was duly impressed by her acting.16\n\nThere must have been many influences from Near Eastern folklore that reached China under the Yüan. I shall quote here only two examples. A well-known Near Eastern folk-tale motif, that of the honest loser, the greedy finder and the Solomonic judge, can be traced both in European medieval and Chinese literature. It reached Europe via Spain through the Disciplina Clericalis of Petrus Alfonsi of Toledo (thirteenth century A.D.), a work which contains many Arab stories and anecdotes that subsequently became immensely popular in the West. Boccaccio has not a few stories from the Disciplina Clericalis in his Decamerone and also at least one motif in Shakespeare's Merchant of Venice, that of the three caskets, comes from that source. The story of the loser, the finder and the judge can be found in European literature in many versions, the classical German version being J. P. Hebel's \"Der kluge Richter\". In China we find this story in a text dated 1360. Here the story is set in a typical Chinese environment and being given some additional touches typical of China. The most interesting feature is, however, that the Chinese text does not present the anecdote as a mere story but as a historical event. The clever judge to whom the final solution of the case is entrusted was a perfectly real person, a circuit prefect from Kiangsi Province. This shows the Chinese tendency to attach literary clichés and even,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205113, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "64\n\nHERBERT FRANKE\n\nas in this case, fictional material to real persons. Their original personality image as given in the texts is therefore often obscured by a veil of conventional and sometimes even interchangeable topoi.17\n\nThe second example concerns a Yüan Dynasty play, the Sha-kou ch'üan-fu “To Kill a Dog in order to Admonish the Husband”. It could be shown that the plot of this play goes back to Near Eastern folk tale motif, that of the two brothers and the testing of their friendship. Also in this play the whole background is entirely Chinese, and at least one of the persons on the stage was a historical figure, a famous judge of the Sung Dynasty. But the similarity between the plot of the play and the Near Eastern folk tale (which also spread to Europe) is so close that allogeny, to use this term here, is ruled out. We may therefore assume that the story itself somehow found its way to China in Sung or Yüan times, and was adapted to a play.18 It is not impossible that other plays of the Yüan period will show similar influences in subject matter, but it would be premature to say anything definite because the study of Yüan plays has hardly begun in the West.\n\nTurning away from the more popular literature written in colloquial language to the traditional literary genres in the written language, we can be very brief. The literary activities of non-Chinese under the Yüan have long ago been studied by Ch'en Yüan who published his researches in 1923 and 1927, and Professor L. C. Goodrich has recently dealt with this problem, taking into account the pioneer work by Ch'en Yüan.19 Under the Yüan many writers of non-Chinese origin distinguished themselves as poets in Chinese and authors of Chinese works in general. This applies not only to Mongols, Uighurs and other Central Asians but also to Near Eastern Mohammedans and Christians. We have, under the Yüan, authors by the name of Sa’d-ad-daula, of Ya-ku (Jacob), of Shams, of Sadr and many others. In other cases the foreign names had been replaced by Chinese family names. One example is the case of Ting Hao-nien (1335-1424), who adopted the Chinese clan name Ting which sounded similar to the frequent Islamic appellation ad-Dīn “of the Faith” (e.g., Saif ad-Din, “Sword of the Faith”). One Nestorian Christian family called itself Ma which might be an approximate rendering of Syriac Mar, Master. They were of Turkish origin, coming from the Önggüt tribe that", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205114, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "SINO-WESTERN CONTACTS\n\n65\n\nhad been converted to Christianity somewhere in the eleventh or twelfth century. Christian tombs of Önggüt tribesmen have been discovered in Inner Mongolia near Olon Süme and in Ch’üan-chou (Fukien), mostly with Turkish inscriptions, in some cases also accompanied by a Chinese version of the inscription text. But whether Nestorian Christian, Uighur, or Mohammedan Arabs or Persians, all these foreigners became Chinese in a cultural sense. One would look in vain for traces of their foreign origin in their literary works. If they wrote Chinese poems, then these poems are indistinguishable from those written by native Chinese, much as in Medieval Europe when a poet wrote in Latin and thereby obscured his national characteristics. It is amazing to what degree this rapid acculturation was carried out in China. One could perhaps assume that members of a national community which had not yet developed a national literature of its own were easily attracted by Chinese literature; this would apply to the Mongols and some Turkish tribes. But it remains a singular phenomenon that even foreigners coming from a highly civilized country with a considerable literature of their own, such as Arabs or Persians, were so soon absorbed by Chinese literary culture. Nothing in the poems of Sa'd ad-Daula suggests even the slightest trace of a foreign origin. As a typical example, let me quote one poem by Jacob, Ya-ku, in Goodrich's translation:\n\n44\n\nThe path to the plum blossoms is short; snow has been falling. The ripples on the water are as smooth as peach leaves; it is favorable for ferrying across the river.\n\nOne whistle of a metal flute pierces the air above a thousand moonlit homes.\n\nTen reed matting sails ride before a wind of a myriad li.\"\nNothing could be more Chinese than these lines. And they are typical for the poetry written by foreigners. Things are similar in prose literature and philosophy. Foreigners tried to be as Confucian as possible, writing commentaries to the Classics and trying to live up to traditional Chinese ideals. And if they painted, their works were equally Chinese. At least one famous Yüan painter, Kao K'o-kung (1248-ca. 1310) came from the Western Regions, or rather his family did. He was born in Ta-t'ung (Shansi Province), rose to high offices, and became ultimately President of the Board of Justice. Kao was chiefly known as a landscape painter who carried on the tradition of Mi Fu and Tung Yuan, two famous", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205115, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 71, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "66\n\nHERBERT FRANKE\n\nChinese artists of the tenth and twelfth centuries respectively. One does not even have to look at reproductions of his paintings to see how Chinese he is; the titles of his paintings alone show this. \"Mountains in Rain\", \"A Grove of Leafy Trees in Mist and Rain\", \"Clearing after a Spring Rain over the Mountains\" -- all these and many other titles suggest strongly that Kao stayed strictly within the Chinese tradition.21 In this connection another phenomenon must be noted. These foreigners not only seem to have lost their national background but also their religion. When we read, for example, the poems written by a Nestorian Önggüt in Chinese we do not find any Christian elements, nor is there any hint to Islamic faith in the poems of writers like Sa'd ad-Daula. Nothing could, of course, prevent these authors from, say, praising Allah in Chinese or writing a Christian hymn. And there was also nothing and nobody to prevent them from continuing to use their native language as a literary medium. The Mongol Government remained, on the whole, tolerant towards foreigners and foreign languages. But it seems as if the attraction of Chinese civilization was so strong that foreigners residing in China tried hard to be acknowledged by the Chinese intelligentsia as their equals. Or must we ascribe this phenomenon to a hostility of the Chinese who did not care to preserve literature written in foreign languages? There may have been poems written in Persian or Turkish in Yüan China, but if so, they certainly did not survive. There are certain indications that later Chinese nationalism under the Ming may have wiped out any traces of foreigners. In 1269 a new script for the Mongol language had been invented by Phags-pa Lama, a script that was meant to supersede the Uighur-Mongol script. The use of this new script, the so-called square script which was based on the Tibetan alphabet, was made obligatory by Imperial decree, and also used for printing Mongol books. But only fragments of one Mongol book printed in the Phags-pa script have survived, fragments of a Buddhist text (Subhāsitaratnanidhi) that have been found in Turfan. The Yuan dynastic history contains some data on the translations of Chinese works into Mongol. Apart from Buddhist scriptures at least seven works, some of them quite lengthy, were translated and printed, and nine more have at least reached the MS stage. But not a single one of these printed books and manuscripts has survived, with the possible exception of the bilingual Chinese-Mongol Classical Book of Filial Piety (Hsiao-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205116, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "SINO-WESTERN CONTACTS\n\n67\n\nching) which may be, however, an early Ming print of the late fourteenth century.22 One thing is certain: there has been virtually no lasting influence of foreigners on intellectual and artistic life in China under the Mongols. The non-Chinese intellectuals tried to become Chinese and to make the Chinese forget their non-Chinese, Western or Near Eastern origins.\n\nIn the East-West direction, the situation is different. Here we see China as a cultural center from which all kinds of influences spread west and reached Central Asia as well as Near Eastern countries. It is out of the question even to try to enumerate the many cultural elements that found their way into Western Asia and even to Europe. I shall have to confine myself to just a few examples, which do not even pretend to be representative — they have rather been selected for showing the variety of fields where Chinese influences were absorbed, sometimes with a lasting effect. It should be mentioned here that some scholars suggest that the invention of gunpowder and printing in Europe are due to a stimulus diffusion spreading from China. These things are hard to prove, in particular because there are missing links. The Islamic civilizations of the Near East, for example, never adopted printing. Books in Arabic, Persian, or Turkish were, until quite recently, always copied by hand. But in Central Asia, book printing by xylograph became fairly common. The Tibetans had, at a comparatively early date, taken to printing, and Uighurs as well as Mongols had printed books at least as early as the thirteenth century. The various expeditions to Central Asia at the beginning of this century brought to light many examples of early Uighur and Mongol prints. Some of these prints, if not most of them, were Buddhist. Their printers were probably Chinese, because usually there are Chinese paginations and Chinese characters used for identifying the woodblocks of individual texts.\n\nAnother field where Chinese influence in Central Asia and beyond turned out to be strong was institution and bureaucracy. It is surprising to see that even after the Islamisation of Eastern Turkestan (middle of the fourteenth century), Chinese institutions survived, although direct contacts with China proper were neither frequent nor intensive. There is, for example, an unpublished Mongol document in Kyoto from which we can see that the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205118, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 74, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "SINO-WESTERN CONTACTS\n\n69\n\ncome to light. The Berlin State Library preserves several scrap-books compiled by Ottoman Turks where miniatures cut out from manuscripts are pasted in the album in much the same way as one collects stamps. This is surely a barbaric procedure, but many valuable specimens of early Persian and Turkish miniature painting have been preserved in this way. One of these so-called Saray Albums contains also a cutting from a Chinese painting — a fragment showing the Taoist saint Ha-ma with his toad, a well-known figure in Taoist hagiography. This must then come from a Yüan painting that somehow found its way to Persia.25\n\nI am sure that a closer study of the old MSS in Persian libraries would furnish still more evidence of Mongol and Chinese influences during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.\n\nWe have seen when discussing the presence of non-Chinese scientists in China that they were chiefly appreciated as technicians, practitioners and surgeons, and that Chinese medical theory was hardly influenced by Near Eastern medical thought. On the other hand, Chinese medicine became known in Persia under the Mongols. The famous Persian author and statesman, Rashid ad-Din was responsible for compiling a medical encyclopedia, Tangsuq-namāh-i Ilkhân dar funūni-ïulūm-i Khitai, \"Treasures of the Ilkhan on the Sciences of Cathay\", that is, China. This book was written in or about A.D. 1313. The illustrations in this work are evidently taken from some Chinese source. No similar translation of a Near Eastern work into Chinese seems to have survived, which shows how much cultural interchange in some fields was a one-way traffic under the Mongols.26\n\nPersia presents, under the Mongols, a unique feature. Rashid ad-Din was the author of another work, the Jami' at-tawārīkh or \"Collection of Histories\". This book is the first world history which deserves that name. It contains not only a history of the Mongols but equally a history of the Europeans (the Franks), of the Indians and of the Chinese. The Chinese part of the Jami' at-tawarikh has not yet been properly edited (there are several manuscripts but no printed edition), and a thorough investigation of this text is needed. Preliminary studies have shown that Rashid ad-Din had Chinese informants and that his material was, in all probability, taken from a Chinese Buddhist chronicle. We may therefore say that, in the Mongol period, Persia was the only", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205119, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 75, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "70\n\nHERBERT FRANKE\n\ncountry which had direct contacts with Europe, China and India and where information on all these parts of the world was available that went beyond the hazy and fanciful notions which existed in the other civilizations on foreign and distant countries. The geographical situation of Persia evidently favored this universal outlook on history as much as the Mongol domination over great parts of Asia had contributed to it.\n\nIf we try to assess the lasting influences of the Mongol rule in Asia we are confronted with the fact that from the second half of the thirteenth century on, or, to be more specific, from Kublai Khan (r. 1260-1294) on it is difficult to speak of a single Mongol empire. In theory Kublai Khan was, as Great Khan, the ruler of an empire stretching from China and Korea to Iran and Southern Russia, but the diversity of the subjugated countries made itself more and more felt. Kublai regarded himself more a Chinese emperor than a universal ruler. In China as elsewhere in the Mongol empire development followed a line where the local cultural substratum after some initial eclipses gradually re-emerged. In the Near Eastern and South Russian Mongol dominions this process was furthered by the Mongol rulers' conversion to Islam, and in Central Asia the Chagatay dominion followed soon afterwards. In the middle of the fourteenth century this development had already gone far. We should therefore regard the individual Mongol dominions as distinct cultural entities under Mongol rulers. There was no such thing as a Mongol civilization which reached all social strata in the individual dominions. On the contrary, the ruling Mongol and Turkish minority, was everywhere assimilated in varying degrees by the existing national civilizations. This process of assimilation was, as far as China is concerned, accelerated after 1368. The national dynasty of Ming which had, through a series of civil wars, gained supremacy over China and driven the Mongol ruler and his followers out of China and back into the steppes, introduced marriage legislation which forbade foreigners to intermarry within their group and instead encouraged or even prescribed intermarriage with the Chinese. This de-segregation imposed by the state resulted in the virtual extinction of the foreign national and linguistic groups on Chinese soil within a relatively short period.28 China and her traditional civilization had, by the end of the fourteenth century, scored a complete victory over the invaders and immigrants. In the other parts of\n\nPage 75\n\nPage 76", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205121, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 77, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "72\n\nHERBERT FRANKE\n\nNOTES\n\n1 On Europe and Europeans as mentioned in Chinese sources, see H. Franke in Saeculum, Vol. II (1951), pp. 65-75.\n\n2 W. Fuchs, The Mongol Atlas of China by Chu Ssu-pen, Peiping, 1946, Monumenta Serica Monographs, No. 8; J. Needham, Science and Civilization in China, Vol III, pp. 555-556.\n\n3 H. Franke in Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 112 (1962), pp. 228-232 (review of Leonardo Olschki, Marco Polo's Asia).\n\n4 Francis A. Rouleau, \"The Yangchow Latin Tombstone as a Landmark of Medieval Christianity in China\", Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 17 (1954) pp. 346-365.\n\n5 John Foster, \"Crosses from the Walls of Zaitun\", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1954, pp. 1-25. (pl. XII).\n\n6 Saeculum, Vol. II (1951), p. 74-75.\n\n7 J. Needham, op. cit., Vol. III, pp. 167-382.\n\n8 See for example, H. Franke, Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte Chinas unter der Mongolenherrschaft, Wiesbaden 1956, p. 34 (Nestorian surgeon).\n\n9 J. Needham, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 381, note (c).\n\n10 A. C. Moule, \"The Siege of Saianfu and the Murder of Achmach Bailo\", Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 58 (1927), pp. 1-28; Vol. 59 (1928), pp. 256-257.\n\n11 J. Needham, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 141.\n\n12 Yüan-shih ed. K'ai-ming, ch. 190, p. 6565, II/III. For the Ho-fang t'ung-i see Ts'ung-shu chi-ch'eng, Vol. 1486.\n\n13 A. C. Moule, op. cit.\n\n14 R. Loewenthal, \"The Nomenclature of Jews in China\", Monumenta Serica, Vol. XII (1947), p. 113.\n\n15 H. G. Farmer, \"Reciprocal Influences in Music 'twixt the Far and Middle East\", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1934, pp. 327-342.\n\n16 Ch'ing-lou chi, ed. Ts'ung-shu chi-ch'eng, Vol. 2734, p. 9.\n\n17 H. Franke, \"Der kluge Richter\", in Asiatische Studien, 1950, pp. 55-59.\n\n18 Renate Noethen, Das Sha-kou ch'üan-fu, München, 1961 (Diss.).\n\n19 L. C. Goodrich, \"Westerners and Central Asians in Yuan China\", Oriente Poliano, Rome, 1957, pp. 1-21; \"Western Regions Writers of Chinese Lyrics during the Yuan\", International Conference of Orientalists in Japan, No. VII (1962) pp. 17-21.\n\n20 L. C. Goodrich, Oriente Poliano, p. 15.\n\n21 O. Sirén, Chinese Painting, Vol. IV, New York/London, 1958, pp. 54-59, plates Vol. VI, Nos. 57-60.\n\n22 W. Fuchs, \"Analecta zur mongolischen Übersetzungsliteratur der Yüan-Zeit\", Monumenta Serica, Vol. XI (1946), pp. 34-39; W. Fuchs und A. Mostaert, \"Ein Ming-Druck einer chinesisch-mongolischen Ausgabe des Hsiao-ching\", ibid., Vol. IV (1939/40), pp. 325-329.\n\n23 E. Haenisch, Mongolica der Berliner Turfan-Sammlung, II, Berlin 1959.\n\n24 A. Mostaert and F. W. Cleaves, Les lettres de 1289 et 1305 des ilkhan Argun et Öljeitü à Philippe le Bel, Cambridge, Mass. 1962.\n\n25 M. S. Ipsiroğlu, Saray-Alben, Wiesbaden, 1964, pl. XLIV, No. 64.\n\n26 J. Needham, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 217-219.\n\n27 H. Franke, \"Some Sinological Remarks on Rashid ad-Din's History of China\", Oriens, Vol. 4, (1951), pp. 21-26.\n\n28 W. Franke, \"Zur Frage der Mongolen in China nach dem Sturz der Yüan-Dynastie\", Oriens Extremus, Vol. 9 (1962), pp. 57-68.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205122, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "73\n\nTHE FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM IN MODERN CHINA\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\n(This article is the preliminary version of a chapter in a forthcoming book, The Buddhist Revival in China. It deals with most aspects of its topic except for certain activities of T'ai-hsu, who is the subject of a separate chapter. Some readers may have personal knowledge of the events described and be in a position to add or correct. The author hopes that they will communicate with him at the East Asian Research Center, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, so that the chapter in its final form may be as complete and accurate as possible.)\n\nThe Ch'ing government frowned on its people having contact with foreigners almost as much as does the government in Peking today. From 1911 to 1950, however, there was a forty-year interlude during which foreigners could travel freely in China and the Chinese found it relatively easy to go abroad. This was also the period when foreign ideas and ways of doing things enjoyed the highest esteem, when the impact of the West was at its zenith. The Buddhist monastic establishment could not remain unaffected, although, being \"outside the secular world,” it was affected somewhat less than other segments of Chinese society.\n\nSometimes the foreign impact on Buddhism was circuitous--such as, for example, the Western military victories, which led to the call for modern secular schools, which led to the confiscation of monasteries, which led to the establishment of Buddhist associations, seminaries, and social action by the sangha. But in other ways foreign impact was direct. Chinese Buddhists entered into contact with foreigners for a variety of reasons and purposes.\n\nContact with Japan\n\nFrom the sixth through the seventeenth century imports of Chinese Buddhism had been entering Japan. In the late nineteenth the process was reversed. Japanese Buddhism began to be imported to China, partly because of the Japanese parishes that were springing up in the Treaty ports and partly because of the possibilities for the use of Buddhism as an instrument of foreign policy.\n\nCopyright 1966 by Holmes Welch.\n\nThe author is a Research Associate of the East Asian Research Center, Harvard University.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205123, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "74\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\nIn 1873 the first Japanese missionary arrived in the Middle Kingdom. His name was Ogurusu Kocho and he had been sent to look over the situation in Shanghai by the Higashi Honganji sub-sect of Jodo Shinshu (the larger of the two main Pure Land sects). The following year he paid another visit to Shanghai and also went to Peking.\n\nIn 1876 the Higashi Honganji drew up a new creed that could be interpreted as a bid for collaboration with the state. Among other things, it emphasized that glorious death in military service would be rewarded by rebirth in the Western Paradise. It spoke of brotherhood with the Chinese in face of the unfilial barbarians. In May that year Count Otani, the hereditary patriarch of the subsect went to Tokyo accompanied by Ogurusu Kocho, and consulted Terashima Munenori in the Foreign Ministry on the problem of missionary work in China. We are not told the substance of their conversation, but in August a branch temple opened its doors in Shanghai, staffed by six priests, including Ogurusu. It was \"the first Japanese religious organization in China.\"2\n\nAfter China's defeat by Japan in 1895 a trade agreement was signed that gave the Japanese the right to construct temples in all the Treaty Ports. In 1896 Nanking had a Honganji temple.3 Shanghai got a Nichiren temple in 1899 and a second Honganji temple in 1906. According to one source special efforts were made to build temples in Fukien province, where the Japanese were trying to create a sphere of influence across the straits from their newly acquired colony of Formosa. Their missions were often able to attract parishioners because they could offer the same protection as their Christian counterparts, but did not require anyone to give up ancestor worship. The aim, however, was not merely parish-building, but use of the missions in the same way as the European powers. Thus in the autumn of 1900 a Japanese temple in Amoy was mysteriously destroyed by fire. A few hours later Japanese marines landed from a warship that had been waiting in the harbor and occupied the city. Only the strongest British representations induced Japan to withdraw her troops and bring her first \"missions case\" to a close.\n\nA more subtle approach was already on its way. In 1899 the East Asian Cultural Alliance had been established to create an", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205124, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM\n\n75\n\nanti-Western anti-Christian united front among the people of the East. Visits were exchanged with Buddhists in Thailand, China, and India. In 1904 Dr. Inoue Entyu, after returning from a trip to India, proposed that the Japanese should establish a great Confucian-Buddhist university that would serve the whole Buddhist world and maintain branches in Korea, China, and Mongolia.\n\nOther possibilities for work in China were opened that very year. The Ch'ing government had been encouraging local officials to confiscate monastic property and use it for the establishment of modern schools. Chinese monks were looking desperately for a way to save their property. At this juncture a Japanese priest named Mizuno Baigyo advised them to start schools of their own in order to \"get the jump\" on the confiscators. He and other Japanese also suggested that protection might be obtained by applying to the headquarters of the Higashi Honganji sect in Japan; and indeed, the latter was pleased to accept the affiliation of some thirty-five monasteries in Chekiang province towards the end of 1904.5 It sent its representatives to protect them. A test case soon arose. Part of one Hangchow monastery was about to be turned into a technical school. On January 10, 1905, with a blaze of firecrackers, a large wooden plaque was installed over its front gate, reading: \"General place of worship of the Imperial Japanese Shinshu-Honganji sect.\"\n\nThis caused deep consternation among literati and officials throughout the province. The governor appealed, without success, to the Japanese Consul. The Japanese priests stood pat on their passports. Peking wrung its hands, but said that the Japanese would have to be respected. All that the local officials accomplished was the removal of the plaque; Japanese protection remained in force.\n\nThis was the signal for general resistance by the monasteries of neighboring provinces against the confiscation of their property. In Fukien and Kwangtung they began to place themselves under Japanese protection. Such immunity was the latter believed to confer that in Canton, on February 26, 1905, a school established on monastery land was completely destroyed by a group of infuriated Buddhists. The newspaper Shen-pao castigated the insolence of Chinese monks in accepting Japanese protection", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205125, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "76\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\nagainst their own laws and protested vigorously against Japanese interference, but to no avail.\n\nThese developments frightened the Chinese Government, which proceeded to cancel the authorization for its local officials to confiscate monastic property. The wave of affiliation with the Honganji died down. In any case, however, it had been limited to the area of the Treaty ports. Japan had tried to claim the same missionary rights elsewhere, invoking the \"most favoured nation\" clause, but without success. It failed again in 1915 when the fifth group of its Twenty-one Demands (including parity with Western missionaries) was rejected.\n\nIndeed, during the whole first twenty-five years of the Republican period, its missionary work in China was said to have been \"hindered by conditions” - a phrase that may allude to growing anti-Japanese feeling as well as to civil wars. Very few new temples were established. Therefore Tokyo turned its attention to the possibilities for ecumenical cooperation. In 1923-1924 the Japanese Foreign Ministry took an interest in the Buddhist conferences held at Lu Shan under the auspices of T'ai-hsü. In 1924 it arranged for Japanese delegates to be present and to offer their country as the venue for a similar conference the next year. Accordingly, the East Asian Buddhist Conference was held in Tokyo November 1-3, 1925. Twenty-one Chinese delegates attended, unofficially led by T'ai-hsü. The only other delegations were from Korea and Formosa with three members each. T'ai-hsü pointed out that whereas the Chinese excelled at religious cultivation, the Japanese excelled in organizing propaganda and community service. Thus the Buddhists of the two countries had complementary talents. A Sino-Japanese liaison committee was set up to put these talents to work, with Wang I-t'ing as the Chinese representative, and resolutions were passed to carry on work in the fields of education and social welfare. Also included in the conference was a symposium on Buddhist doctrine at which T'ai-hsü gave papers on the doctrine of alaya-vijnana and the secularization of Japanese Buddhism. Plans were made to hold the next East Asian Buddhist Conference in Peking--plans that never materialized.\n\nAfter the meeting the Chinese delegates were given an eighteen-day V.I.P. tour. Everywhere local government officials entertained", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205126, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM\n\n77\n\nthem and in Kyoto they were welcomed by a crowd of ten thousand persons. Their host both at the working sessions and on the tour was Mizuno Baigyo, the same monk who had helped Chinese monasteries resist confiscation in 1904. \"It was chiefly through his good offices that the great conference in Tokyo was brought into being.\" Among those present was E. Kimura, Director of the Asiatic Bureau in the Foreign Ministry, which had apparently been at work in the background. Of course many of the Japanese who attended may have felt that they were using government help for their good purposes and would have denied that government was using them. Similarly the Chinese participants, although they were aware of the threat of Japanese militarism, probably felt that by taking part in the conference they had more to gain for their religion than to lose for their country. They saw the hope not only of a central role in the world Buddhist movement, but also of higher status for Buddhism at home, where a Japanese connection would impress their adversaries. Thus three years later, when the Japanese Buddhologist, Tokiwa Daijo, toured the monasteries of southeast China, he met Yüan-ying, who was soon to set up the Chinese Buddhist Association (Shanghai 1929) in an effort to protect monastery property. Yüan-ying told Tokiwa that his visit had given him courage and that from then on one of the arguments he would use to win over public opinion for the protection of Buddhism was the existence of a Department of Buddhist Studies at Japanese Imperial University. Japan was a country that had successfully modernized, yet it paid attention to Buddhism.10\n\nThis did not mean that the Japanese form of Buddhism was uncritically regarded in China. When T'ai-hsü was addressing the East Asian Buddhist Conference in 1925, he said quite frankly that Japanese monks were too sectarian and nationalistic; too much tainted by modernism and, compared to monks in China, less devout in their religious life and unable to undergo austerities. So strongly did T'ai-hsü feel about this that when he returned from the conference he decided that the Chinese sangha could not model itself upon its counterpart in Japan, since monks there married and ate meat.11 For their part, the Japanese thought that Chinese Buddhists were ignorant of modern critical methods and were content to take a traditional approach to Buddhist texts.12", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205127, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "78\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\nFor the next ten years Buddhist exchanges happily continued between the two countries. Japanese scholars toured China to collect material on Buddhist history and art, while Chinese went to Japan to study.13 Probably in 1936 (and at any rate before the Japanese invasion) the Sino-Japanese Buddhist Association was formed.14 It would not be too cynical to suppose that the Japanese viewed it as an instrument for political penetration, while the Chinese hoped to use it to mobilize Buddhist opinion in Japan against that country's aggressive policy.\n\nWhile the invasion of central China in 1937 put an end to voluntary cooperation with Chinese Buddhists, it increased Japanese opportunities to get cooperation under pressure and enlarged the scope of their missionary activity. As one Japanese source puts it, \"where the Japanese army went, Japanese religion went too.\"15\n\nWhile in the preceding sixty years about a dozen permanent temples had been established, nearly all in Shanghai, no less than thirty-five were opened between 1937 and 1942, not only in Shanghai, but in Nanking (six temples), Hankow (four), Hangchow (three), Soochow (two), Wuhu (two), Wusih (two), Chen-chiang, Kiukiang, Yangchow, Changchow, and many smaller cities. Most of the parishioners were Japanese — in three cases entirely so17 — but at four temples out of five there were at least a few Chinese parishioners and at one out of six the Chinese were in a majority; in other words, these were really missions.\n\nNot all Chinese monks and devotees could follow their government to Szechwan. Those who remained had to cope with the realities of foreign occupation. They had no choice but to welcome the increasing number of Japanese priests who came to work in China, living in Chinese monasteries or in Japanese research institutes, and in return they went to Japan themselves. In 1939, for example, over twenty Chinese monks were selected by competitive examination. As one of them told me in an interview, he was twenty-two at the time and had been serving as a sacristan (i-po) at Chin Shan. He wanted to go partly because he was curious about the state of Japanese Buddhism. Also he believed that if he learned the language, he would be better equipped to cope with the occupation forces on his return. “If I knew Japanese, they would not be able to bully me. I would be able to reason with them.” After qualifying in the examination,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205128, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM\n\n79\n\ntions, he spent the first year on language study in Tokyo, then a year at Otani University, and a final year at the Mampukuji outside Kyoto, which is the most Chinese of Japanese Zen monasteries. He was very politely treated. When I asked (perhaps tactlessly) whether the Japanese Government did not have a policy of trying to use Buddhism to subdue China, he replied with some sharpness: \"I was not utilized by them. That was not the way they behaved towards me.\" He said, however, that other monks who had gone to Japan were looked on as collaborators when they returned, and some had had to change their names. Other informants have stated that after victory in 1945 several high-ranking monks in Shanghai were imprisoned for collaboration with the Japanese and one was executed in Canton.18\n\n33\n\nQuaritch Wales in an article written at the height of the war summarized the Japanese use of Buddhism as follows. “Buddhist propaganda has for several years been carried on by the New Asia Bureau of the Dai Nippon Buddhist Association, which is under the joint control of the Japanese Education and War Ministries. It is responsible for all missionary work in East Asia and long before Pearl Harbour was already deeply entrenched in north China. There, the more systematically to further its ends, the New Asia Bureau had established Sino-Japanese Buddhist Associations at Hangchow, Amoy, and Nanking, subsidized by the Special Service Section of the Army, naturally not with purely religious motives.”19\n\nMost of this, sensational though it may sound, is confirmed by the semi-official Japanese source already referred to in the notes, that is, the 1943 Yearbook of the Great Harmony Religious Alliance of Central China. The Great Harmony Alliance had been set up in accordance with a religious work policy formulated by the Japanese Military Intelligence Bureau in October, 1938.20 It was \"under the direction and supervision of the military authorities.\" Throughout a series of bureaucratic changes over the next four years, its purposes remained the same: 1) to coordinate and control Japanese religious groups in central China; and 2) to promote their cooperation with Chinese counter-parts. To this latter end the Alliance set up at least a dozen Japanese-Chinese Buddhist associations, of which those that existed in November 1940 formed the Japanese-Chinese Buddhist\n\n21", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205129, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "80\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\nFederation. In April 1941 the Alliance helped arrange an East Asian Buddhist conference in Nanking, and then tried to reactivate the Chinese Buddhist Association (Shanghai, 1929) — apparently without success. It also sponsored some of the Chinese who went to Japan for study.\n\nJapanese-Chinese Buddhist associations set up by the Alliance were to be found in Nanking, Shanghai, Hangchow, Wusih, Soochow, Chen-chiang, Changshu, Pengpu, Nantung, Wuhu, Hofei, and Kiukiang. They were staffed by three categories of personnel: Chinese monks, Japanese priests, and local Chinese officials. If the head was in one category, his deputies would be in the other two. Among the membership the sangha (mostly Chinese) generally outnumbered the laity. The work of these associations is variously described as relief, arranging lectures, and providing guidance for seminaries and devotees' clubs.22 The real work, of course, was mobilizing China's Buddhists in support of Japanese policy.\n\nAlthough the membership included the Panchen Lama from Tibet and the Living Buddha Chang-chia from Mongolia, only a few well-known Chinese monks appear to have been involved. Among them was Shuang-t'ing, the abbot of Chin Shan, who headed the Japanese-Chinese Buddhist Association in Chen-chiang.23 According to one of his disciples the Japanese authorities told him quite frankly that if he refused this post, there would be \"very serious consequences.\" Shuang-t'ing felt that his first duty was to protect Chin Shan, doubly vulnerable since Nationalist officers had been hidden in a cave there during the Japanese attack. Hence he accepted.\n\nOne reason for his decision was that the parent body, the Great Harmony Alliance, was committed to \"do its best when Chinese monasteries and temples applied for protection.\" According to several informants, it generally succeeded. Well-known Buddhist institutions that cooperated with the Japanese encountered few difficulties. Some of the occupation forces behaved badly (one soldier killed a monk at Chin Shan, for example, \"because of a language difficulty\"), but most of those who visited the immense shrines seem to have treated them with respect or reverence.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205130, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM\n\nRelations with Tibet\n\n81\n\nJust as Buddhism was used by the Japanese to serve political ends in China, so it was used by the Chinese to serve political ends in Tibet. After the collapse of the Ch'ing Dynasty the Tibetans considered themselves to be an independent nation. Successive Republican governments therefore endeavoured to persuade them that they were one of the five races of China and that Tibet was Chinese territory. In a rather poor hand Buddhism was one of the better cards. That is, the Chinese could argue that Tibet was bound to China by a common religion. This was not altogether factitious. For example, one of the rites for the dead most commonly performed by Chinese monks, the fang yen-k'ou, was partly of Tibetan origin. Mountains like Omei and Wu-t'ai Shan had long been equally sacred to Chinese and Tibetan pilgrims, and had provided the venue for a Sino-Tibetan syncretism. A visitor to Wu-t'ai Shan in 1911 wrote: \"The most curious feature of Buddhism on the Wutaishan is the amalgamating of Chinese Buddhism and Lamaism... doctrines borrow from one another in habits and arrangements... The structure of the temple is, for the greater part Chinese, but the form of the pagodas is mostly Indo-Tibetan. The interior, too, forms a mixture of Chinese and Tibetan. Chinese and Tibetan idols stand side by side, Tibeto-Mongolian inscriptions are next to Chinese ones, Tibetan butter lamps, praying cylinders, also boards on which the monks throw themselves for prayers, all such things are seen here in Chinese temples. In their services, too, one style blends with another.\"24\n\nBoth\n\nAlthough lama temples enjoying Manchu patronage were to be found in Peking and a few other Chinese cities, the indigenous Chinese Tantric sect had been suppressed in the Ming Dynasty. During the Republican period some Buddhist devotees became interested in reviving it, or rather in reintroducing Tantrism from Tibet and Japan, where it had been preserved intact. To them, as to some Europeans of that time, Tibet was a land of precious secrets, which they resolved to learn. It is difficult to ascertain the relationship between this personal interest and government policy. Which came first? How did each stimulate the other?", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205131, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "82\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\nThe earliest manifestation of the Tantric revival was perhaps a school of Tibetan studies that operated in Peking 1924-1925. Founded by T'ai-hsü and headed by his disciple Ta-yung, its purpose was to prepare people for further study in Tibet. Only a single class was graduated, most members of which got no further than the Tibetan borderlands, but at least three reached Lhasa: Fa-tsun, Neng-hai, and Ch'ao-i. They returned to China in the early 1930's.25\n\nFa-tsun became the principal of the Sino-Tibetan Institute outside Chungking. This had also been established by T'ai-hsü (in 1931) and had the same goal as his school in Peking — to prepare people for study in Tibetan monasteries but unlike the earlier school it received a government subsidy. It was perhaps the only Buddhist institution to enjoy this privilege during the Republican period.\n\nThe government displayed an even more open concern when in December 1936 the Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs Commission inaugurated a program for the exchange of Chinese and Tibetan monks. Two of the former were to be selected annually by the Chinese Buddhist Association and sent to Lhasa for five years' study, while two Tibetan monks were to be chosen by \"the local government of Tibet\" for study in China. Tibetans were brought not only to study, but to teach. Early in 1937 the Nationalists invited Shirob Jaltso, an eminent Tibetan scholar who was persona non grata in Lhasa, to deliver a series of lectures at five Chinese universities. \"This was the first time a Tibetan instructor had been provided for Chinese university students.\"26 Shirob, the Panchen Lama (also persona non grata in Lhasa), and several other Tibetan monks who resided in China at this period were accorded every courtesy (and presumably ample subsidies) by the Chinese Government. Some received official posts.27\n\nLhasa did not reciprocate. Rather naturally, it gave no political role to the Chinese who had been sent to strengthen its ties with the \"motherland.\" Nonetheless they were able to pursue their religious studies and to carry on other activities agreeable to all concerned. One of my informants, for example, had become interested in Buddhism as a young man. Although he came from a poor family in Nanking, he got to know Lü Ch'eng at the Metaphysical Institute (Nei-hsü Yuan). Lü urged him to go to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205132, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 88, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM\n\nL\n\n83\n\nTibet so that he could learn the language and some day return to translate Tibetan books. In 1933 he was given a scholarship at the Chinese Tibetan Language School, which moved in January 1934 to Chungking. There he became the disciple of a lama on the faculty. After completing the two-year course, he entered the Central Political University, which had been set up by the Kuomintang to train cadres. After a year and a half the government selected him to go to Tibet for further training.28 He lived for eight years at the Drebung Monastery outside Lhasa—the largest monastery in Tibet and probably in the world—and received a high ecclesiastical degree. His final years in Lhasa were spent running a school for Tibetan children and working in the Tibetan office of the Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs Commission, so that he kept his dual role of monk and political agent. This is not to imply that there was anything sinister in what he was doing. It was simply that the Chinese Government had enabled him to pursue his interest in Buddhism for their own purposes, which he naturally expected to serve.\n\nThe presence in China of an increasing number of Tibetan lamas2 and monks returned from Lhasa further stimulated interest in Tantrism among the Chinese laity. In November 1935 a group of devotees set up the Bodhi Society in Shanghai to promote the translation and study of Tantric texts. The Panchen Lama was president and the members included some high-ranking ex-officials.30 This society was one of the regular stops on the lecture tours of the lamas and Lhasa-trained monks.\n\nAmong the most active of the latter was Neng-hai (see p. 11) who had been a Nationalist general before he had taken the robe. About 1938 he became the abbot of the Chin-tz'u Ssu in Chen-tu, which until then had been a typically Chinese monastery. Neng-hai changed the daily ritual and routine to incorporate Tibetan elements. He also started a scriptural translation institute that published Tibetan books in Chinese. Since some 250 monks were usually in residence, this monastery might have exerted a wide influence towards the \"Tantrification\" of Chinese Buddhism if it had been able to carry on after 1950.\n\nRelations with Theravada Buddhists\n\nThe Japanese and Tibetans were Mahayana Buddhists with whom it would be natural for Buddhists in China, who were", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205133, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "84\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\nTT\n\nalso Mahayanists, to have a close relationship. The same did not apply to the Theravadins of Southeast Asia of Burma, Ceylon, Thailand, and Indo-China. Not only did they have a different kind of Buddhism (which many of them regarded as \"pure\" in contrast to the \"corrupt\" Mahayana), but there was a much greater language barrier than between China and Japan, which both used the same ideograms. Until Dharmapala's abortive visit to Shanghai in 1893, there had been virtually no contact between Chinese and Theravada Buddhists for many hundreds of years.\n\nIt was therefore a significant event when in 1930 Huang Mao-lin (Wong Mou-lam) was sent to Ceylon by the Pure Karma Association in Shanghai. His mission was to study Theravada and explain Mahayana or, as we might say today, to start a dialogue. In 1934 the Ceylonese bhikkhus Soma and Kheminda returned his visit. Unfortunately when they reached Shanghai they found no facilities for study and went on to Japan. Nonetheless, during their brief stay they spoke on the Buddhist radio station, XMHB, and met many Chinese devotees. They were followed the next year by Narada, another bhikkhu from the same temple (that is, the Vajirarama in Colombo). Narada visited Shanghai, Hangchow, Soochow, Hankow, and had a meeting with T'ai-hsü. In 1946 Soma and Kheminda again went to China, this time accompanied by Pannasiha, to start a Pali college in Sian at T'ai-hsü's invitation. When they arrived they found that the civil war had broken out in Shensi and that Sian was inaccessible. After spending three months in Shanghai they returned to Ceylon.\n\nWhereas Asian Buddhist visitors to China came mostly from Ceylon, Chinese Buddhists went not only to Ceylon, but to Thailand, Burma, India, and Indo-China. Usually they went as pilgrims or for re-ordination or to minister to the overseas Chinese, but sometimes their purpose was to study the Pali language and Theravada doctrine. This did not always work out too well.\n\nIn December 1935 four Chinese monks left for such study in Thailand, where they were welcomed by the Supreme Patriarch and lodged in a royal temple.33 Shortly thereafter five other monks were sent to Ceylon, where they received a Theravada", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205134, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM\n\n85\n\nordination on May 6, 1936 and began what was to have been a three-year program of Theravada studies. One by one, however, they disrobed and scattered.34 In 1940 Fa-fang arrived. He had been teaching in T'ai-hsu's seminaries since the early 1920's, and soon became lecturer in Mahayana Buddhism at the University of Ceylon. In 1945 he brought over two younger Chinese monks. They too disrobed, as did one or more of the monks who had gone to Thailand ten years earlier.35\n\nThis may partly have been because their sense of monastic vocation was undermined by exposure to foreign life and ideas. Another reason was the attitude of their hosts. From the Theravada point of view the Mahayana ordination was invalid. In fact some Theravadins considered that Mahayana Buddhism was such a dangerous heresy that its destruction would be a blessing for the world.36 They saw no question of dialogue, but only of correcting error. In this atmosphere Sinhalese laymen are said to have discriminated against the Chinese and refused to accord them the same deference as they gave to the Sinhalese monks, as, for instance, always taking a lower seat and presenting them with dana. Hence the Chinese monks became disillusioned and left. All the above information comes from a Mahayana informant, whose account may be colored.37 In any case it seems likely that the Sinhalese were entirely unaware of the sensibilities that they were offending.\n\nIn China itself the attitude towards Theravada Buddhism was ambivalent. On the one hand the Chinese regarded it as too narrow. Naturally they could not approve of its rejection of Mahayana doctrine and its air of superiority. On the other hand an increasing proportion of the Chinese Buddhist intelligentsia, both monks and laymen, came to accept the thesis that Theravada was indeed closer to Buddhism in its original form than was Mahayana. Quite aside from the changes the latter had undergone in India, there were the Confucian and Taoist accretions of which they became aware as they studied the history of Chinese Buddhism in the newly established seminaries. Furthermore Theravada, as expounded by Buddhist intellectuals in Ceylon and Burma, seemed less vulnerable to the charge of \"superstition\" and more compatible with the pronouncements of science. The elite of the Theravada sangha seemed to be less involved in\n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205135, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "86\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\npurely ritualistic activity and to devote a higher proportion of their time to preaching and meditation. For all these reasons and also because of the desire to join forces with the Theravadins in spreading Buddhism in the West, Buddhist exchanges between China and Southeast Asia grew in number during the 1930's, only to be cut off by the Japanese occupation in 1937. In the final two years not only were students sent abroad, but the Chinese donated four sets of the Tripitaka (two for India) and acquired a plot of land to build a Chinese Buddhist temple at Nalanda (the great Indian Buddhist university of the seventh century). A “propaganda group\" was organized to correspond and exchange news with Buddhists in the West. In Chinese monasteries there was developing a certain vogue for Theravada practices. For example, in the new Pure Land center at Ling-yen Shan meals after noon were taken in a \"room for medicinal eating\" rather than in the refectory, and many of the monks who lived there ate only in the morning. It became slightly less uncommon than it had been to observe the summer retreat (vassa), to recite the Pratimoksa twice a month, and to insist that a monk be twenty years old before he took the bhikkhu vows. All these rules had been observed in early Indian Buddhism and perpetuated in the Theravada countries.\n\nSome of the Chinese monks who had gone abroad for Theravada reordination made it a point, when they returned, to wear a saffron robe rather than their usual black, grey, or brown. Since it still had a Chinese cut, it symbolized, as one of them told me, their desire to reunite the two main divisions of Buddhism. Such an ecumenical spirit exemplifies the Chinese instinct to reconcile differences in a higher synthesis rather than to take an exclusive position on one side or another.\n\nRelations with Christians\n\nThis instinct can also be seen at work vis-à-vis Christianity. Many Chinese Buddhists regarded Christ as a bodhisattva (a buddha-to-be) whose life and teachings exemplified Buddhist principles.38 Several syncretistic sects had come into being between 1850 and 1950 that purported to combine Buddhism with Christianity and other beliefs. In the mid-nineteenth century when Christian missionaries had begun to appear at Buddhist", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205136, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM\n\n87\n\ntemples, they were treated with the utmost courtesy and kindness. For example, in 1850 an eminent abbot near Hangchow recommended to a missionary visitor that he use an adjoining piece of land to build a Christian church. He made the recommendation, he said, despite his experience with other missionaries who, as he gently suggested, ought to \"show greater tolerance for the customs of other religions.\"39\n\nAlas! tolerance was not their outstanding trait, nor was it outstanding among the foreign tourists and businessmen, who found it increasingly fashionable to regard all things Chinese as inferior and absurd → particularly the \"bonzes.\" Since they also found that the loveliest spots in China had been utilized by the \"bonzes\" to build their monasteries, which were often the only places to stay on travels or holidays, the result was friction.\n\nThe chances for friction were less if all or part of a monastery at a low ebb had been rented outright, as was common in the Western hills outside Peking, at the foot of Omei Shan in Szechwan, and sometimes on the southeast coast. The few monks involved either vacated the premises entirely or moved to a rear building where, being grateful for tenants, they were ready to put up with whatever they had to.\n\nBut when foreign visitors stayed as guests at a prosperous monastery with a full complement of monks, friction was more likely. In 1924, for example, a doughty Philadelphian, Harry A. Franck, visited Omei Shan. Despite the prohibition on the import of meat, of which he was fully aware, he brought along several cans of it, as well as two live chickens for slaughter on the very top of the sacred mountain. As soon as he arrived, he began to bargain over the price of accommodations, thus degrading the monastery to the status of a hotel. (He should, of course, have waited until he was about to leave and then made an unsolicited gift.) Since he felt that he was being overcharged for the charcoal on which to cook his chickens, he took pleasure in making the abbot “lose face by coming himself late in the evening and pretending to verify the weighing.\"\n\nThe next day Mr. Franck professed surprise at the “half-hostile attitude towards foreigners... [of] the fat, lazy monks.” Elsewhere he calls them \"cynical-looking young loafers.\" Yet he complains that (in spite of their laziness and cynicism) they had", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205137, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "88\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\nspent a good part of the night at their devotions, which he describes as such \"a whooping and shrieking and general caterwauling as should have banished the most belligerent horde of devils as effectually as it did the sound sleep from which it frequently tore me.”40\n\nOne could cite dozens of similar passages from the reminiscences of Western travellers and old China hands.*\n\nIt may seem remarkable that after a century of such contact, the monks continued to be hospitable and courteous towards foreigners who treated them with even a modicum of respect. But barbarian boorishness was easy to excuse, since it only confirmed the Chinese sense of superiority. Nor was this sense threatened by Christian polemics. The monks were usually able to take care of themselves in an argument. When Timothy Richard interviewed a leading Peking monk, he was asked \"Who sent you to China? Your sovereign?\" Richard answered: \"No, I would not have come to China if I had not felt that God had sent me.\" The monk said: \"How do you know what the will of God is?\" Richard's reply is not recorded, but in recounting the conversation he urged that Buddhism should not be judged by the ignorance of the ordinary monk.42\n\n**\n\nWhat did trouble the Buddhists was their inability to compete with the Christians materially. They did not have the unlimited funds that seemed to be available to missions, so that even if they wanted to, they could not build schools or orphanages on the same scale. Nor did they have the extra-territorial privileges that made it possible for missionaries to offer converts protection from Chinese law. Particularly resented was the fact that the 1929 Regulations for the Supervision of Monasteries and Temples applied to Buddhist and Taoist institutions, but not to Christian ones, which were, of course, exempt by “extrality.”\n\nFor all these reasons the Buddhist attitude towards Christianity gradually hardened. Anti-Christian feeling, which had at first arisen in response to Jesuit inroads during the Ming Dynasty,43 began again to displace the usual attitude that all religions were different aspects of a universal truth. It became common (presumably more common than it had been before 1860) for monks to warn their lay disciples against reading Christian books. The lay initiation often included an abjuration of heterodoxy. I have", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205139, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "90\n\n1897-1904 ― HOLMES WELCH\n\nChristian missionary to the Jews of Hamburg and Montreal, first as a Presbyterian, then as an Anglican clergyman; finally curate in an English country village.\n\n1904-1906 Odd jobs in London.\n\n1906-1909 Director of a large socio-economic survey of Belgium.\n\n1909-1915 Member of Parliament, speculator in Rumanian oil fields, forger of cheques,\n\n1915 Would-be German spy, who, after escaping from Britain, then escaped from the New York police.\n\n1916-1919 In English prison for forgery.\n\n1919-1922 Plotter in the Kapp Putsch in Berlin; salesman of information about other proto-Facist plots in several European countries; again in jail.\n\n1922 To the Far East.\n\n1922-1924 Advisor to a succession of Chinese warlords (Yang Shen, Wu P'ei-fu, Ch'i Hsi-yüan). Back to Europe, then to the U.S., then to China again, where he resolved to enter a Buddhist monastery.\n\n1925-1926 In Colombo, Ceylon, where he began to dress as a Buddhist monk and lecture on Buddhism; returned to Europe for an unsuccessful attempt to save his son from execution for murder in England.\n\n1927-1928 Buddhist missionary in San Francisco; then back to China.\n\n1928-1931 Whereabouts generally unknown, but sometimes living in Buddhist monasteries in Shanghai and Hangchow. From July 1929 to June 1930 on a tour of Europe, lecturing on Buddhism, dressed in Buddhist robes and signing hotel registers \"Chao-k'ung\".\n\nIn May 1931 he became Chao-k'ung officially when he was ordained at Pao-hua Shan, the most illustrious ordination center in China. The next year he went to Europe to collect disciples and arrived back in Shanghai with them on July 25, 1933.46 There were twelve of these disciples - English, French, Italian, and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205140, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM\n\n91\n\nAustrian, the women outnumbering men by about two to one. After he had given them a few months' training at his small temple in Shanghai, he looked about for a monastery that would ordain them. Arrangements were finally made at Ch'i-hsia Shan near Nanking, which agreed to hold a special ordination for their benefit in the autumn of 1933. About 140 Chinese were ordained at the same time. The ceremony lasted over forty days. It was not an \"easy\" ordination, such as those given to foreigners in Taiwan during the 1960's. Aided by an interpreter, Chao-k'ung's disciples went through most of the same training exercises as their fellow ordinees. The retired abbot of Chin Shan, Ch'ing-ch'üan, came to preside. Members of the diplomatic corps attended. \"Tens of thousands\" of lay visitors watched the rites, and many newspapers in Nanking and Shanghai published accounts of it.\n\nDespite this auspicious beginning Chao-k'ung never seemed to be able to shake off misfortune. Two of his disciples committed suicide, one died, others he expelled. Although three of them eventually returned to Europe and worked intermittently as Buddhist missionaries, they did not bring back more Europeans to be ordained, as many Chinese monks had hoped. Nonetheless the latter still speak of Chao-k'ung with affection and pride. For all his checkered career (of which they are largely ignorant) it was he who at the end of a century of Christian privilege had enabled them to turn the tables on the missionaries.\n\nRelations with Chinese Overseas\n\nThe overseas Chinese tended to be more conservative than their cousins at home. They did not face the task of modernizing China. The anti-religious movements that swept the mainland during the 1920's found few echoes in Singapore and Penang. Also, their roots lay not in the official classes, which had a commitment to Confucianism, but among the poor and uneducated. For both reasons they were more religiously inclined. In fact, except for food, clothing, and shelter, they spent more of their income on religion than on anything else.47 This was not only because of their religious inclinations, but also because of their cultural pride, which was all the stronger for residence in an alien environment. As some overseas Chinese families prospered,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205141, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 97, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "92\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\ngeneration by generation, they became lavish patrons of Buddhism, both where they lived and when they returned home. Monks from China therefore made fund-raising tours of the overseas Chinese communities, while monasteries in certain parts of China received much of their income from overseas Chinese pilgrims.\n\nMonks traveled not only to raise funds, but to spread the dharma and to visit the holy places of Buddhism. One of the most inveterate travelers of the past century was Hsü-yün. In 1889 he visited the holy places of Tibet, India, Ceylon, and Burma.48 In 1905 he went to spread the dharma in Burma, Malaya, and Taiwan. In Malaya alone 10,000 persons became his disciples after hearing him preach.49 Here and elsewhere, almost all of his audience was overseas Chinese, since he spoke no foreign language—this was not the beginning of a dialogue with the Theravadins. On a tour in 1907, however, he won a foreign disciple no less a person than the King of Siam! Interested to hear that Hsü-yün had been in trance for nine days, the King came to see him, invited him to the royal palace, took the Refuges with him, and gave him a large tract of land, which Hsü-yün allocated to the use of the Chi-le Ssu in Penang.50\n\nSometimes he did not get so royal a welcome. In 1916 he was on his way back from Rangoon, where he had gone to get a Buddha image (another common motive for trips abroad51). When he reached Singapore, he was taken off the boat on the suspicion of being a revolutionary. Along with five other monks, he was hustled to the police station, cross-questioned, bound, beaten with fists, put out in the hot sun, and not allowed to move. \"If we moved, we were beaten. They gave us nothing to eat or drink and would not allow us to go to the latrine. This went on from six in the morning to eight at night.\" Finally, some of his disciples heard of his plight and got him released on bail. The reason for this treatment was said to have been a desire on the part of the Singapore police to please their \"good friend\" Yüan Shih-k'ai.52\n\nHsü-yün was not the only monk who went on pilgrimages and lecture tours overseas. In 1902-1906 Yüeh-hsia visited Japan, Southeast Asia, India, and Europe (sic).53 Before 1924 Wan-hui had studied in India and Ceylon.54 Overseas travel became commoner as ships and trains made it more convenient, as Chinese abroad became increasingly able to finance it, and as certain...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205142, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM\n\n93\n\ninstitutional relationships developed. The most important of these relationships involved the overseas sub-temple. Sub-temples were wholly-owned branches of a large monastery. Most were in mainland China, but Ku Shan near Foochow had its main sub-temple overseas. This was the Chi-le Ssu in Penang, the origins of which go back to 1885. In that year a delegation of Ku Shan monks were sent to Penang to raise money. One of them, Miao-lien, won a large following among the laity there. This enabled him to construct between 1891 and 1904 an immense, rather garish temple that still covers a whole hillside outside Penang. It is, in fact, the largest Chinese temple in Malaya. Under local law it was an independent institution, but in Chinese Buddhist eyes it was a branch of Ku Shan. That is, the parent institution had the right to appoint its abbots and to audit its accounts. There was frequent intercourse between the two, since not only were there officers going out to take up their appointments, but there were novices and devotees from Penang going back to Ku Shan to receive ordination.55 The Chi-li Ssu provided Ku Shan with a base for raising funds overseas, but also benefited financially itself. For example, Yüan-ying stayed there in 1939 when he was raising funds for the sangha ambulance corps; but such was his eminence that the temple enjoyed a sharp increase in the donations for its own improvement and repair56.\n\nOne of the reasons for the success of the Chi-le Ssu was that most of the residents of Penang originated in Fukien.57 They could understand the dialect of the monks sent out by Ku Shan and were proud of the fact that it was the largest monastery in their native province. Penang, one might say, was in Ku Shan's sphere of influence. Another such sphere was Taiwan, also settled by immigrants from Fukien. Although there was no sub-temple there, Ku Shan lay just across the straits from Tamsui, so that travel to and fro was quick and convenient. Some Taiwanese monks (an elite, perhaps) went to Ku Shan to be ordained and to receive a few years of training. Their names are given in the Ku Shan ordination yearbooks, as are the names of many Taiwanese upasakas and upasikas. According to one informant, the Japanese authorities encouraged this religious traffic with the mainland and facilitated entry and exit procedures. Perhaps they saw a new way of using Buddhism for their own ends.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205143, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 99, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "94\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\nI have not heard of other monasteries in China that had such wide-spreading or deep-rooted connections overseas as Ku Shan. It may have been unique. But it was extremely common for monks and lay pilgrims to go back and forth between overseas Chinese communities and the \"famous mountains” at home. Even at Wu-t'ai Shan near the Inner Mongolian border, one could find pilgrims from Singapore. In 1936, when Tai Chi-t'ao was on his way back from Europe, he stopped in Manila to lay the cornerstone of a new Buddhist temple sponsored by a group of overseas Chinese who, since 1930, had been serving as Philippines distributor for a Buddhist publishing house in Soochow. Here as elsewhere in southeast Asia, Buddhism was a link with the motherland.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 James Troup, \"On the tenets of the Shinshiu or 'True Sect' of Buddhists,\" Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, 16 (June 1886), 14-16.\n\n2 Takada, Giko, Chusi shukyo daido renmei nenkan (Yearbook of the Great Harmony Religious Alliance of Central China), Shanghai, 1943, p. 10. I am obliged to Dr. Ho Kuan-chung for making this book available to me.\n\n3 Yang Jen-shan, Yang Jen-shang chü-shih i-chu (Works of upasaka Yang Jen-shang), Peking, 1923, 1:5. This temple appears to have gone out of existence at some later date, since the Nanking branch of Honganji mentioned by Takada (see preceding note) was set up in 1938. A Japanese temple in Changsha was noted by Hackmann in 1911 (German Scholar in the East, London, 1914, p. 108). This is also unlisted by Takada.\n\n4. Franke, “Die Propaganda des japanischen Buddhismus in China”, Ostasiatische Neubildungen, Hamburg, 1911, p. 159. This article by Franke is the source of most of the information given in the text, pp. 2-4.\n\n5 This episode is also referred to in Yin-shun, T'ai-hsü tashih nien-p'u, Hong Kong, 1950, p. 35-36, where thirteen monasteries in Hangchow alone were said to have become affiliated with the Honganji. More investigation is needed.\n\n6 Takada, p. 14.\n\n7 There were twenty-six Chinese delegates, according to Yin-shun, T'ai-hsü, p. 203. The official head of the Chinese delegation and Chinese vice-chairman of the conference was Tao-chieh, under whom T'ai-hsü had studied twenty years before (Yin-shun, T'ai-hsü, p. 26 ff). T'ai-hsü may be pardoned, perhaps, for giving people the impression that he was himself the chief of the delegation. (See, for example, Young East 1.6 (November 8, 1925), 177; T'ai-hsü Lectures on Buddhism, Paris, 1928, p. 14,\n\n8 Young East 1.6 (November 8, 1925), 179-180.\n\n9 This and other information given here on the East Asian Buddhist Conference comes largely from Young East 1.6 (November 8, 1925), 176-177.\n\n10 Tokiwa Daijo, Shina bukkyo shiseki kinen shu (Buddhist Monuments in China, Memorial Collection), Tokyo, 1931, p. 203.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205144, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM\n\n11 Yin-shun, T'ai-hsü, p. 213.\n\n12 Eastern Buddhist 3.2 (July-September, 1924), 190.\n\n95\n\n13 Chinese lay devotees went to Japan to learn Tantric Buddhism from Shingon masters. Chinese monks went for academic study (two in 1936 and two more in early 1937; see Chinese Year Book 1937, Shanghai, 1937, p. 73.\n\n14 That is, the Chung-jih fo-chiao hui. At about the same time the Sino-Japanese Tantric Association (Ching-jih mi-chiao hui) was established. See Chinese Year Book 1937, p. 73.\n\n15 Takada, p. 14.\n\n16 Takada, p. 24-36, lists a total of eleven temples established between 1876 and 1937, but on p. 14 he speaks of ten temples having been set up before 1937 and of forty-nine (not forty-six) being in operation as of December, 1942. It seems clear that he does not include temples that have gone out of operation, like those in Nanking and Changsha (see note 2), and possibly those in Fukien. The only temple outside Shanghai that survived from the era before 1937 was the Honganji temple in Hankow, established 1906, which in 1942 had 1,200 Japanese and 150 Chinese parishioners.\n\n17 For example, in 1942 at the original Honganji temple in Shanghai the number of Japanese parishioners was 4,930 and the number of Chinese was zero. This temple was obviously not engaged in missionary work, but exclusively in serving the Japanese community.\n\n18 Two officers of the Ching-an Ssu in Shanghai are said to have been arrested and in Canton the abbot of the Liu-jung Ssu, T'ieh-ch'an, was executed.\n\n19 H. G. Quaritch Wales, \"Buddhism As an Instrument of Japanese Propaganda\" Free World 5.5 (May 1943), 428.\n\n20 Takada, p. 1, states that the alliance was set up in April 1937 in accordance with the policy formulated in October 1938. Perhaps the first date is a misprint.\n\n21 Takada, pp. 1, 4, 5. The changes in the bureaucratic status of the Great Harmony Religious Alliance appear to have been as follows. After being set up under the military authorities, it was transferred to the liaison office of the Central China Liaison Office of the Office for the Resurgence of Asia (Koain), which had been set up in December 1938 directly under the Cabinet in order to formulate policy on and handle relations with China. In April 1942 the Alliance was placed under the supervision of the Foreign Ministry through its representatives in Shanghai. In November 1942 it seems to have been returned to the Office for the Resurgence of Asia, when the latter was integrated into the Ministry for Great East Asian Co-Prosperity.\n\n22 Takada, pp. 24-36.\n\n23 The most significant absentee was Yüan-ying, the national head of the Chinese Buddhist Association (Shanghai, 1929).\n\n24 H. Hackmann, A German Scholar in the East, pp. 118-119. John Blofeld, who visited Wu-t'ai Shan in 1937, describes a monastery with several hundred monks where \"the main pavilion... was arranged in the Chinese way, but many services were held in a smaller building where purely Tibetan rites were performed\" (Jewel in the Lotus, London, 1948, p. 97).\n\n25 Fa-p'u, a disciple of Ta-yung, is stated to have reached Lhasa and earned a ko-hsi degree. Yin-shun, T'ai-hsü, p. 17.\n\n26 Chinese Year Book 1937 (Shanghai, 1937), p. 73.\n\n27 Shirob Jaltso, for example, was a member of the People's Political Council (1938-1949); an alternate member of the Kuomintang Sixth Super-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205145, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 101, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "96\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\nvisory Committee (1945-1949); and a vice-chairman of the Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs Commission (1947-1949).\n\n28 Probably he was not one of the two monks sent to Tibet for study earlier in 1937 (see p. 11).\n\n29 An interesting account of one such, Dorje Rimpoche, from Chamdo, who visited Hong Kong in 1935, is given in J. Blofeld, The Wheel of Life, London, 1959, pp. 40-56.\n\n30 The leading spirit of the society was Ch'ü Yang-kuang, formerly governor of Shantung and Chekiang and Minister of the Interior. This Bodhi Society (P'u-ti hsüeh-hui) had no connection with the Bodhi Society (P'u-ti She) established by T'ai-hsü in 1918.\n\n31 Chinese Year Book 1935-36, Shanghai, 1935, p. 1514, Huang was the editor of the Chinese Buddhist, \"an English magazine which was to link up China with foreign Buddhists.\" It ceased publication before he died in 1933.\n\n12 It was a common practice for Chinese monks to take their ordination vows a second or third time in order to strengthen their commitment to follow them, or in order to draw inspiration from an eminent ordaining monk. Hence, from the Chinese point of view, receiving the Theravada ordination meant supplementing, not replacing the Mahayana ordination.\n\n33 Their names were Pei-kuan, Teng-tz'u, Hsing-chiao and Chüeh-yuan. They were supposed to remain in Thailand four years. See Chinese Year Book 1936-37, Shanghai, 1936, p. 1446.\n\n34 Their Chinese religious names, followed by their Theravada names, were: Hsiu-lu (Kondanna), Wei-chih (Bhaddiya), Hui-sung (Vappa), Fa-chou (Mahanama), and Wei-huan (Assaji). Their later histories would make an interesting study in acculturation. Wei-huan disrobed within a few months and returned to China where he married. Eventually he became the principal English interpreter for the Chinese Buddhist Association established in Peking in 1953. Fa-chou married a girl of Dutch descent and eventually became a lecturer at the University of Ceylon. Hui-sung, who stayed longest, became mentally deranged. Wei-chih, after disrobing, went to Singapore, where he died during the war. Hsiu-lu, after disrobing, went to India where he pursued his studies at Santiniketan and/or Nalanda. Only the information about the first two is reliable. Another moot question is who sent them to Ceylon in the first place. Their Sinhalese hosts believed that they had been selected and sent by T'ai-hsü; and it is true that he acted as their guarantor (see Yin-shun, T'ai-hsü, p. 404). But another Chinese source states that their group was \"formed by the Chinese Buddhist Association in accordance with the proposal made by the Pure Karma Buddhist Association,\" both of which were housed in the same building in Shanghai. See Chinese Year Book 1936-37, p. 1446.\n\n35 Liao-ts'an (Dhammakiti) who went to Ceylon in 1945 returned to China about 1953 with Fa-fang's ashes, disrobed and became an instructor in Pali at the Chinese Buddhist Institute in Peking.\n\n36 Today many Theravada Buddhists have a very different attitude and publicly advocate tolerance and respect for Mahayana Buddhism. In 1956 the fourth Conference of the World Fellowship of Buddhists voted to abolish even the use of the terms \"Theravada\" and \"Mahayana\" (see Report of the 4th World Buddhist Conference, Kathmandu, no date, p. 2). There are some Theravadins, however, who even today believe that the world would be a better place if Mahayana was removed from it.\n\n37 He had gotten the information at first hand from Liao-ts'an (Dhamma-kiti) who had heard the complaints of members of the 1936 group. They are stated to have been novices (sha-mi) when they left China and the Theravada ordination they received on May 6, 1936 was also, apparently, the novice's ordination. Hence there would have been more justification for withholding the respect due to bhikkhus than in the case of Liao-ts'an and his fellow monk, who came in 1945. More information is needed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205146, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 102, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM\n\n97\n\n38 I have heard this from many informants. See also Reichelt, The Transformed Abbot, London, 1954, p. 156, and J. B. Pratt The Pilgrimage of Buddhism, New York, 1928, p. 311. A Buddhist monk once explained to me that although it was true that Jesus had risen after three days, no one should think he had done this \"just by becoming a Christian\". He had performed religious exercises (hsiu-hsing) and that was how he had achieved resurrection. There was no attempt on the part of this monk to deny the miracle of resurrection, only to fit it into the Buddhist scheme.\n\n39 Rev. Joseph Edkins, The Religious Condition of China, London, 1859, p. 75. In 1875 Timothy Richard, when he was baptising converts in Shantung, found that there was no building convenient to the river where they could change their clothes before and after. He explained his problem to the monk in charge of the Buddhist temple there who \"readily consented\" to lend some of its rooms for this purpose. See Richard, Forty-five Years in China, New York, 1916, p. 95. In 1879 the largest lama temple in Peking allowed a colporteur of the National Bible Society of Scotland to run a bookstore within the temple, where on several days a week Christian books were sold. See C. F. Gordon Cumming, Wanderings in China, London, 1888, pp. 4-9.\n\n40 Harry A. Franck, Roving Through Southern China, New York, 1925, pp. 575-576.\n\n41 In the early 1890's De Groot reported: \"It has often happened to the author of these lines that when he was taking his meal in one of the monasteries where he was staying, he was visited by monks who were curious to see how he ate and what he ate: but it was enough for them to smell the odour of his roast of pork or his leg of mutton and they would be forced to make a hasty exit from the room: they felt overcome by nausea. Such strict vegetarianism, it goes without saying that when non-vegetarian lay people came to stay sometimes in a monastery they are not allowed to have their food prepared in the monks' kitchen. There are small separate kitchens for them, where their own servants can stew things up for them.\" (Le Code du Mahayana en Chine, Amsterdam, 1893, p. 103). In 1908, when Boerschmann stayed on P'u-to Shan, he grew tired of the vegetarian fare and sent his cook to smuggle in some chickens (Pu-t'o Shan, Berlin, 1911, p. 166). In these and other instances the monks are portrayed as tacitly or even gleefully cooperating in getting meat onto the foreigner's bill of fare. It seems more likely that their cooperation, when it was forthcoming (and often it was refused), was reluctant and indignant. There was a compelling practical reason for this. If Chinese pilgrims saw meat being eaten on the premises of a monastery, many of them would take their patronage elsewhere. This was understood by early Western travellers like A. J. Little (Mount Omi and Beyond, London, 1901, pp. 75, 81, and 83). Little also provides an example of the Westerner's tendency to haggle (pp. 68, 83). The meanest bit of haggling was probably perpetrated by Mrs. C. F. Gordon Cumming. In 1879 she visited the Tien-t'ung Ssu, one of the model monasteries of China. After she and her party had enjoyed an \"excellent dinner,\" they were asked to give the equivalent of English tenpence, Mrs. Cumming offered eight pence. When the offer was accepted, she tipped the waiter tuppence halfpenny, and noted that he \"grinned with delight. Can I give you a better proof that we have reached a spot where foreigners are almost unknown?\" (Wanderings in China, London, 1888, p. 291). Mrs. Cumming was quite mistaken, of course, about foreigners being unknown: probably more had stayed at T'ien-t'ung than at any other monastery.\n\nEven today Westerners with plenty of dollars in their pocket take pride in doing the poor Chinese shopkeeper out of a few cents, partly to show their savoir faire and partly out of fear of being cheated themselves. But the monastery was not a shop, and this sort of behaviour was regarded as most inappropriate there.\n\n42 W. E. Soothill, Timothy Richard of China (London, 1924), pp. 162-163.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205148, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM\n\n48 Ts'en, Hsü-yün ho-shang nien-p'u, Hong Kong, 1962, pp. 21-22.\n\n49 Ts'en, Hsü-yün, pp. 40-43.\n\n99\n\n50 Ts'en, Hsi-yün, pp. 47-48. I have been unable to get confirmation of this story in Thailand; nor have I been able to confirm the related episode, in which Hsü-yün on his way to Bangkok that year met an Englishman who had been British consul in Teng-yüeh and Kunming and who gave Hsü-yün 3,000 pounds Sterling towards the expense of transporting a set of the Tripitaka back to Yunnan. The records of the Foreign Office in London do not appear to reveal who this may have been.\n\n51 White marble images from Burma and Thailand, termed in Chinese \"jade buddhas\" (yi-fo) have been popular in China during the past century. In the late 1890's a set of such images was made in India for a Chinese monk from P'u-t'o Shan, who spent the better part of three years at Oudh overseeing the work. So popular were these particular images that when they arrived in Shanghai, they were kept on exhibit in nearby Woosung at the request of the authorities as a large number of Chinese visit them daily, which was quite profitable for the railway.\" See Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 31 (1896-1897), 203. These may well have been the jade buddhas installed during the reconstruction of the Fa-yü Ssu on P'u-t'o Shan,\n\n52 Ts'en, Hsi-yün, p. 66.\n\n53 Cheng-lien, Ch'ang-chou T'ien-ning ssu-chih, Shanghai, 1948, 7:102. Cf. Chou Hsiang-kuang, History of Chinese Buddhism, Allahabad, 1955, p. 214,\n\n54 See Eastern Buddhist, 3.3 (October-December, 1924), p. 274. This is the earliest instance I have encountered of a Chinese Buddhist going abroad to study Theravada. Unlike Huang Mao-lin he is not stated to have had the goal of spreading Mahayana as well.\n\n55 For example in 1916 the head of the Chi-le Ssu, Pen-chung, led a group of his Refugee disciples to Ku Shan to receive the lay ordination: they numbered five out of the six upasakas and forty out of the 114 upasikas. This information comes from the 1916 ordination yearbook.\n\n56 See Yüan-ying fa-shih chi-nien k'an (Memorial volume for Yüan-ying), Singapore, 1954, pp. 13-14.\n\n57 However, they came from around Amoy rather than around Foochow, where Ku Shan was located.\n\n58 Chinese Year Book 1937, p. 74.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205149, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 105, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "100\n\nTHE HANLIN ACADEMY IN THE\n\nEARLY CH'ING PERIOD\n\n(1644-1795)\n\nA. L. Y. CHUNG\n\nThe Hanlin Academy of the Ch'ing Dynasty was one of the key departments of government at the capital of China. Its main functions emphasized the literary pursuits of the government, and its members enjoyed higher prestige than officials of the same rank in other administrative units. The brightest scholar-officials of the Empire were required to serve in the Academy for a certain time before they were given higher appointments in other departments. Consequently, the Academy served two purposes. It executed literary and educational work and served as a reservoir of potential officials for senior positions in other departments.\n\nThe origin of the Hanlin Academy dates to the Tang Dynasty when a specific institution was established by the government to be used for further study by officials. This institution initially was nothing more than a government educational centre, which it remained until the Ming Dynasty (A.D. 1368-1644). During the Ming, it assumed the responsibility of conducting almost all aspects of the country's literary work, from correcting examination papers and compiling books to writing praises of the emperor. Gradually, all important officials became associated one way or another with the Academy, which now occupied a much more important position in the Chinese bureaucracy.\n\nIn the Ch'ing Dynasty, the Academy functioned as it did in the Ming. In the early part of the dynasty, the Academy reached its fullest development, incorporating most of the practices of its predecessor. The period 1644-1795, that is, from the first emperor, Shun-chih, to the fourth emperor, Ch'ien-lung, was the zenith of Manchu rule. The government was efficient and the Empire was, by and large, at peace. The Hanlin Academy was effectively run. It is for this reason that this account of the Academy concentrates on the 1644-1795 time-period.\n\nMr. Chung received his M.A. degree from the University of Hong Kong and currently teaches history in the Colony.\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205164, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "THE HANLIN ACADEMY\n\n115\n\non the other. The Manchu Government was mainly concerned with the vital issue of preserving the Empire. As there was a general decline in the efficiency of administration, the Hanlin Academy also became lax in some of its practices. The probationers, for example, were not given as much attention as before. Nonetheless, although there was general corruption and sale of offices in the late Ch'ing period, this did not affect the Academy, which continued to enlist the best scholars of the Empire, if we are to judge from the public examination results. Unfortunately, owing to the growing rigidity of the Civil Service Examinations and the narrowing of the syllabus for these examinations, the scholars who were successful were not necessarily the most promising potential officials. Whereas in the early Ch'ing, scholars sitting for the public examinations needed to answer discussion topics of an administrative nature, the scholars in nineteenth century China had only to write eight-legged essays which grew more rigid as time went on.56 Thus, the scholars, including the best of the candidates sitting for the examinations were quite narrow-minded, their knowledge confined to the Classics and their writing rather meaningless and of a uniform pattern. They formed the conservative elements of the Empire and were die-hards against government reform. The anti-foreign feelings of the late Ch'ing were to a certain extent fanned by some of these Hanlin scholars who, as a result of their prestige and ability to command respect, were able to muster scholars of the Empire against progressive moves of the government.57\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205166, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 122, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "THE HANLIN ACADEMY\n\n117\n\n24 Wang Hsien-ch'ien, Tung-hua lu (509 chüan in 30 ts'e, Taipei, 1963), K'ang-hsi, 3:26. 王先謙:東華錄康熙朝,\n\n25 Ibid., 3:3a.\n\n26 Ibid., 3:13b.\n\n27 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 23:11a-b.\n\n28 Ibid.\n\n29 Ibid., 21:206.\n\n30 Ch'ing-shih, vol. 2, 1375.\n\n31 S. Van Der Sprenkel, Legal Institutions in Manchu China - A Sociological Analysis (London: Athlone Press, 1962), pp. 30-32. Also see J. K. Fairbank, The United States and China (New ed., completely rev. and enl.; Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1958), pp. 94-5,\n\n32 Wang Hsien-ch'ien, K'ang-hsi, 4:9a.\n\n33 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 21:22a-24a.\n\n34 Ibid., 24a-b.\n\n35 Ibid., 24b-25a.\n\n36 Ibid., 22:1b-2a.\n\n37 Ibid., 22:4a-4b.\n\n38 Wang Hsien-ch'ien, Ch'ien-lung, 3:34a.\n\n39 Ch'ing-shih, vol. 2, 1375.\n\n40 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:4a-b.\n\n41 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:3b.\n\n42 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 22:12b.\n\n43 W. A. P. Martin, The Hanlin Papers: Essays on the Intellectual Life of the Chinese (London: Trübner & Co., New York: Harper Brothers, 1880), pp. 24-26.\n\n44 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 23:20b.\n\n45 Consult Fa Shih-shan ... (16 chüan in 6 ts'e, preface dated 1799), Ch'ing-pi shu-wen ...\n\n46 Shang Yen-liu, p. 92; Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 24:19b-20a.\n\n47 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:4b.\n\n48 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 24:20b.\n\n49 Ibid., 24:28b-29a, 10a-10b.\n\n50 Ibid., 24:21a-21b.\n\n51 Ibid., 24:22a.\n\n52 Ta-Ch'ing li-ch'ao shih-lu ... (compiled by Man-chou ti-kuo kuo-wu-yüan, 4664 chüan, Tokyo, 1937-38), Shih-tsung, 44:9a-b.\n\n53 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 24:22b-23a.\n\n54 Ibid.\n\n55 Ibid., 24:24a-25a.\n\n56 Ta-Ch'ing li-ch'ao shih-lu, Shih-tsung, 15:15a-b; also see The Chinese, Their History and Culture, 531-533.\n\n57 See The Hanlin Papers and Ho Ping-ti, Studies on the Population of China, 1368-1953,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205171, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "122\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\npermitted to settle there, and stringent measures will be taken to prevent its becoming as heretofore a resort for thieves and outlaws, who are hereby warned that they will be proceeded against with severity if they attempt to conceal themselves within the above-mentioned limits **6\n\nWho were these people? Most of the inhabitants of Old Kowloon at this time were Hakkas, whereas the earlier inhabitants of the flatter and more fertile areas of the peninsula, especially round Kowloon City, not far beyond the northern boundary of British territory, were Cantonese. The major Cantonese settlements in the area south of the Kowloon hills date back to the Yuan Dynasty (1280-1368) and even before, whereas the Hakka settlers of the southern part of the Kowloon peninsula are of much more recent origin. Most of them appear to have come into the area in the first half of the 19th century, especially after 1841.\n\nSeveral factors can be said to have operated in bringing Hakkas into the area in the middle years of the 19th century. In the first place, there appears to have been a continuing movement of Hakkas early in the century, seeking to settle on new land. Then, after 1841, there was the attraction of nearby Hong Kong with its opportunities for work, and perhaps wealth. The development of Victoria, the capital city, brought a demand for granite and this was readily available in the rocky outcrops of Kowloon, from which it could conveniently be transported across the harbour to the new building sites. In 1871 there were no less than eighty-one stone quarries in Kowloon more than for the whole of Hong Kong island. Quarrying is traditionally work in which Hakkas engage: they pride themselves on their strength and ability to engage in such strenuous labour.10 Thirdly, the prolonged unrest of the Taiping Rebellion forced many individuals and even whole families to leave their homes and settle in British territory.\" One of the more picturesque settlers in Ho Man Tin Village in the 1860s was a Hakka who had allegedly been one of the Taiping generals and rejoiced in the nickname \"Seven Legged Heavenly Flying Tiger\".\n\nA contemporary observer who had spent nearly thirty years in South China described these people as follows: 12\n\nParties of tramps, called Hakkas or ‘guests' roamed over Kwangtung province squatting on vacant places along the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205173, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "124\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nquite frequent. Other families are said to have spoken Hoklo at home as well as Hakka which presupposes previous settlement in Hoklo areas and some intermarriage with Hoklo people. Ho Man Tin village also had settlers who were described to me as 'Wai Chow Punti'*, that is Puntis who, living in what had become the predominantly Hakka area of Wai Chow, had been accepted by the Hakkas as their own people (§ CA). In short there was quite an intermixture of dialect groups in these Kowloon villages. This bears out what the missionary James Johnston writes of the Swatow area of Kwangtung in his China and Formosa (1897):18\n\n44\n\nWhilst these three divisions (Punti, Hakka, Hoklo) of the population are distinctly marked, and kept up from generation to generation, there are frequent intermarriages between them and intermixture of the people in their different localities\".\n\nThough settling down in the same villages these Hakka settlers did not all come from the same areas. Some of them came to Kowloon from inland districts of the East River, others from Hoklo-speaking districts further up the coast. Thus Hakkas of different geographical origin settled down together in the Kowloon villages; and not all at the same time, but by degrees. Mong Kok was already an established village by 1862: the available evidence points to an 18th century or early 19th century origin. Ho Man Tin, on the other hand, was not mentioned as a village in the Commissioners' Report in 1862, although family backgrounds indicate that it was probably already a hamlet by then.19\n\nHakkas have always had a reputation for industry, and perseverance.20 These settlers would have needed those qualities to settle in the Kowloon peninsula, where the majority of good agricultural land had already been taken up by the time most of them came to the Hong Kong region and only areas fit for marginal farming were left for them to develop. In consequence, only a few of the families in these two villages owned rice fields and most of them had to be content with vegetable land in the less well-watered upper slopes of the many small valleys which threaded the peninsula. Farming land was scarce. When the father of one of my informants lost his own vegetable land as the result of a confidence trick he had to cease farming and turned", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205177, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "128\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nanother occasion in the lunar year by Robert Morrison, the celebrated missionary, in his View of China (1817):34\n\n\"The 2nd moon, 2nd day is the general birth-day of these [tutelary spirits] when at all the public offices, and in various of the streets, plays are performed, and Crackers are let off in great numbers; also decorated rockets. The spectators struggle to obtain the fragments of the last, under the idea that he who obtains it will be fortunate\n\nThis was a rough sport and sometimes led to minor fights between men of different dialect groups. As Hardy observes, the proceedings on these occasions were invariably accompanied on the side by such delights as gambling stalls, opium divans and the like, and as such they were not welcomed by the police for whom they made extra work and trouble.35\n\nThese entertainments were paid for by opening subscription books which the managers took round the villages. The occasional deficit was usually met on application to a well-off village elder. Village people did not have to pay to see the show, but those who subscribed received a big lantern called tang lung36 and could take part in the feast customarily held at this time. I am told that it was not uncommon to set out a hundred tables on these occasions.\n\nThe temple organisation for this small group of villages could be found at other places in Old and New Kowloon.37 It is interesting to note that villagers were quite clear about which villages belonged to a particular group and which did not. For instance, when I asked one old person as to whether Kowloon Tong village people attended the entertainment at the Tai Shek Kwu Temple, she said immediately: 'It had nothing to do with them; they lived on the other side of the stream'. This indicates the existence of clearly recognised geographical boundaries for each temple group area; and the division of the peninsula into several groups each with its exclusive interests and responsibilities.\n\nI have mentioned Yau Ma Ti and its shop-keepers several times already.38 Partly because of its proximity and close economic connection with the Tai Shek Kwu group and partly for its own sake a word about the place is opportune, especially as there was a more developed type of local organisation in Kowloon's growing townships.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205183, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 139, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "OLD BRITISH KOWLOON\n\n133\n\nNOTES\n\nThe place names are all in Cantonese and can be found in the Hong Kong Government's publication The Place Names of Hong Kong and the New Territories (1960). Where not otherwise stated my authority for information given in the paper comes from the old people mentioned in note 16. The aim of this article is to recover as much of the pre-1899 past of the Hong Kong region as possible, with special reference to the nineteenth century.\n\n1. E. J. Eitel, Europe in China, London: Luzac & Co., 1895, p. 360.\n\n2. The Convention of Peking, 9 June 1898. The text can be found on pp. 198-199 of the Hong Kong Government's Sessional Papers, i.e., papers laid before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, 1899.\n\n3. Report on the Sanitary Condition of Hong Kong and Kowloon for 1864... presented to both Houses of Parliament by Command of Her Majesty in 1865 to be found in Parliamentary Papers, China, 1861-66, p. 16.\n\n4. C.O.129/85 in the Public Record Office, London.\n\n5. The Commissioners sent an abstract of these documents to London. These were as follows:\n\n\"No. 1 | List of Red Deeds Owners not belonging to the Teng Family—contains 91 Deeds, comprising an area of 176 acres value computed at $25,865.32\n\nNo. 2 List of Deeds belonging to the Two Branches of the Teng Family contains 78 Deeds comprising an area of 276 acres value computed at $40,561.52\n\nNo. 3 List of squatters showing the number to be 222—spread over 90 acres value computed at $13,226.16*\n\nThe \"Teng\" family mentioned in Nos. 1 and 2 above is the Tang (*) family of Kam Tin, who are Cantonese and are the oldest, richest and best-known of the New Territories landed families. See SUNG Hok-Pang. \"Legends and Stories of the New Territories\" Parts III-IV, Kam Tin, in The Hong Kong Naturalist, Vols. VI and VII.\n\n6. Hong Kong Government Gazette, Government Notification 41 of 1860, dated 24 March 1860. The population at this time contained a preponderance of men; 3356 to 971 women and 778 children (Hong Kong Government Gazette, 22 February 1862).\n\n7. For instance, the genealogies (##) of the Ng (吳) clan of Nga Tsin Wai and Sha Po and the Lam (林) clan of Chuk Yuen and Po Kong show that their settlement dates back to this period.\n\n8. I base this statement on personal knowledge of the fifty or more Hakka villages in the Sai Kung district of the New Territories.\n\n9. Hong Kong Government Blue Book for 1871 p. 148.\n\n10. See G. N. Orme's \"Report on the New Territories 1899-1912\" in Sessional Papers 1912 p. 55 and J. H. Stewart Lockhart in Sessional Papers 1899, p. 189. My second statement is based on conversations with families of Hakka stonecutters at Ngau Tau Kok Village, Kowloon.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205184, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "134\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\n11 See, for instance, Rev. R. Lechler's article \"The Hakka Chinese\" in the Chinese Recorder for September-October 1878 in which he writes (p. 355), \"Three thousands (sic) of them came to Hong Kong in 1863, having been taken on board by some foreign vessels, which happened to do business with rice etc., in Tai-foo-san. They were kindly taken care of by the English government and the merchants who collected money, and had mat sheds built for the fugitives until they were able to provide for themselves. I was then intrusted with the funds collected and used to buy rice for daily distribution to these wretched people.\"\n\nIt is recorded that 189 families — it is not stated how many were Hakkas and how many Cantonese — came to settle in Hong Kong in 1867. (See the Registrar General's Report in the Government Gazette 14 March 1868). Kowloon seems to have attracted Hakka newcomers from Hong Kong. In his Education Report for 1865 Mr. F. Stewart noted with reference to the Tang Lung Chau district of Hong Kong that \"nearly all the Hakka families that used to live here have removed to the Kowloon side of the harbour\". (See Hong Kong Government Gazette for 24th March 1866).\n\n12 S. Wells Williams The Middle Kingdom, revised edition, London; W. H. Allen & Co., 1883, Vol. 1, p. 486.\n\n13 See D. Maciver in p.v. of the Introduction to his Hakka Dictionary, Shanghai; American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1905.\n\n14 Report of the Proceedings of the Morrison Education Society March 1863 - March 1864, Hong Kong; London Missionary Society Press, 1864, p. 11. I suspect that the 10,000 is an under-estimate of the number of Hakkas living in the San On District at this time.\n\n15 The names may be translated as \"Vantage Point\" and \"Fields of the Ho and Man families\". Ho Man Tin was removed to make way for the Kowloon-Canton railway in 1906 (see Sessional Papers 1907, p. 687) and Mong Kok was submerged by urban Kowloon in the 1920s (see Chapter 5 of The Development of Hong Kong and Kowloon as Told in Maps by T. R. Tregear and L. Berry, Hong Kong, University of Hong Kong Press, 1959).\n\n16 I am indebted to the following persons for information: Mr. NG Kau (b. 1888); Mr. TANG Yuen-li (b. 1897) and Madam SOLI Lin (b. 1888).\n\n17 In 1897 the population of Ho Man Tin was 297 (180 males and 117 females) and of Mong Kok 218 persons (102 males, 116 females). See Hong Kong Government's Sessional Papers for 1897, p. 485.\n\n18 Rev. James Johnston, China & Formosa, The Story of the Mission of the Presbyterian Church of England, London; Hazel, Watson and Viney, 1897, p. 266.\n\n19 In this connection it should be noted that until the census returns of 1897 (see Sessional Papers 1897, p. 485), the population of British Kowloon was given as a whole and not split into individual village populations as was always done for the Hong Kong villages.\n\n20 See Orme, p. 44.\n\n21 \"Live stock paid but badly\" in 1867. See the Registrar-General's report in Hong Kong Government Gazette, 14 March 1868.\n\n22 Then, as twenty years ago, the same. See The Hong Kong Annual Report 1947, Hong Kong, Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., March 1948, p. 50.\n\n23 S. Wells Williams, Vol. I, p. 172. Twenty years later one of the illustrations in Sir Henry Blake and Mortimer Menpes' China, London; A and C Black, 1909, pp. 119-120 shows the vegetable boats arriving from the Kowloon side.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205185, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 141, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "OLD BRITISH KOWLOON\n\n135\n\n24 With regard to the quantities of firewood brought on foot into Kowloon from as far afield as Sha Tin, see Sessional Papers 1903 p. 209 which list 66,521 loads of firewood, each estimated at 70 piculs (approx. 93 lbs.) as being carried over the hills in 1902. The Sham Shui Po Kaifong, through operating the Mo Tai (A†4) temple's public weighing scales, got its revenue from the vegetable and livestock market there. Much of the produce sold there crossed the harbour to Hong Kong. (See the Registrar General's Report for 1907 in Sessional Papers 1908, p. 194. Other information supplied by elders). I am also informed by Mr. WAI Tau Shue (b. 1885) that in his youth the Kowloon Lok Sin Tong levied a small weighing charge on each load of firewood sold in the Kowloon City market. In each case the proceeds were supposed to swell public funds for charitable work. For social advancement see the career of WONG Lan-shang described in this article.\n\n25 The Third or Kowloon Police Magistrate was not appointed until 1925 (Colonial Estimates 1924-1926). For an example of police assistance in an emergency see the press reports of the two big fires at Hung Hom village on 11 and 16 December 1884 (Hong Kong Daily Press).\n\n26 See Report from the Hong Kong Land Commission of 1886-87 on the History of the Sale, Tenure and Use of the Crown Land of the Colony published in Sessional Papers 1887 pp. XXVI-XXVII.\n\n27 Between 1853 and 1862 the Hong Kong government paid village elders as tepos (18) in an endeavour to enlist their services in the public interest. See G. B. Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong 1841-1962, Hong Kong; University of Hong Kong Press, 1964, pp. 37-38. The Colonial Estimates for the period, under Registrar General's department, show that payment was not extended to the elders of the Kowloon villages acquired in 1860.\n\n28 Eitel, p. 160.\n\n29 See, for instance, pp. 8 and 9 and note 40 of my typescript article \"Some villages in the North Western Part of the Kowloon Peninsula in 1898” presented to the International Conference on Asian History held at the University of Hong Kong, August 30-September 5, 1964. See also note 37 below.\n\n30 The temple was re-erected in Shantung Street Kowloon in 1927 on a site provided by Government which also gave a grant of $6,000 towards the reconstruction. The rest of the money required for the new building was supplied by the Kwong Wah (Tung Wah group) Hospital, to whom the management of the temple was entrusted.\n\n31 Shui Yuet Kung (KA) is an alternative name for a Kwan Yin temple. See S. Wells Williams, Tonic Dictionary of the Chinese Language in the Canton Dialect, Canton; Office of the Chinese Repository, 1856, p. 650. See also E. T. C. Werner, A Dictionary of Chinese Mythology, New York; The Julian Press, 1961, pp. 225-227.\n\n32 See E. T. C. Werner, China of the Chinese, London; Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1920, pp. 196-197, and S. Wells Williams, Tonic Dictionary under p. 308 and p. 581 under A.\n\n33) E. J. Hardy, John Chinaman at Home, London; T. Fisher Unwin, 1905, p. 86. See also W. Stanton, The Chinese Drama, Hong Kong; Kelly & Walsh, 1899, pp. 5-6 for a brief description of the position in \"China and in the villages of Hong Kong\".\n\n34 Robert Morrison, A View of China for Philological Purposes. Macao; Hon. E. I. C. Press, 1817, p. 105.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205186, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "136\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\n35 The informants who assisted me with their recollections of the N.W. Kowloon villages in the article mentioned in note 29 above recalled that similar proceedings took place yearly at the Sham Tai Chi or Temple of the Third Prince on the beach at Law Uk, Cheung Sha Wan until it, too, was removed for redevelopment in the mid 1920s. Fights between the various participants, especially Hakkas with Hoklos, were quite common at festival times.\n\n36 See S. Wells Williams, Easy Lessons in Chinese, Macao; Chinese Repository Press, 1842, p. 127.\n\n37 This type of organisation is also common in the New Territories of Hong Kong. Indeed it was apparently found all over China: see Werner's China of the Chinese, pp. 163-165 for a good general description.\n\n38 In 1897 Yau Ma Tei had a population of 8051 (Sessional Papers 1897, p. 485) and by 1907 as much as 17,812 (Sessional Papers, p. 273). The name means Oil and Hemp Ground, though my informants tell me it has an older name Tai Shek Lat (私大石ᑟ) which may be translated as Row of Big Stones. \"Lat\" is a colloquial word.\n\n39 Hong Kong Government Gazette for 1877, p. 81.\n\n40 See Mr. Chadwick's Reports on the Sanitary Conditions of Hong Kong, Eastern No. 38, printed for the use of the Colonial Office in November 1882, pp. 42-43. Through a printer's error he calls Yau Ma Tei “Yan Ma Ti”.\n\nSee Sessional Papers 1899 p. 482 for another description of the adjoining area.\n\n41 No evidence of this particular type of activity survives from the Yau Ma Tei district. However a few examples can be cited from the Kowloon City area. Mr. W. Schofield has sent details of a tablet (1828) found pre-war beside a broken bridge near the former Kowloon City rifle range which records the names of officials, shops and passage boats contributing to the work; and a tablet dated December 1895/January 1896 recording the repair of \"Temple Road\" at Kowloon City is still in existence. A direction stone at the site gives left for Kowloon Tsai and Sham Shui Po and straight on for the Hau Wong Temple. The work was organised by sixteen directors (财事) who are listed on the tablet.\n\n42 For a description of one of these processions see Hardy, p. 280.\n\n43 The inscription above the main entrance also records reconstruction (equivalent of) November/December 1878.\n\n44 The tablet is dated the equivalent of November/December 1894.\n\n45 I am indebted to Messrs. Patrick Wong and Dicken Yang of the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs for part of this information.\n\n46 See, for instance, G. T. Lay's account of missionary visits to Hong Kong and Kowloon in 1839 between pp. 279-300 of his The Chinese as they are, London; William Ball & Co., 1841. Rev. George Smith's visits to Kowloon in 1844/45 are described in his A Narrative of an Exploratory Visit to Each of the Consular Cities of China and to the Islands of Hong Kong and Chusan, London, Seeley, Burnside and Seeley, 2nd edition, 1847, pp. 72 seq.; and Rev. William Burns' visits from Hong Kong in 1848 are mentioned in James Johnston, pp. 71-74.\n\n47 Impressions of China and the Present Revolution: its Progress and Prospects, London; Seeley, Jackson and Halliday, 1855, p. 24.\n\n48 See James Johnston, p. 71.\n\n49 See The China Mission Hand Book, Shanghai; American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1896, pp. 272-280 for an account, with statistics of the Basel Mission's work in South China for 1893.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205187, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "OLD BRITISH KOWLOON\n\n137\n\n50 The Hong Kong Blue Books for 1904 onwards list Basel Mission out-stations at Shaukiwan on Hong Kong Island and at To Kwa Wan, Sham Shui Po and Kowloon Tong in Kowloon. It is not certain when the Sham Shui Po station was opened as The China Mission Hand Book p. 279 lists two out-stations from Hong Kong but does not give their names. The earlier Blue Books are not much help.\n\n51 Hung Hom, Tai Kok Tsui and Mong Kok Tsui had their docks and in Sessional Papers 1899, p. 482 Tai Kok Tsui is described as \"an industrial area\".\n\n52 This study was hampered by the fact that no early land records appear to have survived for the group of villages described in this article. The only information I have been able to obtain, besides evidence from maps, relates to squatter licenses. A list for 1896, which appears in Sessional Papers 1897, p. 203, includes Ho Man Tin (37), Tai Shik Kwu (1) and Mong Kok (57).\n\nL\n\n+\n\nAddenda\n\nI ought not to leave this subject without mentioning the bad feeling between Hakkas and Cantonese in British Hong Kong which was the legacy of the disturbed times during the Taiping rebellion. Mayers, Dennys and King, the authors of The Treaty Ports of China and Japan (London and Hong Kong, 1867) state that fights between Hakka and Punti were common in British Hong Kong and that many Hakka labourers had come to Hong Kong with vivid memories of ill-treatment in their native place. It seems that these fights were not confined to immigrant labourers with scores to settle. Eitel records that for several days in August 1862 \"the peninsula of Kowloon presented the novel aspect of an animated battle field, as the Punti inhabitants of the neighbouring villages were engaged in a bloody warfare with the Hakka settlers at Tsim Sha Tsui\". A previous engagement, presumably between the same people, occurred in the same place in August 1859 when hostilities lasted two days though \"little damage was done beyond a few knife wounds\". We are told that \"The Hakkas remained masters of the situation\" (Dennys etc. p. 84). At that time, according to this source, the Puntis \"have an intense antipathy to the Hakkas\" (p. 19). It is interesting that this is reflected in the fact that the Canton Coolie Corps which assisted our army in the Second Chinese War 1857-60 was recruited in Hong Kong entirely from among Hakkas. See W. Stanton The Triad Society, Hong Kong, Kelly & Walsh 1900, p. 26.\n\nFurther to the early descriptions of Yau Ma Ti given in the text I have since come across another in Sessional Papers 1888, p. 103, in which it is stated that \"the boatmen and fishermen who have hitherto constituted the residents of Yau Ma Ti are gradually becoming outnumbered by town people and artizans (sic) from Hong Kong who are attracted to Yau Ma Ti by the lower rents charged them for house accommodation\".", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205189, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n139\n\nhad time and again shown themselves to be inadequate for their tasks. His spectacular success as a reformer and adviser made him the hero of the writers of the time. It was probably for this reason that Kuan Chung is given full credit for authorship of the Kuan-tzu.\n\nSome chapters of the Kuan-tzu have been translated into Western languages. Many of these translations represent little more than paraphrasing, while others contain serious defects. Only a few translations meet the standards of modern scholarship. In the light of these difficulties, Professor Rickett has translated twelve of the existing seventy-six chapters in the Kuan-tzu in order to aid the Western scholar who wishes to consult the Kuan-tzu as a reference source or desires an accurate translation of certain important sections of the original text. These twelve chapters show the wide variety of materials to be found in the Kuan-tzu. Each chapter constitutes a valuable document for the study of early Chinese thought and institutions.\n\nThe Kuan-tzu is especially noted for its wealth of materials on early Chinese economic theory and policy. Aside from the many economic references scattered throughout the work, there are the Ch'ing-chung chapters which focus specifically on economic matters. Ch'ing-chung, meaning 'light and heavy', refers to the government policy of controlling the supply of coins in circulation to maintain price stability in order to ensure an adequate supply of grain and other commodities. This policy has been regarded as one of the earliest applications of the quantity theory of money. The Ch'ing-chung section and several other chapters relating to economic matters have already been translated under the direction of Lewis Maverick, a professor of economics at Southern Illinois University (Economic Dialogues in Ancient China: Selections from the Kuan-tzu, Far Eastern Publications, Yale University, New Haven, Conn., 1954). These sections are not among the twelve chapters translated by Professor Rickett. Professor Maverick, not being a Sinologist, arranged for two Chinese to do the translation. Despite the extensive coverage of this work, it is unsatisfactory in many ways. Aside from mistakes due to carelessness or poor proof-reading, there are many omissions and errors in translation. Many scholars have taken a great interest in the economic content of the Kuan-tzu, and it is hoped that Professor Rickett will produce a more satisfactory translation of these chapters in the near future.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205194, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 150, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "144\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nIyer,\" a revised transcription of a UNESCO radio broadcast in April 1959. This was the origin of both the book and its title.\n\nPHILIP SHEN\n\nChung Chi College\n\nThe Chinese University of Hong Kong.\n\nTHE CHINESE IN PHILIPPINE LIFE 1850-1898, Edgar Wickberg. Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 1965. 280 pages.\n\nFor students and scholars interested in Southeast Asian studies this is an illuminating book. It discusses the Chinese in the Philippines during the period from the date of the changed Spanish policy on the status of Chinese in 1850 to the end of Spanish rule in the Philippines in 1898.\n\nThe limited number of serious studies that have previously been made of the Chinese in the Philippines have concentrated on the problems of the twentieth-century community. However, since many important features of Philippine economy and society are traceable to developments in the latter half of the nineteenth century, this period comprises the formative years of modern Philippine economic and social life.\n\nProfessor Wickberg's book is the first exhaustive research on a period of significant change of the Chinese in the Philippines. It concentrates on their institutions, and on their relations both with their host society and with China. The fully documented book is supplemented by maps, showing Manila and other areas in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and includes reproductions of paintings, vividly showing the dress fashions of Chinese and Chinese mestizos in the mid-nineteenth century. There is a glossary of Chinese names and terms, and a comprehensive bibliography listing published works in English, Spanish, Chinese, and Japanese, on Chinese both in the Philippines and elsewhere in Southeast Asia, and on other topics relative to Southeast Asian studies. The sources of unpublished material used are also listed.\n\nThe book begins with a lucid narrative of the Philippine Chinese before 1850. The Chinese had early contacts with the Philippine Archipelago and were directly involved in the economic and social affairs of the Philippines long before the arrival of the\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205195, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 151, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n145\n\nSpanish conquerors in 1560. During the early Spanish period, Chinese merchants in Fukien and other areas capitalized on the opportunities of the newly developing Manila Galleon trade between the Philippines and Mexico, as the way was then open for Chinese vessels to carry goods from China to Manila, there to be loaded for markets in Mexico. However, within a few years after the Spanish conquest, relations between the Chinese and Spaniards fell into a pattern of distrust and latent hostility. The term sangley, the Spanish name for Chinese immigrants, came to connote an invidious cultural stereotype. The distrust led to the shaping of harsh Spanish policies towards the Chinese and the establishment of the Parian, a kind of Chinese ghetto, for the Chinese in Manila.\n\nThe author devotes much space in the first part of the book to a lengthy discussion on the subject of the Chinese mestizos, vital to an understanding of the social history of the Philippines. The lineage history of the Filipino national hero, Dr. Jose Rizal, is an example of the position of the Chinese mestizos in the social history of the Philippines. Dr. Rizal's paternal ancestor, a Catholic Chinese born in China, married a Chinese mestiza in the Philippines. Their son and grandson both married Chinese mestizas. The grandson was later able to have his family transferred from the mestizo padron (the tax-census register) to that of the indios (native Filipinos). Thus, Rizal's father, and Rizal himself, were considered indio. As a very relevant aside, this writer recommends that the reader consult Filipino historian, Mr. Esteban A. de Ocampo's article, “Chinese Greatest Contribution to the Philippines The Birth of Dr. Jose Rizal,\" in Dr. Shubert S. C. Liao's Chinese Participation in Philippine Culture and Economy (Manila: Bookman Inc., 1964).\n\nProfessor Wickberg continues on to discuss the growth of the Chinese economy in Manila and other areas, foreign trade and other kinds of economic activity in the Philippines, the general cultural and social context, and the position of Chinese during the years 1880 to 1890. He touches on the nature of the Chinese community in the Philippines, the relations of the Philippine Chinese with China, and the position of the Chinese at the end of the nineteenth century.\n\nBefore 1850, the Chinese in the Philippines were a largely", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205196, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "146\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nunorganized group of individuals living mostly in the Manila area.\n\nBut, fifty years later the Philippine Chinese were an organized community with members in every part of the Philippines. The author concludes that the period 1850-1898 may be regarded as not only a critical era in terms of the survival and future of the Philippine Chinese, but as a necessary period of preparation for both closer bonds with China and the organization of the sophisticated Chinese Chambers of Commerce that were to follow.\n\nOf special interest is the discussion of Philippine foreign trade, especially regarding trade between Hong Kong and the Philippines during the nineteenth century. Due to the dearth of statistics and materials available concerning this trade with Hong Kong, the author was unable to measure its extent during the period covered by his book. This is an interesting subject in which students and scholars might conduct further research.\n\nReading Professor Wickberg's long-awaited book was a great pleasure. I would second Professor William Skinner's appraisal that the book does break new ground and that in \"terms of solid historical scholarship, it is superior to anything in the literature on the overseas Chinese of any country.”\n\nFoo TAK-SUN\n\nAN ANECDOTAL HISTORY OF OLD TIMES IN SINGAPORE, 1819-1867. Charles Burton Buckley. Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1965. Two volumes in one; pp. xi + 790 + xxii; 19 illustrations. M$25.\n\nThis photographic reprint of Buckley's two volumes in one makes available once again an interesting and unusual sourcebook for the history of Singapore, first published in 1902 but long out of print. Essentially a scrapbook based upon newspaper articles, private papers and personal reminiscences, it contains a mine of miscellaneous information on Singapore affairs and personalities between 1819 and 1867. Outstanding events and issues of each year are recorded and discussed, ranging from the administration of Raffles, the growth of trade and shipping and the rise of business houses, to Chinese riots, piracy, man-eating tigers and amateur theatricals. The careers and activities of prominent European and Asian personalities — such as John Crawfurd,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205198, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 154, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "148\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nAs he very aptly writes in the 'Author's Note', the book describes the voyage which \"starts in Hong Kong and ends there; the ports visited are those colonies in which I served: Bermuda, Jamaica, Nigeria and Fiji and the Western Pacific, as well, of course, as Hong Kong\". Even more appropriate for this review, however, is his comment: \"I did not keep a diary and I made no notes. For my story I have relied mainly on my memory which, at times, may be at fault, but only, I believe, on points of detail. I have recounted, and commented on, those happenings that remain foremost in my mind.\" The memory of the author is indeed faultless: he can remember all the trivials, but in doing so, he has left out (very painstakingly, it seems) the really important events that happened during his various tours of duty. In this connection, the subdivision of the chapters into Pre-War Days 1922-41, War Years 1942-45 and Post-War Hong Kong 1947-57, becomes extremely misleading. To cite only two examples of exclusion: the reunification of China (1926-28) and Jamaican attempts at self-government prior to and during his term of office. Perhaps most disappointing is the chapter which is burdened with the heading of 'Communist China'. The chapter indeed starts off with pomposity: \"On 1st October 1949, the Chinese communists declared themselves to be the lawful government of China. Why did China go communist? This is a question to which different answers are given. Some say, because China was betrayed... betrayed by whom?... the United States, the Kuomintang.\" But then, this is all there is to it. After a brief account of the 'history' of China's struggles since the days of the treaty ports, we are treated to a narration of 'incidents' (for example, the exploits of the HMS Amethyst and the Kashmir Princess) in fact, well-known events, which unfortunately provide no new information. It is only in the last chapter titled 'Retrospect', that we glimpse the author's own political viewpoint. He only superficially analyses the political situation in Asia and we conclude that he is anti-communist.\n\nTaking the book as a publishable autobiography, however, it becomes more satisfactory. We can perceive, reading somewhat between the lines, the mentality of a British civil servant, struggling from the lowest offices to the highest one in the Colonial Service. It is a picture of loyalty to one's country, diligence in one's duties and opportunism in one's promotions. In other words, it is the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205199, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\ndoing of proper things at the proper time.\n\n149\n\nOn the lighter side, and perhaps this is the main intention of the author, we are treated to a series of ‘delights'. A liberal dose of humour is always injected into each and every chapter. The author recollects, for example, and perhaps not without some pleasure, in Nigeria, how, one morning, the train in which he was travelling suddenly stopped in the dead of nowhere so that he, then acting-Governor, could have a leisurely breakfast without being jostled about. In the same breath, we can say that the book is very 'domestic'. The description of family life, in very pleasant and readable prose, is ever-present. We are privileged to know how Mrs. Grantham goes about re-decorating residences, how they loved and adored their cats and dogs but inevitably always have to part with them; and how they adored flowers and plants and how one species, found in Hong Kong, was named Camellia Granthamiana. Such pleasant reminiscences, which are very seldom found in other books, would greatly interest the reader, I trust.\n\nUniversity of Hong Kong\n\nWILLIAM WAUNG\n\nSEALS OF CHINESE PAINTERS AND COLLECTORS OF THE MING AND CH'ING PERIOD, Victoria Contag and Wang Chi-ch'ien. Hong Kong University Press, 1966. 726 pages. HK$200.00.\n\nThe re-issuance of this valuable and useful work in a revised and supplemented edition is a welcome event, if not to a very large public, at least to a growing number of appreciative individuals with more than passing interest in Chinese seals and painting. The original 1940 edition which contained upwards of 9,000 seal facsimiles, taken from authentic paintings in China by means of a finger-print camera, has for long been generally unavailable except for occasional rare copies at prohibitive prices. This edition adds a supplement containing many new seals copied from American private and public collections as well as additional information gathered in the intervening three decades.\n\nThe title is somewhat misleading, though in an easily forgivable way, for while the bulk of reproduced seals are from the Ming and Ch'ing dynasties, there are also included a number from the Sung and Yuan periods as well.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205201, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 157, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n151\n\nThe Chinese Family in the Communist Revolution is a worthy companion to the earlier volume by Marion J. Levy, The Family Revolution in Modern China, Cambridge, Mass., 1949. Levy analyzed the traditional Chinese family as a status-role system, and noted the disruptive tensions and the controls which had maintained the system until modern times. He related changes that were occurring in urban areas to the anti-traditionalist movements of the first three decades of this century, and to the weakening of the traditional controls. Yang gives a brief description of the traditional family, and discusses in detail the movements for change beginning with Kang Yu-wei in 1898 and continuing up to the end of Nationalist rule in 1949. The Marriage Law of the People's Republic of China promulgated in 1950 is contained in an appendix. The author discusses the theoretical origins of the law, and the implications of its implementation are traced through discussions of marriage, widow remarriage, divorce, and inheritance. He goes on to discuss the interrelationships of changes in the family, changes in the economy, secularization, clan disorganization, and the promotion of the state as the new focus of the individual's loyalty.\n\nThe second study, A Chinese Village in Early Communist Transition, is based upon field work (1948 to 1951) by Yang and his students in Nanching, a suburban village near Canton. Information on developments after 1951 came from articles in the China and Hong Kong press. Yang had to leave his field records in China, and the village study was written from memory in 1952. The author carefully distinguishes what could be recalled exactly, what data are approximations, and what press information from other areas of China is used as a basis for conjecture on later developments in Nanching.\n\nThe study is divided into three parts. Part I describes the village during the pre-Communist period, with particular attention given to the family, the economy, and the decentralized village power structure. Part II describes the early impact of Communist rule, through the land reform program, on the economy, on the family, and in the formation of a new power structure in the village. Part III is based upon press reports of collectivization in various parts of China, with conjecture as to the further changes which probably occurred in Nanching after the author's departure.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205202, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 158, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "152\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nThe only revision of these volumes since their publication in 1959 is the deletion of a postscript, which the author regards as premature at that time, on the communes.\n\nThe volume is attractively printed on good paper, with a sturdy binding. The paperback edition of these two works will be welcomed by the specialist who may have missed them in their first printing, and by the general reader who wishes a scholarly, jargon-free work on the impact on the family and village of the early years of Communist rule in China. Students will find here a model of sociological analysis, enhanced by the author's clarity of expression.\n\nUnited College\n\nThe Chinese University of Hong Kong.\n\nJAMES A. BEAUDRY\n\nA GUIDE TO THE ARCHIVES AND RECORDS OF PROTESTANT CHRISTIAN MISSIONS FROM THE BRITISH ISLES TO CHINA 1796 - 1914. Leslie R. Marchant. University of Western Australia Press, 1966. 134 pages. 35s.\n\nThis exceedingly handy and invaluable book has three main purposes. First, it provides a comprehensive guide to those Protestant missionary societies in the United Kingdom and Ireland which supported active mission work in China from 1796 until 1914. This in itself is a distinctive service, for these have never previously been listed together satisfactorily in a single publication.\n\nSecondly, the book gives a detailed list of the archives and records of the societies that have them. These collections are fully described in the entry of the particular societies having custody of them. In the case of transferred archives, the reader is referred from the donating or absorbed society to the appropriate present-time repository. This arrangement enables the researcher both to locate easily each society's records and to see the total list of holdings in each repository.\n\nThirdly, the book presents a “definitive list\" of the publications of each society. Again, this is a welcome service, for there has not previously been a complete index of missionary journals and periodicals published in the United Kingdom. This is useful for the researcher because certain gaps found in the archives can often be filled by these publications.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205203, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 159, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n153\n\nThe work contains a thoughtful and perspective-giving introduction, in which the author first explains in detail the purpose of the guide and the reasons for its particular scope (which justification appears both logical and reasonable). He then discusses nine groups of related records, both ecclesiastical and public, located in the British Isles that should also be considered by historians studying the impact of Protestantism in China. He explains the form of the guide itself and its arrangement of information in helpful detail. He also gives a useful brief account of the missionary societies themselves, of their development and administration, of how their home bases and field offices were organized and of the various functions of each. A word is given too on the different types of work, not all evangelical, done by the missionaries in China. Finally, the author gives his own sober estimate of the research value of the records.\n\nThe intimate involvement of the missionary in the political, social and economic life of China in the course of pursuing his different functions enhanced considerably the potential value of his reports to later researchers. The usually well-trained and observant missionary often packed his reports and letters with detailed information on a wide range of topics observed in diverse parts of China. These archives stand, therefore, as a rich repository of information which invites and deserves intensive study by scholars in several disciplines. One reason these materials have been under-utilized thus far is because scholars have been largely unaware of their respective locations, quantities and accessibility.\n\nMr. Marchant greatly rectifies this situation by providing the much needed guide.\n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, Jr.\n\nTHE CANTONESE SPEAKER'S DICTIONARY. Roy T. COWLES, Hong Kong University Press, 1965. 1339 pages, plus Romanization Key to Characters, Character Key to Romanizations, and Radical Index. HK$80.\n\nThis book is doubtless the most ambitious single item to appear in Cantonese lexicography. It represents many years of work on the part of the compiler plus the efforts of many others whom he credits for supplying help. With over 13,000 entries,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205209, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 165, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "159\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nON LOAN WORDS\n\nIn the Volume IV of the Journal (pp. 152-4) there are some interesting comments on \"Loan-Words in the Chinese Language.\" This is a fairly venerable subject for study. Our sinological journals have many disquisitions on it; Yule and Burnell's Hobson-Jobson (London 1903) contains many interesting tidbits; and such scholars as Laufer devoted many years to an inquiry into the names and history of imported plants (cf. his Sino-Iranica, Chicago 1919, and reviews and comments by Ferrand, Hopkins, Couling, and Pelliot.)\n\nThe peanut, which is mentioned in the first paragraph of \"Loan-Words,\" has an especially interesting history. Dr. Berthold Laufer made a contribution to the subject in 1906, I followed with another in 1937, and Prof. Ho Ping-ti wrote an especially helpful piece in 1955. See his paper entitled \"The introduction of American food plants into China,” American Anthropologist 57 (1955), 191-201. There he points out that the earliest reference to the peanut may be found in the Chung-yü-fa ‡✯ (Method of cultivating taro) by Huang Hsing-tseng ** (1490-1540), a native of Soochow. He translates the passage as follows:\n\n+4\n\nThere is yet another kind whose flowers are on the vine-like stem. After the flowers fall, [the pods] begin to develop [underground]. It is called lo-hua-sheng. Both are produced in Chia-ting county [near Shanghai].”\n\nAnother early reference which fortifies the testimony of Huang is in the Ch'ang-shu-hsien chih ** of 1539; it lists the peanut as a product of the region of Ch'ang-shu, in the prefecture of Soochow.\n\nDr. Ho goes on to remark that the name lo-hua-shêng #± 落花生 which means \"born from flowers fallen to the ground,” is used for no other plant in the hundreds of Chinese local histories and botanical treatises which he has consulted.\n\nThe peanut then, according to his researches, is the first plant from the New World to have been transferred and made\n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205210, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "160\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nat home in China. The Portuguese were doubtless responsible, together with Chinese merchants involved in the South Seas trade2. It became almost immediately popular and spread up and down the coast; it made a substantial contribution not only to the Chinese diet but also to China's economy. When I sailed on a freighter from China to the Mediterranean in September 1925, I was astonished to find that we took on 2,000 tons of peanuts in Tsing-tao, and sold them in Marseilles.\n\nIn closing, it may be added that another early name for the peanut is Ch'ang-shêng kuo*, fruit of eternal life. One enthusiastic commentator, who called himself Yü-so-Wêng‡A (the old man in a grass coat), wrote: \"If the lo-hua-shêng is constantly eaten you will give birth to many sons.\" This may help to explain part of its popularity in the one-time land of filial piety.\n\nColumbia University\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\nNOTES\n\n#\n\nIn all fairness it must be pointed out that Professor Hirosato Iwai of the Toyo Bunko holds that there are two earlier references to the peanut: one by Li Kao and another by Chia Ming (1180-1251) which he admits is dubious, and who flourished in the fourteenth century, dying at the age of 106 sui. Professor Ho informs me, however, that he considers neither text reliable.\n\n2 It is worth noting that Lin Hsi-yüan#, a native of T'ung-an, Fukien, who graduated as chin-shih in 1517 and who became one of the largest shipowners and overseas-merchants of his day, wrote in his Wên-chi4, or collected works, on the Portuguese traders who frequented the China coast in the years 1521-51: \"The Fo-lang-chi who came brought their local pepper, sapan-wood, ivory, thyme-oil, aloes, sandal-wood, and all kinds of incense in order to trade with our borderers.\" (C. R. Boxer, South China in the Sixteenth Century, 1953, xxiii.) Alas! that there is no mention of the peanut.\n\nSOME LOAN-WORDS IN CANTONESE\n\nIn Vol. 4 of the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (1964) there appeared an interesting note on \"Loan-words in the Chinese Language\" by Mr. K. M. A. Barnett. While sharing the author's enthusiasm for this kind of study and supporting his call for a chronology of the introduction into China of all plants whose names are qualified by the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205211, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 167, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n161\n\nprefix faan in Cantonese, I would like to offer alternative etymologies for some of the words which he discusses and to suggest that it is to Portuguese—often in its Asian dialectal forms that we should look rather than to Arabic for the immediate sources of several loans. The Arabs were certainly present in Canton from early times but so, since the middle sixteenth century, were the Portuguese, and the part played by them from the beginning in introducing the cultivation of new plants to China from other parts of the world has already been demonstrated in various works by Mr. Jack Braga of Hong Kong.\n\nNot only is it possible for certain Portuguese expressions to have entered the southern Chinese dialects through the dialect of Macao but also through the Portuguese lingua franca or pidgin, widely used on the coasts and amongst the islands of Asia during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and through China coast pidgin English which had its hey-day towards the end of the eighteenth and throughout the nineteenth in Canton and Hong Kong as well as in the Treaty Ports and, for that matter, in Macao itself. Pidgin English, originally more Portuguese in aspect than in the period of its decline, bears the marks of Indo-Portuguese influence in forms such as amah (female servant), coolie (labourer), comprador (local agent or grocer), chop (stamp), chit (slip of paper), tiffin (luncheon).\n\nIn short, some Indo-Portuguese expressions may have been introduced to the Cantonese by the English and other foreigners rather than by the Portuguese or Macanese. Others, such as derivatives of leilão, (auction), must have entered several Chinese dialects at an earlier date.\n\nWhile agreeing that it is of importance to establish the date of the introduction to China of the cultivation of all plants whose names are qualified by the prefix faan in Cantonese, I cannot accept the statement that \"it would appear that the prefix faan is used only for importations from the Pacific.\" Three of the four plants with the faan prefix mentioned by the author almost certainly came from the West. They are the tomato, the guava, and the sweet potato. Of these three, the guava and the sweet potato were brought by the Spaniards to the Old World, and their very names in Spanish and English are from the Taino-Arawak dialect of the Greater Antilles. The tomato, a Mexican plant", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205212, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "162 \n\nNOTES AND QUERIES \n\nwith a Mexican name, was also brought to the Old World by the Spaniards. All of these plants crossed the Atlantic in Spanish bottoms and were then carried round the coasts of Africa and Asia to South China by the Portuguese. In the same way the sugar-cane, the banana and the yam were established in Brazil by the Portuguese and the cassava was introduced into West Africa where it has become the source of one of the staple foods of several countries.\n\nThe sweet potato, of course, presents special problems since there is reason to believe that it may have reached Polynesia in early times as an importation from the Americas. Nevertheless, it is not a native of the vast expanse of islands dotting the Pacific and it is much less likely that it came to China by that route than from the West,\n\nThe \"kind of melon\" of which the author speaks is known today in the Macanese dialect of the Hong Kong Portuguese as bobra Guiné (Guinea pumpkin). This word appears in Chinese characters (romanised as mó-pá-lá kin-ní by Mr. Luis Gomes in his Portuguese translation) in the Ao Men Chi Lüeh,? published towards the middle of the eighteenth century. The Chinese gloss has faan-kwa. It is likely then that this plant was introduced into China from West Africa or Guinea, to use the old name, and that the prefix faan cannot link this plant in any way with the Pacific area.\n\nThe rambutan (nephelium lappaceum), related to the lychee, is a Malayan tree and has a Malay name derived from rambut (hair), because of the hairy coat with which it is covered. This coat is of a reddish hue which no doubt explains the first element of its Malayan Cantonese name hung-mo-tán. The other elements are obviously phonetic renderings of the Malay word. This tree and its fruit were probably introduced to China by the Portuguese.\n\nAs a last comment on the element faan, are the faan-kwai not more often Westerners than people from the Pacific?\n\nOn the peanut, which, as Mr. Barnett says, bears no indication of foreign origin in its name, it appears to me that this plant may have been introduced to South-East Asia by the Portuguese. The botanists seem to agree that it is a native of Brazil and the Spanish chroniclers of the Indies describe it as a food-crop in Hispaniola", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205213, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 169, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n163 \n\nunder the name mani. Its cultivation in West Africa began early and it is not surprising that it spread quickly to the Arab countries of the Middle East. Some plant-geographers believe that it was introduced to India and Ceylon from China but there is as great a likelihood that it reached these three areas in Portuguese ships at more or less the same time. \n\nThe Arabic al-luimûn, adapted from Persian limu(n), is the source of such modern European forms of English as lemon, Spanish limón and Portuguese limão. The Cantonese ningmung may be derived from a Portuguese metropolitan or dialectal form. The modern Macanese form, used at the present in Hong Kong, is limang which appears in the Ao Men Chỉ Lüeh as lei-máng, according to Mr. Gomes's romanisation, \n\nThat the Cantonese form ends in mung and the Macanese in mang is not an unsurmountable obstacle, since, if the sixteenth century Cantonese borrowed the word from European Portuguese speaking the standard dialect of those times, they would have had some difficulty in pronouncing the syllable mão which probably sounded like mao uttered with the nostrils pinched. Such a sound could be represented equally well (or inaccurately) by the Cantonese sounds Mung and mang in all possible tones and reduced to writing by any convenient character chosen ad lib. \n\nThe authors of the Ao Mun Chi Lüeh had obviously some difficulty in representing this Portuguese suffix in their glossary of Cantonese terms. For example, cumarão (prawn) appears as kám-pá-long (cf. Hong Kong Macanese cambrang), tufão (typhoon) is recorded as tou-fóng (cf. Hong Kong Macanese tufang), jambolão (a kind of fruit) is iâm-po-long (cf. Hong Kong Macanese jambolang). In other places -ão appears as -eng as in si-tát-teng for cidadão (citizen) and a-ueng for afião (opium). More like the modern Macanese dialectal resolution are fu-káng (store) which is the Portuguese fogão, pronounced fogang in Hong Kong Macanese; ka-lá-sâng (trousers) from Portuguese calcão, carsang in Macanese. \n\nIn short, if the Cantonese name had been derived from the dialectal form we should have expected something like ningmang but if the borrowing was early and from a \"standard\" Portuguese pronunciation of limão the final syllable could have been heard", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205214, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 170, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "164\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nand transcribed in a variety of ways by native-speakers of Cantonese.\n\nThe origins of words such as amah are hidden in the obscure labyrinths of time but are still as fresh as a new-born babe. Such words contain the elements of English mammy, ma, French maman, Latin mater and so on, for they represent the infant mouth opening to bawl and sometimes the closing of the tiny lips over the mother's teat. Such words exist in all languages even as a rejecting, spitting series for the father: pater (in Latin), English daddy, Cantonese papa mimic the child's rejection of his father's milkless breasts.\n\nIt is unnecessary to derive Cantonese amah from an Arab source. Similar forms, demonstrably not of Semitic origin, occur in many languages; in those of the Iberian peninsula, ama may or may not be an Arabism. In India, it was one of the common Indo-Portuguese words for a children's nurse. It is this word which came to Canton either in the Portuguese lingua franca which preceded pidgin English as the jargon of the China coast or in pidgin English itself. The documents of the nineteenth century are rich in derivatives of this word and even today wash-amah and baby-amah are widely used expressions in Hong Kong. Chow-amah (wet-nurse) disappeared at the introduction of patent infant formulae.\n\nThe only problem is whether amah, which sounds as exotic in Cantonese as kowtowing once did in English, entered the dialect directly from a Portuguese dialect or was introduced by way of English. My understanding is that amah is seldom used by the Hong Kong Portuguese in the sense of servant and that the word, though Portuguese in origin, is an early English loan to Cantonese, the forerunner of pa-si (bus), mhodhang nreoezir (modern girl), bheazao (beer) and the hundred and one other loans found in the Cantonese spoken in Hong Kong today.\n\nUntil more evidence is forthcoming, the derivation of sz tsai and sz tau will seem far-fetched. Nor is there enough proof to convince that fa wong is a calque (translation) of Urdu malik, even though the semantic extensions of wong and malik appear to coincide. I cannot tell which are the foreign words from which we are supposed to derive kwuntim, sz-naai and tai pan and have yet to be convinced that Cantonese natuk is in fact the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205216, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 172, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "166\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\ncase at Compensation Board hearings, following upon such resumptions.\n\nRods, acres and chains are unknown measurements in Hong Kong insofar as the Chinese farmer is concerned. He uses such measurements as mau (mou), tau chung (tou chung) and tam shui (tan shui) which besides being different words are also very different in area. A mau = 4.8 of an acre. This measurement is still used in mainland China but has been out of general use in the Colony of Hong Kong since at least the early 1900's. Here in Hong Kong the tau chung and the tam shui are the local measures.1\n\nEach Chinese village in Hong Kong has its own tau. Usually it is a wooden tub or boat-shaped container which holds approximately ten catties of rice seed. A catty is a Chinese weight of 1¼ pounds. The tau is therefore about 13.333 lbs., but could be more or less as there is no standard tau in use among the villages. Turning from the tau to the tau chung, the latter measure is the area of land required to grow one tau of rice seed.\n\nAgricultural land in Hong Kong is rated as first class, second class or third class, dependent on its water supply. First class land is well-watered land that will grow two crops of rice and a catch-crop in the off season, generally sweet potato. Second class land relies generally on rainfall for its water supply and is rated as medium grade land. Third class land is generally located on hillsides, is usually dry, and is used as orchard land or for growing ground nuts, millet and upland rice.2\n\nJust prior to the rice growing season which coincides with the southeast monsoon, padi nurseries are prepared here and there in the fields and the seed is scattered in a small nursery plot which grows very green and very thick. At the same time, the farmer gets out his buffalo and ploughs the padi fields in preparation for the planting. Each padi field is constructed so that it is at a slightly higher level than the one below it, which accounts for the terracing effect one associates with padi fields. The size and location of a padi field is governed by its ability to receive a gravity feed of water from its source. Each padi is surrounded by an earth bund in which outlets are made so that water flowing in from the top level feeds directly to the lowest level. With sufficient water in the lowest field the farmer plugs the bund outlet and allows the next level to fill until all the padis have", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205221, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 177, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n171\n\nMany acres of old rice lands have been converted into vegetable land and we now have a super grade type of land producing vegetables which pay higher prices than padi, and hence result in higher rentals being charged for the land.\n\nRecent trends show that agricultural rents are now more often paid in cash. This probably stems from the fact that vegetables are rapidly replacing rice as the main agricultural production in the New Territories. As vegetables are sold on a daily basis through the Government wholesale markets, which pay cash on the day of sale, the farmer finds it easier to offer rent on a fixed cash basis rather than arranging for an indeterminate amount of rent to be paid based on two crops of kuk per year at differing rentals for each crop.\n\nNotes\n\n1 In S. Wells Williams, Syllabic Dictionary of the Chinese Language, North China Union College edition, Tung Chou, near Peking, China, 1909, good descriptions of the Chinese measurements mau and tau, showing how they vary from place to place, are given on pp. 583 and 804. For tam see p. 751. (In the Wade romanisation used in this dictionary they are spelled mou, tou and tan). Tam shui is not a term to be found in dictionaries as denoting a means of measuring land.\n\n2 This division of land into three classes is taken from the old classification used by the Chinese authorities before the lease of the New Territories. See J. H. Stewart Lockhart's \"Memorandum on Land\" in Hong Kong Government's Sessional Papers 1900, pp. 266-269.\n\n3 This method of calculating the area of vegetable fields is also common to other areas and was in use in the Kowloon peninsula from at least the late nineteenth century onwards. Again, it would appear that, like the fau, the measurement is variable, even within the Colony.\n\n4 See C. J. Grant, Soils and Agriculture of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1960, pp. 53-81.\n\nMr. W. A. Taylor, the author of this Note, is Senior Land Assistant in the New Territories Administration, Hong Kong, and has long experience of land work there. In Mr. Taylor's temporary absence this note was prepared for publication by Mr. J. W. Hayes who also added the footnotes. It is an abbreviated version of a longer technical paper, with maps and tables.\n\nAddendum\n\nIt has since been established that rice was grown in four locations on Cheung Chau before the Pacific War 1941-45, but not after.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205232, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "182\n\nMCBAIN, E. B.\n\nMCBAIN, G.\n\nMCCABE, Donald C.\n\nMCCABE, Mrs. S. J.\n\nMCCOY, John\n\nMCCRARY, M.*\n\nc/o Geo. McBain & Co., Union Building, H.K.\n\nS.C.M.P.\n\nc/o Imperial Chemical Industries (China) Ltd., 16th Floor, Union House, H.K.\n\nNew Asia College-Chinese University of Hong Kong, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon.\n\nFlat 1, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K.\n\nDivision of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A.\n\n25-A Robinson Road, Top floor, H.K.\n\nMCDOUALL, The Hon. J. C.\n\nSecretariat for Chinese Affairs, Connaught Road, C., H.K.\n\nMCELNEY, B. S.\n\nMCFADZEAN, A. J. S.\n\nMCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. M. J.\n\nMCLEVIE, J. G.\n\nMANEELY, Miss M. S.\n\nMANEELY, R. B.\n\nJohnson Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank Building, H.K.\n\nThe University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nSt. Peter-in-Chains Catholic Church, Kowloontsai, Kowloon,\n\nDept. of Education, The University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nDiocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon,\n\nAnatomy Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nMANSFIELD, Miss M. B.\n\nc/o Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon,\n\nMARSHALL, Dr. Patricia M.\n\nMARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J.\n\nMAYNARD, Prof. D. M.\n\nMEFFAN, Mrs. N. I.\n\nMEIJER, Dr. M. J.\n\nMICHAELIONES, Miss E. O.\n\nMIDDLEBROOK, R. W.*\n\nMILBURN, K.\n\nMILLER, A. C.\n\nMILLER, C. F. O.*\n\nZoology Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nP. O. Box 104, Macau,\n\nc/o Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T.\n\n201 Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K.\n\nConsulate General of the Netherlands, Room 1505, Central Building, H.K.\n\nThe British Council, 1st Floor, Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\n165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A.\n\nMarine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C., H.K.\n\nUnion Research Institute, 9 College Road, Kowloon,\n\nc/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205235, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 191, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "185\n\nSCHWARZ, Miss Marjorie D.*\n\nSCOTT, A. C.\n\nSCOTT, J. M.\n\nSELLERS, D.\n\nSELLETT, G.*\n\nSHAW-KENNEDY, Miss Anne\n\nSHEKURY, Miss E. SHEPHARD, A. J. SHING, D.-\n\nSHU, Dr. H. T. - SHUI, Chien tung\n\nSIEGEL, H. W.\n\nSINFIELD, G. H. C.*\n\nSLEVIN, B.\n\nSMALL, Dr. D. H.\n\nSMITH, Leslie*\n\nSMITH, Miss M. H. SMITH, S. H.*\n\nSOONG, N.\n\n-\n\nJ\n\n+\n\n-\n\nc/o Mrs. R. L. Smyth, 1635 Green Street, San Francisco, California, USA.\n\nAsian Theatre Program, University of Wisconsin, U.S.A.\n\nHong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corp., H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of Commerce & Industry, Fire Brigade Building, H.K.\n\n\"Pinecrest\", N.K.I.L. 3543 Tai Po Road, Kowloon.\n\nRoom 812 Hilton Hotel, H.K.\n\n14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon.\n\nAdministrative Officer, Police H.Q., H.K.\n\nFlorida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K.\n\n70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K.\n\nTsing Hua College, 263 Prince Edward Road, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K.\n\nc/o Royal Bank of Canada, 20 King Street, West, Toronto, Ontario, Canada.\n\nc/o 1st floor, Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K.\n\nDental Unit, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon.\n\nFlat 10-B, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K.\n\n52 Mount Nicholson Gap Flat, H.K.\n\nc/o Messrs. Scott & English Ltd., P. O. Box 1555, H.K.\n\nAsia Magazine, 31 Queen's Road, Central, H.K.\n\n2. Queen's Road, Central, H.K.\n\nH.K. Tourist Assn., Caroline Mansion, H.K.\n\nSPERRY, H. M.*\n\nSTANLEY, Major H. F.\n\nSTANTON, W. T.*\n\nSTEWART, Miss Elizabeth H.\n\nSTEWART, Miss E. M.\n\nSTOKES, J.\n\nSTONEY, G. S.\n\nSTONEY, Mrs. G. S.\n\n+\n\nDina House, Duddell Street, H.K.\n\nDiocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon,\n\nc/o The Housing Manager, Hong Kong Housing Authority, Ma Tau Wei Estate, Kowloon.\n\nQueen's College, Causeway Bay, H.K.\n\nFlat 1, \"Ravencourt\", 24 Mount Austin Rd., H.K.\n\nAs above.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205237, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 193, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "187\n\nTSEUNG, Dr. F. I.\n\n+\n\nChina Building, 4th floor, H.K.\n\nTURNER, Sir M.*\n\nUHALLEY, S. Jr.\n\nVETCH, H.\n\nVETCH, Mrs. H.\n\nVIO, Dr. E. G.\n\nVISICK, Mrs. M.\n\nVOGEL, Ezra F.\n\nWALDEN, G. G. H.\n\nWALDEN, J. C. C.\n\nWALKER, P. R.\n\nWARD, Miss B. E.\n\nWARD, Miss J. E. A.*\n\nWARD, W. L.\n\nWARRINGTON,STRONG, Cmdr. F.\n\nWATSON, K. A.\n\nWATTS, Major, E. V.\n\nWEI, Dr. Tat\n\nWEINREBE, H. M.\n\nWELCH, Holmes, H.*\n\nWHITELEGGE, D. S.*\n\nWILLIAMS, B. V.\n\nWILLIAMS, Mrs. H.\n\nWILMOT-MORGAN, Mrs. D. M.\n\nWILMOT-MORGAN, E.\n\nWILSON, B. D.\n\n+\n\n\"Whispers\", Riversdale, Bourne End, Bucks, England.\n\nc/o The Asia Foundation, 2 Old Peak Road, H.K.\n\nHong Kong Univ. Press, The University, H.K.\n\nAs above.\n\n315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K.\n\nDept. of English, The University, H.K.\n\nEast Asian Research Center, 1737 Cambridge St., Cambridge Mass 02138, U.S.A.\n\n22 Tung Shan Terrace, H.K.\n\nN.T. Administration, North Kowloon Magistracy, Tai Po Road, Kowloon,\n\nc/o Resettlement Dept., Pui Ching Road, Ho Man Tin, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Dept. of Anthropology & Sociology, School of Oriental & African Studies, University of London, W.C.1., England.\n\nc/o National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, N. Devon, England.\n\nApt. 3, No. 7 Magazine Gap Road, H.K.\n\nR.N.R. Headquarters, 39 Gloucester Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K.\n\nHQ. Land Forces, B.F.P.O.1., H.K.\n\n3, Fontana Gardens, 5th Floor, Causeway Hill, H.K.\n\nWeinrebe & Pennell, Ltd., 1103-4 Yu To Sang Bldg., H.K.\n\n4 Holden Lane, Concord, Mass., U.S.A.\n\nColonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K.\n\nas above.\n\n93 Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon,\n\nAs above,\n\n3-C Homestead Road, The Peak, H.K.\n\n· Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205238, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 194, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "188\n\nWINKLER, Mrs. E.\n\nWONG, Kwok Fong WONG, Pao-Hsie\n\nWONG, Peng-Cheong*\n\nWONG, Prof. Po-shang\n\nWONG, Shing-tsang\n\nWONG, Miss Sybil\n\nWOO, Dr. Pak-foo\n\nWOOD, Mrs. C.\n\n+\n\nWOOL-SMITH, Miss J.\n\n402 Clovelly Court, 12 May Road, H.K. 92A, Pokfulum Road, 1st floor, H.K.\n\nc/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K.\n\nWong, Tan & Co., Chartered Accountants, 732/735 Alexandra House, H.K.\n\n11th Floor, Mascot House, 746-8 Nathan Road, Kowloon.\n\n16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st floor, H.K.\n\n81 Repulse Bay Road, H.K.\n\nRoom 204 China Building, H.K.\n\nSisters' Qtrs., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon.\n\nAs above.\n\nWORTHY, Edmund H. Jr.\n\nWORTLEY TALBOT, Miss P. E.\n\nWOU, Dr. Paul, P. C.\n\nWRIGHT, Miss B. R.\n\nWRIGHT, D. A. L.\n\nWU, Hei-Tak\n\nYANG, Tsung-han\n\nYANG, V. T.\n\nYAO, Prof. Hsin-Nung\n\nYAP, Dr. Pow-meng\n\nYEUNG, Walter, W. T.\n\nZIGAL, Mrs. I.\n\nZIMMERN, W. A.\n\n4607, Harrison Street, Chevy Chase, Maryland, 20015, US.A.\n\nFlat 3-C, Union Apartment, 11 Macdonnell Road, H.K.\n\nWise Mansion 8-C, 52 Robinson Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of Education, The University, H.K.\n\nc/o Hong Kong Club, H.K.\n\nThe Registry, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 677 Nathan Road, Kowloon.\n\nP. O. Box 6175, Hong Kong.\n\nFlat A-1, 9th floor, 2 Oaklands Path, H.K.\n\n1, Dorset Crescent, Kowloon Tong, Kowloon.\n\n86C, Pokfulum Road, H.K.\n\n60-B Conduit Road, Ground floor, H.K.\n\n12 Bowen Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Wheelock Marden & Co., Ltd., Room 1234, Union House, H.K.\n\nThe Hon. Secretary (P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform her of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205242, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 4, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "# OBJECTS OF THE SOCIETY\n\nThe Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal.\n\nA brochure containing a short history of the Hong Kong Branch, together with a list of lectures given before the Society since its revival, can be obtained by prospective members from the Hon. Secretary, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong.\n\n## NOTE TO CONTRIBUTORS\n\nThe Editorial Committee welcomes contributions from non-members as well as from members. Articles, notes and queries, and other material dealing with such subjects as the history, languages, literature, art, social customs, and natural history of Hong Kong and adjacent areas will be considered for publication.\n\nContributors are requested to follow closely the style sheet of the Journal, obtainable from the Editor. Contributions of over 20,000 words will not normally be accepted for publication in the Journal. They may, however, be submitted for consideration as monographs.\n\nAll communications intended for publication should be type-written in double spacing on one side of the paper only, leaving adequate margins. They should be sent to the Hon. Editor, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong.\n\nResponsibility for opinions expressed in articles published in this Journal rests with the individual contributors and not with the Editorial Committee.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205243, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 5, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "EDITORIAL\n\nCONTENTS\n\nPage\n\n1\n\n4\n\n9\n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1966\n\nHON. TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1966\n\nTRANSACTIONS OF THE BRANCH, 1966-67 :\n\nHong Kong Mammals\n\nPATRICIA MARSHALL\n\n11\n\nThe Travelling Palace of\n\nSouthern Sung in Kowloon\n\nJEN YU-WEN\n\n21\n\nARTICLES CONTRIBUTED :\n\nPrinting: A New Discovery\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\n39\n\nExpansion and Extension in\n\nHakka Society\n\nL. G. AIJMER\n\n42\n\nA. D. BLUE\n\n80\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\n91\n\nREV. MR. KRONE\n\n104\n\nLIN SHU-YEN\n\n138\n\nThe China Coasters\n\nLand and Leadership in the\n\nHong Kong Region of Kwangtung\n\nARTICLES Reprinted:\n\nA Notice of the\n\nSanon District\n\nSalt Manufacture in\n\nHong Kong\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES:\n\nTwo Ming Cannon found in\n\nHong Kong\n\nThe Chan Clan of Tseung Kwan O, New Territories\n\nVisit to Places of Interest on Hong Kong Island, 1 April, 1967\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nLIST OF MEMBERS\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\nLO HSIANG-LIN\n\nB. V. WILLIAMS\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\n152\n\n158\n\n161\n\n171\n\n189", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205247, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "and ethnographical interest that relate to the Hong Kong region of South China, we are fortunate in having an item dealing with the fall of the Sung dynasty and local relics relating to that dramatic and pathetic time; a note on the recovery in 1956 and 1966 of two cannon dating from the end of the Ming period; an article on Hong Kong mammals; and a study of a group of Hakka mountain villages in the New Territories by a Swedish anthropologist from Stockholm University who spent eleven months in Hong Kong in 1964-65. The 1966 Journal contained an account of the Five Great Clans of the New Territories by a British scholar, Dr. Hugh Baker, who spent several years in the New Territories recently, and an article ‘A Plea for a Regional Approach to Chinese History: the Case of the South China Coast' by Professor John Nolde, of the University of Maine, then a visiting professor at the University of Hong Kong.\n\nThe Branch may therefore claim to have been making its contribution towards the elucidation of the little-studied history and sociology of the Hong Kong region. However, it is now time to study the urban area more intensively. Whilst the South China village has been examined by a number of scholars, in both the pre and post war periods, urban studies have received scant attention from scholars. In Hong Kong we have had an urban population for a hundred years. It is well to recall Governor Des Voeux's report of 1889 in which, describing the City of Victoria, he wrote:\n\n\"Going ashore our visitor would see..... in the Chinese quarters houses, constructed after a pattern peculiar to China, of almost equally solid materials, but packed so closely together and thronged so densely as to be in this respect probably without parallel in the world..... It is believed that over 100,000 people live within a certain district of the City of Victoria not exceeding one square mile in area. It is known that 1,600 people live in the space of a single acre.\n\nThese words serve to remind us that Hong Kong has an urban history and that the city has always been one in which over-crowding, housing and social problems and concern for public health have for long exercised the authorities. The records of the Hong Kong Government are available in considerable quantity and quality, both here in the Colonial Secretariat Library", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205251, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 13, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "6\n\nIn members the Society has hovered between the 400 and 500 mark. The total membership at the end of 1966 was 423, including 64 life members. During the year 50 new members joined, including 5 life members. There was, however, a loss of 63 members most of whom resigned on leaving the Colony. To offset this loss there were two encouraging features. Ten ordinary members, some of whom were leaving the Colony, showed their continuing interest by becoming life members, and it is hoped that more members will follow this excellent example. It is also gratifying to note that in the first three months of this year the Society has already gained 28 new members.\n\n3 April, 1967\n\nJ. R. JONES\n\n10 January\n\nLECTURES 1966\n\nMr. Peter Kam-on Wong\n\n\"Fighting Crickets of South China - a historical review\"\n\nAnnual General Meeting\n\n14 February\n\nMr. Lee Yen\n\n\"Oracle Bones\"\n\n**\n\n28 March\n\n4 April\n\n25 April\n\nMiss Helen Lowenthal\n\n16 May\n\nProfessor John J. Nolde\n\n\"Tumult and Turmoil on the South China Coast in the Early 19th Century\"\n\n\"Trade with the East and Its Influence on 18th Century European Taste\"\n\nProfessor Gerald S. Graham\n\n\"Safeguarding the Route to China\n\nChallenge of the Dutch 1816 - 1847\"\n\n\"Charles Elliot and Hong Kong\"\n\n18 July\n\nMr. Austin Coates\n\n8 August\n\n44\n\n26 September\n\nMajor A. M. MacFarlane\n\n**\n\nThe\n\n\"Birds and Man in Hong Kong - Bird Protection and Conservation\"\n\nMr. Jen Yu-wen\n\n*\n\n\"The travelling Palace of the Southern Sung in Kowloon", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205258, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 20, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "HONG KONG MAMMALS\n\n13\n\nCarnivores\n\nvisited Hong Kong but they have not been seen now for many years. The last one was shot at Stanley during the war and its skin, now somewhat decayed, is still present in the temple at Stanley. The Shing Mun tiger of May 1965 has the characteristics of a well-planned hoax. All the prints were of the same pad and in all probability they were made by a tiger's paw on the end of a stick. That people should claim to have seen the tiger is not surprising; a large ferocious dog in thick undergrowth can be just as frightening as a tiger, especially when there is a tiger scare, and these people probably genuinely believe that they saw one.\n\nLeopards also visited the Colony until fairly recently. Both tigers and leopards are good swimmers and can travel from island to island. The last sighting of a leopard was in 1957 and shortly afterwards one was shot 8 miles inland from Sha Tau Kok. It was probably the same leopard and its skull and tail were brought back to the Colony and donated to the University of Hong Kong.\n\nToday only the smaller carnivores are present in Hong Kong: the tiger-cat or Chinese leopard cat, civets and ferret-badger.\n\nThere are only a few tiger-cats surviving (Plate 2). There are probably none on Hong Kong Island. In the wild they live mostly on rats but also catch birds and chickens. In captivity they do not fare well due to their extreme nervousness which is often mistaken for fierceness. They become so frightened that they spit and growl until they are exhausted and may die of shock. Also they are susceptible to cat 'flu and other diseases in captivity. They are however very splendid animals, being one of the most graceful and beautifully marked of all the wild cats.\n\nAnother carnivore, and one which plays an important role in reducing the rat population, is the South China Red fox. Several pairs are still living in the New Territories. The female is a light sandy colour, whereas the male is more brightly coloured with a reddish head and tail and grizzled grey flanks and legs. At a distance they resemble small wolves. (Plate 3 shows three young foxes).\n\nIt is rumoured that European foxes were introduced just before the war for hunting, but the latter was not successful. The steep Hong Kong countryside was advantageous to the fox.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205263, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 25, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "18\n\nPATRICIA MARSHALL\n\nThere is plenty of cover in these places for deer and civet cats. There are also a number of exotic wild birds, that would increase if left unmolested. The Sai Kung peninsula and the area above Plover Cove are also beautiful areas which it is hoped will never be used for building. It is for the people of Hong Kong to act in a responsible manner to themselves and to future generations to ensure that a little of the natural beauty and at least some of the native mammals of Hong Kong are conserved.\n\n1.\n\n2.\n\n3.\n\n4.\n\n5.\n\nREFERENCES\n\nAllen, G. M. (1938) The Mammals of China and Mongolia published by American Museum of Natural History, New York.\n\nBalfour, S. F. (1940-1941) “Hong Kong before the British”, Tien Hsia Vol. XI, No. 4 pp. 330-352 and No. 5 pp. 440-464.\n\nGrant, C. J. (1962) The Soils and Agriculture of Hong Kong. published by the Hong Kong Government Printer, pp 136-138.\n\nHerklots, G. A. C. (1951) The Hong Kong Countryside, printed by the South China Morning Post, Hong Kong.\n\nMarshall P. M. and Phillips, J. G. (1965) \"Plans for Conserving the Wild life of Hong Kong,\" \"Oryx” (Journal of the Fauna Preservation Society) Vol. VIII No. 2 pp 107-112.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205266, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 28, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "21\n\nTHE TRAVELLING PALACE OF SOUTHERN SUNG IN KOWLOON\n\nA lecture delivered on September 26, 1966\n\nJEN YU-WEN (KAN YAU-MAN)\n\nI am honoured by being invited to talk to you on a subject which deals with a very important episode in the local history of Hong Kong and Kowloon. In recent years I have done some exhaustive research work on this subject and I am glad to have this opportunity to share with you whatever little knowledge I have gained.\n\nIt is recorded in several Chinese historical books2 that Emperor Tuan Tsung of Southern Sung (宋端宗) arrived at Kuan-fu (官富) in the spring of A.D. 1277. According to Ta-Ch'ing I-t'ung Chi (大清一統志)\n\n\"There were over thirty travelling palaces of (Southern) Sung, and four of them can be located now. One of them was Kuan-fu Ch'ang\".\n\nThe problems confronting us now are: Where exactly was Kuan-fu Ch'ang? Why and how did the Sung Emperor go there? Where is the Travelling Palace to be located now? What other historical relics and sites can be found connected with the royal visit? etc. Before answering these questions, however, you should be acquainted with one of the most pathetic stories in the history of China in order to gain a clear understanding of the historical background.\n\nI. THE ROYAL REFUGEES\n\nThe story begins with the death of the 6th emperor of the Southern Sung Dynasty, Tu Tsung (度宗) in 1274, the 10th year of his reign, in the capital Lin-an (臨安), i.e. Hangchow. He was survived by the Queen Ch'uan (全皇后), a few concubines and four children: three sons and a daughter. The eldest son, Shih (昰), 7 years old, was reared by the concubine Yang (楊淑妃). The second son, Hsien (昱), 4 years old, was reared by Queen Ch'uan. The third son, Ping (昺), also 4 years old, was reared by the concubine Yu (俞淑妃). The daughter, probably", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205267, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 29, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "22\n\nJEN YU-WEN\n\nolder than Hsien and Ping, was also reared by Young, being the younger sister of Shih. Hsien, the 2nd son, by virtue of being the offspring of the Queen, was regarded as the legitimate heir to the throne according to Chinese tradition. After being crowned, the boy emperor named his new reign Tê Yu () beginning with the next year (1275).\n\nIn the first year of Tê Yu (1275), the Mongol army under the premier Pê Yen (16) invaded South China and after many victories marched toward the capital Lin-an in the winter. The imperial court was alarmed and evacuated the Emperor's two brothers and sister under the care of mother Young and their uncles.3 Before departure, the two princes received new titles: I Wang (1) and Kuang Wang (1), respectively. Early in 1276 the royal party left Lin-an in a hurry heading for the south. It was the beginning of an itinerary of constant flight which would last for three full years.\n\nShortly afterwards, Emperor Hsien and the Queen Mother Ch'uan surrendered to the Mongols who subsequently took them to Peking. The Mongol Emperor Kublai Khan gave the dethroned Sung Emperor the new title of Duke of Ying Kuo (). Years later he was forced to become a Buddhist monk, was banished to Mongolia and died in exile there. It was said that his own son, who had been adopted by a Mongolian prince, would eventually become the last emperor of the Yuan (Mongol) Dynasty. The Ex-Queen Mother Ch'uan became a Buddhist nun and died of old age.4\n\nWhen the capital Lin-an fell, the royal evacuees arrived at Wuchow (##), Chekiang. They continued their flight toward the south. They had to travel on foot for seven days and the two young princes were carried by their uncles on their backs all the way throughout the rough journey. After reaching Wenchow (), a city near the seashore, they stayed for about three months trying to rally loyal supporters there. A few did come, such as a high official Lu Hsiu-fu (✯✯✯) and generals Chang Shih-chieh (*) and Su Liu-i (***) each bringing soldiers along. An army of considerable size was mustered. The Premier Ch'en I-chung (1), who had deserted the court after the Mongols entered Lin-an, also reported his presence at Wenchow, which was his native city. In view of the grave situation created by the capture of the young emperor, which thus", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205280, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "The Travelling Palace of Southern Sung\n\n35\n\nits followers to a nearby islet, Ku-ta (†) or Ancient Pagoda, Tung-lung Island.19 In the autumn they proceeded to Ch'ien-wan (*) which is now definitely identified as Tsun-wan (now written) along the western coast of Kowloon. Two months later, the Mongol army, which had been pursuing them along the shore, began to attack. The boy Emperor sailed to Hsiu-shan (ƒ), now known as Hu-men or the Bogue. Continuously under pressure from the Mongols, Tuan Tsung passed by Hsiang-shan District (at present Chung-shan) and reached Tseng-o (#4), south of Macao, where his ship was badly damaged by a typhoon. He himself fell into the sea but was rescued. The terrible shock led him to contract a fatal disease. He was sick on board ship until the spring of 1278, when the whole fleet sailed northward back to the harbour at the mouth of the Pearl River. By that time Canton had been recaptured by some royalists and so they felt safe enough to anchor and encamp at Kang-chou which is identified as Ta-yu-shan or Lantau Island20.\n\nTwo months later he died there. His younger brother Ping succeeded him on the throne and became the last emperor of Sung. He named the new reign Hsiang Hsing (#) and the 1st year began in the next month, still 1278. In the 6th month the new emperor had to sail away with the whole fleet southwestward until they arrived at Ya-Shan of the Hsin-hui District. Finally, in the 2nd month of the next year (spring 1279), they fought the last battle against the Mongol forces commanded by the arch-traitor Chang Hung-fan (K). As a result of the defeat the whole army perished. The boy Emperor with his royal seal was tied to the body of his prime minister, Lu Hsiu-fu, who plunged into the sea, to be followed by thousands of court officials in a mass suicide. When the Queen Mother Young heard of the tragic and heroic death of the Emperor she also drowned herself, thus ending the long reign of 315 years of the Northern and Southern Sung Dynasty.\n\nBefore concluding this talk let me point out that besides the above story there is a deep and important meaning to be derived from our study of the Travelling Palace of Southern Sung in Kowloon. Throughout the Sung Dynasty, China was frequently invaded by neighbouring foreign tribes. Almost every year there was war, not only against the Hsi Hsia (the Tangut), but also, in turn, the Liao (Khitan), the Chin (Nuchen) and the Mongols.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205281, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "36 \n\nJEN YU-WEN \n\nAt the close of Southern Sung, the last two emperors had to flee and seek refuge by the shores of the sea, from where they led a hundred thousand odd officials and soldiers in the noble endeavour to restore the empire. The Kuan-fu area, with the three big characters Sung Wong Toi still remaining, commemorates one of the last portions of Sung territory on which the two emperors stood. Shortly afterwards they met their ultimate defeat and the whole country was lost to a foreign tribe for the first time in China's history. But what we commemorate is not this unfortunate event in our national history; it is the spirit of nationalism and patriotism displayed in the last struggle of the Sung patriots for the recovery of the mother country.\n\nThe independence and freedom of China had a higher claim to their lives. This unconquerable spirit, expressed in the unceasing revolutionary efforts of the Chinese people to fight against the Mongols ever since the last days of Kuan-fu and Ya-shan, was finally crowned with success in the overthrow of the Yuan Dynasty less than 90 years afterwards. Today, when we pass through the ancient site of the Travelling Palace and look at the Sung Wong Toi monument, we see the symbol of this same spirit, which is the essential quality necessary for the survival of any nation on earth.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 This lecture is a condensation of my Chinese article Sung Kuan-fu Hsing-kung K'ou (†‡3hB) published in the Continent Magazine (†\nA), Taiwan, September, 1966.\n\n2 Such as Ch'en Chung-wei, Erh-Wang Pen-mo (RR#i, =±**), Shu Mou-kuan, Hsin-an Hsien-chih (Chia-ch'ing), Gazetteer of Hsin-an District (**T. **\n**BA), K'o Wei-ch'i, Sung-shih Hsin-pien (MM. ER #), Chang Hsu, Ya-shan Chih (HM, AJA), Nan Sung Shu (ET).\n\n* Mother Yu was never again mentioned in historical records; probably she had died.\n\n4 For references, details and discussions on the royal itinerary from beginning to end, see my treatise Sung-mo erh-ti nan-ch'ien nien-lu k'ou (**=*64***) in Sung Wong Toi, a Commemorative Volume (edited and compiled by myself), Hong Kong, 1960, pp. 122-174 (X£b444).\n\n5 It is alleged that there were eight mountain ranges spreading over the peninsula which look like running dragons (lung), and that when the boy Emperor stayed at the place, people pointed out that he himself represented the ninth, as an emperor was commonly believed to be symbolized by a dragon. But the more rational and reasonable interpretation for the origin of the name would be that there are altogether nine mountain ranges spreading over the peninsula. According to Hsi-nan I Chuan (§§ AM) in Hou-han-shu (**後漢書**), the Ai-lao-i (‡‡✯ aboriginal tribe Lao) in Yunnan Province called back “k'ou\" and seat \"lung\". Hence to them, Kowloon meant", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205284, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "39\n\nPRINTING - A NEW DISCOVERY\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\nIn 1963 the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society published a paper of mine entitled \"The development of printing in China and its effect on the renaissance under the Sung dynasty (960 - 1279).\" Recently a new find was made which, if confirmed, pushes back the history of block printing some fifteen years, possibly more. The discovery occurred last October when certain Korean scholars noticed that a stone stupa known as Sokka Tap 釋迦塔, at Pulguk sa 佛國寺, had been damaged. On investigation they found a printed Buddhist sutra hidden in its interior. (See plates 5 and 6) It was in the form of a scroll made of thick mulberry paper, mounted on a piece of bamboo, lacquered at each end. The text is some 630 cm. long and 6 cm. wide, the printed portion being 5.3 cm. in width. The exact length cannot be determined as the scroll has not been fully unrolled due to its poor condition. In fact, about one third has suffered serious damage from worms; the rest of it, however, is in fair condition. Later examination revealed that the printing had been executed by means of a series of woodblocks, twelve in number, each about 20 or 21 inches in length. Then the separate pieces of paper had been joined together to form a continuous scroll, just as was the text of the famous Diamond Sutra of 868, discovered in 1907 at the cave library of Ch'ien-fo-tung near Tun-huang (west China) by Sir Aurel Stein, now at the British Museum. The scholars who have pronounced this an authentic piece of printing are Professors Kim Sanggi and Yi Hongjik, members of the Cultural Assets Preservation Committee, Ministry of Education, Seoul.\n\nIn the cavity of the stupa there were, besides the scroll, reliquary vessels, Buddhist images, tiny pagodas, incense sticks, pieces of silk, etc. (See plate 7). They seem to be typical of the period not only in Korea, but also in China and in Japan. These items are important discoveries in themselves, and deserve further study.\n\nThe text is well known. Its title in Chinese is Wu kou ching kuang ta to-lo-ni ching (in Sanskrit: Raśmivimalavaviśuddhaprabhā dhāranī). It was first rendered into", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205285, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "40\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\nChinese by Mi-t'o-hsien tu, a monk from Tokhara in central Asia, who lived at Ch'ang-an (then capital of China) from 680 to 704, after which he returned home. These are the years when the Empress Wu (reigned 684-704) ruled the land. This fact\n\n武后 is important as the Empress foisted certain strange characters upon her Chinese subjects. One at least of these appears in the sutra: for (heaven; the elements sun, moon, and earth appearing inside an old form for ); this helps to establish the genuineness of the text. Now the stupa seems to have been erected at the same time as the temple itself, which was completed in 751. Unfortunately no date has so far been found on the text, as was the case in the above-mentioned Diamond Sutra of 868. There seems little reason to doubt the mid-8th century attribution, however, as the calligraphy of the scribe who brushed out the characters for the woodblock is like that of other literary remains of mid-T'ang provenance (found at Tun-huang and elsewhere), and the scholars reporting the discovery assert that the artifacts found together with the text showed no sign of a disturbing hand.\n\nIf then the date of 751 or earlier may be accepted, Korea has revealed evidence for printing which pre-dates the evidence from Japan. As may be recalled, the exact dates for the printing of the charms distributed by the Empress Shōtoku are not exactly known but they run between 764 and 770. (See the discussion in my revision of Thomas Francis Carter, The Invention of Printing in China and its Spread Westward, 2nd edn., Columbia University Press 1955, chapter 7.) Add to this another remarkable fact: both the Japanese empress and the unknown individual responsible for the printing at Pulguk sa made use of the same sutra. They must have considered that it had unusual powers. The main difference between the texts is that the Korean made much more use of it. His runs to twenty feet or more as against eighteen inches in the Japanese examples. The width of the two texts is almost identical (2 inches). These measurements may be compared with the sutras printed about two centuries later; one group, found in the pagoda of a monastery at Hu-chow (Chekiang) bearing a date equivalent to 956, and others found in the Thunder Peak Pagoda near Hangchow, dated 975. The first measured 2.5 inches in width (inner portion 1.95 ins.), length not specified; the second 2.8 inches wide and 6 feet 9 inches long. Incidentally the items dated 956 were also dhāranīs taken from the sutra translated by Mi-t'o-hsien.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205286, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "PRINTING: A NEW DISCOVERY\n\n41\n\nThe Korean find adds one important brick to the edifice we may call the history of printing. It does not fundamentally change the edifice, however. Everything still points, in my opinion, to the beginnings of the invention in China, and its spread outward from there, Buddhism being one of the principal vehicles for its distribution. The monks of that day were a migratory lot. It seems entirely likely that one or more of them, Chinese or Korean, made use of the novel device in the kingdom of Silla, while another, Japanese or Chinese or Korean, introduced it a few years later to Nara, then capital of Japan. It is significant and curious that, in spite of its early introduction to both countries, printing does not really become established amongst either people until three centuries later.\n\nThis is a preliminary report, based on illustrations and newspaper articles sent me by Professor Young-gyu Minn of Yonsei University, Mr. Huh Young-kwan, reporter of the Hankook Ilbo (Seoul), and Mr. K. R. Crim of the Presbyterian Mission in Seoul. One may hope that before long the Korean authorities on early printing will publish an exhaustive monograph, fully illustrated, on this important discovery.\n\nNote: In writing this sketch I have benefited greatly from discussion of the find with my colleagues Professors Chaoying Fang and Gari Ledyard, both of whom read Korean, which I do not.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205287, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "42\n\nEXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN\n\nHAKKA SOCIETY\n\nGÖRAN AIJMER*\n\nIntroduction\n\nThe following pages are devoted to a broad outline of economic and social change in a remote valley in a mountainous part of the New Territories, Hong Kong.1\n\nThe valley has its mouth on the east side of Tide Cove, and stretches about two miles in a southeasterly direction between the Ma On Shan and Turret Hill areas. The valley is fairly well-watered and there is a main stream at the bottom, which has plenty of water even during the dry autumn and winter months. Several small streams run down the steep surrounding mountain sides. This valley was once well-forested but little of this remains. Some groves of old trees can still be seen around the villages, and in the uppermost area, there are still patches of dense forest. The hillsides are now mainly covered with shrubs, and where not, on the upper slopes, there is poor grassland. The former woodlands of the valley were dwelling places for small barking deer and wild boars, but the animals have disappeared with the trees.\n\nThree settlements of Hakka-speaking people are to be found here. Together they consist of some 320 persons. There are no recent immigrants from China. Each settlement is inhabited by a patrilineal kin group with one common surname. One of these localities is a composite village situated at the mouth of the valley, where formerly two big streams jointly had their outlet into Tide Cove. The name of this place, Big Stream Village (Tai Shui Hang), is derived from one of these that comes down the northeastern hillside above the village and separates it into two parts. It is nowadays emptied of its water, which is led away for the use of the mining sites at Ma On Shan. There is a comparatively large area of flat land here, well suited for agriculture. However, during high tide, salt water soaks the lower areas and also runs up the mid-valley stream.\n\n* Dr. Aijmer is Assistant Professor in the Department of Ethnography and Social Anthropology at the University of Stockholm.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205289, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "44\n\nL. G. Aijmer\n\nimplying the exchange of one picul of unmilled grain for one picul of the inferior quality. It has been estimated that by this procedure farmers can increase the quantity of their food supply by 25%. However, this process has been accompanied by a large-scale abandonment of arable land, and the total rice production has rather decreased in recent years. But before we turn to this phenomenon we shall have another look at the economic conditions prevailing at an earlier stage.\n\nIt is apparent that people in the valley have never been able to gain their livelihood by rice farming alone. From the very beginning of their settlement, they have almost certainly been looking for possibilities of complementary economic activities. There has always been some vegetable cultivation, but intended for local consumption only. Indeed, nowadays people have to buy most of their vegetable supply in the market towns. The plots are small and the technique of the villagers seems inadequate. In comparison with the thriving vegetable fields down in the plains the plots up here make a sad sight. It is agreed that difficult transportation has been the main obstacle for an expansion of gardening. To make a reasonable profit, marketing in the urban areas is necessary. Keen competition from the specialized plainsmen and their co-operatives gives villagers the feeling that rice cultivation gives the only crop that is worthwhile. The social value of rice growing surpasses the value accorded to gardening: the latter occupation is generally connected with the large numbers of recent immigrants from China. Bad means of transportation also limit the production itself. Vegetable growing requires intense fertilizing. The supply of manure is limited. To buy and transport additional fertilizers would heighten the production costs above profitability.\n\nSome fields of sweet potatoes and ground-nuts are also to be found. The yield is for local consumption only. On the hillsides above Big Stream Village traces of terraces can still be seen. I was informed that they were once used for the cultivation of both vegetables and ground-nuts. This might imply that more extensive gardening actually took place here at one time. What this meant as an extra source of income to the villagers is difficult to estimate.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205290, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 52, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "EXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN HAKKA SOCIETY\n\n45\n\nOrchards with pineapples and tangerine oranges are located in Plum Grove Village and Grass Field Village. These orchards seem to be much exposed to typhoon damage, and are more or less of an experimental nature. Orchards form a new feature in the valley and have been introduced only in the last decade. They are not very profitable.\n\nThe terraces mentioned above were once used for tea plantations also. It is possible to trace the remains of such terraces on the steep slopes all along the valley. They are the remains of plantations of tea and a shrub giving a dye, most probably the indigo plant Indigofera tinctoria, common in South China. The tea plantations are mentioned in an early report:\n\nTea is cultivated... at the villages lying in the higher mountain valleys about Tate's Cairn and Buffalo Hill. The bushes are grown in lines on narrow steps or terraces out in the rich soil of recently felled woods or along the dividing banks of sheltered vegetable fields, in either case only in fairly elevated situations. There is a tradition that tea growing was once a thriving industry here and terraces similar to the above are pointed out on the mountain sides in all parts of the district, which are said to have been made by tea planters. Whether the cultivation has diminished through extortionate taxing previous to the British occupation or in consequence of the destruction of the woods and with them the suitable soil, it is hard to say, but the latter would alone count for it.5\n\nTea plantation in South-eastern China experienced a general crisis towards the end of the last century as Indian and Ceylon tea invaded the Western market. There is no reason to assume that these circumstances had a direct effect on the New Territories plantations, but generally unsettled conditions on the tea market might have contributed to the actual decline. Wild-growing tea shrubs are still plucked of their leaves for local use. As to the dye plant cultivation, it seems reasonable to suggest that the introduction of foreign artificial indigo and aniline dyes in the beginning of this century was the main reason for the abandonment of these plantations. During an earlier period, however, the production of tea and dye-stuff will have been prominent features in the economic activity, complementary to rice production.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205291, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 53, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "46 \n\nL. G. AUMER \n\nAnimal husbandry is another traditional feature in the economic life of the villages. In an earlier period, every household used to raise two or three pigs. This was not only for immediate profit but also as a kind of saving economy. The animals were sold off when circumstances required activation of capital. Pork has always been a luxury in the villages and is eaten only on special occasions. Roast pigs for ceremonial display play an important part, and a status-bestowing one, on festive occasions. Stimulated by the increasing market demand for meat in the late 1940s and in the 1950s, villagers increased their stocks to three or four pigs per household. Around 1960, however, the market price was heavily affected by the steadily increasing import of relatively cheap pigs from China. Pig breeders now acutely experienced the chronic disadvantage of poor transport facilities to the markets. The saleable price does not exceed HK$100, and it is calculated that the breeding costs for about six months, together with labour and transport costs, do not make the venture worthwhile.\n\nCows are kept in the villages for a double purpose. Rice farming requires draught animals, and buffaloes are not suitable for mountain areas. A certain profit can also be made on selling. It is calculated that a cow-owner will get a new calf every two years. The feeding is not very expensive since the animals are grazed on the hill sides and on abandoned fields. They are used in agricultural work for about five years, after which period they are sold off. In this case, marketing offers no difficulties as brokers in the butcher trade turn up in the villages whenever they hear of a possible deal. They pay in cash and take the cows with them. Weak animals are sold as soon as possible. Together with pigs, cows fulfil another most important function. The manure is used for fertilizing the fields, and villagers depend greatly on this supply.\n\nSmall-scale chicken breeding has always been carried out in the villages. People from Plum Grove Village and Big Stream Village now sell their fowls in the new Sha Tin Market, where the presence of wholesale dealers from Kowloon improves the market situation; though there is heavy competition from specialized chicken farms run by immigrant peasants from China. In Grass Field Village, breeders wait for the main festivals to obtain a better price in their traditional market town, Sai Kung.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205299, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 61, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "54\n\nL. G. AUMER\n\nfrom piracy there. The mountains offered more security and this group established themselves in the remote Grass Field Village. In fact, this spot in the valley was then already occupied by people bearing the surname Ng. What form the contact between these original settlers and the intruders took is not clear, but evidently, as time passed by, the Ng were pushed off, and resettled themselves on an island in the Rocky Harbour area.11\n\nThe first Lau group in Grass Field Village seems to have constituted an extended family — one particular man is referred to as the founder of the village. He was of the 15th generation.12 The founder had two sons, one of whom moved out of the place and settled at Clear Water Bay. The progeny of the remaining son ramified in several offshoots. The village now consists of four hamlets inhabited by distinct lines of descent. Two branches have moved away to other areas; to Three Fathoms Cove in a northerly direction, and to the Yuen Long area in another part of the New Territories.\n\nThe Grass Field people, then, constitute a localized major lineage. As such they form part of a kin unit of a higher order, for which I would propose the designation 'clan'. In fact, a Grass Field villager is not usually able to establish his proper kinship relations with other villagers, at least not with those who are members of other main segments. In order to do this, he has to consult a kinsman with special knowledge or a genealogy book, which used to be kept in most villages. By these means he has a theoretical possibility to trace his actual relations through the genealogical links in the patrilineal line of descent. This will motivate the use of the term 'lineage'. The greater kin unit will, besides the Grass Field people, comprise the segments that resettled in other areas as well as the people living in the village of origin in Sai Kung, and the relatives, in all respects distant, in Mui Yuen in Kwangtung. Theoretically, other Lau descent lines, unknown to Grass Field people, would be included.\n\nBefore the Japanese Occupation fairly regular demonstration of kinship bonds took place when people from the Three Fathoms Cove and Clear Water Bay branches returned to Grass Field for common ancestor worship. There were, too, frequent contacts with the village of origin in China before the establishment of the People's Republic; delegates took part in ancestor worship", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205300, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "EXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN HAKKA SOCIETY\n\n55\n\non New Year and the grave festivals. This kin group, spanning over several localized major lineages might be called a 'composite lineage',13 a 'maximal lineage', or more conveniently 'clan'.\n\nMaurice Freedman, in his analytical description of kinship structure and organization in the south-eastern provinces of China, recognizes latent possibilities of wider spans of kin bonds:\n\nPast connections which were traced between lineages through fission might be made the basis for some sort of clan grouping, but there was no regular framework for the expansion of a segmentary system beyond the limits of a local group.14\n\nThe\n\nFreedman's supposition comes true in the actual case. Lau clan could hardly be described in terms of organization or function; but still there is a clear concept of the Lau people as contrasted with other groups bearing the same or other surnames. This Hakka clan is then a loose 'we-group'; rather a concept than an organization. Common ancestor worship is the social ceremonialism expressing this unit, based on sentiment of common descent.15\n\nVisits to the village of origin should have a symbolic aspect, comparable to the visits to the graves at the Ch'ing Ming and Chung Yang festivals in spring and autumn.16 The fact that ceremonial bonds connect localized lineages requires an analytical recognition of the clan. I prefer the term 'clan' to 'maximal lineage'. The Hakka concept of clan tsung-tsu (M) -- is one of an everlasting unit with a fixed foundation antedating what could clearly be remembered, while segmentary lineages tend to depend on historical processes of settlement. The latter emerge on a scale of generations provided by the clan.\n\nThere is good reason to focus particular interest on the process of segmentation. Freedman has traced\n\nthe intimate connection between the endowment of ancestral halls and lineage segmentation: a new segment came into being when property was set aside to finance a hall for it. ...lineage segmentation in this fashion was an aspect also of differentiation, in the sense that any section of a segment which wished to mark a new identity for itself on the basis of its superior status vis-à-vis other sections could turn itself into a sub-segment by establishing a hall,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205304, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "EXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN HAKKA SOCIETY\n\n59\n\nHakka society thus seems to have been largely an affair of expansion. We can perhaps in this segment-ramification trace one of the main clues to an understanding of the spectacular Hakka migration from the north of China in southerly and westerly directions,24\n\nIV\n\nKarl Gustav Izikowitz defines ‘expansion' as 'the phenomenon of a fraction of inhabitants separating from their group and leaving their district in order to settle in or occupy, either for a long time or permanently, another area over which they have obtained control.'25 The move away to towns or overseas settlements, characteristic of the valley studied, could then hardly be described in terms of expansion, as this type of migrants always had an intention to return to the place of origin, and most often actually did so.26 Nor can we say that they obtained control over the areas where they resettled. I have so far argued that in Hakka communities, situations of economic strain were solved by expansion - distressed segments that broke away to establish independent units in new, geographically distinct, and often far away areas.\n\nExtensive proliferation of this kind requires a particular ecological condition - space. During the 19th century in Kwangtung, opportunities for continued territorial expansion were diminished steadily as the rural landscape was increasingly taken into possession. Hakka groups pushed forward to the southern-most part of the province, to Hainan, and into the Tonkin area.27 The struggle for territorial control might be one of the reasons for the so-called Hakka-Punti War that ravaged Kwangtung Province in the 1850s and 1860s.28 The possibilities for expansion being reduced, the fractions that otherwise would have moved away from the localized community had to operate within the organizational framework provided by their major lineage group; but in order to do so they had to build a new economic system with foci of interest outside the traditional established order. We might tentatively call this process extension, meaning by this the phenomenon that individuals separate from their group and leave their district in order to settle, with the original design to stay temporarily, in another area, but still remain members of the localized social system existing at home.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205306, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "EXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN HAKKA SOCIETY\n\n61\n\nhe himself has remitted money back to his family in Plum Grove Village for their support. During his stays in Kowloon he made frequent visits home. The masons in Grass Field Village, who periodically engage in agriculture at home, form another example of oscillation, but with less depth in the movement.\n\nThe Pacific War and the Japanese Occupation of Hong Kong meant an abrupt interruption to the process of extension. Those who were in the Colony gathered in the villages, which offered social security during a difficult time. They tried to survive by means of traditional production but, as before, the agricultural output was entirely insufficient. For a period of five days a large contingent of Japanese soldiers ravaged the valley destroying the fields, cutting down the supply of wood, and carrying away whatever chickens, pigs, and cows the peasants had. The meat that was not consumed they left to rot in the fields or along the hill sides. Many men and women suffered torture, others perished through starvation and forced labour. Emigrants and sailors lost contact with their home communities; those who were working in occupied areas or ports often ended up in labour camps.\n\nV\n\nThe experiences of the war situation seem to have reinforced the necessity of access to external sources of income over large tracts in the New Territories. But conditions after the end of the war were not too favourable. Peace had still not come to the China mainland, and there was a steadily increasing influx of refugees into the British Crown Colony. These people competed heavily on the labour market in the urban areas in Hong Kong and Kowloon. Extension now had to go beyond the nearby cities, but emigration abroad at this time was not always so easily arranged. All countries that traditionally had offered scope for Chinese immigration, now imposed strict control on the entry of Chinese, thus drastically limiting the chances for overseas employment. Since 1945 contract labour has been offered mainly in Sabah, Brunei, and Sarawak, where construction and oil industries have a certain demand for workers; and also on Nauru and Ocean Island, tiny islands in the Central Pacific, where the British Phosphate Commissioners since the start of mining have relied mainly on Chinese labour supply.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205307, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "62\n\nL. G. AIJMER\n\nIllegal immigration in the countries of Southeast Asia and elsewhere seems to have been rather difficult in the post-war period. With regard to legal immigration, people from the New Territories have one advantage in their competition with the crowds of recent immigrants from China. A Hong Kong Chinese who can prove that he was born in the Colony is able to claim British nationality. In the 1950s, an increasing number of New Territories residents left Hong Kong to seek employment in Great Britain. This movement reached a peak during 1961-62 when at least 2,270 people are known to have left for work in Britain. Most of these emigrants take up jobs in the restaurant trade. The Chinese-style restaurants in Britain have boomed since 1957, at which period some 50 establishments are said to have existed in the whole country, whereas the corresponding figure today is differently estimated between 1,000 and 2,000. It is said that pre-war London had only about eight or nine Chinese restaurants, but at the present time the number in the capital city may be some 300. The Hong Kong Chinese in Great Britain are now supposed to exceed 30,000 and the whole Chinese community there is estimated at about 45,000. The main part of the Hong Kong Chinese are from villages in the New Territories.33\n\nNearly all young and middle-aged men in the area of study have left their home communities and are now working in Britain. This absence of grown men is one of the most striking features of all Hakka villages in this particular mountain area. The village scene is completely dominated by women of all ages and small children not yet in their teens. Old men are found there, but generally they seem to prefer an indoor life. Sometimes one may meet a young man on an occasional visit to his home village. Agricultural work is entirely carried out by the women. At harvest, the children assist. A few of the old men, however, also work in their fields; one is a non-emigrant in Plum Grove Village who has devoted all his life to farming, the two others are masons in Grass Field Village, who work their fields when the masonry trade is not so good. It is difficult to estimate the efficiency of the women in their work in the fields, as compared with that of men. Some elderly men do not think too much of woman-labour, but on the other hand, Hakka women have traditionally taken part in all kinds of agricultural activities, and their toil in the fields is no innovation.34 What is certain is that during this last", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205319, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "74\n\nL. G. AIJMER\n\n16 The still wider surname groups, hsing (M), in Chinese society, based on entirely fictitious agnatic relationships, expressed in at least preferred exogamy, have often indiscriminately been designated 'clans'. See e.g. Lee 1960, p. 134f. and Willmott 1964, p. 33. This purely conventional consanguinal kin group comes close to the sociological concept of 'phratry', and kin group constellations of this kind may be described better as units of this higher order. The Hakka nomenclature may vary but the units discussed are always conceived of,\n\n17 Freedman 1958, pp. 47, 129.\n\n18 Census 1911, p. 103f.\n\n19 Nine villages with Cantonese-speaking Punti population in the same district at the same time display numbers ranging between 346 and 9, with an average of 108.\n\n20 However, Jean Pratt, in her account of a Hakka village to the north of Tolo Harbour in the New Territories, gives an example of a non-symmetrical segmentation, reflected in the establishment of a new ancestral hall; Pratt 1960, p. 148.\n\n21 This also applies to the Hakka village studied by Miss Pratt: 'The three lineage halls are merely buildings in a row like an ordinary dwelling house'; Pratt 1960, p. 148.\n\n22 Freedman 1958, p. 50.\n\n23 Skinner, in discussing the importance of marketing communities, points out that in Szechuan there existed organizations of Hakka 'composite lineages', with headquarters in teahouses in the market towns (Skinner 1964/65, p. 37). I have no knowledge of similar organizations in the New Territories. One would have expected something of this kind in a portion of China where the Hakka groups suffered political strain from the Punti population. Local groupings on a non-kin basis may sometimes have fulfilled a protective function. Such local organizations, with headquarters in small temples, are for instance to be found in the Sha Tin Valley, and in the Three Fathom Cove area. All three villages studied belonged in pre-British times to an administrative organization called Luk Yeuk, focussed on the old government centre of Kowloon City. Freedman (1966, p. 86) sees yeuk organizations as means for weak communities to seek 'protection against being molested by local powers'. For a discussion of yeuk see op. cit., pp. 82-89 and for the Luk Yeuk especially pp. 85f.\n\n24 A map of Hakka migrations is, for instance, provided by Kuo 1964, facing p. 6. But there are also other views as to the origin of the Hakka, see e.g. Barnett 1958, p. 2.\n\n25 Izikowitz 1963, p. 171.\n\n26 One man from Grass Field Village has settled for good in Borneo. He has taken his wife and children there. This is the only instance of permanent overseas settlement I have come across.\n\n27 This particular migration is said to have been encouraged and even given financial assistance by the Chinese Government as an aftermath of the war mentioned below; Dyer Ball 1925, p. 282. Another author thinks less of the generosity of the government:\n\n'Comme ces tribus Hak-ka se montraient particulièrement turbulentes, les mandarins chinois ne pensaient qu'à les éloigner de leur territoire; c'est ainsi qu'en 1864 et 1866, à la suite de nombreuses revoltes, ils furent expulsés dans le sud du Kouang-Si, vers ces marches frontières qui, comme la province de Moncay, étaient peu habitées et dans un état habituel d'anarchie politique.'", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205321, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "76\n\nL. G. AIMER\n\nthe carrying and other heavy work, \"The men do not even know how to carry water\" and probably do not demand that the women give them lessons at it.' \n\nFrank 1925, p. 210f. Even among the Cantonese-speaking Punti population in Kwangtung, traditional women's participation in the work in the fields occurred; cf. Yang 1959, p. 21f. The notes above, however, are to be read as contrasts to Punti custom.\n\n35 Investments in house building on a large scale seem to be typical for all Chinese peasant communities with a marked inflow of external income. Generalizing from his experiences with three emigrant communities in Fukien and Kwangtung, Chen Ta writes:\n\n\"The most practical way to gratify their vanity is to build a house. Even when he does not contemplate a return in the immediate future, a Chinese emigrant who has made a fortune in the Nan Yang is quite likely to send a sum of money home for the express purpose of buying a new house\"; Chen 1939, p. 109.\n\nFrom another part of China, Francis Hsu notes that\n\n\"in this Yunnan community people became rich not through South-Seas emigration, but through tin mines and trading. As soon as a family becomes wealthy, it begins to build huge but largely unused houses ...\"; Hsu 1945, p. 48.\n\nBoth authors interpret house building as the symbolic aspect of the move from one social position to another by the sojourner in his home community, the big house being closely associated with gentry status. A comment on increasing house building in the New Territories in the beginning of this century is made in the N. T. Report 1899-1912, p. 56.\n\n36 Although these people have spent many years in English-speaking countries, none of them can converse in the English language. Also, this is largely true for the younger generation now residing in Britain. The Chinese emigrant is often sojourning in a Chinese enclave, the structure of which, in many important respects, is very different from that of his home community; it is still basically Chinese and offers social security in a foreign country. I have the impression that the sojourners have a fairly limited direct contact with the people of the country where they stay, especially if this is in Europe or America. Such contacts are also often highly formalized, of the type client-waiter relations in a restaurant. The surrounding social milieu is, I feel, experienced filtered through the culture of the enclave.\n\n37 In 1963 overseas remittances, in the form of postal and money orders cashed at the New Territories post offices, amounted to the value of HK$20,973,152. The corresponding figure for 1964 was HK$24,076,719; Hong Kong 1963, p. 60; Hong Kong 1964, p. 30. Considerable sums will also have been remitted through banks: these figures are not known. One item of information from the New Territories tells that one farmer annually receives about HK$1,500 from his two sons working in England; Topley 1964, p. 176. Ronald Ng (1965, p. 35) estimates the monthly remittances at £30, or HK$5,760 annually.\n\n38 This means that the daily income for a restaurant worker in Britain would amount to nearly HK$23. This may be compared to the daily wage of a worker in the New Territories which is about HK$10. Ng gives a similar figure for restaurant workers in the U.K.; Ng (1965, p. 35).\n\n39 The situation of the members of the overseas community in Britain could be compared to that of a villager of Big Stream Village working in a grocer's shop on the island of Aruba in the Netherlands West Indies. His salary there is 'over' US$100, i.e., at least HK$130, a month. The daily", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205322, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "EXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN HAKKA SOCIETY\n\n77\n\nincome of this man is then at least HK$25. It is also interesting to note that costs in the villages are often estimated in terms of British currency.\n\n40 See e.g. Baker 1965, p. 30.\n\n41 Marriage connections were then cast outside the standard market area of Tai Po. This is in contradiction to an assumption by G. W. Skinner (Skinner 1964/65, p. 36), who suggests that standard marketing communities were endogamous in traditional times.\n\n42 Sometimes children by this mating were brought back to the village. In Big Stream Village there is a man whose mother was a Jamaican woman, and his features are quite distinct. However, I have the impression that he is fairly well integrated in the village. He was, for instance, the only male I saw performing ancestral rites at the graves at the Ch'ing Ming festival. He is working as a policeman in Sha Tin. Otherwise I have not come across any secondary marriages in the valley.\n\nREFERENCES\n\nBAKER, H.\n\n[1965] 'Marriage and the Family', Aspects of Social Organization in the New Territories, (Hong Kong, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch) n.d.\n\nBALL, J. DYER\n\n1925 Things Chinese, or Notes Connected with China, 5th edn, rev. by E. C. T. Werner, (Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh).\n\nBARNETT, K. A.\n\n1957 'The People of the New Territories', Hong Kong Business Symposium, a Compilation of Authoritative Views on the Administration, Commerce and Resources of Britain's Far Eastern Outpost, J. M. Braga (ed.), (Hong Kong, South China Morning Post).\n\n1958 'Introduction on Hong Kong Place-names', Hong Kong Gazetteer to the Land Utilization Map of Hong Kong and the New Territories, with Chinese and English Names, T. R. Tregear (ed.), (Hong Kong, University of Hong Kong Press).\n\nBot. Report 1906\n\n1907 'Report on the Botanical and Forestry Department for the Year 1906', Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong 1907, (Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., Government Printers).\n\nCensus 1911\n\n1911 'Report on the Census of the Colony for 1911', Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong 1911, (Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., Government Printers).\n\nCHEN TA\n\n1939 Emigrant Communities in South China, (New York, Institute of Pacific Relations).\n\nCHIU TZE NANG\n\n1964 'Land Use in the Extreme East of the New Territories', Land Use Problems in Hong Kong, S. G. Davis (ed.), (Hong Kong, University of Hong Kong Press).\n\nEITEL, E. J.\n\n1895 Europe in China, The History of Hong Kong from the Beginning to the Year 1882, (London and Hongkong, Luzac and Co.).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205323, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "78\n\nFRANK, H. A.\n\nL. G. AIJMER\n\n1925 Roving through Southern China, (New York and London, The Century Company).\n\nFREEDMAN, M.\n\n1958 Lineage Organization in Southeastern China. London School of Economics Monographs on Social Anthropology No. 18, (London, The Athlone Press).\n\n1966 Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien and Kwangtung, London School of Economics Monographs on Social Anthropology No. 33, (London, The Athlone Press).\n\n1967 Personal Communication, 2. 1. 1967.\n\nGROVES, R. G.\n\n1965a Report of Field Work in Hong Kong, London-Cornell Project, mimeographed.\n\n1965b 'The Origins of Two Market Towns in the New Territories', Aspects of Social Organization in the New Territories, (Hong Kong, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch) n.d.\n\nHAYES, J. W.\n\n1962 'The Pattern of Life in the New Territories in 1898', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 2.\n\n1966 'Old British Kowloon', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 6.\n\nHong Kong 1963\n\n1964 Hong Kong. Report for the Year 1963, (Hong Kong, Government Printer).\n\nHong Kong 1964\n\n1965 Hong Kong, Report for the Year 1964, (Hong Kong, Government Printer).\n\nHSU, F. L. K.\n\n1945 'Influence of South-seas Emigration on Certain Chinese Provinces', Far Eastern Quarterly, Vol. v.\n\nHUI KIM-BING\n\n1963 'The Lion Rock and the Deserting of the Coastal Strip and Subsequent Re-occupation of the Region during Early Manchu Rule' Hong Kong and its External Communications Before 1842, Lo Hsiang-lin (ed.), (Hong Kong, Institute of Chinese Culture).\n\nINGRAMS, H.\n\n1952 Hong Kong. (London, H.M.S.O.)\n\nIZIKOWITZ, K. G.\n\n1963 'Expansion', Folk, Vol. 5.\n\nKUO SHOU-HUA\n\n1964 (Chinese Article), English title: History of Hakka Chinese, 4th edn., Taipei.\n\nLEE, R. H.\n\n1960 The Chinese in the United States of America, (Hong Kong, University of Hong Kong Press).\n\nLockhart Report\n\n1899 'Extracts from a Report by Mr. Stewart Lockhart on the Extension of the Colony of Hongkong', Government Notification No. 204, The Hongkong Government Gazette, Vol. xlv.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205324, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "EXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN HAKKA SOCIETY\n\n79\n\nNG, R.\n\n1965 'Economic Life and the Family', Aspects of Social Organization in the New Territories, (Hong Kong, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch) n.d.\n\nN.T. Report 1900\n\n1900 'Report on the New Territory during the First Year of British Administration', Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hongkong 1900, (Hongkong, Noronha and Co., Government Printers).\n\nN.T. Report 1899-1912\n\n1912 'Report on the New Territories 1899-1912\", Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hongkong 1912, (Hongkong, Noronha and Co., Government Printers).\n\nN.T. Report 1917\n\n1918 'Report on the New Territories for the Year 1917, Administrative Reports for the Year 1917, (Hongkong, Noronha and Co., Government Printers).\n\nPRATT, J.\n\n1960 'Emigration and Unilineal Descent Groups: A Study of Marriage in a Hakka Village in the New Territories, Hong Kong', The Eastern Anthropologists, Vol. xiii,\n\nS., D. W.\n\n1900 European Settlements in the Far East, (London, Sampson, Low and Marston).\n\nSCPH H.K. Chinese\n\n1965 H.K. Chinese in Britain Now Number 35,000, South China Post-Herald, Sept. 12th, Hong Kong.\n\nSIU, P.\n\n1952 'The Sojourner', The American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 58.\n\nSKINNER, G. W.\n\n1964/65 'Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China', The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. xxiv.\n\nTOPLEY, M.\n\n1964 'Capital, Saving and Credit among Indigenous Rice Farmers and Immigrant Vegetable Farmers in Hong Kong's New Territories', Capital, Saving and Credit in Peasant Societies, Studies from Asia, Oceania, the Caribbean, and Middle America, R. Firth and B. S. Yamey, eds, (London, George Allen and Unwin).\n\nTREGEAR, T. R. and L. BERRY\n\n1959 The Development of Hongkong and Kowloon as told in maps, (Hong Kong, University of Hong Kong Press).\n\nVAILLANT, L.\n\n1920 'Contribution à l'étude anthropologique des chinois Hak-ka de la province de Moncay (Tonking)', L'Anthropologie, Vol. 30.\n\nWILLMOTT, W. E.\n\n1964 'Chinese Clan Associations in Vancouver, Man, Vol. lxiv.\n\nYANG, C. K.\n\n1959 A Chinese Village in Early Communist Transition, (Cambridge, Mass, The Technology Press).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205325, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "80\n\nTHE CHINA COASTERS\n\nA. D. BLUE\n\nJames Matheson sent his San Sebastian from Canton to ports in Fukien Province in 1820, to open up new markets for opium, and this is generally considered the pioneer voyage in the China coast trade. Although Matheson was Danish Consul at Canton at this time, and the San Sebastian sailed under Spanish colours, it is correct to describe this voyage as a British venture. The men who sailed the opium clippers, therefore, were the first 'China coasters', and since that time 'China coasters' have considered themselves a breed apart, distinct from the rest of the British Merchant Navy. The tradition of more liberal manning, of better pay, food, and conditions in general, pioneered by the opium clippers has continued to the present day.\n\nMany of the customs and practices of the lordly East Indiamen and of the Indian 'country ships' were inherited by the humbler 'China coasters'. The East Indiaman's captain could, and was expected to, make a fortune from carrying passengers and private cargo, in addition to the company's, and in self defence the latter stipulated a definite scale of perquisites for each member of the crew, from captain down to bosun and carpenter. Generous as this was, it was invariably exceeded. There was a much greater variety of 'pidgin' (=business) on the China coast, although it did not comprise such a high proportion of the China coaster's total earnings. As on the East India Company's ships, dabbling in certain types of 'pidgin' was considered legitimate and carried no moral stigma.\n\nThe most common and profitable pidgin came from deck passengers. It was on the emigrant runs to the Straits and Bangkok that this type of 'pidgin' was most prolific. I was introduced to this on my first ship on the coast, the Antung. The Antung was\n\nThe author served as an Engineer Officer with the China Navigation Company from 1928 until 1938, and was on the Yangtse in 1930 in the Shengking and again in 1934 in the Wuhu. He was captured by pirates in the Newchang river in Manchuria in 1933 and held prisoner for five and a half months. Two of his articles have been published previously in the Journal. \"European Navigation on the Yangtse\" in Vol. 3, 1963, and \"Piracy on the China Coast\" in Vol. 5, 1965.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205326, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 88, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "The China Coasters\n\n81\n\na modern coaster, specially equipped for the emigrant trade, with space for almost two thousand deck passengers. She was employed on the Amoy, Swatow, and Singapore run, and when I joined her in 1928 the Malayan rubber boom was at its height, and the Antung was carrying a full complement of deck passengers south each monthly trip. On going below before leaving Swatow on my first trip, I came across many strange Chinese in the engine room and shaft tunnel, all industriously polishing hand rails and floor plates. Enquiry revealed these to be the Number One Fireman's 'pidgin'. The bosun, compradore, and chief steward each had their quotas hidden or working away in other parts of the ship.\n\nThe Antung had loaded her first few hundred deck passengers at Amoy and was completing her complement by loading another thousand or so at Swatow, where a medical inspection and tally was carried out by a doctor and member of the British Consul's staff at Swatow. On the China coast, the successful prosecution of the art of pidgin lay in knowing just how far to go without exciting undue comment. Had this 'smuggling' of passengers become too blatant, the Consul would have been compelled to take some action, or the authorities in Singapore been placed in an equally awkward position. Then, had the captain 'squeezed' the senior members of his Chinese crew too much for shutting his eyes at the appropriate times, they would have made life very awkward for him, and might well have \"blown the gaff\" themselves at either end of the passage.\n\nPrivate cargo was another source of 'pidgin', and on the Singapore and Bangkok runs this consisted of fish, fruit, vegetables, and other delicacies in great demand among the prosperous Chinese expatriates. Cabbages and mandarin oranges from Swatow made a very profitable deck cargo in the season, on voyages which rarely lasted more than ten days, and ships often left Swatow with their decks piled so high with cabbages and oranges that their lifeboats were completely immobilised. Some attempt was made to control this dangerous practice on British ships, but it continued on Chinese and foreign ships as long as the trade lasted. Large wooden tubs of live fish were also carried on deck, and the water aerated by relays of coolies working paddles, whose payment was a free passage. Much of the 'pidgin' cargo carried on the southern runs was of an edible nature, ministering to the home-sick palates of the overseas Chinese.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205327, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "82\n\nA. D. BLUE\n\nAs I have said, stowaways and private cargo of this kind were considered legitimate 'pidgin'. Many snug villas on the south coast of England and the Clyde coast of Scotland owe their origin to legitimate 'pidgin' and 'squeeze'. Opium, drugs, and arms and ammunition came into a different category, however, and Europeans involved in this kind of 'pidgin' were usually acting under duress. Any unsolved murder, suicide, or disappearance of a European officer invariably gave rise to lurid rumours of entanglement with unscrupulous opium gangs.\n\nI once found a dozen or so small flat tins, like sardine cans, tucked away among some clothes in a rarely used drawer in my cabin. I was new on the coast at the time, and pleasantly thrilled when told that it was opium. I was advised that the best thing to do was to throw it over the side, and the outcome was that the messroom boy disappeared at the next port. My only other experience of opium was its sickly sweet smell, which I used to encounter when going along the 'tween decks at night. There were always a few groups of passengers there indulging in a mild session of opium smoking. Even today, some forty years later, any similar smell takes me back to the dimly lit 'tween decks of the Antung, Kwangtung, or Kiangsu, and revives all my old memories of the China coast.\n\n'China coasters' were run on the compradore system in those days, a maritime analogy to the system common in much of Sino-Western commerce ashore in the ports. Under this system the deck passenger accommodation was hired from the owners by a Chinese compradore, who carried his own staff to look after the deck passengers.\n\nThe compradore was also in charge of the cargo, for which in turn he was paid by the owners, and his staff which looked after the deck passengers when at sea acted as stevedores and tallymen in port. The compradore was responsible for stolen or damaged cargo, and insured himself against this, often through the owners acting in their capacity as insurance brokers. The chief steward and his staff looked after the captain, officers, and saloon passengers; while the bosun and Number One Fireman each catered for his own department. The compradore was a responsible Chinese business man, with influential connections at all the ports at which his ship called, and a great part of the ship's success depended on him. Harmonious relations between the captain and the compradore, therefore, were", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205328, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "THE CHINA COASTERS\n\n83\n\nessential; although there was a point beyond which these could be detrimental to the owner.\n\nThe rent which the compradore paid to the owners for the deck passenger space depended on the number of passengers usually carried in that particular trade. It was adjusted periodically according to fluctuations in trade and other factors, and was the subject of keen bargaining between owners and compradore — the latter naturally putting a much lower evaluation on the ship's passenger potentiality than the owners. At irregular intervals the owners sent someone to travel on the ship, and check the number of passengers and the amount of cargo carried. These men were known as 'pidgin snatchers' and were very unpopular with the floating staff. If the captain and compradore were good friends and either knew in advance of the 'pidgin snatcher's' movements, the other was warned, and co-operative counter measures instituted in good time.\n\nMost China coasters called at their home port of Hong Kong or Shanghai at least once a month, so that their officers were in much closer touch with life ashore than their contemporaries on overseas ships. During the inter-war period, normal tours of service on the coast were five years, in the course of which officers would serve in several of their company's ships. Many senior officers were married, and had wives and families in Hong Kong or Shanghai, or in a few cases Hankow. Long home leave was granted after a five years tour, but the attractions of life on the coast made many officers and their wives reluctant to go on leave. Captains and mates on ships where 'pidgin' were plentiful, were afraid they might be posted to less profitable ships on their return; while wives were loath to exchange their smoothly-run homes for the doubtful comforts of furnished rooms or boarding houses in Britain. European homes in Hong Kong, Shanghai, or the treaty ports, were sparsely staffed by African or Indian standards, but run much more efficiently. A cook and house boy, sometimes only a cook boy, sufficed for a small house or flat, supplemented by a baby amah or gardener if circumstance warranted this. A similar establishment in India would have been indifferently served by a staff twice as large. Although the taipans of the big foreign companies and senior customs commissioners lived in considerable style, life on the coast was in general much less ostentatious than in India, and much more pleasant.\n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205329, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "84 \n\nA. D. BLUE \n\nChina coasters came from all parts of the Commonwealth, but with a preponderance of English, Irish, Scots, and Welshmen. There was never any lack of Welshmen, and no coaster was complete without its Jones or Evans, invariably prefixed by 'Dai' or 'Taffy'. Australians and New Zealanders were not uncommon, and there were also a few Anglo-Indians. In my time, however, I can recall only one Canadian and one South African. One pleasant feature of coast life was the friendship and harmony between deck and engine departments, something still too rare on home ships. The small number of Europeans on the average coaster may have contributed to this, seldom more than three mates and four engineers, with the radio officer often a Hong Kong Chinese.\n\nThe riverboats were a special species of 'China coaster', and many of their officers spent their entire careers on the Yangtse. The Lower Riverboats, which ran between Shanghai and Hankow, operated a fortnightly schedule, of which three days were spent in Shanghai and two in Hankow. During the summer months of high water, however, some Lower Riverboats continued to Ichang, which extended their schedule to three weeks. Jardines, the China Navigation Company, and the China Merchants Steam Navigation Company each had a daily sailing from Shanghai to Hankow, calling at the intermediate ports, of which the most important were Chinkiang, Nanking, Wuhu, Anking, Kiukiang, and Yochow and Shasi on the Middle River between Hankow and Ichang. The China Navigation Company's Lower Riverboats left the French Bund at three o'clock in the morning, so that they could navigate the tricky Lungshan Crossing at the estuary in daylight, and it was not unknown for junior officers to miss their ship. By catching an early morning train from Shanghai, however, they could rejoin at Nanking in the afternoon, an extreme form of pierhead jump.\n\nIf riverboat men were a special species of 'China coaster', the men who sailed on the Upper Yangtse were a distinct sub-species. The Upper Riverboats ran between Ichang and Chungking, the section of the Yangtse which included the famous and spectacular Yangtse Gorges. The men on these ships had some justification for considering themselves the aristocrats of the China coast. The slightest error in navigation, or the slightest engine mishap, would almost certainly have meant a serious casualty. The Gorge boats", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205330, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "The China Coasters\n\n85\n\nwere very small, but had very powerful engines and steering gears. Only the high passenger and freight charges enabled them to run at a profit. One of the most important cargoes from the Upper Yangtse was tung oil, which was latterly carried in bulk. This oil was used in the manufacture of high quality paints and lacquers, and was so valuable that the privilege of cleaning out the cargo pumps after discharge was one of the most highly prized perquisites of the engine room staff. The Upper Yangtse was too dangerous for night navigation, so that the Gorge boats anchored each night at dusk, and set off again at dawn. Officers on these ships were paid a special bonus after a season on the Upper River, and also given local leave.\n\nBecause they operated in inland waters, the Yangtse riverboats were exempt from certain of the manning regulations which applied to deep sea British ships. Certificated masters and chief mates were always carried, but sometimes the second mates had no British qualifications, and were either White Russians or Chinese. During the inter-war years these White Russians were often former officers of the Imperial Russian Navy, and without exception were very capable and efficient. On the engine room side the chief and second engineers had British qualifications, but sometimes Chinese third engineers were employed,\n\nThe opium clipper tradition inherited by the 'China coasters' resulted in smart and well run ships, a credit to the owners and crews concerned. The pre-war 'China coasters' were probably the smartest ships in Britain's Merchant Navy, and their bright paintwork, gleaming brass work, and smart red-sashed quartermasters would have gladdened the heart of old Admiral Benbow. Their closest rivals under the Red Ensign were the coasters of the Straits Steamship Company which were based on Singapore, and which traded round Malaya and the East Indies. 'China coasters', apart from officers, had all Chinese crews, while the Straits coasters and their Dutch K.L.M. rivals had Malays on deck and Chinese down below, a good combination in pre-Sukarno days. Sailors and firemen sometimes spent a lifetime on one ship, and often the bosun and Number One Fireman would have started their careers on the same ship twenty-five years earlier. The Arab and Indian practice of the bosun and Number One being responsible for their department was followed on the China coast, and each department was very much a family and clan affair.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205331, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "86 \n\nA. D. BLUE \n\nThe sailors' and firemen's cook's 'boy' was usually the grandson or grandnephew of the bosun and Number One, while the 'boy' in the pantry bore the same relationship to the Chief Steward. Chinese crews developed a strong sense of loyalty to their ship and owners, sometimes putting their European officers to shame in this respect. Payment for overtime was unheard of, and sailors and firemen would often work round the clock after a docking to have the ship spick and span for an early morning sailing; while bosuns and Number One Firemen would sometimes buy extra cleaning and polishing materials out of their own pockets. The compradore and his staff also spent many years on one ship and one service, resulting in efficient cargo handling and stowage. \n\nEach department of the Chinese crew of a prewar 'China coaster' usually came from a different part of the country. An average 2,500 ton coaster would have about 70 Chinese in its crew, and a common arrangement would be for the sailors to come from Tientsin, the firemen from Ningpo, and the stewards and compradores from Canton and Swatow. Pidgin English was invariably the only means of inter-departmental communication, but normally all worked together harmoniously under their European officers. Provincial rivalries and jealousies were, however, always latent, and their existence helped to ensure efficiency. \n\nThere were always ten applicants for any job. Wages for the Chinese crew on a coaster were small, but being assured and regular, a job on a coaster was highly prized. There was the additional attraction of 'pidgin' and 'squeeze', which had an extraordinary fascination. The prospect of an extra dollar or two from this source meant more to them than three or four times the amount in wages. The more 'pidgin', the happier and more contented the crew, and the more hard-working. Nothing was too small or insignificant to escape their attention, and there was always something to be bought at one port, which could be resold at a small profit a few days later further up or down the coast. I am sure that on a ship trading between the North and South Poles, the Chinese crew would soon organise a brisk trade in polar bears and penguins with the Eskimoes. \n\nOn the China coast, the distinction between the 'regular' and the 'outside' ships must always be remembered. The foregoing applied mainly to the 'regular' ships, that is to the ships of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205332, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 94, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "THE CHINA COASTERS\n\n87\n\nChina Navigation Company, the Indo-China Steam Navigation Company, and to a lesser extent to ships of some smaller British companies such as the Douglas Steam Navigation Company and the Hong Kong, Canton and Macao Steamboat Company. The 'outside' ships belonged to a disparate group of owners, British and Chinese, in both Hong Kong and Shanghai; and officers on the 'regular' ships considered themselves superior to those on the 'outside' ships. The latter were usually old ships which had passed their best days in the service of the regular companies. Some maintained a respectable standard of seaworthiness and seamanship, but many had a bad reputation in this respect. British masters and chief engineers were carried mainly to satisfy the requirements of the classification and insurance societies. Like the ships themselves, many officers on the outside ships had formerly served on the regular ships.\n\nBy the First World War, at least so far as the regular companies were concerned, China coast shipping had become divided into a number of liner services, for each of which a particular type of coaster had been designed. The China Navigation Company was then the largest company, and its principal trades were the Yangtse and Tientsin trades based on Shanghai, the interport trade between Hong Kong and Shanghai which also served the intermediate ports, and the Singapore and Bangkok emigrant trades and the Canton River trade based on Hong Kong. The Indo-China and the China Merchants Steam Navigation Companies were similarly organised, but neither was so vitally concerned with the emigrant trades in the south; and the Indo-China Steam Navigation Company's largest ships operated their long-established service between Calcutta, Singapore, Hong Kong, Shanghai, and Japan.\n\nOne important trade which was seasonal, did not fit into this framework. This was the beancake trade between Manchuria and South China, in which the China Navigation Company was predominant. Newchwang was the main export port, and most of the trade was concentrated in the few months of spring after the Newchwang River was opened to navigation, and the few months of autumn before it was closed by ice. When the China Navigation Company first entered the beancake trade in the 1870's, they employed specially designed coasters, but this practice was gradually discontinued. By the early 1900's, by which time the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205333, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "88 \n\nA. D. BLUE \n\nChina Navigation Company fleet numbered over sixty ships and they dominated the beancake trade; they employed a dozen or so old coasters, ships which had outlived their usefulness in more demanding trades. These were naturally called 'beancakers'. When not beancaking, they relieved the liner ships when these went to dock, or supplemented them when seasonal demands of trade warranted this. They sometimes laid up for a few weeks between active spells, usually on the upper reaches of the Whang-poo River above Shanghai,\n\nLife on the beancakers was leisurely and easy-going. Bean-cakes were about the size of grindstones and half the weight, and were an easy cargo to handle, loading and discharging being carried out by coolies working through the cargo port doors in the ship's sides. The engines were little more than the bare \"three legs and twa pumps\", so that neither mates nor engineers were overburdened with work. Rumour had it that the engine room was locked up after the first day in port and stayed like that until just before sailing. In warm weather, all the officers arranged their accommodation on the poop, within easy reach of the ice-box. Beancaker captains and chief engineers were unambitious and asked nothing more than to be free of superintendents and office reports, and this life suited them admirably. The honour and prestige of sailing in a crack Tientsin liner held no attractions for such men,\n\nThe normal beancaker voyage was from Newchwang to Swatow fully loaded, with Dairen and Canton as alternative loading and discharging ports. After discharging, the beancakers went north to Shanghai in ballast, then took on bunkers and stores before continuing north to repeat the process. Sometimes a little general cargo might be taken from Shanghai to Newchwang. The complete voyage took about a month, and three or four voyages were made at the beginning and end of the season. The north-bound passage against the north-east monsoon could be long and trying, and when the monsoon was especially severe, experienced masters usually took the inside passage. This took advantage of the many islands between Swatow and Shanghai and was comparatively sheltered. It was only navigable for small ships of light draught, and it was advisable to anchor at night and negotiate most of the passage by daylight. Even with such delays, the beancakers often made quite good north-bound passages when,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205334, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "THE CHINA COASTERS\n\n89\n\non the outside passage, low-powered ships would have done little more than hold their own against the monsoon.\n\nOn the present day ships trading from Hong Kong around Far Eastern and South Pacific waters many of the old China coast customs still survive. The 'sew-sew' women, for instance, are now peculiar to Hong Kong alone, but used to flourish in Shanghai and Singapore in the old days. In groups of two or three these women board every ship soon after its arrival in Hong Kong to darn the socks and repair the clothes of the officers, and every officer soon after his arrival on the coast has his regular 'sew-sew' woman. They are middle-aged women, severely dressed in black with shining black hair strained back tightly in buns, and invariably sporting a few gold teeth. Whichever 'sew-sew' woman an officer employs on his first visit to Hong Kong usually remains his 'sew-sew' woman for the rest of his time on the coast, and no rival will ever try to solicit his custom. The 'sew-sew' women are scrupulously honest, and are allowed the complete run of the accommodation. They go into their client's cabin unattended, and ransack his drawers and wardrobe looking for clothes to mend, and when these have been collected, retire to a sunny corner of the deck to carry out the repairs. When they return with the clothes later, payment is the subject of shrill but good-natured bargaining.\n\nA similar system still operates in Hong Kong with regard to barbers, tailors, shoemakers, compradores, and others. The compradore in this connection is a petty trader, who deals in a wide variety of goods, from toilet materials and patent medicines to dubious literature. Either he or the tailor will also carry out miscellaneous commissions for their clients, such as posting letters and parcels and so on. An older institution than any of the above, however, were the flower boat girls. Like the 'sew-sew' women they were more common in Hong Kong than in the other ports and were an inheritance from the old days at Canton and Macao. When I returned to the coast twelve years after the end of the Pacific War, and after an absence of almost twenty years, I was pleased to find the 'sew-sew' women, barbers, tailors, and shoemakers plying their trades as busily as ever. The flower boat girls, however, had disappeared from the scene.\n\nPearl Buck, in her biography of her missionary father, Fighting Angel, London, Pan Books, 1964, pp. 84-85, has this to say of river steamers", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205336, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "91\n\nLAND AND LEADERSHIP IN THE HONG KONG REGION OF KWANGTUNG IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY*\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nThis article concerns a fringe area of the Kwangtung Province of South China and deals with land and leadership on the island of Lantau. Lantau or in its Chinese form (L) is the largest offshore island of what, since 1898, has been styled the New Territories of British Hong Kong.\n\nLantau is roughly fifteen miles long by five-and-a-half miles broad. The island takes the form of a mountain range which runs, with breaks, along its whole length on a N.E.S.W. axis. The main peaks of this range are around 3,000 feet high. Most of the cultivated land is situated around the coast and at the time of the British lease amounted to a little less than 2,660 acres; that is, only a few square miles. The main crop was and still is rice, harvested twice in July and November. In 1898 the island possessed one market town (population 2,000) situated at its north-west extremity. This place was a salt-producing centre and a considerable fishing port. There were also about fifty small villages on the island. At a carefully-conducted census taken some years after the lease, four of these villages had populations in excess of 200 persons (the largest 363), another seven had more than 100 inhabitants, whilst the remainder were under that figure. The total land population was then over 6,700 persons, mainly Cantonese. Most of the villages were inhabited entirely by Cantonese or Hakka clans, though some of them were of mixed settlement. There was also a boat population of around 5,500 persons whose craft were based on the market town and other anchorages along the coastline.\n\nBefore 1898 Lantau was part of the San On (**) district of the Kwangtung province. Though it was not far by sea from the\n\nThis paper is a slightly amended version of that presented at the XVIIth International Congress of Chinese Studies held at the University of Leeds in 1965.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205337, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 99, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "92\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\ndistrict city it was not under the district magistrate's direct rule but was under the charge of one of his deputies. This officer's yamen was in the walled city of Kowloon and he was responsible for many other villages besides those on Lantau Island. There was no civil officer actually resident on the island before 1898 though one imagines that runners would visit it from time to time to chase in taxes and, perhaps less frequently, to make an arrest. The military authorities were more in evidence. A captain commanded a detachment in the fort at Tung Chung, a large valley in the north-central part of the island, and a junior officer was in charge of another body of troops in the market town, Their presence was perhaps due more to European activities in the local seaways, and to pirates, than to any disturbances likely to take place on the island, especially in the latter half of the nineteenth century when there is no remembrance of internal disturbances.4\n\nThe people of Lantau were left mainly to their own devices by the government, military and civil alike. From evidence collected locally it appears that as elsewhere in China the clan and village elders kept the peace in the villages, and the Kaifong (#) or Street Association did the same in the market town and paid for watchmen to bar and walk round the principal streets at night. Anything more serious than minor disturbance and petty crime, e.g. piracies or armed robberies, was reported to the military, though by that time it was usually too late for anything effective to be done. Disputes were settled locally as far as possible. Besides these, the elders handled a variety of duties which, irrespective of the size of the community, were sometimes arduous and complex since much depended on handling individuals so as to produce a fruitful result. They organised small public works of benefit to their communities, such as the digging of a well or the construction of an irrigation dam or a small pier: they managed the local temples and arranged the details and financing of all festivals: they were responsible for finding suitable premises for village schools and engaging teachers; and so on. These persons came forward by a combination of such factors as age, experience, ability, ambition, leisure, wealth, lack of anyone else willing to do the job and so on. However, it is also true to say that they had also to be acceptable in their communities, since without local support and goodwill they could hardly operate.5", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205344, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 106, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "LAND AND LEADERSHIP IN THE H.K. REGION OF KWANGTUNG 99\n\nfinality, that he managed all the important affairs of the group of villages over which he exercised a personal influence; and I have already mentioned the impressive bearing of Kung Fong-chai's nephew. Yet there is a paradox. Despite the drive and ability which removed them from ordinary villagers by many degrees, these three persons were otherwise very close to them. They came from the same farming stock, had many kinsfolk among them, and had been brought up and educated together with them in the same place. They all had village wives who had been chosen for them by their parents in their early manhood in accordance with custom: and though, like most rich men in old China, they may have taken concubines later on they do not seem to have gone outside the island for them. Moreover they lived in ordinary village houses which were scarcely different in size or outward appearance from those of other villagers. Perhaps because of these ties they appear to have made good landlords, whether through fear of family and local opinion or because they were so close to a farming life and stemmed directly from farming stock.\n\nMy fourth point concerns land as a decisive factor in local leadership. Land played a major part in the emergence of these three men. One factor common to all three is that it appears to have been essential to build up an estate in order, through receipt of rents, to obtain the funds needed to become a substantial money-lender*. Once the capital sufficient to embark on this course was acquired it seems to have been comparatively easy to profit by the desires, needs or misfortunes of others. Many mortgages led to eventual ownership by the money lender, who could also purchase land with the proceeds received from his interest loans. Yet these men were not large landowners and their holdings were very small by comparison with the total areas of cultivated land in the various localities. At Shek Pik, for instance, the Kung family owned only eight acres out of a total of 180.17 What was important, then, was not so much the size of the estate as the fact that the average villager's holding was much less. Once possessed of land and capital one was in a position to act as a man of affairs when setting out, or being called upon, to become one.\n\n* Rents were usually paid in kind locally but could thereafter be converted into cash.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205346, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 108, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "LAND AND LEADERSHIP IN THE H.K. REGION OF KWANGTUNG 101\n\nLockhart calls them in his 1898 report on the New Territories.18 He states that the council for the Eastern Tung embraced most of the leased territory and sat in the market town of Sham Chun just north of the 1898 boundary. One imagines that men such as the three who form the subject of this paper might have been members. Here I have had the benefit of conversations with a former mandarin, now deceased, who served as a Chou and then as a Fu magistrate in Hupeh for some years before the Revolution of 1911. He told me that the councils of the poorer districts were augmented by prominent non-literati of the type to be found on Lantau, the normal restrictions on scholar membership being waived in order to secure the presence of persons who carried weight in their localities. If practised in San On this realistic approach, in part occasioned by the need to obtain their help in chasing in and securing the payment of the land tax, would probably have brought in local leaders like Chan, Cheung and Kung.\n\nI must record that this is conjecture since no information on their participation in the council, their work there, and their relations with the district magistrate and the true gentry of the District has yet turned up though I am by no means sure, given local conditions, that it ever will. However an account of these men would be lacking unless one hinted at the possibility of their participation in local councils, especially as it is probable that the rural gentry of Lantau and similar fringe areas in South China and elsewhere in the Ching period were similar in origins to these three men.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 The New Territories were ceded by the Convention of Peking signed on 9th June 1898; for the text see The Hong Kong Government Gazette for 8 April 1899, pp. 552-553—but were not occupied until the following year. The boundaries were not discussed until March 1899, and some hostilities took place in March and April of that year when the Hong Kong Government took possession of the New Territory. See Sessional Papers 1899, No. 32 \"Dispatches and Other Papers Relating to the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong\" and No. 35 \"Further Papers relating to Military Operations in Connection with the Disturbances On The Taking Over of the New Territory\".\n\nThe Romanisation used in this article is in the Cantonese form. For place names see A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories. (Hong Kong Government Printer, 1960).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205347, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "102\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\n2 This figure is given in the table at p. 145 in Sessional Papers, i.e. Papers laid before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, for 1906 (Hong Kong, Noronha & Co., Government Printers) included in \"New Territories: Land Court, Report on Work from 1900 to 1905\". The figure is for all private lots demarcated, and includes house lots as well as agricultural land.\n\n3 Colony Census of 1911 in Sessional Papers 1911, pp. 103 (22, 26 and 37-38).\n\n4 See Extracts from a Report by Mr. Stewart Lockhart on the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong in The Hong Kong Government Gazette, 8 April 1899 at p. 541. Also Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (JHKBRAS), Vol. 3 (1963), pp. 144-145 and Vol. 4 (1964), pp. 146-150.\n\n5 This information is based on my own extensive enquiries in the Hong Kong region. They corroborate the usual accounts given in many books, among them E. T. Williams, China Yesterday and Today (London etc., Harrap & Co., 1923) pp. 118-136, Chapter VI, \"The Village Republic\" and E. T. C. Werner, China of the Chinese (London, Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1920), pp. 161-165, \"Local Government”.\n\n6 See p. 12 and notes 15-17 of my \"The Settlement and Development of a Multiple-Clan Village\" (Shek Pik on Lantau Island) in Aspects of Social Organisation in the New Territories (Hong Kong, Hong Kong Branch of Royal Asiatic Society, n.d. but 1965),\n\n7 See also my note \"Village Credit at Shek Pik, 1879-1895\" in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, No. 5 (1965), pp. 119-122, for interest rates of 50% of principal per annum, simple interest, from a money loaning Tong in the same area. This Tong's varied means of doing business are paralleled in the surviving papers showing Cheung Kwong-chuen's agreements with local farmers,\n\n* See Ping-ti Ho, The Ladder of Success in Imperial China, Aspects of Social Mobility, 1368-1911 (New York, Columbia University Press, 1962), pp. 33-38, \"It would not be an exaggeration to say that in Ch'ing times practically anybody who could afford a little over 100 taels could obtain the chien-sheng title and the right to wear the scholar's gown and cap\", p. 34.\n\n* For more details of the area see my article \"A Mixed Community of Cantonese and Hakka on Lantau Island\" in Aspects of Social Organisation in the New Territories, cited at note 6 above.\n\n10 His name heads the list of twenty-six persons who presented a commemorative red and gilt board on the occasion of the last major repair to the Tin Hau temple at Ham Tin, Pui O dated the equivalent of 15 January 13 February 1915.\n\n11 For a brief account of this village see the article referred to in note 6 above.\n\n12 The Census of 1911 lists 5,694 Cantonese and only 944 Hakka out of an estimated land population of 6,710. See Sessional Papers 1911, p. 103 (22). I have my suspicions about the Hakka figure but have not yet counter-checked by other means. For alleged Cantonese domination see inter alia K. M. A. Barnett, \"The Peoples of the New Territories\" in J. M. Braga (ed) The Hong Kong Business Symposium (Hong Kong, South China Morning Post, 1957), pp. 261-265, and G. N. Orme's \"Report on the New Territories 1899-1912\" in Sessional Papers 1912, p. 44 where he says that the imposition of British rule led to the freeing of the neighbours of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205348, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "LAND AND LEADERSHIP IN THE H.K. REGION OF KWANGTUNG 103\n\nmany Punti villages from \"squeezes\" formerly levied on them, \"especially the Hakkas\".\n\n13 The market town of Tai O had a land population of 2,248 and a boat population of at least several thousands, many of whom lived in mat-huts over the water and were therefore part of the settled population. Sessional Papers 1911, p. 103 (26 and 38). The Hong Kong Government's Administrative Reports for 1911, District Officer South, mentions 221 mat-shed permits in respect of pile huts in Tai O Creek. There were said to be 8 schools in Tai O or district at a New Territories School Census in April 1912, with an average attendance of 21. See Appendix G to Orme's Report in Sessional Papers 1912, p. 63.\n\n14 See for instance Hugh D. R. Baker, \"The Five Great Clans of the New Territories\" in JHKBRAS, Vol. 6 (1966), pp. 25-47 and his references at his note 9 to Sung Hok-pang's prewar articles in The Hong Kong Naturalist.\n\n15 The schedules of ownership attached to the Block Crown Leases for 1898 New Territories' villages show this general pattern of peasant ownership very clearly. They are kept in the District Offices of the New Territories Administration.\n\n16 A hint of the strength of superstition at this time is given by Orme, op. cit., paras. 97-98,\n\n17 They held, in addition, a considerable number of mortgages from Shek Pik people. Those recorded in the 1904 Block Crown Leases for the Shek Pik Valley may well be less in number than in 1899 because, in the intervening years, it was reported that mortgagors were making great efforts to recover unencumbered ownership, e.g., Sessional Papers 1902, Mr. Stewart Lockhart's 'Report on the New Territory for the Year 1901' p. 4. It is not entirely clear from the context whether this was a general reaction or limited only to New Kowloon,\n\n18 Hong Kong Government Gazette, 8 April 1899, p. 546 under the heading ‘Local Government in the Villages'. The information about there usually being four Tung in any administrative district comes from the former magistrate mentioned in the same paragraph of the text. He was in charge of ## and ✯✯ in Hupeh for part of the first decade of this century.\n\nWhere no sources are cited, the text is based on information obtained from old inhabitants, some of whom knew Cheung Kwong-chuen and Kung Fong-tsai personally, and from documents in Chinese relating to the land and money transactions of these two men and those of the third, Chan Fu-shing, that have been made available to me through the kindness of their present owners to whom I am much indebted for their courtesy and cooperation. I am also grateful for help with translation, especially to Mr. Chan Kwun-ngok, and for the ready help of many Lantau residents with my enquiries,\n\nAddition to Note 8. The quotation in the text comes from Professor Ho's \"The Examination System and Social Mobility in China, 1368-1911\", Proceedings of the 1959 Annual Spring Meeting of the American Ethnological Society, pp. 60-65.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205349, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 111, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "104\n\nA NOTICE OF THE SANON DISTRICT 新安城:\n\nBy the REV. Mr. Krone\n\n(Editor's Note. Beginning with Vol. 5 (1965) the Society made a start with reprinting selected articles from the Transactions of the old China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society which existed in Hong Kong between 1846-59. The only known complete extant sets of the Transactions in the Colony are the microfilmed sets recently acquired by the Library of the University of Hong Kong and by the Society. The article reprinted below is taken from pp. 71-105 of the sixth and last volume of Transactions, published in Hong Kong in 1859. It is a valuable contemporary account of the north-western part of the San On (Hsin An) district (新安縣) and will be of special interest to readers of this Journal in that it describes something of the history and conditions of life in the area just beyond the present Sino-British frontier in the New Territories. Its re-appearance in print will also provide scholars with the text in a more accessible form than the microfilmed sets which are available here and elsewhere. The author was a missionary of the Rhenish Missionary Society which, according to the account of its history given in The China Mission Hand Book (Shanghai, American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1896) pp. 272-275 came to South China in 1847. From this account, Mr. Krone appears to have come to China about 1850 and worked there for upwards of ten years. He seems to have gone on leave thereafter and died in the Red Sea on his way back to China from Germany. The article is reprinted here exactly as it appears in the original, despite a few obvious errors and inconsistencies).\n\nA NOTICE OF THE SANON DISTRICT 新安城:\n\nRead before the Society, February 24th, 1858\n\nTHE District of Sanon, to which the mainland opposite to the Island of Hongkong belongs, is one of the fourteen districts of the department of Canton. During the Han dynasty, and at the time of the Three States, the present Sanon District, together with those of Túng-kun and Pok-lo, formed only one large district, bearing the name of Pok-lo *.\n\nand Túng-kun\n\nUnder the following dynasties, Sanon ✯✯ constituted one district, which was denominated Túng-kun 東莞 ★, afterwards Po-on, and since the 2d year of the Emperor Chi-tok of the Tong dynasty, Túng-kun ✯ £. 東莞. Hung-mo, the founder of the Ming dynasty (1368-1399 A.D.), found it necessary in the 27th year of his reign to appoint an officer with the title \"Shou-yu-sho\"-Protector of the region, in order to protect the population, which was rapidly increasing, against the bands of robbers and vagabonds which infested the district.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205351, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "106\n\nREV. MR. KRONE\n\nTo the North of Deep Bay is Chik-wan Bay, on the shore of which is situated the renowned temple of Tien-hau. To the South is the Bay of Toon-mun-wan, near Castle-peak. The open sea forms the Southern and Eastern boundary of the district.\n\nMirs Bay, the most remarkable of those which indent the Eastern shore of Sanon, is called by the Chinese \"Ti-po Hoi\" 大步海.\n\nIt is worthy of notice, that when the question of ceding Hong-kong to the British crown was brought before the Emperor Tau-kwang, it was asserted that the island had never really belonged to China; and it appears remarkable that, in an official geographical and statistical account of Sanon, in 8 volumes, published about 40 years ago, no mention of Hongkong is made, although islands much more insignificant are accurately included. However, in the list of villages of the Sanon District, the names of Shek-pai-wan (Aberdeen) and Check-chu (Stanley), are found. Among the numerous Straits between the different islands the most worthy of notice are:--\n\n1. The Cap-sui-mûn between Lantao and the two small Islands of Tsing-yeu and Ma-wan; Kai-check-mûn, between the two last mentioned islands and the mainland itself, and Ly-yue-mûn and East-tong-mûn, which constitute the Eastern passage from Hongkong harbour. According to Chinese authorities, the greater diameter of the district, from North to South, measures 380 le, and the lesser, from East to West, 270 le. But it must be remembered that the measurement from North to South extends to the southermost of the small islands which are reckoned as belonging to the district. The district is generally mountainous, and the mountain ridges extend nearly to the shore, leaving only small plains at their feet, which are occupied by villages and hamlets. These mountains have usually a dreary and barren aspect, and resemble those of Hong-kong and the opposite mainland. The granite rocks are scantily covered with soil, and are overgrown with grass. A luxuriant underwood is found in the ravines, but trees are seldom met with, though groves of them, evidently planted, are generally found in the neighbourhood of villages, Buddhist monasteries, and temples. The Chinese are accustomed to burn down the grass on the tops.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205368, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "A NOTICE OF THE SANON DISTRICT\n\n123\n\nalong the banks of rivers or of ponds, you have an opportunity\n\n水牛,\n\nof observing how appropriately the Chinese name \"Shui-ngau” ★ †‚— water ox, has been applied to them, for you will see the beasts with their huge carcases entirely submerged in the water and mud, their heads only to be seen, and they will lie thus contentedly for hours. There are large numbers of pigs, which, as in Ireland, form an integral part of the family, and are admitted to the domestic hearth. Goats are scarce, and are found chiefly in the mountainous parts. Ducks are seen in immense flocks, and are generally hatched in heated ovens. Fowls are kept by people of all conditions. The poor generally keep them, not for their own consumption, but to make a few cash by selling the eggs or the chickens, which are consumed in great numbers at marriage festivals and other popular entertainments.\n\nThe principal Trading-places of the district are, Nam-tow 南頭, Sai-heong 西鄉, Wong-kong 黄崗, Sham-tsuen 深圳, San-keaou 新橋, Tai-pung 大鹏, Fuk-wing 福永, Ku-shu 固戌, and Sha-tsing. These places are here mentioned according to the extent of their trade. From each of these places, passage-boats ply regularly to Hongkong, Canton, Tai-ping (at the Bogue), and Shek-lung. From Namtow only a boat is occasionally despatched to Macao.\n\nThe trade between these towns and Hongkong has of late years become of great importance. For instance, six years ago, only one passage-boat started from Sai-heong for Hongkong, every third or fourth day. Before the commencement of the present hostilities, the number of these boats had increased to five, and they were of a much larger size, and started from Sai-heong in company every third or fourth day. Other boats were projected when the present difficulties interfered with the enterprise. In Sai-heong alone there were more than 400 traders who frequented Hongkong. The exports consisted chiefly of fruits, vegetables, eggs, poultry, cattle, oil, sugar, charcoal, fish, and dried ducks, and they imported in return rice, salt, calico, and other European manufactures, besides articles which came from the northern ports of China. Timber, silk, and paper, are imported from Canton, Shek-tung, Tai-ping, and other parts of the province. The trade with the interior of the country is unimportant, for there are no highways along which goods can be conveyed into the interior. All goods are conveyed either by coolies or in awk.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205374, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 136, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "A NOTICE OF THE SANON DISTRICT\n\n129\n\nIn the superior grades of the military, the natives of this district did not show at all well during the first two centuries of this dynasty, for during this time they could boast of only two military Tsin-tze, and twenty-four military Keu-jins. Forty years ago a more military spirit seems to have arisen amongst them, and the examinations for military degrees have been better attended.\n\nAt each military examination at Canton, the same number, ten, of military as of civil Seu-tsai, are chosen from the students of Sanon, and in the same proportion from the two races, viz., eight Puntis to two Hak-kas. At present there is in the district only one man holding the degree of \"Mo-tsin-tze\", Military Tsin-tze, and about twelve of the degree of \"Mo-keu-jin\". The first is an octogenarian, and lives in his native place, Kap-shui-hou. He has never held any office, and has been chiefly engaged in training pupils for the examination; he is a good-natured man, and is amicably disposed towards foreigners; one of his sons has the degree of Mo-keu-jin.\n\nThe village of Sheang-tsun, between Namtow and Sai-heong, is particularly noted for producing military graduates.\n\nThe highest military mandarin which Sanon can at present boast, is a Chau-toi, or Brigadier; he is a native of Kap-shui-hau, and serves against the rebels. Inferior ranks up to that of Colonel are held by some natives of the district, who have attained these distinctions by meritorious service, and not by examination. A native of San-keaou was stationed in one of the Bogue forts during the first war with the English; he distinguished himself much by his bravery, and was in consequence rapidly promoted to the rank of Colonel. Three years ago he fell at Canton in an engagement with the rebels. Through this officer many natives of San-keaou were induced to enter the service at Foo-mun, and some of them were promoted to inferior ranks.\n\nWe proceed to notice some of the most important Places and Edifices of the district. It is to be remarked, that the district of Sanon, like the empire of China in general, cannot boast much of its architecture. Mention has already been made of the four walled cities, and of the small insignificant forts. The most important place in the district is the city of Sanon. It is built on a hill about eighty feet high, is of a quadrangular form, and contains about 8,000 inhabitants within its walls. The walls are", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205379, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 141, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "134\n\nREV. MR. KRONE\n\nThe inhabitants of a pretty little village on Deep Bay called \"Kam-tin\", also trace their origin up to the Sung dynasty. A high mandarin, they say, of the name of Tung, came to Sanon from the interior of China, and was so much pleased with the country around Deep Bay, that he settled down and made himself very popular, by giving gratuitous instruction. The grandson of this man having done some meritorious service to the State, the emperor Ko-tsung, of the Sung dynasty, gave him his daughter in marriage. This princess became so enchanted with Kam-tin, that she had no wish to return to the Imperial court. This pair were the progenitors of a numerous posterity.\n\nHaving finished our account of the cities, we will make a few remarks on the principal buildings which are found in other parts of the district. These consist of temples, ancestral halls, pagodas, convents, and triumphal arches.\n\nThe Triumphal Arches are numerous. They are erected to the memory of aged people and chaste women. The oldest person mentioned in the list given in the Sanon-che, is a woman who attained to the age of 105.\n\nThree classes of \"chaste women\" are recognised. The first are such as willingly sacrifice their lives to save their honour. The second includes those who lost their intended husband before marriage, and still remained single, living in the house of their parents-in-law and serving them. The third numbers those who lost their husbands shortly after marriage, and who afterwards remained widows, and maintained their chastity to an advanced age.\n\nPagodas, Sanon contains twelve pagodas, and all of these are situated in the three plains previously mentioned. They are not of great size; all, except the five-storied one at Namtaou, have only three stories. The places on which they are erected are selected according to the rules of geomancy, a superstitious science which has very great influence over the minds of the Chinese. The pagodas themselves are supposed to exert a beneficial geomantic influence.\n\nThe Ancestral Halls are very numerous, as each village contains several of them. They are of two different classes: The first, the Tse-tong, are of larger dimensions, and are owned by a whole clan. These edifices are very considerable, consisting of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205380, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "A NOTICE OF THE SANON DISTRICT\n\n135\n\nthree rows of houses, one behind the other. The centre one contains the principal tablets of the ancestors. Separate tablets commemorate the names and titles of the graduates and officers, which the clan has at different times produced.\n\nThe second class are the Tangs, which belong to families who set up in them their private tablets of their ancestors. They are much smaller, consisting of only one edifice, with two small out-houses, but they are neatly decorated according to the Chinese taste.\n\nThe Temples\n\nare in general inferior in size and beauty to the ancestral halls. The largest, most elegant, and most renowned is that of Chick-wan, which is dedicated to \"Teen-hau\" — the Queen of Heaven. The building may be seen from the entrance of Deep Bay. Imperial officers sent on a mission to Siam or Cochin-china, were in the habit of worshipping at this temple before starting, and if they returned safely from their perilous voyage, endowed the temple with rich offerings. By these means spacious buildings were gradually erected, and about six Taouist priests are supported on the income derived from the possessions of the temple. No Chinese vessel passes this way, without making some offering to \"the Queen of Heaven.\"\n\nSecond to this temple is the one in Man-chau, near San-keaou, which is also dedicated to the same goddess.\n\nThe most popular idols to which temples are erected in Sanon, are \"Teen-hao\" — the Queen of Heaven; \"Quan-yin\" — the Goddess of Mercy; \"Kwan-tai\" — the God of War; and \"Pak-tai\" — the God of the North.\n\nIn Sai-heong there is a considerable temple dedicated to a man who was once a high official at Canton. The following is the history of his apotheosis: The Emperor Kanghi once gave orders that the people should retire from the sea-shore, and settle some miles further in the interior, so that the pirates would be unable to carry on their depredations. This man interceded with the Emperor, and succeeded in getting the decree repealed. Out of gratitude to him, numerous temples were erected along the coast, in which he is worshipped.\n\nAltars are erected before the villages, in the fields, under green trees, and upon the hills, and are dedicated to the worship of the tutelary deities. They are the Gods of Land and Grain,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205382, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 144, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "A NOTICE OF THE SANON DISTRICT\n\n137\n\nlishment in the district, was made in the year 1848, by the Rev. Thomas Hambley, who established a station among the Hak-kas at Toong-foo, at the head of Mirs Bay. In 1849, a station was established at Sai-heong; and in 1852, besides these two principal stations, other small dependent stations have been formed, where preaching and education have been carried on.\n\nBefore the outbreak of the war, the missionaries were able to live in the country, even with their families, and suffered comparatively little disturbance; they travelled in safety freely over the whole country. Their intercourse with the people was quite unrestrained, and the mission houses were visited by the literati, and by the higher classes of people. The mandarin of Fuk-wing was a guest in the mission house at Sai-heong for a whole week; and the first Seu-tsai at Sai-heong, who has since graduated as a Keu-jin, readily accepted an engagement as teacher in the missionary college.\n\nIt is sincerely to be hoped that the present deplorable war, which has for the time put a stop to the mission work, may in the end cause the country to be opened, and thus enable us to have free access to these people, who are as yet imperfectly known, and who perhaps wait only to have the truth fairly represented to them, that they may receive it and believe.\n\nFootnote. Since writing the preface I have come across the following account of Mr Krone given at pp. 206-207 of Memorials of the Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese..............[by Alexander Wylie, whose name does not appear on the title page], Shanghae, American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1867.\n\n\"CXLI. # # Kaou Hwać-ć. RUDOLPH KRÖNE, a native of Germany, ordained to the ministry of the gospel, was appointed a missionary to China by the Rhenish Missionary Society. He arrived at Hongkong in 1850, and early in the following year took up his residence on the mainland, having charge of the Society's stations at Fuh-yung and San-kiu, while located with Mr. Genähr at Se-heang. At the same time he itinerated a good deal among the people, adopting the native costume and conforming to many of their habits. In 1855 he was married at Hongkong, and resided successively at Puh-yung and Ho-au. Being obliged to retire to Hongkong for a time, during hostilities between the English and Chinese, he returned to the mainland in 1858, and made his residence at Pu-kak. In 1860 he left China on a visit to Europe, where he spent a good deal of time travelling through Germany and Russia. In 1864 he embarked on his return to China by the Egypt route, but died at Aden on the way.\n\nThere is a long article by Mr. Kröne, descriptive of the district of Sin-gan in the province of Kwang-tung, published in Part 6 of the \"Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society\". Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205383, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "138\n\nSALT MANUFACTURE IN HONG KONG\n\nS. Y. LIN\n\nEditor's Note. This article, which is of considerable ethnographic and nearly thirty years after-historical interest, first appeared in the pre-war publication The Hong Kong Naturalist (1930-41), Volume X, No. 1, January 1940. The editor of this interesting series, Dr. G. A. C. Herklots, Reader in Biology at the University of Hong Kong 1928-45 and Principal and Director of Research at the Imperial College of Tropical Agriculture, Trinidad 1953-60, has kindly given permission to reproduce it here. It is hoped that the article will be of interest to present-day residents of Hong Kong as well as providing for scholars a record of salt-production on the South China coast by both the leaching (percolation) and solar (evaporation) processes, now practically defunct in Tai O where the salt pans have been almost deserted for several years past. The author, Dr. Shu-yen Lin, who is now with the Fisheries Division, Joint Commission on Rural Reconstruction Taipei, Taiwan (Formosa) has also expressed his agreement to the article being reproduced. I have added a few notes which, it is hoped, will be of some interest and may encourage others to take up this interesting subject in more detail.\n\nIn three places only is salt prepared from sea-water in the Colony namely at Tai O, a fishing village on Lantau island, Sha-taukok on the frontier in Starling Inlet and San Hui in Castle Peak Bay. Of these the first is the most important.\n\nThe salt marsh at Tai O, which occupies an area of about 70 acres and is enclosed by high dykes to prevent flooding at high tide or by storms, is owned by three companies, two of which are slightly bigger than the third. The annual production in 1938 amounted to about 25,000 piculs (1,488 tons) valued at about $27,500. A small portion is consumed locally, chiefly by the fishermen in the salting of fish, and all the rest is exported.\n\nThe companies lease the salines from Government and sub-let to individual salt-makers or hire them on a piece-wage basis in the form of shares in the profits. In the former case each salt-farmer leases a small saline of about 1/10 acre from the company, paying a rental of $2.00 per month, and endeavours to produce as much salt as possible from this limited area of land. The salt produced, however, must be sold to the company from which the saline has been leased. The company should be able to pay the farmer at a fixed price (50 cents per picul for 1938-1939), immediately on receiving the salt. On the average,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205384, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "SALT MANUFACTURE IN HONG KONG\n\n139\n\na single farmer can harvest about 500 piculs of salt within a year. Most of the salt farmers of this type are natives of Lantau island and leaching is the only method inherited from their remote ancestors.\n\nSalt-farmers of the other type are mostly natives of Swabue, Haifong district, who, being not quite familiar with the leaching method, employ the ordinary solar process exactly as they used to practice it in their native land. With a man as their head, a group of 18 to 20 salt-farmers is engaged by the company, or by the capitalist. These men receive no wages but a share of the harvest and do not receive the money until all the salt manufactured within a year is completely sold and the value collected. The company, as a general rule, pays each farmer engaged $9.00 each month for board and sometimes advances him some money when needed; but all these monies are placed on his account and will be subtracted from his share of the harvest. Whilst the share of one-third of the total harvest of the year must be divided equally among all the farmers, the head-man usually receives 10% extra. San Hui has only two unit-salines in which salt is prepared by the leaching method.\n\nIn Shataukok, about 20 acres of low-lying land are available for salt preparation; the leaching method is used. The salt company leases the land from Government and then engages workers to make the salt, which is divided equally between the company and the workers. The workers receive no pay but are free to sell their own shares of salt. The rental of one unit saline, consisting of a vat, six concentrating fields, storage tanks, and crystallization ponds, paid to Government varies between 18 and 25 dollars per year, depending on the size of the saline.\n\nThe two simple local methods are described as follows:\n\nI. THE LEACHING METHOD.\n\nThis is the oldest method practiced in Tai O, Shataukok, San Hui, and perhaps in most salt-producing districts of China as well. At Tai O, there are thirty-three salines, built side by side on the low-lying flat land adjoining the bay, which are enclosed by high dykes to prevent flooding at high tide or by storms. Each unit saline occupies one acre; around each are constructed", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205392, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 154, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "SALT MANUFACTURE IN HONG KONG\n\n \n Year\n Production\n Price etc.\n \n \n 1928\n \n \n \n \n 1929\n 10,200 piculs \"as against 18,000 piculs in 1928\"\n \n \n \n 1930\n 17,000 piculs.\n \n \n \n 1931\n 7,090 piculs.\n 12,760\n \n \n 1932\n Approximately 147 piculs, \"most of which was exported\"\n \n \n \n 1933\n 14,000 piculs.\n \n \n \n 1934\n 14,000 piculs.\n \n \n \n 1935\n 11,000 piculs.\n \n \n \n 1936\n 13,500 piculs.\n \n \n \n 1937\n 17,200 piculs.\n \n \n \n 1938\n 25,000 piculs.\n \n \n\nSalt pans did well; in some cases it is said the output was more than doubled, and it is certain that it was on the whole considerably increased.\n\nThe demand for salt was smaller than usual - a decrease which is probably due to the famine conditions prevailing in parts of China during the drought,\n\nA good year for salt pan owners. The serious decline in output is said to have been due to the heavy rains which fell throughout the summer and flooded the salt pans.\n\nThe salt pans did average business. The major portion of Tai O salt is exported to Chinese Territory and to Hong Kong,\n\nThe value declined from $13,000 to $10,000. The greater part was exported to Chinese Territory.\n\nThe price also fell to the very low figure of 63 cents a picul. The greater part was exported to Chinese Territory. The price also rose.\n\nPrices were well sustained.\n\nThe most successful local industry, the price also improving.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205396, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 158, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "SALT MANUFACTURE IN HONG KONG\n\n151\n\nwell acquainted with the Hong Kong area, and never saw those remains. In Hoifung I did not find any furnace or anything which could be referred to an ancient salt industry. In China the manufacture of salt has been of the greatest importance from the most ancient time. In the salt-lake districts (Shansi, Shensi, Kansu and Mongolia) the heat of the sun causes the salt to crystallise at the edge of the lakes and in some cases on the surface of the water. In Yunnan and Szechwan the brine is drawn up from the salt-wells and boiled in cauldrons. Boiling is rare in other provinces. At the sea-coast the salt-pan system is generally in vogue.\n\nIn the last issue of the Hong Kong Naturalist (Vol. X, No. 1) Mr. S. Y. Lin has published a good article on salt manufacture in Hong Kong. In Hoifung both the leaching and the ordinary method are practiced; at the bay of Tchanki.... the former is more common, and at the bay of Swabue only the latter is in use. The salt produced by the leaching method is somewhat refined; it is freer from soil and in fine crystals and is required therefore for kitchen use; but its production needs much more work and its price is greater, too. The salt produced by the ordinary system is coarser and more impure and is chiefly used for pickling and salting fish. People say that the latter salt is more bitter than the former. If this statement is true we must suppose that the mother-water is more easily over-saturated in the ordinary salt-pan method, so that magnesium sulphate can be produced along with sodium chloride. As here the salt season is principally in the dry autumn and winter and from mother-water saturated at over than 32°5 Baumé during cool nights the magnesium sulphate easily crystallises, likely much of our salt is really a mixed-salt.\n\nNowhere in our province, as far as I know, the boiling system is now in use, except occasionally by boat-men when it is impossible to buy salt. Here fuel is very expensive and scarcely sufficient for domestic purposes. Moreover, I note that on the granitic rocks at the sea-shore salt easily crystallises; ancient people may have collected it and so learned how to manufacture salt. Even at the present time some people gather salt by sweeping it from the rocks. However, the note of Dr. Heanley suggests a new field of research; indeed, many of our prehistoric sites are near modern salines or in a good position for salt-works.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205398, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n153\n\nLong before the arrival of the Europeans in south China (1514) the Chinese were manufacturing cannon. Examples of them, some bearing fourteenth century dates, may be seen in museums in north China. The earliest one known, bearing a date equivalent to 1332, is housed in the Historical Museum in Peking. For an illustration see my short article in ISIS55(no.180), June 1964, pp. 193-4. At the beginning of the sixteenth century a new type appears, apparently introduced from Java or Cochin-China. It is known in Chinese literature as fo-lang-chi (or Farangi-Franks), the name applied slightly later to the Portuguese. This type is remarked as early as 1510. (Cf. Pelliot in T'oung Pao, 1948, pp. 199-207.) In the struggles against the Japanese and other pirates who infested the coast during the Chia-ching reign (1522-66) these cannon were frequently put to use not only on land but also at sea. (See Chao Shih-chen, Shen-ch'i p'u i, published 1598. Chao knew what he was writing about, as he was a drafter in the Grand Secretariat at the court in Peking, concerned with military defense, and is said to have manufactured some firearms himself.) Ming dynasty illustrations of war vessels sometimes show cannon mounted on deck. (See Mao Yüan-i, Wu-pei chih, published 1621, chüan 117. Mao was an expert on military affairs, and saw service both in Liao-ning and Fukien.) In the effort to repel the Manchu invaders in the north the Ming court sought the aid of both the Spanish and the Portuguese. Huang K'o-tsuan, for example, reports that when he was serving in the ministry of war (up to 1619) he recruited people from Luzon who could manufacture cannon; they made twenty-eight pieces, which he sent up to the northeast frontier in Manchuria. These must have been formidable (or Huang was trying to impress his superiors) for one cannon is said to have weighed over three thousand catties, and a shot could dispose of some seven hundred barbarians! (Ming shih-lu, Hsi-tsung, 4/29b. I owe this reference to Dr. Ray Huang, visiting professor at Columbia University.)5\n\n*\n\nThe importation of cannon and cannoneers from Macao about this same time is well known. In 1621 the well-known Christian convert and high official Hsü Kuang-ch'i ordered a shipment sent up to Peking, and a year later he recommended that the Jesuit fathers, Nicolo Longobardi and Manuel Diaz, proceed to Macao to purchase ten cannon and a few soldiers to operate them. In", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205408, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 170, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n163 \n\nter. \"The inhabitants, from our knowledge of their character”, wrote another, \"appeared to be industrious and obliging.. They seemed in general to have been very peaceably disposed, nor did they exhibit any marked approbation, or disapprobation, on their transfer to the British sway\".8 \n\nThe Villages To-day. There are two villages, Kau Wai and San Wai—the Old Walled Village and the New Walled Village (though only the first has traces of an enclosing wall). Both have seen better days. The inhabitants no longer own the fields (they were resumed in connection with anti-malarial schemes in 1934–36) and the villages are now places where people live and go out to work. Most of the present vegetable growers live in huts beside their plots and not in the old settlements. In the Old Village most of the old houses have gone and many of to-day's dwellings are temporary structures put up on the site of old houses that have fallen into a ruinous state and thereafter have been cleared away. There used to be a temple to Pak Tai, the God of the North, but this became ruined and fell down about 50 years ago.10 The New Village, on the other hand, still retains some of its old houses which, in their present form and decoration are upwards of 60 years old. Their tiled roofs, ornamented ends, moulded plaster friezes, decorated eave-boards and granite lintels are worth a glance, as being some of the few surviving examples of this type of village architecture left on Hong Kong Island. They are typical of the better class of village dwellings of South China, many other examples of which can be found in the New Territories. Also in the New Village is the former house of Sir Shou-son CHOW's family (see below), but this was rebuilt about 1930 and it is of interest only for the photographs and paintings it contains of the CHOW family. \n\nThe Villages Yesterday. The date of settlement is not certain, though Lobscheid, the German missionary who was also an Inspector of Schools for the Colonial Government, was told by the village head in the 1850s that the first ancestor had taken a lease from \"Tang the acknowledged owner of the soil\" in 1668.1 \n\nIn 1893 a group of villagers had to appear before the Squatter Board to help determine and register legitimate holdings. From the information then recorded, and happily preserved, the following facts emerge:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205410, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 172, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n165 \n\ntimes) as the sole export agent for producers of a special kind of incense which, then as now, was widely used for ritual worship in temples and in the home. Incense is said to have been shipped to Aberdeen by sea from Kowloon Point, to which it had been brought from various parts of the San On and Tung Kwun districts. It was then re-shipped in large trading vessels to Canton, from which it was carried overland to the north to such cities as Soochow. (It is not entirely clear to me why such a round-about route was taken to bring incense to Canton.) The cultivation and trade in this specially-favoured type of incense is said to have received a fatal blow in the early Ching period when the government evacuated the coastal areas to deny the aid and collaboration of their inhabitants to the anti-Manchu ruler of Formosa and his sympathisers.14\n\nSir Show-son CHOW (1861 - 1959). Sir Show-son CHOW who died only a few years ago, at a great age, was one of the most famous members of the Hong Kong community. He was truly a local man as his ancestors had lived in Little Hong Kong for several hundred years. His successful career, though the result of his own merits, was made possible through his father, whose abilities removed him from a farming village to the business centre of Canton and the position of compradore to the Hong Kong and Canton Steamship Company. He was in business in Canton and it was there that his son, the future Sir Show-son, was educated. By reason of this opportunity, and his own undoubted capacity, the son was selected as a free scholar by the Chinese Government as one of the first batch of Chinese youths to be sent to America for a Western education. This was in 1874, when the boy was only 13 years old. He returned to China in 1881 and for the next 16 years held important posts in Korea in the Korean Customs Service and the Chinese consular service in that country. He was President of the China Merchants Steam Navigation Company at Tientsin, 1897-1903 and was managing director, Imperial Chinese Railways of North China, Peking-Mukden line, 1903 - 1907. From then until 1910, he was Customs Superintendent of Trade and Counsellor for Foreign Affairs at Newchwang, North China. On his return to Hong Kong after the 1911 Revolution his wide experience, undoubted ability and excellent reputation led to his being appointed to directorships in many firms and public utility concerns. He was appointed a member of the Legislative and Executive Councils and was knighted in 1926. He also", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205414, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 176, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n169\n\nNOTES\n\nI am most grateful to Mr. Yuen Chun-fang, Liaison Officer, Secretariat for Chinese Affairs for help with the interviews which yielded part of the information given above.\n\n1 Reports on the Past and Present State of Her Majesty's Colonial Possessions, 1845 (London, W. Clowes & Sons, for H.M.S.O., 1846) p. 147 and the same for 1846, p. 230.\n\n2 G. R. Sayer, Hong Kong, Birth Adolescence and Coming of Age (Oxford, University Press, 1937) p. 208, quoting from the Canton Press, February 1842.\n\n3 Sayer, p. 91.\n\n4 Sayer, p. 30.\n\n5 A. R. Johnston (H.M. Deputy Superintendent of Trade) \"Note on the Island of Hong Kong\" first published in the London Geographical Journal Vol. XIV, and reprinted in the Hong Kong Almanack and Directory for 1846.\n\n6 Hong Kong Government Gazette for 28 March 1857 p. 4, Table No. 4.\n\n7 The Last Year in China......by a Field Officer actually employed in that Country. 2nd edition (London, Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans, 1843) p. 75.\n\n8 K. S. MacKenzie, Narrative of the Second Campaign in China (London, R. Bentley, 1842) p. 160.\n\n9 See Hong Kong Administrative Reports for 1934, 1935 and 1936 at pp. Q.86, Q.84 and Q.81 respectively.\n\n10 This information, like any other for which no specific source is quoted, comes from Mr. CHOW Chik-san of Kau Wai, aged 77 and Madam CHAN CHOW Ping of San Wai, aged 81.\n\n11 Rev. W. Lobscheidt, A Few Notices on the Extent of Chinese Education and the Government Schools of Hong Kong (Hong Kong, China Mail office, 1859).\n\n12 See Summary of Report of Squatters Commission 1891-1906, pp. 97-103.\n\nThis volume of MSS. is kept in the Library, Colonial Secretariat, Hong Kong.\n\n13 For accounts of Cantonese and Hakka see J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese (Hong Kong etc., Kelly and Walsh Ltd., 4th edition, 1903) pp. 202, 211 and 323-326.\n\n14 LO Hsiang-lin and others, Hong Kong and its External Communications before 1842 (Hong Kong, Institute of Chinese Culture, 1963) pp. 80-88. This is the English translation of the text, but not the notes, of their work published in Hong Kong in 1959.\n\n15 This information is taken from the accounts given at p. 5 of Prof. Woo Sing-lim's The Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong (Hong Kong, The Five Continents Book Co., 26th year of the Chinese Republic, 1937) published in Chinese and English and at pp. 578-579, under the name CHOW Cheong-ling, of Present Day Impressions of the Far East and Prominent and Progressive Chinese at Home and Abroad, published in London, Shanghai etc. by The Globe Encyclopedia Company, 1917.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205415, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 177, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "170\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n16 This bell is dated in the autumn of Chien Lung year (1773).\n\n17 Summary of Report of the Squatters Commission, p. 115. The same man said (p. 122) that Ap Lei Chau 'was built about 1850'.\n\n18 Hong Kong Government Gazette for 28 March 1857 p. 4, Table No. 3.\n\n19 Hong Kong Government Gazette for 1867 p. 92, Table No. 7.\n\n20 Mayers, Dennys and King. The Treaty Ports of China and Japan (London, Trubner and Co., 1867) p. 49.\n\n21 Hong Kong Sessional Papers, i.e. Papers laid before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, for 1897 and 1911, pp. 484 and 103(23) respectively.\n\n22 Mayers, Dennys and King, p. 49 mention 'boat-building and general trade'. See also information given in the printed proceedings of a court case over ownership of land on Ap Lei Chau given in Sessional Papers August 1886 - September 1887 (Appendix to Report from the Land Court of 1886-87), pp. 33-35.\n\n23 For another example see my article on Cheung Chau (an island near Hong Kong that together with the rest of the New Territories was leased to Great Britain by the Convention of Peking, 1898) in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 3 (1963), especially pp. 95-98.\n\n24 Sessional Papers 1911 and 1897 at the pp. quoted at note 21 above.\n\n25 See also the article referred to at note 23 above.\n\n26 This and the previous paragraph are based on the oral statements of three Ap Lei Chau elders born 1887, 1891 and 1897 who had belonged to the three Fongs. Their evidence helps to interpret and confirm the evidence given before the Squatter Board during a hearing to determine ownership of the Hung Shing temple in 1893. See Summary of Report of the Squatters Commission, pp. 120-141.\n\nFootnote:\n\nIt is clear from re-reading Sayer, pp. 22-23, that the Hung Shing temple was originally on a small island that was later, and before Sayer wrote in 1937, joined by reclamation to its larger neighbour Ap Lei Chau.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205416, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 178, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "171\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nCHINESE LINEAGE AND SOCIETY; FUKIEN AND KWANGTUNG. Maurice Freedman. London, The Athlone Press, New York, Humanities Press Inc., 1966, pp. x, 207, 37s 6d.\n\nThis monograph, in my opinion, will repay study by anybody interested in enlarging his serious knowledge of how Chinese local society has worked traditionally in this part of the world. The picture given is built on both factual material and logical argument.\n\nIn an earlier book (Lineage Organization in Southeastern China, Athlone Press, 1958 and paperback re-issue 1965) the author set out some reflections on the subject based on ideas from material collected by him during a field study in Singapore, and a wide and thorough reading of written sources. The present work is a sequel. His argument here is reinforced and extended by many new facts from studies now completed in the New Territories (members will recall a talk given to the Society by Professor Freedman while he was here conducting one of these studies himself) and in Taiwan. It is also strengthened by additional material taken from other new and traditional sources.\n\nIt should be pointed out at once that the book is one of a series of works on Social Anthropology and thus has a theoretical relevance related to this discipline. The author's discussion is within the context of the problem: how do unilineal descent groups (such as the lineage) function in socially differentiated and politically centralised societies? In terms of China it is more specifically: how did locally based Chinese lineages fit into complex society at the local level?\n\nBut this theoretical concern, directed to the specialist, should not dismay the non-specialist looking for new facts and ideas on how Chinese kinship worked, and to some extent still works here today, above the level of the family. The functioning of the lineage is not a subject which lends itself to a popular \"things Chinese\" description. If we want precise information we must go to the expert. We cannot have things both ways.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205417, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 179, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "172\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nThe lineage is not, in fact, an unfamiliar sort of organization to many of us working in, or visiting the New Territories, although it is more commonly referred to in Hong Kong, perhaps, as the \"clan\". This kind of grouping, in which members all have the same surname and trace actual descent from a common ancestor, is found in the Territories based on villages, sections of villages, or even spreading over several villages.\n\nFreedman is interested in what lineages \"did\" in traditional times and in the case of the Territories, before the British. This kind of organization was not found all over China but mainly in the southeastern part, particularly in Fukien and Kwangtung provinces. The author touches on the question of why this might be.\n\nBut mainly, he is asking what the social functions of such groupings rich, poor, strong and weak-might be. Some of the answers given, or which the author believes the facts suggest, should be of special importance to those with practical interests in the New Territories for they cast light on some of the social, economic and political problems encountered in relationships within and between rural communities.\n\nYou must be prepared, however, for a picture of Chinese kinship which differs from that often overtly stated in traditional works. Although peace and harmony may be ideals in kinship relations, the author shows that conflict and competition are inherent here as indeed they are at all levels of the society. This situation is well brought out in the section on Geomancy (fêng-shui) and its relation to the ancestors, and thus to family and lineage groups. This represents one of the most competent analyses of the subject of Geomancy I have seen to date.\n\nGeomancy is something perhaps most of us have come to associate with conflict in Hong Kong, either from newspaper accounts or through experience. But what is behind it all? What is geomancy more precisely? Do people really believe in it? Freedman deals with these difficult matters in his book. He shows us the relationship of Geomancy to both metaphysics and to social groups; to both amoral forces of nature and moral values of men; and to explanations of the past and of the present; and illustrates such matters with fascinating local stories. In this section also, we get some illuminating material on double burial", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205419, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 181, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "174\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nthe facts now available and his deftness in finding the right key to unlock the often unsuspected treasure contained in the traditional material, have enabled him to give us the main plot.\n\nFor the complete story we must wait, says Freedman. A satisfactory study of the lineage must rest on a study of China as a whole and for this we await the method: the great synthesis between sinology of history and the social sciences. We await too, in this connection, the day when China will again be open to scholarship (and we await the published results also of the many studies which have been conducted in recent years in the New Territories by students of the social sciences and which are relevant to the problems of this book and to other topics on Chinese society).\n\nBut there is something we could still do while awaiting such events. The author says that in an ideal world somebody would be paid to gather in or copy all that remains now—for not only paper perishes but inscribed stones and boards are removed and lost. When information to be culled from these sources is combined with data from British documents and the memories of old men (also being rapidly lost to us) there will be an opportunity to say something illuminating about this corner of southeastern China in the last years of the Ch'ing dynasty.\n\nIn talking of scholarship and China opening up again, Maurice Freedman ends on what he calls himself, a messianic note: the day will come. One would like to be equally messianic about the preservation and collection of our New Territories records. But perhaps one may at least hope the day will come for this too, and before it is too late.\n\nHong Kong, 1967,\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\nTAIWAN FEASTS AND CUSTOMS. A hand-book of the principal feasts and customs of the lunar calendar on Taiwan. Michael R. Saso, S. J., the Chabanel Language Institute, Hsinchu, Taiwan (Formosa), 1966, pp. iv, 93.\n\nWe by no means know all there is to know of the popular religion of China. Even if things were different: if we could go there to gather the necessary material, and if indeed popular", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205420, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 182, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS \n\n175 \n\nbeliefs and practices still occupied an important role in the lives of the people (we have so little information on the contemporary position of the popular cults), it is doubtful whether we could ever cover the immense range of variation in the material. \n\nGods worshipped by the ordinary folk, the celebration of their festivals, stories about them, and what they were believed able to do for the people in a community, differed not only from region to region, as we know from the literature on the subject, but even between different localities within a region. \n\nBut immigrants from various parts of the homeland have taken many of their local beliefs and practices with them (although they have sometimes come to occupy a different role in their societies). And it is still possible, therefore, to enlarge our knowledge of such things from study of the Chinese overseas. \n\nThis short handbook by Father Saso, a Jesuit living in Taiwan, provides us with some welcome new material on some of the beliefs and practices of the region as followed by the Taiwanese, a people originating from round the Amoy area in Fukien province. \n\nThe author takes us through the lunar year discussing gods of local popularity and their festivals, and the social customs associated with them. He also discusses some local customs associated with festivals which enjoyed a wider popularity in China, and some of their possible origins. Discussion is based on written sources, including some in Taiwanese and Japanese, on information from a temple to the city god in Hsinchu, which helped him track down stories and identify the many temple \"patrons\", and on his own observations particularly of the celebrations and customs of one family. \n\nThe reader not approaching Chinese religious phenomena from a Christian angle might be disconcerted to read that divinities in the temples can hardly be called gods because they are spirits of human beings who lived long ago, and the student of religion will recognise some of the pitfalls of trying to disentangle the various elements which go to make up this typically syncretic Chinese folk-type religious material. Nevertheless, points such as these are not unduly distracting. There is much of interest in the book. \n\nThose working on problems of comparative religion might have welcomed more information on who, more precisely, in the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205422, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 184, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS \n\n177 \n\nBUDDHISM IN CHINA, A HISTORICAL SURVEY, Kenneth K. S. Ch'en, Princeton University Press, 1964, pp. xii, 560, £5 (U.K.) \n\nWith perfect candor, and absolutely no insinuation of disparagement, it may be said that this book with its 486 pages of text and 43 pages of bibliography is not a work of original research but a conscientiously and painstakingly written, highly informative and engagingly readable general survey of a vast subject, based on the international Buddhistic publications in Chinese, Japanese, English, French and German. The author does not propose to settle any thorny or esoteric problem or penetrate into the obscure recesses of any occult doctrine, but gives an interesting account and all its ramifications with an almost cyclopaedic richness. He tells us the whirligig of Buddhist fortunes under the various dynasties, and especially the foreign dynasties - Northern Wei, Liao, Chin and Yuan; the involvement with politics—both on the ruling side and the rebelling side; and the close relationship with the various branches of Chinese culture: art, literature and philosophy. There is a concluding chapter of 16 pages on 'The Contributions of Buddhism' which is necessarily sketchy. The glossary of Buddhistic terms and the list of Chinese Names and Titles in Chinese script—though incomplete—are helpful to the reader. \n\nAs examples of the cyclopaedic interest of this book, two items especially may be mentioned: how Maitreya was naturalized to become Mi-lo-fo, and got involved with insurrectionary societies; and how Avalokitesvara was metamorphosed from, until the 10th century, a male into from then onwards a female. \n\nThere has been a legend in which it is alleged that Chinese culture has been completely indigenous and that China has refused to accept anything from outside. Such a legend exists and is prevalent because it is fostered both by domestic nationalistic, if not chauvinistic, pride and by the lack of historical knowledge on the part of foreigners. In fact, ever since the Bronze Age, China has had cultural intercourse with foreign cultures; the unearthed bronze articles of that period testify to that. Chinese music was notably influenced by outsiders. Many current popular, and many extinct classical, musical instruments are not native; the very names betray a foreign origin. Quite a number of the Chinese classical lyric measures bear appellations which have no", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205423, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "178\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nmeaning in Chinese because they are Chinese transliterations of foreign names of musical tunes.\n\nThis book helps to dispel this illusory legend. Chinese have not been impervious to foreign culture but have been inclined to digest and modify it to suit their own needs. Buddhism was at first studied under the aegis of Taoism; but when Buddhism was domesticated, then it started not only to influence Taoism but even Confucianism. Chinese culture is not so monolithic and static as many think or wish it to be.\n\nAnother significant point is that the Chinese know how and what to introduce, adopt and develop. Both Hinayana and Mahayana Buddhism were introduced. But Mahayana had a greater appeal to the Chinese mentality and the Chinese developed the Mahayana, almost to the exclusion of Hinayana. Hence Mahayana has been best and most brilliantly developed in China, of all the Buddhistic countries. Tantrayana was introduced but it never flourished and, being frowned upon, soon died out. We can say that the Chinese developed Buddhism along the philosophical and intellectual line and kept to its 'sound and pristine health' without aberrations. Of course, there are ignorant, superstitious believers, and unscrupulous, crafty superstition-mongers who exploit the stupid and credulous, but they are not true Buddhists and even they never degenerate into Sivaism.\n\nChina in this discussion refers, of course, to China Proper. Our author, using China to mean the Chinese Empire (and later, Republic), includes an account of Buddhism in Tibet and Mongolia where Tantrism and even Sivaism flourished and Mahayana was non-existent.\n\nThe book is specially recommended to all cultured readers who wish to get acquainted with a fascinating subject and the interesting and instructive cultural and historical phenomena of an extensive area over a period of 2000 years.\n\nTSUNG-HAN YANG\n\nANNUAL CUSTOMS AND FESTIVALS IN PEKING as recorded in the Yen-ching Sui-shih-chi, by TUN LI-CHEN, translated and annotated by Derk Bodde (Professor of Chinese, University of Pennsylvania). Second Edition (revised) of the first edition published by Henri Vetch, Peiping 1936. Hong Kong University Press, Hong Kong 1965, pp. xxviii, 147, HK$35.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205424, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 186, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS \n\n179 \n\nThe reprint, in so attractive an edition, of Derk Bodde's translation of the Annual Customs and Festivals of Peking by Tun Li-ch'en is most welcome. In setting himself the task of compiling information on the day to day life of the capital the Manchu author must have had a premonition of change, and that much that he recorded would be forgotten. The disastrous war with Japan in 1894 had laid bare China's shortcomings, and the efforts of K'ang Yu-wei to reform the structure of the Empire by modernisation had been thwarted by the old Empress Dowager. The country was seething with discontent at foreign encroachment, and the Boxer movement threatened to provoke the \"carving of the melon\" by the European powers and the loss of independence. The decay of the dynasty was accompanied by the disintegration of temples and architectural monuments for want of funds for maintenance, a process much accelerated by the advent of the Republic in 1912. Within a few years only the renting of the famous monasteries in the Western Hills as week-end residences by foreigners saved them from ruin, whilst many centres of pilgrimage mentioned by the author have since completely disappeared. \n\nThough the archaeologist may throw light on a vanished civilisation by the study of inscriptions and works of art, he cannot reveal its day to day life in the way that Chaucer's Canterbury Pilgrims depict mediaeval English society. Tun's record has a similar value since, though it is just over sixty years, or a 'Cycle of Cathay', since he recorded the highlights of each lunar month, there would be little he would recognise were he to revisit the scene of his life's activities. \n\nIn the original preface to Tun's book, written by his friend and fellow student Jun-fang Shu-t'ien, his wide interest in, and knowledge of, ancient customs is cited in commendation of the work, and the reader will be struck by the thoroughness with which the subject is treated. \n\nBeginning with New Year's eve the author describes the ceremonies for celebrating the coming season, and all the festivities appropriate to the Holiday Moon. The great temples, within and in the vicinity of the capital, are described as the annual festival of their patron saint comes round, and the appropriate dishes for the feast are invariably given. Even the belief that the consumption of candied crab apples is a prophylactic for coal-gas poisoning is recorded.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205428, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 190, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n183\n\nagain draw back the curtain and look at what lay concealed behind it\" (p.11). “At this point we must take another look behind the scenes\" (p.29). On Anson's seizure of the Spanish galleon bringing treasure from Acapulco to Manila he writes that \"to the weird, unreal mandarinate of China it appeared horrific\". \"Weird' and 'unreal' to whom? To the English at that time, or to the Chinese people, or to the author alone? There is no evidence on which to base these epithets. They have meaning only in the author's own mind. On the same page he writes of the \"dastardly\" opinion which the Chinese were forming of Anson, But dastardly from whose point of view? Who is justified in calling it dastardly? Next an example of the author's jocular style: \"The failure of the Amherst embassy and we enter the final straight\". Finally an example of the author's oracular style: “A sense that there was no turning back seeped into the till then strangely changeless atmosphere, and in the extraordinary way in which one thing led to another, both in England and China, soon practically nothing was the same.”\n\nIt would be tedious to challenge the author on the many dubious statements and judgments which mar this book - it would also require a very long review. But any reader with an enquiring mind and a regard for historical accuracy will constantly find himself irritated into asking \"Where is the evidence for this statement?\" In some places the author is simply inaccurate. Thus, in one of his rare footnotes, he states: \"Governors usually, but not always, ruled two provinces, in this case Kwangtung and Kwangsi, the Eastern and Western Kwangs; thus the Governor of the Two Kwangs\". In fact there was a Governor-General (tsung-tu) for the two Kwangs and a Governor (hsün-fu) for each province. This is an elementary mistake which a knowledge of the Chinese sources would have corrected. Similarly, a greater familiarity with the Chinese scene would have saved him from writing \"the Summer Palace in the Western Hills near Peking\", when in fact it lies in the plain between Peking and the Western Hills. Also in the brief chapter on Lord Macartney's embassy to China he mentions that Macartney \"presented to the Grand Secretary a short memorandum of the points he was authorized to raise. But which Grand Secretary? There were six members of the Grand Secretariat when Macartney was in Peking in 1793. Clearly he means Ho-shen, the favourite minister of the Emperor Ch'ien-\n\n++", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205429, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 191, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "184\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nlung, who was concurrently a Grand Councillor and a Grand Secretary.\n\nThis inadequate chapter on the Macartney mission demonstrates the basic weakness of the whole book, namely the author's failure to use the best primary sources both Chinese and Western. The story of the abortive Macartney mission is a fascinating one because it marks the first cultural confrontation between China and a major Western power, and as such has historical overtones which are relevant to a full understanding of the confrontation which we are witnessing today. But Mr. Coates has failed to bring out this significance mainly, I suspect, because of his unfamiliarity with the primary English and Chinese sources. For instance, there is no indication from his account that he has read Lord Macartney's own journal of his embassy which was published in full in 1962. From the bibliography it appears that this chapter was based almost entirely on the official account of the embassy written by Sir George Leonard Staunton which is dull and florid in comparison with Macartney's own private journal.\n\nIt is only fair to say, however, that the last 50 pages of the book are devoted to the events following the death of Lord Napier in 1834 and leading up to the formal cession of Hong Kong in 1843, and that here the author appears to be on more familiar ground. For instance, he brings out clearly the difficulties which faced Captain Charles Elliot as British Superintendent of Trade and he guides the reader towards a fair and balanced judgment of Elliot as a statesman. It is time that the reputation of Charles Elliot, created mainly by the strictures of Queen Victoria and Palmerston, be reassessed.\n\nIn conclusion, Prelude to Hong Kong is not in any way an original work of scholarship and contains almost nothing which cannot be read more reliably elsewhere. It may be of some value to those who have recently become aware of Hong Kong's existence and want to read up, in brief summary, the train of events which resulted in its founding. But for those who already know something of the history of Macao and the development of foreign trade at Canton, this modest little book will be a disappointment since the author has failed to draw sufficiently on the richness of the archives of the period and thus the reader is compelled to view the story through the eyes of the author rather than through", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205430, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 192, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n185\n\nthe eyes of those who made history at that time. The bibliography is limited to \"the principal books consulted\". As a bibliography it is brief, capricious and inadequate. The following works, central to the theme of this book, were omitted from the bibliography: Arthur Waley, Yuan Mei and also The Opium War through Chinese Eyes; C. H. Philips, The East India Company 1784-1834; J. L. Cranmer-Byng, An Embassy to China (containing Macartney's journal); W. C. Hunter, Journal of Occurrences at Canton (1839) which was printed in vol. 4 of this Journal in 1964; Lo-shu Fu, A Documentary Chronicle of Sino-Western Relations (1644-1820), 2 vols. This last book contains a wide selection of Chinese documents in translation together with ample notes and will supply future historians with some splendid source material when they come to write a full and satisfactory account of the prelude to Hong Kong.\n\nUniversity of Toronto\n\nJune, 1967\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG\n\n***\n\n† TM & HSIN-PIEN TUI-HSIANG SZU-YEN): A 15th Century Illustrated Chinese Primer. Facsimile Reproduction with Introduction and Notes by L. Carrington Goodrich. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, pp. 56, H.K.$15.\n\nOver the past decade research undertaken by the international community of sinologists has touched on almost every aspect of China, but until now very little attention has been paid to the traditional Chinese approach in educating the young.\n\nIn producing this delightful illustrated primer Professor Goodrich has therefore performed a welcoming service by giving a lead to studies in this field.\n\nThe first stage in traditional Chinese education was always the study of the language based on preliminary manuals of instruction, the compilation of which was regarded as a separate field of study. MENG HSÜEH (*), the traditional Chinese name for such work — literally meaning \"the study of 'preliminary enlightenment'\" — was not treated as an equal branch of scholarship in China although books of this nature have existed since Han times. The aims of this type of book were: (1) to instruct students to acquire a basic vocabulary — characters and phrases;", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205431, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 193, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "186\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\n(2) to instill elementary knowledge of Confucian classics in the mind of the young; and (3) to familiarize children with the most widely used quotations, proverbs and stories from historical and literary writings. This booklet falls into the first of these categories.\n\nAlthough this type of work had undergone a continuous process of revision and development, some of the early texts had been kept in use since their first appearance in Han period. A few examples of Tang times can still be seen in collections of Tunhuang scrolls preserved in China and abroad. The Sung Neo-Confucian scholars first advocated and worked for a more relevant language teaching method for children and quite a number of standard work in this field were compiled during the Sung and Yuan Periods. But it was only in early Ming Dynasty that illustrations of the kind included in this primer were added.\n\nThus this slim volume will be of special value to those interested in the study of Chinese educational techniques, particularly in regard to the study of basic language teaching. At the same time it is of considerable use as a historical reference work since the characters and illustrations are drawn from everyday life, thus providing us with additional information on physical surroundings of the period. Professor Goodrich has also given us in his notes, romanizations and brief explanations of individual characters and compounds, which further increase the usefulness of the work as a small but comprehensive source book of the times.\n\nMA MENG\n\nHong Kong, 1967.\n\nCHINA: THE PEOPLE'S MIDDLE KINGDOM AND THE USA John K. Fairbank; Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass, and London, Oxford University Press, 1967, pp. xi, 145. HK$27.50,\n\nHow refreshing it is to read a volume of essays on China instead of one of the many tomes which issue from the world's presses on this abstruse country. Professor Fairbank is a famous historian, but his book shows him as what many experts at their own subject cannot manage to be, a populariser in the very best sense of the word. He has been able to distill from his many", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205432, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 194, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n187\n\nyears of research on Chinese history and politics a number of profound thoughts on the situation of China which he lays before the reader simply, almost conversationally, without any of the impedimenta of scholarship to restrict his book to the expert. The result is a stimulating book which is effortless to read.\n\nAll these essays were published earlier in magazines, and though this might have meant a rather disorganised book, in fact the aspects of the China problem which he covers in this rather small volume are the crucial ones, except possibly for the gap left by his silence on China's relations with Europe and the Soviet Union. On the whole the book is oriented towards the American reader, but this is justified in the preface in which Fairbank explains that his conception of the China expert is as a middleman, explaining China to his own country as much as studying it in vacuo. He fulfils this function himself beautifully in several pieces which show how China developed her hostility towards the U.S. and other foreigners, and one can hardly escape his conclusion that, if the American imperialists had not existed, Peking would have had to invent them. There are a couple of first-class essays on Taiwan, and, at the end, an assortment which includes a piece on the journalist Edgar Snow and another on the protestant missions in China. Both of them drive home vital aspects of the gap in understanding between China and the U.S.\n\nHong Kong.\n\nCOLINA LUPTON\n\n1.\n\nLOCAL PUBLICATIONS NOTED\n\nMAKING ENDS MEET; Majorie Topley (Ed.) being Vol. 1, Journal of the Hong Kong Institute of Social Research (1965), pp. iv, 117, published in Hong Kong by the South China Morning Post. H.K.$5.\n\nCHILDREN WITH PROBLEMS — CHILD GUIDANCE IN HONG KONG: by Gennie Gen-hwa Lee, Anita King-fun Li and Beryl Robina Wright. Hong Kong, 1966, pp. xii, 88, H.K.$6.00.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205443, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 205, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "198\n\nLI, Dr. Choh-ming\n\nLI, Shi-yi\n\nLINDSAY, T. J.*\n\nLIU, D. H.\n\nLIU, Sydney C. -\n\n+\n\nLIU, Prof. Ts'un-yan\n\nLLEWELLYN, J.\n\nLO, Hsiang-lin\n\nLO, T. S.*\n\nLOCKING, J. R.\n\n-\n\nLOCKS, Miss A. M. -\n\nLOSEBY, Miss P.\n\nLOTHROP, Francis B.*\n\nLUCAS, Col. E. S. S.-\n\nLUM, Miss Ada*\n\nLUPTON, G. C. M.\n\nMA, Meng\n\nMACCABE, Miss Eileen\n\nMACGREGOR, Miss M.\n\nMACK, A. M.\n\n-\n\nMACKEITH, J. S.\n\nMACKENZIE, J.\n\n.\n\n-\n\n-\n\nThe Chinese University of Hong Kong, Vice-Chancellor's Office, 677 Nathan Road, 12th Floor, Kowloon.\n\n72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon,\n\n3. Bareena Avenue, Wahroonga, N.S.W.\n\nc/o U.S. Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, H.K.\n\n22 Tai Hang Road, 3rd fl., H.K.\n\nDept. of Chinese, Australian National University, Canberra, A.C.T. 2600, Australia.\n\nDept. of Geography & Geology, The University, H.K.\n\nDept. of Chinese, The University, H.K.\n\nc/o Lo and Lo, Jardine House, 7/F., Pedder St., H.K.\n\nc/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K,\n\nFlat 20, 6 Mansfield Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Russ & Co., Rooms 523/5 Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\n176 Milk Street, Boston, Massachusetts, 02109, U.S.A.\n\n94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. 142, Boundary Street, Kowloon, c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\nInstitute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K.\n\nG\n\nJ\n\nKing's Park\n\nKowloon.\n\n+\n\n-\n\n-\n\nMACKENZIE, Miss Susan\n\nMAGEE, M. W. P.\n\nMCBAIN, E. B.\n\nMCBAIN, G.\n\nG House, Gascoigne Road,\n\n69, Bisney Road, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\n34 Wilton Crescent, London, S.W.I., England.\n\n80 Robinson Road, H.K.\n\nDavie, Boag & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K.\n\nPhysiotherapy Dept., Queen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nOperations, Cathay Pacific Airways, Kai Tak Airport, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Imperial Chemical Industries (China) Ltd., 16th Floor, Union House, H.K.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205447, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 209, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "202\n\nSCHWARZ, Miss Marjorie D.*\n\nSCOTT, A. C.\n\nSCOTT, J. M.\n\nSELLERS, D. M. SELLETT, G.*\n\nSERSALE, Miss S. M.\n\nSHEKURY, Miss E.\n\nSHEPHARD, A. J.\n\nSHING, D.\n\n-\n\n-\n\nSHU, Dr. H. T.\n\n-\n\nSIEGEL, H. W.\n\nSIMPSON, R. F.\n\nSINFIELD, G. H. C.*\n\nSLEVIN, B. F.\n\nSMALL, Dr. D. H. SMITH, Leslie*\n\nSMITH, Miss M. H. SMITH, S. H.*\n\nSMYTH, Miss L.\n\nSO, Dr. Chak-lam\n\nSOONG, N.\n\nSPERRY, H. M.*\n\nSTANLEY, Major H. F. -\n\nSTANTON, W. T.* STARRETT, A. V. STEWART, Miss E. M.\n\nSTOKES, J.\n\n-\n\nSTONEY, G. S..\n\n+\n\n+\n\nc/o Mrs. R. L. Smyth, 1635 Green Street, San Francisco, California, U.S.A.\n\nAsian Theatre Program, University of Wisconsin, U.S.A.\n\nHong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corp., H.K.\n\n70, Mt. Nicholson Gap, Stubbs Road, H.K.\n\n\"Pinecrest\", N.K.I.L. 3543 Tai Po Road, Kowloon,\n\n11-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K.\n\n14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon.\n\nAdministrative Officer, Police H.Q., H.K.\n\nFlorida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K.\n\n70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K.\n\nc/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K.\n\n\"Woodside\", University of H.K., Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nApt. No. 406, 1061 Don Mills Road, Don Mills, Ontario, Canada.\n\nc/o 1st floor, Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K.\n\nDental Unit, Kennedy Road, H.K.\n\nFlat 10-B, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K.\n\n52 Mount Nicholson Gap Flat, H.K.\n\nc/o Messrs. Scott & English Ltd., P. O. Box 1555, H.K.\n\nPhysiotherapy Dept., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon,\n\nDept. of Geography & Geology, The University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nAsia Magazine. 31 Queen's Road, Central. H.K.\n\nLime Rock Road, Lakeville, Connecticut, US.A.\n\nH.K. Tourist Assn., Caroline Mansion, H.K.\n\nDina House. Duddell Street, H.K.\n\n5 Douglas Apts., 22 Old Peak Road, H.K.\n\nFlat 3A, 4 Mt. Davis Road, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nQueen's College, Causeway Bay, H.K.\n\nFlat 1, \"Ravencourt\", 24 Mount Austin Rd., H.K.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205448, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 210, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "STONEY, Mrs. G. S..\n\nAs above.\n\n203\n\nSTOWE, C. -\n\nFlat No. 112, 75 Macdonnell Road, H.K.\n\nSTRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd.,\n\nSTUART-JERVIS,\n\nMrs. M. J. -\n\nSU, Dr. Chung-jen*\n\nSU, Ming-hsuan\n\nSVENDSEN, Mrs. H. C.\n\n+\n\nSWIRE, A. C.* -\n\nTALBOT, H. D.\n\nTAN, Khek-seng*\n\nTANG, Mrs. M..\n\n-\n\nTANG, Sir Shiu-kin*\n\nTARARIN, Peter A.*\n\nTARR, A. D.\n\nTARWATER, J. W. THOMAS, L. F.\n\nTHOMAS, Dr. O. L.\n\nTHOMAS, T. H.\n\nTHORN, Mrs. R.\n\nJ\n\nTHROWER, Prof. L. B. TILL, The Very Rev. B.*\n\nTISDALL, B.\n\n-\n\nTOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie\n\nTOWNER, J. A.\n\nTRISTRAM, M. P. W.\n\nTSEUNG, Dr. F. I.\n\n-\n\n+\n\nUnion House, H.K.\n\nFlat C, 22 Estoril Court, Garden Road, H.K.\n\n155, Blue Pool Road, Flat A, 1/F, H.K.\n\n45 Hankow Road, 9th Fl., Flat C, Kowloon.\n\n30 Kennedy Road, 7/F, H.K.\n\nMessrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House,\n\nH.K.\n\nDept. of Geography & Geology, The University, H.K.\n\n6 Goldsmith Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K.\n\n7C Bowen Road, Bowen Mansions, Apt., 402,\n\nH.K.\n\nRoom 1701 Central Building, H.K.\n\n623 N. Harper Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif. 90048, U.S.A,\n\nFlat 202, Balmacara, 17 Old Peak Road,\n\nH.K.\n\n3 Old Peak Road, H4, H.K.\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K.\n\nFlat 5, \"Cliffside\", King's Park Rise,\n\nKowloon,\n\nc/o The British Council, Gloucester Building,\n\nH.K.\n\n14D, Headland Road, Hong Kong.\n\n6-B, Alberose, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K. c/o Morley College, 61 Westminster Bridge Road, London S.E.1., England,\n\n1 Garden Terrace, G/F, H.K.\n\n-\n\n19, Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K.\n\n+\n\n+\n\n57 Buxcy Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K.\n\nRating & Valuation Dept., Murray House,\n\nGarden Road, H.K.\n\nChina Building, 4th floor, H.K.\n\n\"Whispers\", Riversdale, Bourne End, Bucks,\n\nEngland.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy\n\nTURNER, Sir M.*\n\nPage 210\n\nPage 211", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205449, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 211, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "204\n\nUHALLEY, Prof. S. Jr.\n\nVETCH, H.\n\nVETCH, Mrs. H.\n\nVIO, Dr. E. G.\n\nVISICK, Mrs. M.\n\nWALDEN, J. C. C.\n\nWARD, Miss J. E. A.*\n\nWARRINGTON-STRONG, Cmdr. F.\n\nWATSON, K. A.\n\nWATERS, D. D.\n\nWEI, Dr. Tat\n\nWEINREBE, H. M.\n\nWELCH, Holmes, H.*\n\nWHITELEGGE, D. S.*\n\nWILLIAMS, B. V.\n\nWILLIAMS, P. B.\n\nWILLIAMS, Roger A.\n\nWILSON, B. D.\n\nWINKLER, Mrs. E.\n\nWONG, Kwok Fong\n\nWONG, Peng-Cheong*\n\nWONG, Prof. Po-shang\n\nWONG, Shing-tsang\n\nWONG, Miss Sybil\n\nWOO, Dr. Pak-foo\n\nWOOD, Mrs. C.\n\nDepartment of Oriental Studies, University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona 85719, U.S.A.\n\nHong Kong Univ. Press, The University, H.K.\n\nAs above,\n\n315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K.\n\nDept. of English, The University, H.K.\n\nN.T. Administration, North Kowloon Magistracy, Tai Po Road, Kowloon.\n\nc/o National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, N. Devon, England.\n\nRegistration of Persons Office, H.K.\n\nc/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K.\n\nTechnical College, Hung Hom, Kowloon.\n\n3, Fontana Gardens, 5th Floor, Causeway Hill, H.K.\n\nWeinrebe & Pennell, Ltd., 1103-4 Yu To Sang Bldg., H.K.\n\n4 Holden Lane, Concord, Mass., U.S.A.\n\nColonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K.\n\n10, The Albany, H.K.\n\nDept. of Extra-Mural Studies, The University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\n3-C Homestead Road, The Peak, H.K.\n\n402 Clovelly Court, 12 May Road, H.K.\n\n92A, Pokfulum Road, 1st floor, H.K.\n\nWong, Tan & Co., Chartered Accountants, 732/735 Alexandra House, H.K.\n\n11th Floor, Mascot House, 746-8 Nathan Road, Kowloon.\n\n16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st floor, H.K.\n\n81 Repulse Bay Road, H.K.\n\nRoom 204 China Building, H.K.\n\nSisters' Qtrs., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205452, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 214, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "Plate 3. South China Red Fox. Vulpes vulpes hoole.\n\nPlate 4. Ferret badger. Melogale moschata,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205462, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 4, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "OBJECTS OF THE SOCIETY\n\nThe Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal.\n\nA brochure containing a short history of the Hong Kong Branch, together with a list of lectures given before the Society since its revival, can be obtained by prospective members from the Hon. Secretary, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong.\n\nNOTE TO CONTRIBUTORS\n\nThe Editorial Committee welcomes contributions from non-members as well as from members. Articles, notes and queries, and other material dealing with such subjects as the history, languages, literature, art, social customs, and natural history of Hong Kong and adjacent areas will be considered for publication.\n\nContributors are requested to follow closely the style sheet of the Journal, obtainable from the Editor. Contributions of over 20,000 words will not normally be accepted for publication in the Journal. They may, however, be submitted for consideration as monographs.\n\nAll communications intended for publication should be type-written in double spacing on one side of the paper only, leaving adequate margins. They should be sent to the Hon. Editor, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong.\n\nResponsibility for opinions expressed in articles published in this Journal rests with the individual contributors and not with the Editorial Committee.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205463, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 5, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "CONTENTS\n\nEDITORIAL NOTE\n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1967\n\nHON. TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1967\n\nARTICLES CONTRIBUTED:\n\n✓ Chinese Religion and Rural Cohesion in the Nineteenth Century MARJORIE TOPLEY\n\nThe Hankow Steamer Tea Races - T. J. LINDSAY\n\nNotes on Hong Kong Libraries in the Nineteenth Century - H. A. RYDINGS\n\nFurther Notes on the Sung Wong T'oi Being Caught by a Fishnet; On Fêngshui in Southeastern China\n\nFan Lau and its Fort: an Historical Perspective - ARMANDO DA SILVA\n\nPlover Cove to Taipo Market: A Study in Forced Migration - MORRIS I. BERKOWITZ\n\nSun Yat-sen and Chinese History - STEPHEN UHALLEY, JR.\n\nReview ARTICLE:\n\nCapitalism and the Chinese Peasant; Social and Economic Change in a Chinese Village (Jack M. Potter) H. G. H. NELSON\n\nARTICLE REPRINTED:\n\nChinese Street-Cries in Hong Kong J. NACKEN\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES:\n\nNotes on Some Vegetarian Halls in Hong Kong belonging to the Sect of Hsien-T'ien Tao: (The Way of Former Heaven) MARJORIE TOPLEY and JAMES HAYES\n\nJardine, Matheson & Company's First Site in Hong Kong - DAFYDD EMRYS EVANS\n\nResearch on Family Values and Culture Change in Hong Kong's Modern Chinese Novels - KLAUS MADING\n\nHong Kong's First Government House - DAFYDD EMRYS EVANS\n\nA Reaping Knife from Lantau Island, Hong Kong - JAMES HAYES\n\nItinerant Hakka Weavers JAMES HAYES\n\nThe Tung Chung Fort (Lantau Island, Hong Kong) - JAMES HAYES\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nLIST OF MEMBERS\n\nPage 1\n\n2\n\n6\n\n9\n\n44\n\n56\n\n67\n\n74\n\n82\n\n96\n\n109\n\n119\n\n128\n\n135\n\n149\n\n154\n\n156\n\n161\n\n162\n\n165\n\n168\n\n178\n\n200", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205465, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 7, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "EDITORIAL NOTE\n\nWhilst, as before, the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch retains a catholic interest in the past and present of all China, and indeed of communities of Chinese in all places to which they have gone to work and settle, its special interest ought, for geographical reasons, to remain the Hong Kong region of South China. Increasing attention is being paid to the local scene by scholars of various disciplines, notably social anthropologists to date, and it is the Journal's wish to provide the means to local publication where desirable. Consequently this volume continues the special emphasis towards Hong Kong, its history, sociology, past and present, and ethnography begun in the last number.\n\nI would like to thank Mr. Y. F. Lam and his staff at Ye Olde Printerie, Ltd., who have printed every issue of the Journal to date, for their unfailing courtesy and ready assistance at all times.\n\n1", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205467, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "Colony in not losing more than 53 ordinary and two life members in 1967 and to gain 59 ordinary and three life members. It is hoped that, in the year 1969 which will be the tenth year after the revival of the Hong Kong Branch of the Society, we may achieve a membership of 500.\n\nThe Journal of the Society (which has now reached its seventh issue) covering the year 1966 came out in 1967 under the editorship of Mr. Hayes and has maintained its high standard and interest.\n\nFrom the Hon. Treasurer's report it will be seen that on the working of the year there was a small deficit of $738 due mainly to the doubling of our expenditure this year on the Society's publications, the Journal, the Volume on the 1966 Symposium and the reprinting of Sir Lindsay Ride's article on the Old Protestant Cemetery in Macao, from the sale of which we expect to replenish our finances. Our efforts to build up a library available for the use of members have this year shown some promise of success. We have now a collection of over 300 volumes of standard works on China and the Far East including, in particular, works on South China and Hong Kong and a valuable collection of exchange journals. Our collection has been enriched with the books purchased with the generous grant of $2,850 from the Asia Foundation and with about 100 books from the library of the late Colonel Burkhardt and Madame du Breuil generously presented by Colonel Burkhardt's daughter. Our thanks are due once again to Mr. F. A. Nixon who has enabled us to receive from the Fung Ping Shan Museum of the University five albums containing photographs of his collection of Nestorian Crosses which are housed in the Museum. The British Council have come to our aid by kindly providing space in their library for the greater part of our books, while some of the rarer books and reference works will still be kept for the time being in the University Library. The accommodation given to our library by the British Council is the best temporary solution of our library problem until some kind benefactor appears to give us a room of our own with sufficient funds to provide for a part-time librarian. Before the original branch of the Society was wound up in 1859 it had a substantial and valuable library which was presented to the Morrison Educational Society and it was fortunate then in having good friends in its first President — Sir John Davis — and the Chief Justice who provided a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205471, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 13, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "1966\n\nHON. TREASURER'S REPORT\n\nINCOME & EXPENDITURE FOR THE YEAR ENDING 31ST DECEMBER, 1967\n\nEXPENDITURE\n\n \n HK$ 2,691\n Sundry Expenses\n \n \n 1,485\n Symposium Expenses\n \n \n \n Journal Expenses:\n \n \n 1967 Journal and\n \n \n \n 1966\n \n \n\nINCOME\n\n \n HK$ 2,161\n 1,100\n \n \n HK$ 180\n Sundry Receipts\n \n \n HK$ 200\n \n \n \n 1,053\n Symposium Receipts\n \n \n 1,192\n \n \n \n 1,383\n Journal Receipts\n \n \n 1,708\n \n \n \n 6,854\n \n \n \n \n Sundries\n \n \n \n Symposium\n \n \n 58,120\n 4,144\n \n \n \n Old Protestant\n \n \n Cemetery in Macao\n 406\n \n \n 12,670\n 60\n \n \n 185\n Lecture Expenses\n \n \n 507\n \n \n \n 6,443\n \n \n \n HK$17,658\n Purchase of Library Books\n \n \n \n Surplus Excess of Income over\n \n \n 1,190\n Expenditure\n \n \n HK$17,628\n HK$17,658\n \n \n 2,055\n Interest on Investments\n \n \n 2,750\n Life Memberships: 1967\n \n \n 10,177\n Annual Memberships: 1967\n \n \n \n Annual Memberships 1968 paid in\n \n \n 1967\n \n \n \n Deficit Excess of Expenditure\n \n \n \n over Income\n 2,249\n \n \n 580\n \n \n \n 10,901\n 60\n \n \n 738\n \n \n \n ...\n HK$17,628\n \n\nBALANCE SHEET AS AT 31st December, 1967\n\nLIABILITIES\n\nASSETS\n\n \n 6,443\n \n \n \n HK$35,973\n Surplus at 1st January 1967\n \n \n \n Less: Expenditure over Income\n \n \n in 1967\n \n \n \n HK$42,416\n \n \n \n HK$28,431\n Investments at Cost\n \n \n 738\n \n \n \n 13,000\n Cash Deposit\n \n \n 985\n Cash at Bank\n \n \n \n 42,416\n \n \n Surplus at 31st December 1967\n 41,678\n \n \n \n Sundry Creditor --- Printing\n \n \n Charges\n \n \n \n HK$42,416\n 12,612\n \n \n \n HK$54,290\n \n \n HK$42,416\n \n \n\nINVESTMENTS\n\n \n 125 shares H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corp. London Register at 138.50\n \n \n \n 200 China Light and Power Co. Ltd.\n \n \n \n 700 6% Commonwealth of Australia 1977/80\n at 16.85\n \n \n at 86-11/16\n \n \n \n HK$17,312\n 3,370\n \n \n 8,832\n (£607 at 14.55)\n \n \n HK$29,514\n \n \n \n (Signed) D. A. GILKES, Hon. Treasurer,\n \n \n \n (Signed) O. P. EDWARDS, Hon. Auditor.\n \n \n \n HK$28,431\n \n \n \n 25,333\n 526\n \n \n HK$54,290", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205472, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 14, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "9\n\nCHINESE RELIGION AND RURAL COHESION IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY*\n\nIn China in the nineteenth century some of the most important ideas which were religious, or had religious implications, linked the destiny of individuals to their ancestors; to numerous gods and sanctified worthies; and to certain cosmic “ethers” and “elements” and their process. Such ideas were associated with organized groups of different kinds. Religious elements were found in a number of institutions of society not primarily religious in purpose and gave an underlying sanctity to secular aims. Religious aims were also the primary aims of other groups who in turn sometimes used secular activities to support their ultimate goals. The majority of China's social institutions in fact contained, with differing emphases, a combination of religious and secular items.\n\nMuch of the discussion of all this: religion and its importance for social organization, has taken place either against a wide background, territorially speaking, or against the background of a particular local community. But we know not all areas and communities displayed the same amounts of religious activity and the same religious ideas were not everywhere of the same importance. Did the importance of religion as an integrating force vary then, in different local communities, because of variations in their social composition—the kinds of groups using religion? What other social factors affected such variation? If religion provided solidity for different kinds of groups in what circumstance could it work, in a particular community, for or against their integration one with another? Many of the religious ideas of traditional China were regarded by the majority of people as complementary rather than competitive but could they, or the values connected with them, become competitive when used by\n\n*\n\nDr. Topley is a B.Sc. (Econ) and Ph.D. (London) and lives in Hong Kong. Her doctorate is in the field of Chinese religion. She is currently a Vice-President of the Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205473, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "10\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\ncertain groups with different secular or even religious goals? And could religion ever provide a rallying point for a total community or set of neighbouring communities under what conditions would this be possible? In this paper I want to see how far data available to me in the literature and sometimes my own research notes, enables examination of such questions for rural society a century ago.1\n\nRural China was by no means homogeneous in the nineteenth century. It was dotted with villages of different size and composition: some, particularly in the southeast, consisted of single lineages or \"clans” — units with members tracing descent to a common ancestor; others comprised two or more lineages or branches of lineages perhaps being linked with similar units elsewhere. There were communities which were scarcely “villages\" in the physical sense in mountainous areas particularly, there were groups of scattered farmsteads and there were some communities on the flatter plains which consisted of villages which had expanded and grown into each other forming large units of population. In many areas there were, also, numbers of dislocated peasants living outside villages and difficult to organize and control from village centres.\n\nReligion entered into the organization of such communities everywhere to some extent. The nineteenth century was a time when villages had to provide a great deal in the way of their own control and often appealed to religious ideas to do so. The central administration was functioning less and less efficiently and itself used religious ideas in order to foster solidarities with the rural units.\n\nSpace does not permit me to deal with all known forms of religious and semi-religious association in rural life which are relevant to problems of cohesion. I will discuss four kinds here. Organized on a local basis were: cults operated by kin-groups and connecting individuals to their ancestors by virtue of their position in such groups; cults fostered by the State and connecting individuals to other kinds of dead, seeking thereby to inspire feelings of loyalty to its cause; and cults dedicated to popular gods of concern to man as member of a local community or of a grouping found at the local level. Cutting across local territorial units to some extent and connecting man to spiritual\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205474, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 16, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "CHINESE RELIGION AND RURAL COHESION\n\n11\n\nbeings and cosmic processes, but as member of a wider community, were then other kinds of religious and semi-religious groups. Let me start my analysis with ancestral cults.\n\n1. The Ancestors and Integration of Local Communities\n\nPopularly included in the term \"ancestor worship\" are: rites performed by certain close kinsmen in the post-mortuary period for the soul's peaceful progress through an underworld, usually into rebirth, and performances at the grave-side; regular performances at graves and before tablets or other symbolic representations of the deceased, again by close kinsmen and for the remembered and \"socially mature\" i.e. married with sons; and performances at similar centres by remoter kinsmen, again for the socially mature but not necessarily remembered, and usually after attentions to them by closer kinsmen have ceased. Such performances might activate different groups based on kinship by descent and marriage, and comprising persons in common households, separate households and even different villages.\n\nI cannot consider all such groups and their worship here although several kinds of ancestral rites are relevant to problems of village cohesion. Those I will discuss and which are of most significance, however, are related to remoter kinsmen and oriented to tablets and other representations of the deceased. A full analysis of ancestral rites and kinship groups has been made very competently by the anthropologist Maurice Freedman and part of his analysis is most relevant to the discussion here2.\n\nWorship of remote ancestors could be a force for integration and control of a community when numbers of members of a village were descended from them. Mono-lineage villages (having their main distribution in southeastern and central China) engaged in common worship of their founder, but wealth was important to the expansion of such cults and their associated organization. A poor village might have only a simple shrine to its founding ancestor, while wealthy villages often had elaborately built halls in which both their founder and other important ancestors were represented.\n\nWhile it was probably the desire of most mono-lineage villages to have a fine hall and elaborate cult they could only be achieved", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205477, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 19, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "14\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\nwith property, counter-solidarities might emerge and quarrels arise between the different groups, each trying to undermine its rivals. And even if peace could be kept within the community, the very solidarity of the lineage group could enhance the possibilities of conflict with outside communities. Quarrels between persons in different villages could become quarrels between lineage groups themselves, and feuds between such groups over property rights were sometimes intense in southeast China, leading to considerable destruction of property. Feuding between lineage groups drew the attention of the State which, although originally supporting lineage organization as one means of regulating the rural area, attempted by the late Ch'ing period to limit its development by dividing up lineage land over a certain size,\n\nThe control over community affairs and the economic life of a village which a land-owning ancestral hall complex could exert in a multi-lineage village was more likely to be limited by rivalry with other kin-groups in the village, or to be resented by the other groups and lead to strife. A case illustrating this was described to me for a village in San-hsing, Kwangtung. The village consisted of branches of two unconnected lineages occupying separate parts of the village. One was rich and had a hall association with land; the other was poor, with no hall, and members rented land from the first group. My informant, a woman from the village now living in Hong Kong, said that the two groups have been continually engaged in quarrels arising over matters of land rights and rent. As a result, men went away to work elsewhere, and even whole families (such as her own) left the village permanently.\n\n2. State Cults and Rural Identity\n\nThe State recognized that with central administration ending at the district level and villages running many local affairs, interests of the rural people could run counter to its own. Local officials, far from control of the centre, might not always carry out duties in regard to the local population as intended. To encourage solidarity between rural areas and the wider polity, a number of ideological controls were devised. One was the promotion and support of cults to deceased worthies of both national and local note, and local people were encouraged to recommend names of those deceased among them noted for loyalty and virtue.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205481, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 23, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "18\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\nwere usually financed from donations.15 According to Arthur Smith, a well-known writer about rural China in the nineteenth century, money was sometimes raised by making assessments on the land of different households.16 A common practice was to inscribe the names of donors and the amounts donated on a tablet to be placed permanently in the temple built with the funds raised. This is still the practice in overseas Chinese society today.\n\nThe main finances for popular temples commonly came from a few wealthy individuals however. Donors of large sums were likely to be made members of a temple's board of trustees and would have a say in the running and management of some of its affairs, an attraction to those seeking influence in a community. The State despaired that people gave generously to funds for popular temples but were niggardly about funds required for temples for Confucius.17 Rich scholars were said to have much control of popular temples, and since they were largely outside State control, they might have given more opportunities for personal power than the more directly politically-influenced State cults.\n\nManagement of temples to popular gods would be unlikely to involve scholars in ideological conflict. They did not usually, as in the ancestral cults, concern themselves with the strictly religious activities taking place inside, and the cults themselves, and the gods they served, were not \"owned\", so to speak, by any particular religious system. Worship of them was open to all and did not commit the individual to membership of a wider religious organization. The question of who organized the religious activities themselves will be considered presently.\n\nThe extent that organization of temples to popular gods was used by individuals of means to increase power and prestige would depend perhaps on the alternatives the community could offer in this respect. But there is much evidence that temple organization could become quite extensive and provide a means for regulating some aspects of a community's life. The most favourable conditions for such development were probably found in the multi-lineage. Some mono-lineages had temples to popular gods certainly, and the temple to the god surnamed TAM referred to earlier owned property. But it was, in fact, promoted by the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205484, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 26, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "CHINESE RELIGION AND RURAL COHESION\n\n21\n\norganized pilgrimages to other places: distant towns or even provinces. These were watched anxiously by the State because they were believed to give rise to \"heretical sects in the future.”25 Let me now see what can be said about more directly religious organizations, including secret sects, and other bodies which potentially cut across village communities, and their implications for village and inter-village organization.\n\n4. Religious Systems, Sects, and Societies, and Rural Organization\n\nUnlike State cults and popular temple cults, some religious systems — the heretical ones particularly — and some societies using religious elements, might extend over wide areas tying people in allegiance to those living far beyond their village boundaries. Ancestral hall organizations, connected with a widely ramifying and spreading lineage, might do this too, and we have noted the State's anxiety about such developments; but they were at least based on the most approved form of human association: kinship. Religious systems also offered elements in their ideologies and associated values which competed with ideas and values underlying some of the principles of ordinary secular life, particularly those of kinship. Religious sects also often used the cosmological notions widely accepted in China at that time and relating to man's position as a \"cosmic entity\" in that society, to turn against the State — itself using such notions to justify its own existence.\n\nSince some religious systems cut across village, even district and province boundaries, their promotion locally would not necessarily depend on support of the wealthy of the area. Much of the kind of organization discussed so far provided either a method for further integrating existing social institutions or for drawing on man's needs for mutual aid in rural life to create some form of allegiance among those with similar interests. Religious systems offered an alternative and sometimes comprehensive form of organization. However, the situation on the ground was probably quite complex. In certain instances they might themselves be modified or limited in operation by forces working at the village level, and by the interests and ambitions of rural personalities which sometimes made use of them. It is the so-called “sectarian\" religions which were most likely to be made", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205485, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 27, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "22\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\nuse of by such personalities rather than Buddhism and Taoism, the two other important indigenous religions operating in China in the nineteenth century.\n\nBuddhism\n\nBuddhist monastic establishments were usually situated in the open countryside and members might be connected with a number of different villages in an area. A large proportion of the Buddhist clergy, particularly of the female contingent, consisted of persons joining at least partly for other than religious reasons: those who did not want, or could not afford to marry; those becoming unattached through death and separation, persons who found their lives unbearable; partners to unhappy marriages, and those with other family troubles.26\n\nBuddhism offered a number of social as well as spiritual satisfactions for the unattached. The unattached adult was very much outside traditional society: there was no room for an unmarried daughter at home (custom even forbade she should die in her father's house), and there was little opportunity in most parts of China for outside remunerative work for women; the unmarried male and female and those without children could not be served in the ancestral cult.\n\nMonastic institutions provided a home during life and undertook burial and the ritual needs of inmates at death. They also trained members for a religious profession and religion was regarded traditionally as a particularly suitable occupation for unattached women. The religion itself as presented at the popular level suggested both spiritual and social advantages to those who would become members of the clergy. Those practising abstinences were assured they would meet a better fate in the next life. The Lotus Sutra states that women who practise constant devotions will be born male in the Pure Land (a Buddhist paradise). And popular folk stories with a religious flavour and aimed mainly at women sometimes hint at possibilities for greater power and prestige. Cantonese \"wooden fish\" books (mu-yü shu) tell of women taking high officials and their wives as lay-disciples, and enjoying the respect and deference thereby of formerly cruel and sceptical parents, mothers-in-law and even husbands; and of others who in their next lives became themselves high officials", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205487, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 29, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "24\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\nments. Finally there might be ties between such institutions and villages with lay-disciples who were \"kinsmen\" and lived in their own homes.\n\nFrom Buddhist genealogies I have seen, and from information gained from their owners in Singapore who were members of the Buddhist organization in China before emigrating, it seems that members of \"kinship\" groups might be dotted over a large area. The numbers and kinds of institution found in an area would probably depend partly on economic circumstances in a region. For example in one district of Kwangtung, Shuntê, there was a particularly large number of vegetarian halls, according to my informants, and which catered for women who refused to marry or live with their husbands. They worked in the silk-mills for cash-earnings and their strength to resist marriage undoubtedly stemmed from this fact (their reasons for not wanting to marry are more complex and I cannot go into them here). In old age such women often had nowhere to go and they sometimes financed the building of vegetarian halls themselves and became their managers.28\n\nIt seems unlikely however that Buddhist pseudo-kinship was a significant form of organization for ordinary kinds of peasants in the nineteenth century in most parts of China. Buddhism itself does not appear to have had a very strong structural position at that time. There are indications that it was not well endowed and the number of residents of their institutions small.29 Generally speaking the kinds of persons wishing to make use of Buddhist organization were not very wealthy.\n\nThe general lower-classness of the Buddhist clergy would not attract the scholarly men of wealth as disciples. It is said a scholarly family would be despised by the community if it mixed with Buddhist (and Taoist) priests frequently.30 Any scholarly person genuinely interested in the Buddhist faith would not need the instruction of a priest in reading texts and would be unlikely to take instruction anyway from a person beneath him in education and other status. If he wished to \"take refuge\" in the religion he might take a master as a formality, but it is unlikely the \"kinship\" connexion thus established would play a significant role in the life of either person.\n\nIt was not in fact until the turn of the century that educated laymen took up the Buddhist cause with any vigour. At that time", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205491, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 33, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "28\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\nThe following short description of how some sects related to territorial units comes mainly from my own investigations and examination of sectarian documents in Singapore and Hong Kong. The groups I studied are off-shoots of a widely ramifying system sometimes called Hsien-t'ien Ta Tao, \"The Great Way of Former Heaven\". It contains many sects going under different names. The sects of this religion were found in many parts of China and copied the State system of territorial administration in dividing up areas for administration with lodges descending to the level of the district. Below the district, however, the groups had other centres for members and based, as in Buddhism and Taoism, on pseudo-kinship organization. Provision was thus made for China-wide organization, although it is doubtful whether any sect extended over the entire country at any time.\n\nThe system appears to have worked as follows: administrative lodges existed usually, and where feasible in the face of campaigns of suppression which were waged from time to time against them, in the chief towns of provinces, counties and districts. The \"capital”, however, was not necessarily the same as the imperial capital but might be the town where the sect developed originally or to which it had been forced to remove its head office because of State activity against it. Until the late '50s of the nineteenth century, sects were headed by a patriarch who ideally resided in the main lodge but sometimes lived in another remoter place to escape attention by the State. In the records of some of the sects, the patriarch is compared to an emperor. It is often claimed he was an incarnate Buddha. Under the patriarch, there were various officers administering the branch lodges. All administrators had to hold degrees known as “lotus degrees\" to be eligible for such posts, although not all \"degree\" holders were administrators. Examinations for these degrees were in religious knowledge and techniques, which included knowledge of their own sutras (sometimes written in code) and Taoist type \"hygiene\" and Ch’an Buddhhist type meditation. Degrees have elaborate titles in many of the sects and are likened in their literature to degrees for State examinations. Administrative posts are sometimes compared to those occupied in the State administration by governors, judges and magistrates.\n\nMany sects are \"vegetarian\", that is to say they require degree-holders to practise permanent vegetarianism and also sexual", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205492, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "CHINESE RELIGION AND RURAL COHESION\n\n29\n\nabstinence. The administrative lodges of such sects are called vegetarian halls like the lay institutions of Buddhism and whenever possible were residential. Sectarians I know overseas reckon some sort of monastic institution with supervision to be necessary for members practising the abstinences at least, and for work for religious examinations. Members might live in such halls on an occasional basis however, until they reach higher rank, and it is said this was the practice whenever possible in China also.\n\nBelow the lowest administrative centre members were organized round masters who recruited them to the religion and who possessed at least the lowest degree in the examination system. For vegetarian sects there were whenever possible vegetarian halls for \"families\" in the sect. Such halls appear to have existed occasionally in towns, where they sometimes passed as Buddhist establishments of the same name, and in the rural areas dotted round the countryside. Photographs of \"ancestral\" vegetarian halls I have seen in present day premises of sects in Singapore and Hong Kong often show them situated in lonely mountain regions. Their position, together with the secrecy with which sects had to operate, must have made communication with administrative centres difficult and infrequent. There were some non-vegetarian sects of this same religion of Hsien-t'ien Ta Tao in the nineteenth century (and in this century more non-vegetarian groups appeared, to attract more \"modern\" persons), which claim to have had lodges for members below the lowest administrative level but I have little information on their location and organization in the rural area. Members and organizational centres of the sects then appear to have been grouped in several ways: within an administrative area all members and the \"family\" organizations to which they belonged were grouped round an administrative lodge or hall; and within the area also, \"kinsmen\" were grouped round \"family\" halls wherever possible, the halls themselves being further grouped round “ancestral” vegetarian halls or lodges. The former type of grouping was activated for sectarian observances of various kinds, and the latter type of groupings for social celebrations and other activities of a \"family\" kind.\n\nAs a result largely of suppressive activities by the State, however, many of the vegetarian sects of Hsien-t'ien Ta Tao had, by the latter part of the nineteenth century, broken down to \"family\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205493, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 35, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "30\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\norganization as their only method for organizing members. There are certainly some overseas today which still retain the patriarch type of organization but several are run only by \"family heads\" (chia-chang). Such \"family\" groups have also fragmented to form separate off-shoots of the religion.\n\nThere is evidence also that for at least some of the vegetarian sects of China the dangers of running their organization through vegetarian halls was well recognised: that although sometimes such halls existed as centres for administration, for ordinary members meetings were more normally conducted in their own homes. De Groot writing on the Lung-hua sect in the town of Amoy (this sect is also an off-shoot of Hsien-t'ien Ta Tao as I discovered from my researches) talks of sectaries meeting in each other's homes. Their vegetarian halls were rooms in private dwellings (this is still true of some of the \"halls\" in urban Hong Kong today but not all of them). He says, however, a patriarch lived in a residence which \"may be something like a Buddhist convent\".35\n\nTo what extent were ordinary members operating in their own homes residents of villages? Sects certainly appear to have operated in villages in this century. Several organizations found in villages of Ting Hsien, a district of Hopei and described as \"Taoist societies\", listed meeting days which are special meeting days for the Singapore sects I worked with and not celebrated by any other religious group I know of. Nine of these societies reported sixty-eight village organizations and one was represented in twenty-two villages. It was said probably half, possibly two-thirds, of the villages had one or more of the groups represented among their inhabitants.36\n\nBut was villager membership likely to have been common? And what about the leaders, what sort of men were they and where did they come from? A look at the sort of qualifications some sects demanded for rank-holders and satisfactions they offered to members might give us an idea.\n\nLeadership was not for the busy, first of all. Much study and practice of religious tasks was necessary for passing the required examinations and vegetarian sects required leaders to practise abstinence. Sometimes, when for example a proselytizing campaign was underway (sectarian records in Singapore show there were often such campaigns, and also campaigns aimed at reamalgamating...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205494, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "CHINESE RELIGION AND RURAL COHESION\n\n31\n\ning divided sects, in the nineteenth century) leaders were required to travel about the country recruiting members and raising money.\n\nLeaders had to have some education, not only to pass examinations but also to write scriptures and sutras encouraging members to join and explaining the purpose of religious practices. Literacy was needed for reading and writing messages (sometimes sent even today in elaborate codes) to leaders in other areas. In some sects degrees could be purchased but a leader would have little power unless he were at least literate.\n\nThe sects however offered various attractions. Some offered to bestow degrees on ancestors of members bringing money or honour or power to the sect (T’ung-shan She, a non-vegetarian sect existing in Singapore today, still does this). And it was expected that leaders would take a percentage of the moneys they collected. Sectarian ideologies were sometimes likely to appeal to scholars. Although syncretic they could be quite sophisticated. Sometimes items of ideology were revealed by gods during seances using automatic writing, a type of seance popular as a past-time with elderly educated gentlemen in traditional China. A common Chinese notion was that social and natural disorders were the result of earth being out of phase with heaven. Sectarians often emphasised that this came about when leaders of the country lacked virtue and failed to teach the Truth stemming from Heaven. When the emperor lacked virtue there were national disasters; when local officials were corrupt, local catastrophes, floods and droughts were a result.\n\nIdeology provided, then, an explanation and even suggested action when the conditions of life deteriorated, which might be attractive to both scholar and the ordinary man experiencing hardship. Vegetarian halls, like those of the Buddhists, provided a home for the unattached; there was one in Hankow which provided for destitute and unattached seamen in their old age.3\n\nOne might expect the leaders of sects to be, then, individuals with some education and time on their hands; perhaps those with frustrated ambitions, looking for ways for compensating for their lot in secular society who desired degrees and administrative power; those feeling they had better qualities and more virtue than local officials; persons sensitive to wrongs and injuries and not tied too closely to gentry codes of behaviour and not too re-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205495, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "32\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\nspectful of State authority in some cases (one sect I studied states in its rules first published in the nineteenth century that leaders should not bow to official power).\n\nThe evidence suggests in fact that leaders were low-ranking, failed, or would-be scholars; scholars not taking the official examinations for patriotic reasons; merchants with some education but no degree; individuals with some education but no permanent or permanent well-rewarded occupation - herbalists, geomancers, tutors and clerks, story-tellers and petty traders; and occasionally retired military or civil officials unable to exert much influence in local society. Several leaders in China of sects with off-shoots in Singapore are recorded as herbalists in the lists of patriarchs; one was a school-teacher, another a merchant, and a present-day leader in Malaya joining his sect in China was a retired military official who previously studied Economics in Japan. The rural area must have included a number of persons of such kinds. In Ting Hsien members of esoteric \"societies\" are said to have included old-type school-masters and men without regular occupations.38\n\nFor an ordinary peasant living in a village, membership of a sect however might involve difficulties and dangers. The \"kinship\" system and its obligations might conflict with obligations of actual kinship and membership of the village community. Sectarianism in its ritual aspects, too, would tend to clash with ritual aspects of ordinary social institutions more than in the case of Buddhism. Whereas it was common for people to have Buddhist rituals performed at funerals for example (although sometimes by teams of Taoist priests) the sectarians often had their own special rites. The sectarian who had them performed would risk revealing his membership. This might be dangerous unless a large percentage of village members were in the sect. Many sectarian religions were also more demanding than Buddhism both in cash contributions and time to be devoted to religious tasks. Farming would not leave much time for religious practices and ordinary home-life was not conducive to their performance. Some sectarian customs conflicted with Chinese custom to which the majority of peasants ascribed moreover: men and women met together for worship for example.\n\nThe literature suggests that in village communities it was again the unattached, particularly the elderly who joined such sects and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205499, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "36\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\ncentury ago, used for the purpose of making rebellion into a sacred task.\n\nSecret societies have not had independent and systematic ideologies or any system of religious qualifications for membership, or priestly hierarchy for leading them in their tasks. Their ritual brotherhood among members has often involved exacting obligations but they have had no extensive \"kinship\" system as have many of the sects.\n\nMore is known about the rituals and organization of the Triad societies than the majority of sects in the nineteenth century and I do not propose to deal with such matters in detail here.50 It should be pointed out however that they also organised themselves under lodges in different areas (often symbolised by different colours) and appear also to have had difficulties in maintaining integration of their organization in various parts of the country. The evidence suggests that, on the whole, secret societies cut across the organization of lineages and also drew in mainly the poor and weak members of lineages which were differentiated.51 They did not offer salvation in the next world and do not appear to have looked forward to a millennium in this and they did not offer residence for the unattached, at least in village life in China. They drew in more men than women. Membership not only offered an opportunity to participate in a movement for changing the dynasty but the societies also, when not rebelling, often offered facilities for mutual aid in ordinary life.\n\nOne might imagine that even these groupings would need leaders with some education when organizing rebellion, however, and it may be that their more successful efforts involved some pooling of efforts with sects; sects perhaps providing leaders of education and with \"magical\" powers, and societies, leaders with more practical skills and with a larger contingent of ordinary peasants.52\n\nInter-village Defence against Societies and Sects\n\nIt is said that creating conditions of poverty and disruption in rural life was one of the methods used by militant groups to get members. At any rate a form of inter-village organization to resist sects and societies has been noted in the literature. Hsiao", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205501, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "38\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\nAncestor worship in lineage villages could be built into an extended and extensive organization making for more efficient control for the village unit. The mono-lineage village with a strong ancestral organization was probably the best regulated in China, but there were built-in limitations. Promotion of the cult depended on wealth and scholarship, and both worship and management tended to be gentry affairs. This left ordinary peasants open to form other associations and join religious groups cutting across village boundaries. The power generated by an ancestral hall association could also effect village stability in another way. It could lead to conflict with other communities coveting or opposing its control over land and property and also to State intervention.\n\nOrganizations associated with temples to popular deities with significance for a whole community could provide some control over village affairs also. Mono-lineages could use them to back up their own ancestral cult but they probably exercised a greater control in villages with no competitive community-scale religious organizations: multi-lineage villages without extended ancestral hall associations. Similar kinds of persons, the rich and educated, tended to be involved in matters of promotion and management, as those in ancestral hall associations. Again, as with the halls, because such temples depended much on the wealthy and educated (but not for ritual affairs as with the halls), conflicts could arise between different families involved in a temple's more secular affairs, management of property for example. In highly differentiated villages, moreover, social differences might be mirrored in multiple temple organizations providing cohesion for special groups rather than whole communities. Divisions could take place in differentiated mono-lineage villages also, with the wealthy starting their own branch hall association; but they tended to preserve some common interests and activities nevertheless: worship of the founding ancestor for example.\n\nThe ideological and other satisfactions provided by Buddhism and Taoism tended to attract particular types of persons as full-time members: in Buddhism, those not fully integrated into other social institutions of the village - particularly widows, and the unhappily married or unmarried. Buddhism might discourage such persons from becoming a problem for a village by providing them with special residential institutions, and the satisfactions of a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205503, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "40\n\nzation\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\nsometimes helped to integrate groups of neighbouring communities who would be encouraged to form associations to resist their disruptive activities.\n\nReligion, then, was often a means of fortifying existing groups of people with common interests or roles in the community. It also sometimes brought organized groups into being among those already having common interests but no other form of organization. In certain circumstances it gave rise to organizations contributing to the integration of whole communities: when all individual members of a community had a status or interest in common. Ancestor worship did so when all villagers were kinsmen; temple organization might do so when it could appeal to all members of the community as residents, for whom a particular god had significance. In both cases wealth and education were needed to bring such organization to its highest development and were themselves factors limiting control. In certain circumstances secret organizations might provide some form of village cohesion: either through a common interest in resisting them, or, when economic and social conditions reduced the differences among members of a community, through common membership of such bodies. This kind of integration would probably last only as long as the conditions reducing differences among the community members lasted.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 This paper was prepared originally for a seminar on micro-social organization on China held at Cornell University in October 1962 and sponsored by the Sub-committee on Chinese Society of the Joint Committee on Contemporary China of the American Council of Learned Societies and the Social Science Research Council. It has been slightly abridged and rearranged by me for publication here. I have been limited in my use of published material to works available to me in Hong Kong. The research notes to which I refer were collected during field studies in Singapore during the years 1951-52 and 1954-55, and during the early 1960's in Hong Kong.\n\n2 See his Lineage Organization in Southeastern China (London, Athlone Press, 1958), and Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien and Kwangtung (London, Athlone Press, 1966).\n\n3 See for example Hui-chen Wang Liu. \"An Analysis of Chinese Clan Rules: Confucian Theories in Action\", in Confucianism in Action, ed. David S. Nivison and Arthur F. Wright (Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1959) pp. 63-64.\n\n4 See his Rural China: Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century (Seattle, University of Washington Press, 1960) p. 335.\n\n5 For example Hsiao, ibid., p. 329 and 359ff.\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205504, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "CHINESE RELIGION AND RURAL COHESION\n\n6 Ibid., p. 329.\n\n41\n\n7 When carrying out research on lineage villages and communes in 1964 by interview of immigrants in Hong Kong, I questioned respondents on the surname composition of their village of origin. In many cases it was stated that people of a single surname lived in the central part of a village and those of other and various surnames lived beyond boundaries of old village walls, or beyond their previous location where they had been pulled down.\n\n8 Freedman, Lineage Organization, p. 105. But he adds that politically and ritually the lineage was a centralized unit within which the peace could usually be kept.\n\n9 Hsiao, op. cit., p. 329.\n\n10 Ibid., p. 227. As early as the eighteenth century it was found necessary to scrutinize names recommended carefully. It was suspected that officials serving in the imperial capital and who came from the same province as the persons under consideration were inclined to favouritism.\n\n11 Ibid., p. 228 and p. 229.\n\n12 Ibid., p. 228.\n\n13 Ibid., p. 225.\n\n14 On the earth god see E. T. C. Werner, A Dictionary of Chinese Mythology (Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1932) pp. 527-528.\n\n15 Some of these were deified Sung and Ming figures of note and not all stood for solidarity with the Ch'ing dynasty.\n\n16 See his Village Life in China: a Study in Sociology (New York, Fleming H. Revell Co., 1899) pp. 136-138.\n\n17 Hsiao, op. cit., p. 226.\n\n18 Ibid., p. 278.\n\n19 Ibid., p. 279.\n\n20 Op. cit., p. 138.\n\n21 For example, Hsiao, op. cit., p. 280.\n\n22 Ibid., p. 279.\n\n23 Ibid., p. 281.\n\n24 Ibid., p. 231.\n\n25 Ibid., p. 230.\n\n26 Cf. Chan Wing-tsit, Religious Trends in Modern China (New York, Columbia University Press, 1953) p. 81.\n\n27 Some aspects of Buddhist \"kinship\" are discussed in Holmes Welch, \"Dharma Scrolls and the Succession of Abbots in Chinese Monasteries\" T'oung Pao, vol. L, Liv, 1-3, 1963, pp. 93-149. At the time of writing this paper little else was available on this form of organization in the published literature and I rely largely on my own research notes and documents shown to me during this research. Since that time Welch has also published The Practice of Chinese Buddhism, 1900-1950 (Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1967) and chap. IX particularly has additional relevance.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205505, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "42\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\n28 Information on the Shuntê anti-marriage movement is scattered and unsystematic, but for brief information on it and also its connexion with religion see J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese: or Notes Connected with China, 5th ed. rev. E. Chalmers Werner (Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1925) section on marriage, pp. 367-76; p. 375.\n\n29 See C. K. Yang, Religion in Chinese Society: a Study of Contemporary Social Functions of Religion and Some of their Historical Factors (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1961) chap. XII.\n\n30 Ibid., p. 333.\n\n31 Cf. John Blofeld, The Jewel in the Lotus: an Outline of Present Day Buddhism in China (London, The Buddhist Society, 1948) p. 58.\n\n32 The Religion of the Void was brought to Singapore from China and specialises in cure of drug addiction. On this religion see Hsü Yün-tsiao, \"The Religion of the Void”, Journal of the South Seas Society, Vol. X, Pt. 2 (No. 20) (in Chinese). English version in same issue, tr. Chiang Liu. In Hong Kong the Green Pine Religion aims to cure disease.\n\n33 The most factually detailed work on sects is by J. J. M. de Groot, Sectarianism and Religious Persecution in China: A Page in the History of Religions, 2 Vols. (Amsterdam, Johannes Müller, 1903-4), reprinted by Literature House, Ltd., Taipei, Taiwan, 1963). For discussion of alternative names of sects and evidence of sectarian connexions through names, see my \"The Great Way of Former Heaven: a group of Chinese secret religious sects\", Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. XXVI, Pt. 2, 1963, pp. 362-392, at pp. 384-6.\n\n34 See Chiang Siang Tseh, The Nien Rebellion (Seattle, University of Washington Press, 1954). The preface by Renville Lund contains reference to White Lotus connexions.\n\n35 Op. cit., vol. 1, p. 210. George Miles writing of the Yao-ch'ih sect (my evidence shows it to be an off-shoot of Hsien-t'ien Ta Tao) states that members had vegetarian halls but he says they were usually in isolated villages where men and women were found in constant residence. See his \"Vegetarian Sects\", in The Chinese Recorder, Vol. XXXIII, No. 1, 1902, Pp. 1-10.\n\n36 See Sidney D. Gamble, Ting Hsien, a North China Rural Community (New York, Institute of Pacific Relations, 1954) p. 414.\n\n37 Belonging to Lo Chiao (Lo Religion)—a sect named after one of its important early patriarchs (and related to Hsien-t'ien Ta Tao), described by Suzuki Chusei in \"Rakyo ni Tsuite\", Tōyō Bunka Kenkyujo Kiyō (Tokyo), No. 1, 1943, pp. 441-501.\n\n38 Gamble, op. cit.\n\n39 See de Groot, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 231-241 on funeral rites of the Lung hua sect.\n\n40 Gamble, op. cit.\n\n41 See for example Hsiao, op. cit., p. 231f, and p. 233.\n\n42 Yang, op. cit., p. 226.\n\n43 Chiang, op. cit., p. 37.\n\nDe Groot, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 308.\n\n45 According to Chiang the Nien emerged as community defence groups.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205507, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "44\n\n# THE HANKOW STEAMER TEA RACES\n\nT. J. LINDSAY*\n\nClipper ships, with their vast spread of canvas, racing home with the season's China teas have earned the admiration of artists and the narrative skill of many authors. But the steamer tea races from Hankow have attracted much less attention. Endurance of the crews aloft in clippers catches the imagination more than the endurance of the stokehold gangs, and the development of reliable and fast ocean-going steamers is not as picturesque a subject as that of the sailing ship.\n\nNevertheless, at the time, the annual steamer tea race from Hankow caused excitement enough in Far Eastern waters. Although steamers also sailed laden with tea from Foochow and from Japan, it was the race from the centre of China, with the first hazardous leg down the Yangtsze to Woosung, that held the public interest. Until 1869, when the Suez Canal was opened, the Clipper ship could hold its own with the steamer service to China via the Cape. But the much shorter route afforded by Suez, which cut across the wind routes and so was suitable only for steamers, meant the end of sailing vessels in the high-value cargo eastern trade.\n\nThe steamer tea races resulted in a reduction of transit time from Hankow to London from sixty-one days in 1870 to thirty-one days in 1883 (see Table I), although in later years a few more days were added to the passage. The account of the races in the following pages covers the eleven-year period from 1877 to 1887.\n\nEvery year in the beginning of May came Hankow's short period of excitement and glory. The tea buyers from Shanghai and England, the chuszes,† arrived to pit their wits against the Chinese\n\nMr. Lindsay joined Butterfield and Swire in Shanghai in 1933. He studied Chinese in Peking in 1934, served in Shanghai and Tsingtao, and was interned in Shanghai during the Pacific War. He was transferred to the firm's Hong Kong office in 1949 and was Staff Manager until he retired in 1966. He was a Councillor and Hon. Treasurer of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society until his retirement, and is M.A.\n\n† The newspapers use chaszes without characters. Matthews Dictionary gives ch'a shih (*) as the name for tea-tasters. The tea-taster was usually the tea-buyer, so perhaps the phrase \"tea-merchant\" would best cover it.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205508, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "THE HANKOW STEAMER TEA RACES\n\n45\n\ntea merchants on the one hand and the London market on the other. As the River rose the ocean fleet sailed up the Yangtsze. As many as sixteen or seventeen vessels made up the London fleet with the addition of a few vessels for Odessa or other Black Sea ports (Table 1). Of this fleet only two or three vessels were regarded as in the race and received higher rates of freight than the rest. Until the very end of the period the race was usually between the \"Castles\" of Thos. Skinner & Co. and the \"Glens\" of McGregor, Gow & Co. and the rivalry of the leading ships was intense. A special lottery was drawn.\n\nRates of freight were always high for the most likely winners and varied between £6.10.0. and £4.0.0. per space ton during the period. Slower vessels and later departures secured lower figures, usually between £3 and £4, although in one year the rate was down to £2.10.0. and less. The tradition of the Clipper races thus remained although the economic justification a very considerable difference in transit time which affected the quality of the tea was no longer as valid as it had been. Nevertheless the race carried on, partly by its own momentum and sentiment, until the ship owners realised the costliness of building expensive, fast vessels for one voyage a year, and costly losses on the market convinced the tea merchants that low freights were more essential to the continuance of the trade than fast passages.\n\nRivalry between the various tea buyers led to chaotic conditions which favoured the Chinese tea merchants. In 1879 the North China Daily News wrote:\n\n\"The supply of tea in China had already been in excess of European demand, and exports had only been checked in each case by the arrival of news of an overstocked market on the arrival of the first crops. But such a rush for hurrying teas to a glutted market was never cooled down. Why? In most professions there was a recognised etiquette which kept up the character of the profession and came to the help of each member. Unfortunately in China the absence rather than the presence of this etiquette has been the rule. Under this principle of everyone for himself there was exhibited an anxiety to get the better of each other rather than to purchase at remunerative rates. Each sought to raise the market on his neighbour, and a chasze might frequently be heard of boasting of how he had got a chop to which he had a fancy out of the hands of a brother chasze.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205510, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 52, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "The Hankow Steamer Tea Races\n\n47\n\nat around £7.7.0. and £6.10.0, a ton. She left Hankow on 20th May at 1.20 p.m., passed the Red Buoy at 6.35 p.m. on 22nd May and the Tungsha lightship at 2 a.m. on 23rd May. She arrived in Singapore at 10.30 p.m. on 28th May, loaded 1,600 tons of coal and left at 9 a.m. on 29th May. She was reported at Gravesend on 22nd June and docked in London shortly thereafter. A lengthy discussion broke out on whether or not difference in time should be accounted for. With the difference, the trip from Tungsha Lightship to Gravesend took 30 days, 2 hours and 36 minutes. Neglecting the 8-hour difference, the time was 29 days, 18 and a half hours.\n\nThe \"Glen\" vessels were out of the race that year as their new vessel Glenogle arrived in Hankow too late. However, she loaded a full cargo of some 5,206 tons of tea at £4 per ton and went home on a consumption of 37 tons of coal at 14 knots, although she was claimed to be capable of 16 knots on 120 tons of coal a day.\n\nIn 1883 Glenogle loaded 4,900 tons at £4.10.0, and left Hankow on 20th May at 11.30 a.m. Sterling Castle loaded at £5.10.0 and left on 22nd May at 3.15 a.m. after loading 5,000 tons. Glenogle passed Woosung on the evening of 22nd while Sterling Castle passed on the afternoon of 23rd. At Singapore, Sterling Castle arrived at 1 p.m. on 29th May and Glenogle at 2.30 p.m. on the same day. They both left Singapore at about the same time early on 30th May, after loading 1,800 tons and 1,600 tons of coal respectively. Sterling Castle arrived at Suez on 12th June and at Gravesend at noon on 22nd June. Glenogle arrived at Gravesend at 3 p.m. on 26th June or 291/4 days from the Tungsha lightship, which was faster than in 1882.\n\n1884 saw a revival of “Glen” supremacy as Sterling Castle had been sold to Italian interests. Glenogle carried the flag. She left Hankow at 6 a.m. on 18th May after loading 5,300 tons of tea at £5 per ton, and the Red Buoy, Woosung at 4 p.m. on the 20th May. She arrived at Singapore at 11.15 a.m. on 27th, loaded 1,500 tons of coal and left at 6 p.m. on the same day. She arrived in London on 26th June after a somewhat slow trip, largely occasioned by losing a blade from a propeller 280 miles from Singapore. Later races were between \"Glen\" vessels and the China Mutual vessels Oopack and Moyune, but the speeds were lower and the China tea trade itself had passed its zenith. In 1885 the fastest vessels had been requisitioned by the British Government as armed merchant cruisers owing to a war scare with Russia.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205511, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 53, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "48\n\nT. J. LINDSAY\n\nOne point that shows up in the accounts is the speed of coaling at Singapore. In 1880 Glencoe loaded 1,130 tons in 103 hours, in 1882 Sterling Castle 1,600 tons in 10 hours, in 1884 Glenogle 1,500 tons in 62 hours. Moyune 700 tons in 5 hours in 1887 as against Glenogle 1,200 tons in 5 hours in the same year. The “Glen\" figures of 220 tons an hour in 1884 and 240 tons in 1887 are remarkable.\n\nWhat of the conditions in these ships racing home? The stoke-hold must have been almost unbearable, so it is no wonder that difficulties with the stokers were reported. In 1882 there was trouble culminating in Singapore when a stoker of Glenogle struck the Chief Engineer. When a European shore policeman came on board the 31 stokers threatened but the policeman \"took his stand in the most daring manner and fairly cowed the men by his determined demeanour\". At Hankow, too, there was trouble in 1883 when some of Glenogle's crew were reported to have mutinied and the Navy had to be called in to deal with the situation.\n\nPassengers, too, had something to complain of. On one occasion in Singapore when two or three passengers had been granted conditional passages they found the saloon and every state-cabin crammed with tea.\n\nConditions in the China tea trade were about to change. In 1881 the North China Daily News wrote:\n\n“It is not so many years since China was the only tea producing country. It was sufficient then for the buyer to watch the deliveries at home and the export from China, to be guided, with little chance of error, in his operations. But the fatal energy of our race has reared up in British India a frightful rival to the Flowery Land, and India not only demoralises China by sending opium here, but demoralises our tea markets by sending tea in increasingly enormous quantities to London. There are no squeezing Mandarins in India, there is European supervision in packing and the firing of the leaf, and the plantations are connected with civilization by the railway and the telegraph. Everything is done to give India an unfair advantage over China. Java is competing too, and Ceylon is threatening. As yet Indian tea is hardly taken on the continent of Europe at all, but here too it will penetrate sooner or later, as it is doing into America and Australia, and then there will be no corner of the earth where the sway of China tea will be undisputed.”", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205512, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 54, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "THE HANKOW STEAMER TEA RACES\n\n49\n\nIn short, the growth of Indian tea output with regular quantity and quality broke the Chinese market, in which both quantity and quality varied from year to year. The tea merchants could not afford to pay fancy freights to be first home with their tea just to have it thrown on to a well-stocked market. Moreover, steamer carriage by Suez saved so much time over clipper carriage that an extra day or two saved on swift steamer passages made little difference to the quality and to the price. Economics made itself felt and regular services at cheap rates became of more importance than a voyage a year at great speed and cost.\n\nIn the days before this had become clear, Mr. Macgregor of Macgregor, Gow & Holland, speaking at the launching of Glencoe in 1878, was reported to have said that he saw no reason why the new teas should not be brought to London as fast as the merchants cared to have them transmitted: i.e., we presume, the merchants could have as much speed as they chose to pay for.\n\nAt a luncheon after Sterling Castle's trials, her owner, Mr. Skinner, is reported as saying that it was a well-known fact that the tea which came in eight or ten days in advance of that brought by any other steamers commanded a price in the market which yielded a large profit for the exporter. For this reason, the China merchants had been in the habit of encouraging a type of vessel that had never been seen anywhere else in the world, either in sailing ship or steamer, and to the liberality of these gentlemen, who never stuck at £1 or £2 a ton of freight paid to shipowners of this country, was due the development of the beautiful vessel they were on board. He continued, \"The merchants of China have so far appreciated what we have done, and I have still faith in them to recoup us for the enormous capital invested. We have still faith in their liberality, and believe they will give us such freights as will reward us for the risk we have taken.\"\n\nWith the decline of the dominant position of China teas in the market, the need for economy became more important. The question was argued well in an article in the China Mail on 27th September, 1882, from which the following extracts are taken:\n\n\"Not so very long since we commented upon the manner in which the prognostication of Mr. Macgregor (of Messrs Macgregor, Gow & Co., London), that the speed of carrying steamers would be accelerated in the same proportion as freights increased,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205513, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 55, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "50\n\nT. J. LINDSAY\n\nhad been borne out by facts. We have also drawn attention to the improbability that magnificent vessels like the Sterling Castle could be run all the year round on the London and China line, and yet show satisfactory returns.\n\n\"To the Blue-Funnel steamer owners belong the credit of being the first to venture upon a big steamer-carrying enterprise to this part of the world; at that time, when the finest sailing vessels in the world had to be competed with on the Cape route, economy was of more importance than speed.\n\n\"With the ever-recurring annual race Home with Teas came the renewed desire to be first in point of time; and for several years the red-funnelled \"Glens” had it all their own way, until last year, when the fast and powerful Sterling Castle appeared on the scene and reduced the previous time records by a third. Both here and at Home the Sterling has evoked the admiration of all classes, and she has been freely spoken of as the fastest merchant steamer afloat, although, until she is tried against the Atlantic liners on their own route, it can hardly be said that she is the strongest and most powerful yet built.\n\n\"The latest boat built for the Glen line [the Glenogle] is a vessel the like of which is seldom seen. She is certainly the largest carrying vessel that has ever been on the line, and for power she may be fairly set down as second to her Castle rival. While the Sterling has an indicated horse-power of 8,000 and the Glenogle indicates only 6,000 horse, the Glen steamer carries 6,000 tons of measurement cargo - a capacity which is greater than the Castle steamer, owing to the much larger space occupied in the more powerful vessel by the inevitable boilers and bunkers. In the important test which is applied to such coal-consuming giants, of running a moderate speed upon a reduced consumption of coal, the Glenogle appears to have fully realised all anticipations. At her full speed it is stated she consumes 120 tons of coal per day (she has bunker capacity for 1598 tons or 133 days) with her four boilers going, and her extreme speed is, say 16 knots, while she has accomplished an average speed of 11½ knots upon a consumption of 37 tons per day. The extreme speed of the Sterling Castle, which may be put down at 19 knots under the most favourable circumstances, is obtained by the daily consumption of 150 tons of coal; but how far the speed and consumption can be modified, we are yet unable to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205514, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "THE HANKOW STEAMER TEA RACES\n\n51\n\nsay with any degree of accuracy, although probably one-third of this consumption would drive her about 12 knots an hour. On the principle that, while 100 horse-power would drive a steamship ten knots an hour, it would require 1,000 horse-power to propel her at the rate of twenty knots (all other conditions being in proportion), it will be seen that Mr. Macgregor's grounds and conditions for accelerated speed are not only reasonable but indispensable: the few last knots always the most expensive, and apparently almost prohibitive.\n\n\"Indeed, the present tendency seems to be towards a falling-off in the inclination to pay for such acceleration, so far as Tea freights are concerned: but time will show. Last year [1881] the slowing down of the three Glens was positive proof that the desire for fast passages had declined; and the projected telegraph to Hankow may possibly materially interfere with high freights for the future. In face of these facts, it appears clear that the large capacity of the Glenogle is a decided advantage. The Glenogle took Home this year 5,206 tons of Tea and 185 tons of miscellaneous cargo; and when she left London a few weeks ago she carried 4,022 tons of general merchandise to China; that is, she has taken into London and brought back to the East the largest cargoes that have been carried in one bottom since the opening of the China trade.\"\n\nJ\n\nEvents soon proved the soundness of the view taken by the China Mail's contributor.\n\n[Plates 1 and 2 illustrate this article].\n\nNOTES\n\nThe material has been obtained from articles in contemporary newspapers in the library of the Supreme Court, Hong Kong mainly the Hong Kong Telegraph and the China Mail, which also quoted from many other newspapers in the area. Grateful thanks are given to Messrs. Alfred Holt & Co. for their permission to use this material which was sent to them and formed the basis of an article in their House Magazine. The contemporary account has a vividness which is often lacking in the more formal history. Quotation is therefore used to give light to the story. No attempt is made to deal more than superficially with the events and there are gaps in the information provided.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205515, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "52\n\nT. J. LINDSAY\n\nTABLE I\n\nTIME TAKEN\n\nHANKOW TO LONDON\n\n \n Year\n Vessel\n Transit Time\n \n \n 1870\n Erl King\n ...\n \n \n 1871\n Enterprise\n 61 days\n \n \n 1872\n Deccan\n 56\n \n \n 1873\n Venetia\n 50\n \n \n 1874\n Glenartney\n 50\n \n \n 1875\n Glenartney\n 49\n \n \n 1876\n Glenartney\n 46\n \n \n 1877\n Loudon Castle\n 46\n \n \n 1878\n Gleneagles\n 41\n \n \n 1879\n Glencoe\n 40\n \n \n 1880\n Glencoe\n 40\n \n \n 1881\n Glencoe\n 38\n \n \n 1882\n Sterling Castle\n 39\n \n \n 1883\n Sterling Castle\n 32\n \n \n 1884\n Glenogle\n 31\n \n \n 1885\n Glengarry\n 37\n \n \n 1886\n Glenogle\n 45\n \n \n 1887\n Moyunc\n 37\n \n\nSources: 1870-1879 China Mail\n\n1880 3. 7. 1879 24. 8. 1880\n\n1881 19, 7. 1881\n\n1882 Hong Kong Telegraph 28. 6. 1882\n\n1883 3. 7. 1883\n\n1884 North China Daily News 21. 7. 1884\n\n1885 China Mail 8. 7. 1885\n\n1886 5. 7. 1886\n\n1887 4. 8. 1887", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205520, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "NOTES ON HONG KONG LIBRARIES\n\n57\n\n12th, 1852. This records a rearrangement of the books, and since “proper classification was out of the question” they were arranged according to size, so as to give a uniformity of appearance. A printed catalogue was produced under the direction of Mr. W. F. Bevan, assisted by Mr. A. Dixson; the latter was Secretary of the Library for the year reported, and was re-elected for 1852-53. There is no record of the total number of books, but during the year 75 titles in 133 volumes were added; the number of members rose from 63 to 66—against 19 new members, 10 had left the Colony, 1 died, and 5 withdrawn. The annual accounts3 balanced at $1,755.02, and the cash in hand at the end of the year was $37.11. The largest item of expenditure was \"Books, periodicals, and newspapers from England, $675.83.\" This did not include carriage, since it is stated that the Peninsular & Oriental Steam Navigation Co. kindly conveyed the monthly parcels free of charge. Rent of premises accounted for $355.00.\n\nThere had apparently been some criticism of the inaccessibility of the premises. Their exact location has not been ascertained, but an advertisement of 1852 gives Queen's Road as the address, whereas another in 1867 gives Wyndham Street. Whether the change was made in 1852 is not clear, but the proposed new premises would, according to the Committee's report, cost an additional $120 p.a. for rent. A search for subsequent annual reports should throw further light on this question of location. It would also be interesting if a copy of the printed catalogue of 1852 could be found.\n\nAlso in 1852, Dixson's Hongkong Recorder contains at least three advertisements relating to the Victoria Library. The first gives notice of a meeting of the committee to be held at 8 p.m. on 21st June, for the purpose of \"the selection of Books to be ordered by the next mail.\" The advertisement goes on to say that the monthly package by the last mail, which had been mislaid on board the P. & O. Co.'s receiving ship, had since been found, and as well as the usual magazines, certain books had arrived, including Gutzlaff's Life of Taou-kwang. It seems that there were at this time quite frequent purchases of books, since another notice in the Hongkong Recorder of 9th July announced the arrival of a further consignment, which included Davis's China during the War and since the Peace and Fortune's Tea Districts of China and India.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205522, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "NOTES ON HONG KONG LIBRARIES\n\n59\n\nlater, were badly damaged by insects, so much so that one copy of the catalogue of this collection, printed in 1873, is annotated to indicate which titles had to be discarded for this reason.\n\nWe now move on fifteen years, to 1867, when the Victoria Library had fallen on evil days. No doubt a further search would reveal more of its history in the years between, but this must wait for a future article. On 21st January an editorial in the Evening Mail opens \"It seems probable that the decline and fall of the Victoria Library will afford material for the local historian during this year of grace 1867.\" The reason was apparently that the membership had fallen to 60, whereas to provide the necessary income from subscriptions 80 to 100 members were required (yet in the satisfactory report for 1851-52 already noted the membership had risen to only 66). The Evening Mail goes on to say \"There is no advantage to be derived from membership at all equivalent to the high rate of subscription.\" This rate was $2.00 a month. Although the Evening Mail praises the quality of the magazines received, it notes that there are not enough of them, and only a few of the subscribers make much use of them. Similarly so many local residents themselves subscribe to overseas newspapers that there is little demand for those taken by the Library. Of the book stock the main criticism is that it consists almost entirely of standard authors — Scott, Dickens, Thackeray and Cooper are mentioned and neglects current literature. Most people again have their own copies of the former, but would be glad to subscribe if they might be kept up to date with modern writers. The Evening Mail editorial ends with a suggested solution, to convert the library into a book club, the books purchased to be distributed amongst the subscribers instead of being retained as the property of the institution.\n\nThis solution was not adopted, and by the end of the year, after a further decline in membership, it appeared that the gloomy prognostications in the Evening Mail editorial might be fulfilled. Before coming to that situation, however, it will be interesting to examine a list of the 34 newspapers and periodicals which the Victoria Library received regularly at this time. The list appeared in the China Mail (the new name of the Evening Mail) for February 15th, 1867, and is rather inaccurately divided into “Newspapers\" amongst which are included Punch and the Saturday Review", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205523, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "60\n\nH. A, RYDINGS\n\nand \"Monthly Periodicals\" — including Quarterly Review and Once a Week. The complete list is reproduced here, rearranged alphabetically:\n\nAll the Year Round Blackwood's Magazine Calcutta Englishman Chambers's Journal\n\nChina Express\n\nChina Mail\n\nColombo Observer\n\nCornhill Magazine\n\nDaily Press\n\nDublin's Magazine\n\nFrank Leslie's Illustrated\n\nFraser's Magazine\n\nFriend of China\n\nFriend of India\n\nGalignani's Messenger\n\nHongkong Government Gazette\n\nHarper's Weekly\n\nIllustrated London News\n\nJapan Herald\n\nLondon Society\n\nMacmillan's Magazine\n\nNavy List\n\nNorth China Herald\n\nOnce a Week\n\nPall Mall Gazette\n\nPunch\n\nQuarterly Review\n\nSaturday Review\n\nSingapore Straits Times\n\nSporting Magazine\n\nStraits Times Extra\n\nSydney Morning Herald The Times\n\nWeekly Alta\n\nMany of these titles have, of course, long since ceased to be published, but it is perhaps surprising how many have survived, whilst others are still used for research purposes, although no longer", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205524, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "NOTES ON HONG KONG LIBRARIES\n\n61\n\ncurrent, such as the Friend of China and North China Herald. The connections of the Hong Kong trading community with Australia, India and Southeast Asia, as well as with Great Britain, are represented, though there is an absence of American publications.\n\nOn May 8th of this same year, 1867, the China Mail carried an editorial on “Our Libraries\", which makes it clear that some of the other European communities in Hong Kong were equally well provided with library facilities. The German and Portuguese clubs are mentioned as having active libraries. The article goes on to remark upon the little use which is made of the Morrison Library, not because of restrictions imposed by those in charge of it, but on account of its out-of-the-way situation\n\nthe same criticism which had been made of the Victoria Library in 1852, and was later made of the University of Hong Kong Library in 1961. On the Victoria Library, after praising the exertions of a few in prolonging its existence, the China Mail continues that it is \"by no means so well supported as it deserves to be.\" The reason, it is suggested, is that the club-libraries had to a great extent filled the place it occupied fifteen or more years before, and as the funds available for book purchases decreased with the declining membership year by year the Victoria Library had become “but an inferior copy of its more thriving brother at the English club.\" The China Mail continues by suggesting that it would be profitable for both institutions if the Morrison and Victoria Libraries were brought under one roof, and whilst preserving their separate identities allowing subscribers of the latter to use the former (and presumably vice versa). As will be seen later, this suggestion by the China Mail met with a more favourable response than the earlier proposal, to convert the Victoria Library into a book club. The editorial concludes with the suggestion that the combined institutes might invite the deposit of free copies of \"books, papers and pamphlets upon China, Japan, the Eastern archipelago or any portion of the world tenanted by the Chinese race\", in return for which a catalogue raisonné of these publications would be issued every three or six months, and distributed free to subscribers as a kind of advertisement. \"If the same principle were extended to general literature, it would be found that a very large number of European publishers and the consignees of books in China would gladly send 'review copies'. The question of expense would be solved by adopting this plan entirely in place of purchasing new works, the sum now paid", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205525, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "62\n\nH. A. RYDINGS\n\nfor them being devoted to publishing the quarterly catalogues.\" We may doubt whether these proposals, which were not attempted, would have worked in practice without some form of compulsion such as operates in the case of copyright deposit libraries; but it is interesting to find this suggestion of a centralised cataloguing agency at this early date, even if with different motives and to serve different purposes from those of the present day organizations of this kind.\n\nBy the end of 1867, as already noted, there had been a further decline in the membership of the Victoria Library, so that it was inevitable that some changes in its organization should be made. To decide what form these should take, a special general meeting of the subscribers was called for 4.00 p.m. on 18th December. The China Mail noted that this had unfortunately been timed to start one hour before a rowing match between English and Scottish \"fours\" organized by the Victoria Regatta Club, and feared that the attendance at the library meeting might suffer accordingly. However, in the event over a dozen of the 43 members turned up. The report of the meeting is contained in the China Mail of December 18th (the Mail was an evening paper even then). The Treasurer, Mr. Mitchell, stated that the income from subscriptions had fallen to about $1,000, whereas expenses were over $1,300 a year. He went on to inform subscribers of an offer from the Club Lusitano to provide a room in the new Club at a rent of $15 a month, no extras for light or coal, and free access to the Library for members when the Club premises were open. This seemed a most liberal offer, but was apparently made in the hope of encouraging members of the Library to join the Club also. If this offer, the best which had been made, were not accepted, Mr. Mitchell said he would recommend that the Library should be handed over to the proposed new City Hall. He concluded by proposing acceptance of the offer of the Club Lusitano for one year in the first instance. After some discussion the proposal was accepted unanimously.\n\nThe China Mail in a leading article on the following day applauded this decision, and paid tribute to Messrs. Mitchell, White, Smith and Crawford, who had formed the nucleus of working members whose efforts had kept the Victoria Library going. The Mail took the opportunity to repeat the suggestion it had", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205526, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "NOTES ON HONG KONG LIBRARIES\n\n63\n\nmade in the previous May, that the Morrison Library should be amalgamated with the other.\n\nTwo years later, Hong Kong's first City Hall was nearing completion, and the subject of libraries was once again in the news. An unknown writer, quoted by 'Colonial' in 1933, wrote on May 5th, 1869: \"The library room which will be entirely completed in a few days will before long contain a collection of books properly assorted and catalogued which, if not very extensive, will at least be the best collection in South China. It may be confidently hoped that its resources will be increased by private gift... The Morrison Library which forms the nucleus of the collection is... in a state which necessitates the outlay of nearly a thousand dollars... The former Asiatic Society's Library has also [been promised to the] librarian without... prospect of receiving with it any funds towards its restoration\".\n\nFrom a much later source we learn more about the City Hall, which it is worth noting was a private enterprise, not an official one, although Government provided the building site and a grant in aid at its foundation. “In 1871 the library consisted of 8,000 volumes, 3,000 of which were unconditionally presented by the trustees of the Victoria Library.\" This confirms the statement made by 'Colonial' and quoted earlier in this article, and vindicates the China Mail in its campaign to bring together the Victoria and Morrison Libraries. The arrangement with the Club Lusitano for the housing of the Victoria Library therefore lasted at most only four years, from 1867 to 1871. This same source also quotes the terms of the gift under which the Morrison Education Society presented its books \"as a free gift for the use of the public, on condition that in consideration of this gift and of the great services of Dr. Morrison to both European and Chinese, the books be kept distinct from all other collections in the City Hall, and designated 'the Morrison Library' in perpetuation of the great missionary's memory.\" Although there is little call in the present day for use of the Morrison Library by the public, the conditions imposed on the gift in 1869 to the City Hall are still observed, and the Morrison Library, housed since 1914 in the University of Hong Kong Library, is kept as a separate entity named in memory of its founder. Since the story of this collection has been covered in detail elsewhere, no more will be said here about the Morrison Library.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205528, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "NOTES ON HONG KONG LIBRARIES\n\n65\n\nbe removed for use within the Court, in Chambers, or the Registry, but were not to be taken further: whether this applied only to barristers and solicitors, who were privileged to use the Library subject to the rules, or also to the Judiciary and Law Officers who were entitled to use it, is not clear.\n\nMr. J. W. Norton-Kyshe, the Registrar of the Supreme Court, whose useful history of the laws of Hong Kong is the source of the information on its Library, managed to persuade the Government in 1896 that an annual grant should be made for the purchase of books. In 1897 this amounted to $500, and in the following year it was doubled,12\n\nCertainly the history of Hong Kong libraries in the nineteenth century is by no means restricted to those which have been considered in this article, although they are probably the most important. There must, for example, have been libraries in the various schools, both Government sponsored and others, though the condition of school libraries in the Colony even today suggests that they would not have been particularly well organised fifty or more years ago. Government departments other than the Supreme Court must also have had collections of books. All these possibilities, quite apart from the existence of private libraries, both Chinese and English, need to be investigated. What has been discovered so far, however, contributes to refute the common notion of Hong Kong as a cultural desert, and to indicate that library history in Hong Kong goes back almost as far as the history of the Colony itself.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 V. H. G. Jarrett, under the pseudonym of 'Colonial' contributed a series of articles to the South China Morning Post between 17th June, 1933 and 13th April, 1935 on \"Old Hong Kong\". Typescripts of these articles were rearranged alphabetically by subject and bound in four volumes (unpaginated) in the S. C. M. P. Office. By kind permission of the Managing Director, a Xerox copy of this set is available in the University of Hong Kong Library. This extract is from the article headed \"Public Library.\"\n\n2 Hongkong Register, vol. 25, 1852, pp. 94-5.\n\n3 At this date (1852) prices were normally quoted in Spanish or Mexican dollars, equivalent to about 4/2d sterling.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205529, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 71, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "66\n\nH. A. RYDINGS\n\n4 G. H. Preble, The opening of Japan; a diary of discovery in the Far East, 1853-1856, ed. by B. Szczesniak, Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1962, p. 58.\n\n5 By 1867 Hong Kong was minting its own dollars. The English gold sovereign was quoted at this time at HK$4.60.\n\n6 From the article on \"The City Hall\" in V. H. G. Jarrett, op. cit.\n\n7 Twentieth century impressions of Hongkong, Shanghai, and other treaty ports of China, ed. by A. Wright and H. A. Cartwright, London, Lloyd's Greater Britain Publ. Co., 1908, p. 162.\n\n8 D. Scott, \"The Morrison Library”, JHKBRAS, vol. 1, 1960-61, pp. 50-67.\n\n9 J. W. Norton-Kyshe, The history of the laws and courts of Hongkong, London, T. Fisher Unwin, 1898, vol. II, p. 252.\n\n10 ibid., vol. II, p. 369.\n\n11 ibid., vol. II, p. 429.\n\n12 ibid., vol. II, p. 430.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205537, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "74\n\nBEING CAUGHT BY A FISHNET\n\nON FENGSHUI IN SOUTHEASTERN CHINA\n\nGÖRAN AIJMER\n\nBig Stream Village is situated on the east shore of Tide Cove in Hong Kong's New Territories. It is a Hakka-speaking settlement exclusively inhabited by people of the surname of Zhang (*) all members of one major lineage. In 1964 there were 146 persons in the village and 33 members of the community working elsewhere. Big Stream Village is located at the mouth of a mountain valley. About one mile and a half further up this valley the small Plum Grove Village is picturesquely situated on the lower slopes of a cone-shaped mountain. It is inhabited by a localized major lineage of the surname of Wu (吳). In 1964 their number was 74 but over 20 members were then away.1\n\nI was told a story about these two villages. Formerly, the story has it, the people of Plum Grove Village were living on the spot now occupied by the Zhang; and the Zhang were living where the Wu are now. Because of influences emanating from the natural surroundings the Wu were not too happy about their location at the mouth of the valley. It is said that the Zhang people pointed out to the Wu that the mountain on the other side of the fields in front of the village was a fishnet. This fact, it was pronounced, had a very special effect on the settlers there. The local Hakka pronunciation of Wu, their shared surname, is Ng. But ng in Hakka also means 'fish', and the Zhang assured the settlers at the mouth of the valley that they were, for certain, in the process of being caught by the net. The Wu seem to have agreed with this suggestion, and the result was that both communities exchanged their locations for their present-day situations.\n\nThis story may need some comments. It deals with influences emanating from the natural surroundings, a believed-in order that in Chinese is designated fengshui – ‘wind — water'. It implies an aspect of ecological adjustment in that it is concerned with natural\n\n* Standard Chinese is given in pinyin form. Dr. Aijmer, whose article \"Expansion and Extension in Hakka Society\" appeared in Vol. VII of the Journal, is Assistant Professor in the University of Stockholm.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205538, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "ON FENGSHUI IN SOUTHEASTERN CHINA\n\n75\n\nphenomena. Fêngshui is a ritual language: a set of symbols and ways of combining these symbols into ritual statements. The fêngshui language is largely shared and understood by all Chinese and it provides an important instrument in Chinese society for a diffusion of local ideas into the larger society. The system of symbols can also be manipulated; individuals in the process of maximizing their resources employ special techniques — ‘geomancy’ — to discover and map localized symbolic sub-systems. Natural surroundings are explored in terms of fêngshui. The natural influences the interaction between the symbols can be played upon to the benefit of the player. This facet of fêngshui has recently been discussed in anthropological literature. The argument of this paper is concerned with its communicative aspect.\n\nThe fêngshui influences of a given ecological setting are of extreme importance to the people who are dependent on this setting. They are not static, but are changing in 60-year cycles. The fêngshui has a bearing not only on the particular individuals, but is equally important for the whole localized group. The effect of the influences can be measured in terms of good or bad fortune; the latter experienced in few sons, bad crops, and so on. In the same way as individuals are maximizing their resources, a whole community may try to manipulate the fêngshui. An example of this was to be found in Grass Field Village, further up the valley mentioned above. A most striking feature in the scenery there is one of the two peaks of the imposing mountain Maanshan (Ma On Shan) peeping up from behind the lower mountain ridges surrounding the village. Villagers explained that they always have a feeling that this mountain top is watching them from above. Apparently this watching implied a negative influence; people tried to check it by planting trees on the ridge in order to screen off the sinister mountain top. However, during the Japanese Occupation these trees were cut down, fuel being reckoned then as more essential than negative influences.\n\nOn the other hand, one seldom finds a general agreement as to the positive or negative character of the fêngshui influences in a certain setting. Poor people tend to regard the fêngshui of their locality as a 'killing breath', while better-off persons in the same settlement may say that it is after all ‘not too bad'. Fêngshui language, then, is used to express social and economic differentiation.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205540, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "ON FENGSHUI IN SOUTHEASTERN CHINA\n\n77\n\navailable in Plum Grove Village. In Big Stream Village rice land occupied 16.8 acres and dry cultivation 8.6 acres. The total was then 25.4 acres. The corresponding figures for Plum Grove Village are 17.9 and 6.5 giving a total of 24.4 acres. The ratio between Plum Grove land and Big Stream land is then 6.9, 1.3, and 1.0 respectively.\n\nThere is yet a complication to be taken into account. Plum Grove villagers were not the sole occupants of land around their own village. Three other settlements further up in the mountains own a considerable amount of paddy fields and dry cultivation land there. A very old lady in one of these other villages thought she had heard that these fields were bought ‘a very long time ago' and that they were then very expensive. The land around Plum Grove Village is generally considered the best in this mountain area. It is not possible to establish how outsiders were vested with rights in this land. My guess is that this small village could not supply labour enough to make full use of what was at least potentially arable land, and outsiders were let in. There may also have been an earlier decrease in population. Out of the 24.4 acres registered soon after 1899 only 15.5 were controlled by local villagers. The outsiders from the other three villages had together 8.6 acres of rice fields and 0.3 acres of dry land. Thus only 64% of the local arable area were in the hands of Plum Grove people at the turn of the century. If we then compare the actual land-holdings of the two villages at this period we still find that the 2.9 times larger population of Big Stream Village had access to arable land that was only 1.5 times as large as that of Plum Grove Village; which means roughly that five persons in the former village had to live on what three persons were dependent on in the latter. As to the more vital rice land the proportions are the same.\n\nTo this basic situation could be added some other factors that were to the advantage of Plum Grove Village. They had a better supply of water for irrigation, they had better-quality soil, and they had better conditions for the formerly important complementary tea plantations. Their situation up in the mountains offered more security than could be obtained on the coast in a pirate-haunted strip of land. Plum Grove people will also have had better marketing conditions in that their traditional market town Xigong (Sai Kung) was situated in a predominantly Hakka-speaking and small-scale lineage area, while Big Stream people were dependent", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205542, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "ON FENGSHUI IN SOUTHEASTERN CHINA\n\n79\n\ntion was limited as the population pressure increased in the two other land-owning communities as well. Generally, new land was not available. As time passed people of Plum Grove Village reached the optimum point where they had to look for new alternatives to traditional local production. The men started to emigrate, mostly to Southeast Asia. But the prospects of these areas were very different from those in America. Around 1910 some ten men left for Nanyang. People have never heard from them since. It is supposed that they were killed by the effects of the damp climate. But the movement had to continue. Later emigrants set out for Singapore but they returned as poor as they went, and there was no accumulation of capital at all. Today it is very apparent that Plum Grove Village is a much poorer place than Big Stream Village.\n\nWhat has been exchanged between the two lineages Zhang and Wu is not their respective localization, but the image of their relative prosperity. What is communicated in the myth is that the economic situation of one settlement has improved while that of another has declined. The shift of the respective conditions is referred to as emanating from natural influences.\n\nFengshui is not just a way to communicate, but is a believed-in-order. In Big Stream Village one can still find traces of earlier attempts to minimize negative influences; large stones inscribed with the conventional trigram — yinyang patterns and series of characters have been erected outside some of the houses in order to avert negative forces in the natural surroundings. The four character series are completely meaningless to villagers, who nowadays know nothing about the stones, except that they realize that they have been erected there for fengshui purposes. It is apparent that special knowledge is required to make sense out of a combination of words meaning 'purple', 'minimal', 'first month', and 'illuminate'. These stones, however, are evidence that people in Big Stream Village were really concerned about their bad fengshui position at one time. But this aspect cannot be separated from the aspect of communication. The stones carried a message telling about misfortune. They made the poverty of the locality explicit and understood by others. Nothing comparable to these stones is to be found in Plum Grove Village. In the latter place they now explain their decline, in a less explicit way, by referring to the bad", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205544, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "ON FENGSHUI IN SOUTHEASTERN CHINA\n\n9 See Groves 1965a and 1965b.\n\n81\n\n10 In an attempt to recover an even earlier period we may assume that at one time all house-units were inhabited by one household each and that the land at the same period had the same acreage as in 1906. If we disregard the possibility of outsiders as landowners we will find that one average household in Big Stream Village owned 0.33 acre whereas the corresponding figure for Plum Grove Village is 0.70, which is more than twice as much as in the former place.*\n\nREFERENCES\n\nAijmer, G.\n\n1967 'Expansion and Extension in Hakka Society', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 7.\n\nBaker, H.\n\n1965 'Burial, Geomancy and Ancestor Worship', in Aspects of Social Organization in the New Territories, Hong Kong. Brochure of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, n.d.\n\nCensus 1911\n\n1911 'Report on the Census of the Colony for 1911', Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong 1911, Hong Kong.\n\nFreedman, M.\n\n1966 Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien and Kwangtung, London, The Athlone Press,\n\n1967 'Ancestor Worship: Two Facets of the Chinese Case', in Social Organization, Essays Presented to Raymond Firth, M. Freedman (ed.), London, Frank Cass and Co., Ltd.\n\nGazetteer\n\n1960 A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories. Hong Kong, Government Printer, n.d.\n\nGroves, R.G.\n\n1965a 'The Origins of Two Market Towns in the New Territories* in Aspects of Social Organization in the New Territories Hong Kong, n.d.\n\n1965b Report of Field Work in Hong Kong, London-Cornell Project, mimeographed.\n\nHayes, J.W.\n\n1963 'Movement of Villages on Lantau Island for Fengshui Reasons', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 3.\n\n1967 'Geomancy and the Village' in Some Traditional Chinese Ideas and Conceptions in Hong Kong Social Life Today, M. Topley (ed), Hong Kong, Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.\n\n* It is hoped to include in the 1969 Journal a note on the occupancy level of village houses in the Hong Kong region in the early 20th Century. Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205551, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "88\n\nARMANDO M. DA SILVA\n\nA legend has grown up around this man, and most coastal Tin Hau temples today claim association with him.\n\nAccording to local tradition, Cheung was a lavish patron of the seafarer's temples which, in turn, probably supplied him with shipping intelligence. This pirate was reputed also to have constructed a number of forts, in reality armed camps, and village tradition has it that the Kai Yik Kok fort was once occupied by Cheung's men. There are reasons to believe this may be so. In 1809 a strong Chinese government fleet, assisted by six Portuguese lorchas11 from Macau on loan to the government, ambushed Cheung's pirate fleet at Tung Chung bay12. Cheung fought his way out of this trap only to surrender to the government after he had received peace overtures from the Provincial Governor. In the grand Chinese tradition of rewarding enemy defectors, Cheung was promptly made a paid government official and installed as chief customs collector in Macau. If Cheung's fleet was able to assemble at Tung Chung bay, which was dominated by a much larger fort, it follows that Cheung may have also controlled the second, but smaller, Tai Yu Shan fort at Fan Lau.\n\nIn 1815 the Chinese government, alarmed at the presence of foreign opium boats in the Chu Kong estuary, again began fortifying the coast. Existing forts were strengthened and new coastal strong points were constructed as part of a design to establish full and total control over the estuary. The fort at Fan Lau appears on a contemporary coastal defence map of the Chu Kong estuary. This map, in the 1864 edition of the Kwong Tung Tung Chi, was drawn in 1821 or 1822.\n\nThe Fan Lau fort was conspicuous enough to warrant a brief mention in the sailing directions of a foreign commercial guide on China published after Hong Kong was founded. The relevant passage reads, \"Lantau, the largest island in the estuary below the Bogue is about 15 miles long and 5 in its greatest breadth; its peak is about 3000 feet high, and is the loftiest summit in this region, but foreigners have never been to the top. It has several villages on its shore, and a fort, called Shek Sun pau toi ☎✯✯✯ on its S.E. side. The village Tyho on its eastern shore* has given name to the whole island on our charts, but it is usually called Tai Yu Shan.\n\n* The compiler was evidently confused between E. and W., as Shek Sun and Tai O (Tyho) are at the west end of Lantau. Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205552, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 94, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "FAN LAU AND ITS FORT\n\n$9\n\ni.e. great island, by the Chinese; the town Toongchung on the north shore opposite Chulocock I. is the largest on the island\"\n\nOn the other hand, it seems by this date that the fort was already abandoned since one of the British officers who came out to China for the hostilities of 1841-42, has this to say of it in an account of his experiences:\n\n14\n\nAt the S.W. part of Lantou (sic) we saw, on a height, the remains of an old walled fort, supposed to have been one of the haunts of the famous Coxinga, the pirate However, the fort could not have been abandoned for very long since a repair tablet inside the Tin Hau temple at Fan Lau dated the 2nd summer month of the 25th year of Chia Ch'ing (11th June -9th July, 1820) records contributions by officers of the\n\n21\n\nas it is described thereon. Both these records can only apply to the Fan Lau fort.'5\n\nWhen the Hong Kong Government surveyors arrived at Fan Lau in 1904 after the New Territories were ceded to Britain, they found the fort still abandoned. In the Block Crown Lease Survey, it is described as \"old fort, ruins, waste\".16 It had probably not been re-occupied since the early part of the 19th century.\n\nIt can now be argued that the Kai Yik Kok fort is a Ming dynasty fort built sometime before 1573, possibly abandoned, but rebuilt again in 1730, captured by pirates and re-taken by govern-ment forces sometime between 1810 and 1815, and then refurbished, refortified, and garrisoned until some time before 1841-42, by which time it was already again abandoned.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Also known to the villagers as Yuen To Shan (#ll) or \"the hill from which to watch the arrival of distant boats\". There is a level spot high above the village, which, according to tradition, was used by observers to watch for incoming vessels proceeding up the Chu Kong or Pearl River estuary.\n\n2 The locations of these various strongpoints can be plotted from the text and maps in the Coastal Defence sections of the 1864 edition (map circa A.D. 1822) of the Kwong Tung Tung Chi\n\nthe 1819 edition of the San On Yuen Chi M £ M ; the 1827 edition of the Heung Shan Yuen Chi ₺ 4B #; and the 1800 edition of the O Mun Kei Leuk * 1938 #. The last three works contain maps of varying dates from earlier editions.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205554, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "FAN LAU AND ITS FORT\n\n91\n\n11 A lorcha is a specialized fighting craft from Macau that combined a Western-style hull (for speed and maneuverability) with Chinese batten sails and rigging (for easier sail-handling and disguise).\n\n12 Charles F. Neumann, History of the Pirates (š), who infested the China Sea from 1807 to 1810, (London, John Murray, 1831) P. 58.\n\n13 J. R. Morrison, A Chinese Commercial Guide (Canton, Office of the Chinese Repository, 1848) pp. 70-71.\n\n14 The Last Year in China to the Peace of Nanking as sketched in Letters to his Friends by a Field Officer actively employed in that Country (2nd edition, revised, London, Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans 1843) pp. 51-52.\n\n15 There is, in addition, the possibility that the fort had a temporary garrison in 1834 see the imperial directive given respecting defence and patrolling at Lantau and Macao quoted by J. L. Cranmer-Byng in his brief note \"An old fort at Tung Chung on Lantao Island” in J.H.K.B.R.A.S. Vol 3 (1963) pp. 144-145.\n\n16 Hong Kong Government. New Territories Administration. Block Crown Lease Demarcation Districts 322 and 327, Shek Sun village, Lantau Island.\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY CITED\n\nJ. J. L. Duyvendak, \"Sailing directions of Chinese voyages\", T'oung Pao vol. 34 (1938), pp. 230-237,\n\n\"The true dates of the Chinese maritime expeditions in the early fifteenth century\", T'oung Pao vol. 34 (1938), pp. 341-412.\n\nLuis B. Gomes, Monografia de Macau, Macau, 1951.\n\nHongkong Government. A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hongkong, Kowloon, and the New Territories, Hongkong, 1960.\n\nLo Hsing-lin, Hongkong and its External Communications before 1842. Hongkong, 1963.\n\nJ. R. Morrison, A Chinese Commercial Guide, Canton, 1848.\n\nCharles F. Neumann, The History of the Pirates who infested the China Sea from 1807 to 1810, translated from the Chinese original, London, 1831.\n\nCh'ing dynasty work:\n\nChinese Sources\n\nMo Pei Chi (AA) A.D. 1621\n\nThe provincial Gazetteer of Kwangtung:\n\nKwong Tung Tung Chi (♬✯ ih sk) 1864 edition\n\nThe District Gazetteers for the following:\n\nSan On Yuen Chi (%) 1819 edition\n\nTung Kwun Yuen Chi ✯✯✯) 1797 edition\n\nHeung Shan Yuen Chi (3) 1827 edition\n\nO Mun Kei Leuk (39 1932) 1800 edition", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205574, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "SUN YAT-SEN AND CHINESE HISTORY\n\n111\n\nOne day, a fellow student picked one of the volumes at random and questioned Sun on its contents. It is reported that the student was surprised to discover that young Sun Yat-sen had read the work thoroughly. In this fashion then, is built the image of the revolutionary whose knowledge of his own nation's past was firmly grounded.\n\nYet if anything at all is clear about Sun Yat-sen's career, it should be that he had no real proclivity toward history. Aside from the required Chinese part of his curriculum at Queen's College in Hong Kong, an interest in history seems to be lacking completely in Sun's formal education, which in any case eventuated in a medical degree. But even if there was some interest in Chinese history, as manifested in his hiring of the tutor, it is even more evident that his historical curiosity was not matched by an equal amount of critical acumen as he internalized what he read of it. These then are basic considerations to be taken in hand from the beginning. Any question of the influence of nationalism momentarily aside, Sun's lack of interest in history led to a ready and unquestioning acceptance of the Chinese schoolboy's idealistic self-image of Chinese history, as taught among Western subjects in colonial Hong Kong. This left him without the slightest concern for the possibility of alternative interpretations of questionable historical points or problems, and also led to unabashed carelessness with respect to the accuracy of historical references.\n\nOnly in this way can one explain the surprising and numerous overly-facile historical generalizations and outright errors to be found even in the most cursory reading of Sun's writings. Perhaps the simple comment by Sun that Marco Polo “occupied an official post under Genghis-Khan, of the Yuan dynasty,” might be overlooked even though it contains a double error (since Marco Polo served under Kubilai Khan, and there was as yet no Yuan dynasty in the time of Genghis Khan), because it is of such little importance. But Sun's claim that Cheng Ho visited all the islands of the ocean (ostensibly the Pacific) \"and even reached San Francisco\" certainly merits some notice. Incidentally, Sun was amiss on the date for this supposed expedition as well. Sun was much taken with the pat concept of China's irresistible assimilatory capability, and on more than one occasion referred to it. He noted that China was never \"enslaved\" by foreign invaders but on the contrary the latter “were assimilated by the Chinese as easily as the moving of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205575, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "112\n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR.\n\na table.\" In case one might raise the question of the Mongol experience, as perhaps a singular exception, Sun elsewhere explicitly affirmed that they too were absorbed by the Chinese, thanks to the fact that \"the character of the Chinese race was higher than that of other races.\" In making this point Sun incidentally raises a further historical question when he says that the Ming dynasty \"fell twice\" to the Manchus.*\n\nOf course, one might surmise that some of Sun's historical distortions are generalizations intended for forensic effect. The exaggerated assimilation concept may be in this category, as well as such claims as \"Everyone in China, beginning with emperors and kings, and ending with the common people, even robbers and pirates, all have been able to value and delight in literature as an art.\"5\n\n6\n\nBut such observations by Sun, as well as the stress on China's erstwhile moral power for absorption, are also part of a more general idealized appreciation of the past in which history and mythology blend indistinguishably together. As a matter of fact, history seems to be, for Sun, an almost dimensionless pastiche to which reference might be made indiscriminately. Thus the manifold allusions to the legendary emperors and to other historical personalities and folk heroes, without the slightest demonstrated concern for accuracy or authenticity. The \"Emperor Fu-Shi\" wrote the \"Eight Diagrams,\" thus initiating the Chinese written language. Of all the emperors throughout Chinese history only “Yao, Shun, Yu, T'ang, Wen Wang and Wu Wang\" were the ones \"who shouldered the responsibility of government for the welfare and happiness of the people.\" The statement \"you have all read a good deal of Chinese history; I am sure almost everyone here has read particularly The Story of the Three Kingdoms,\" with striking ingenuousness prefaces a brief story illustrating Chu-kuo Liang's \"splendid character,\" but neglects to suggest the difference between evidence provided by historical documentation and the imaginative renditions of fictional literature. Recounting the contributions of the legendary figures of Sui Jen Shih, Shen Nung, Hsien Yuan and Yu Ch'ao Shih, respectively the alleged inventors of cooking, medicine, clothing and housing. Sun declared: \"So in Chinese history we find not only those could fight becoming king; anyone with marked ability, who had made new discoveries or who had achieved great things for mankind, could become king and organize the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205576, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 118, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "999 \n\nSUN YAT-SEN AND CHINESE HISTORY \n\n113 \n\ngovernment.\" In fact, he noted that the \"general psychology of the Chinese is that a man possessing marked ability should become king.\" Viewed in the most charitable way possible, such an impression of history for a twentieth-century revolutionary seems strangely incongruous. But incredibly enough, Sun was making such comments at the very moment when Ku Chieh-kang and others were making electrifying discoveries in Chinese historiography, one of the more exciting dimensions of the New Culture Movement of the 1920s. These revolutionary currents seem to have had little effect on Sun.\n\nSun Yat-sen also enjoys the distinction of having contributed a unique historical theory to historiography. One of his most ardent contemporary admirers has affirmed that of \"all theories of history, the social interpretation of history\" of Sun Yat-sen \"seems to be most illustrative of the truth of social evolution, as revealed in the legends of ancient China.\"10 Yet this theory seems to be of rather minimal consequence. Drawing on ideas supplied by the American dentist, Maurice Williams, Sun is primarily at pains to set aside Marx's concept of class struggle. Williams contended that the struggle for subsistence is the law of social progress and the central force of history. From this, Sun reasoned that since the struggle for existence is the same thing as the problem of livelihood, \"therefore the problem of livelihood can be said to be the driving force in social progress.\" With this insightful formula, Sun could now refute Marx, for class warfare was clearly not the cause of social progress. Sun could say that, conversely, since class warfare is the end product of the social disease caused by the inability to subsist, this made Marx a social pathologist, for he had concentrated upon the study of social disease, not the central element in social progress itself. However much such reasoning reveals Sun's basic humanitarian impulse, and certainly much of the rest of his writing on the subject of the People's Livelihood confirms this happy feature of Sun's personality, it presents an historical theory of but limited value.\n\nIn a similar theoretical vein, Sun also spoke briefly of universal political stages of history as traversed by mankind. These stages, the first being that of the great wilderness, the second of theocracy, and the third of autocracy, culminate in the fourth, which history has proved to be the best, democracy.12 This very loose set of generalizations is part of Sun's discussion of democracy itself, so", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205577, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "114\n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR.\n\nthat the pseudo-historical background is merely intended to highlight the logical existence and desirability of this final political form. Again, this is not an acutely reasoned historical-theoretical construct.\n\nSun's indifferent use of history, his inaccuracies, his unquestioned acceptance of a heavily and simplistically idealized vision of the past and his limited ability for historical theorization was an aspect of his behavior that can be largely abstracted; it was a disposition apart from his nationalistic or emotional impulses. For Sun Yat-sen was never interested in history. He was a man completely the revolutionary; his entire being concentrated upon changing the present. And like other Chinese revolutionaries of his day, confronted with awesome tasks and frustrated at every turn, history, China's vast arsenal of history, stood at hand as a ready source of ammunition to be used as necessary, for the only all-important struggle. Not unlike Li Ta-chao, who even as Professor of History at Peita, was less interested in discovering the actual way history developed as its psychological usage for the present.13 Sun also used his little understood history for practical revolutionary purposes. This pragmatic political concern largely set the limits of Sun's interest in history and determined his usage of it.\n\nThis is all by way of saying that nationalism alone is not to be held accountable for Sun's distortions of history. Nationalism, to be sure, is inextricably a part of Sun's make-up, but Sun is so unique a Chinese type for his period, and is so much the revolutionary that nationalism manifests itself in a rather special way through him. It is almost a managed attitude in his hands, so that his use of it is as great as its influence on his use of history.\n\nOnce again, I would not underestimate Sun's dedication to China, nor his earnest life-long efforts to resolve China's difficulties, to see his country free and strong, and constituting a progressive force in the comity of nations. Sun cannot and should not be faulted on these grounds. I am only saying that Sun helped to evolve the feeling and the concept of nationalism in China, and he did this while being a rather atypical Chinese on the whole. Sun's Western education and experience abroad, rather than his having had traditional Chinese training in depth in China, set him apart from the overwhelming majority of Chinese. Likewise, his social background distinguished him from most intellectuals of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205578, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "SUN YAT-SEN AND CHINESE HISTORY \n\n115\n\nperiod. This produced for him an identity problem of sorts, and may explain the hiring of the Chinese tutor, but it also produced a rather cosmopolitan man. This familiarity with the real political world made Sun personally aware of China's relative position in the world, as a nation among nations. He was unencumbered by the traditional culturalism that inhibited a clearer-cut and timely appreciation of nationalism on the part of many of his peers. And Sun, as pragmatic revolutionary, early recognized the mobilizing efficacy of nationalism. His problem was that of finding the way of \"turning-on\" the Chinese people by means of it.\n\nYet the \"nationalism\" that Sun articulated is a difficult concept to pin down, as Lyon Sharmon's excellent analysis has shown.14 Min-ts'u, Sun's term for nationalism, means the people's clan. Prior to 1912 it had meant Chinese solidarity against the Manchus, but afterwards was re-interpreted to mean the unity of all races in China, including the Manchus, on an equal basis. Almost until the end of his life this concept of nationalism was interpreted in moderate terms. As late as 1923 it carried two connotations, or aspects. The first was the internal one of unity of races within China; the second, external, aspired for an equal place of respect for China among the nations of the world.\n\nHowever, in 1924 the San Min Chu I lectures muddied the issue considerably. Suddenly, there was evinced in Sun a bitterness against imperialism that was uncharacteristic of the man, but probably explainable in terms of accumulated disappointments at the lack of Western support and, at the same time, of increasing Russian influence. This sudden antipathy toward imperialism was contradictory, incidentally, to Sun's own erstwhile plans to solicit incredibly large amounts of foreign economic assistance for China. Unfortunately too, this final form of nationalism had again a strong racist connotation. Sun expressed in alarmist fashion the fear that the Chinese people, because their population was allegedly static at a time when the West's was increasing, would be absorbed by the racially alien foreigners. Sun made race then, and fear, a part of his nationalism. He also was at pains to demonstrate now how it was that China's nationalistic spirit had declined historically. This he laid directly to the Manchus whose superior techniques of denationalization allegedly robbed China of her \"precious jewel.\"15 This is not exactly persuasive, and one is left to wonder further at his concept of nationalism when he\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205579, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "116\n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR.\n\nspeaks of its use by the secret societies. He said that since the secret societies saw \"the impossibility of overthrowing the Tai-Tsings, they seized then on the idea of nationalism and began preaching it, handing it down from generation to generation. Their main object in organizing the Hung-Men societies was the overthrow of the Tai-Tsing dynasty and the restoration of the Ming dynasty. The idea of nationalism was for them auxiliary.\"16 Perhaps this is but a reflection of the obvious fact that his own nationalistic spirit along racial lines had been artificially wrought. Sun, after all, had not initially been anti-Manchu. His memorial of 1894 to Li Hung-chang, suggesting reforms, contained no such references. Yet, characteristically, Sun would bury this fact in the recounting of his own personal history, for ignoring the memorial to Li Hung-chang altogether, he said in his Memoirs that his anti-Manchu revolutionary course had begun in 1885, nine years earlier.17\n\nAnd so, Sun's use of history, when it is an effect of nationalism or is influenced by it, must necessarily reflect his unusual and uncertain appreciation of nationalism itself. Sun the iconoclastic revolutionary was not as Liang Ch'i-Ch'ao, for example, alienated from a tradition he had personally and deeply known.18 He did not, therefore, feel as intensely the lingering emotional tie to it. He was consequently less disposed to an indulgence in too heavy a dose of cultural nationalism, in trying to preserve a semblance of identity for China in the face of extensive borrowing from the modern West.\n\nBut of course, Sun did feel the need to make some prideful assertions regarding what he believed to be superior features of China's past. We see in this a certain amount of cultural nationalism, but Sun's purpose as often as not had a practical political purpose in mind. He asserted, for example, the superiority of China's ancient virtues. “Loyalty, Filial Devotion, Kindness, Love, Faithfulness, and such are in their very nature superior to foreign virtues, but in the moral quality of Peace we will further surpass the people of other lands.\"19 Such is the source of the old moral power by means of which China could absorb the barbarians of the past. Likewise in politics, Sun declared that China had “a specimen of political philosophy so systematic and so clear that nothing has been discovered or spoken by foreign statesmen to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205580, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 122, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "SUN YAT-SEN AND CHINESE HISTORY\n\n117\n\nequal it.\"20 However this might be, Sun also conceded that it had not been implemented. Sun noted too that in the halcyon days of the Chou dynasty, which he saw as the period of maturity or the Golden Age of Chinese civilization, \"the political, economic, and educational systems, literature and the arts, attained in China the same development roughly, as they have today in the modern Western countries.\"21 This period \"of great and unlimited liberty,\" was succeeded by 2,000 years of decline. But because of reforms during the Golden Age, China's despotism was reduced sufficiently so that it was never as severe as it was in the West, or so Sun claimed.22 Whatever pride or identity serving purposes such remarks may have had, they were also among those which made for Sun more practical points as well. Such a view of history served to illustrate Sun's philosophical dictum that knowledge was difficult and action easy. Thus China's historical decline had been caused by too much intellectual reflection in the centuries following the Golden Age. Therefore, it was a revolutionary call to the Chinese people for more practical action, a necessary revolutionary ingredient which was Sun's main purpose and concern.23 Such a view of history was also designed to support the not entirely unreasonable contention that China need not seek to borrow all of its modern political forms from the West, because China had certain distinctive needs for which suitable political forms should be created.24 Whether or not the political forms Sun went on to suggest were suitable or not is something else. The point here is that the nationalistic implications of Sun's use of history were strongly action-orientated, designed to mobilize people behind his revolutionary program. The identity-serving side is there, but it is a blurred image of China's past. While containing elements of the traditional self-image, it represents as many pragmatically-necessitated departures from it, and a number of misunderstandings of it as well.\n\nIn summary then, while it is certainly legitimate to presume the influence of nationalism on Sun Yat-sen's use of history, it is a factor requiring careful qualification. Nationalistic influences there were, but there are also problems of Sun's personal identity and his shifting appreciation of the meaning of nationalism. Beyond this was his tendency to use history as seemed required or desirable for what he considered practical political programming. Finally, and most fundamental of all, was a basic lack of interest in his-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205581, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 123, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "118\n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR.\n\ntorical accuracy, either for detail or theory, a reflection of Sun's indifference to the past and the problems its recovery poses. Nationalism can be the cause of historical distortion, but it might be kept in mind that it is not necessarily the only such cause when history is written by nationalist revolutionaries. As history itself, the subject can be considerably more complex,\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Sun Yat-sen. Memoirs of a Chinese Revolutionary. Taipei: China Cultural Service, 1953, p. 82.\n\n2 Ibid., p. 55.\n\n3 Ibid., pp. 38-39.\n\n4 Sun Yat-sen, The Three Principles of the People: San Min Chu I. Taipei: China Publishing Co. (no date), p. 37.\n\n5 Memoirs, p. 37.\n\n6 Ibid., p. 38.\n\n7 San Min Chu I, pp. 117-118.\n\n8 Ibid., pp. 118-119.\n\n9 Ibid., p. 122.\n\n10 Chang Chi-yun, Chinese History of Fifty Centuries, Vol. I, Taipei: Chinese Artistic Printing Office, 1962, pp. 47-48.\n\n11 San Min Chu I, p. 163.\n\n12 Ibid., p. 57.\n\n13 see Maurice Meisner, Li Ta-chao and the Origins of Chinese Marxism, Harvard University Press, 1967, p. 170.\n\n14 see Lyon Sharman, Sun Yat-sen: His Life and its Meaning, New York: John Day, 1934, pp. 286-289.\n\n15 Leonard Hsü, Sun Yat-sen: His Political and Social Ideals, Los Angeles: University of Southern California Press, 1933, p. 207.\n\n16 Memoirs, p. 148.\n\n17 Ibid., p. 143.\n\n18 see Joseph R. Levenson, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and the Mind of Modern China, Harvard University Press, 1959.\n\n19 San Min Chu I, p. 41.\n\n20 Ibid., p. 42.\n\n21 Memoirs, p. 79.\n\n22 San Min Chu I, p. 84.\n\n23 Memoirs, pp. 79-81.\n\n24 San Min Chu I, p. 111.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205582, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 124, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "119\n\nCAPITALISM AND THE CHINESE PEASANT; SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CHANGE IN A CHINESE VILLAGE* \n\nReviewed by H. G. H. NELSON† \n\nJack Potter lived in Hang Mei, one of the eight villages making up the Tang stronghold of Ping Shan, from the autumn of 1961 to the beginning of 1963. His findings were first reported in his Ph.D. Thesis for the University of California, and apart from one or two minor, though not unimportant, textual changes, the bulk of the thesis is here presented verbatim. It has been changed in only one major respect: a short section on the effects of the Western Treaty Ports on the surrounding rural hinterland has been expanded into the essay which forms the book's concluding chapter; the title has also been changed from Ping Shan: the Changing Economy of a Chinese Village,\n\nThe book's stated purposes are, first, to explore the reasons why the villagers of Ping Shan have prospered by their participation in the general commercial and industrial expansion of Hong Kong; second, to study the process of \"depeasantization” and the penetration of the external market into the hitherto largely self-contained economy of the peasant; and third, to make a contribution to the understanding of the effects on China's rural economy of the Treaty Ports. A further tacit purpose of the book is the validation of some of the theories put forward by Freedman (1958) in Lineage Organization in Southeastern China—and it is one that is particularly well-served.\n\nPotter divides his field-data into three main sections:\n\n1) the occupational structure of Ping Shan in the early 1960s, and the process by which some of the villagers have made the transition \"from peasants to farmers\".\n\nCapitalism and the Chinese Peasant; Social and Economic Change in a Chinese Village: Jack M. Potter, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1968; pp. ix, 215, illustrated, US$5.75.\n\n† Mr. Howard Nelson is a graduate student of the University of London at present engaged on social research in the New Territories.\n\nPing Shan is in the north-west New Territories of Hong Kong. For Ping Shan with Ha Tsuen see pp. 162-165 of A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (Hong Kong, Government Printer, n.d. but 1960). Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205583, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 125, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "120 \n\nH. G. H. NELSON \n\n2) the parallel process by which the wider market has penetrated the village economy; Potter here provides a detailed analysis of family finances. \n\nIn each of these two sections, one chapter is devoted to an historical analysis, and another to a description of the modern situation. \n\n3) a single chapter on the ownership and management of property, which describes the structure of the local lineage in terms of the distribution of its landholdings. This is, both descriptively and analytically, the best section of the book: the treatment of conflicts within the lineage and its prospects for change and survival, is worth a review in itself. \n\nThere is then an all too brief chapter on the social and cultural effects of economic change, before the concluding essay. \n\nAll this goes to make up a wealth of material for the general anthropologist, the China specialist, and the interested Hong Kong reader. I have nothing but admiration for the field-work which lies behind this book, and hope that by selecting only a few points for comment, I shall not do any injustice to the quality of the data and the thoroughness of its presentation. \n\nPotter gives a lucid exposition of the changes in a peasant economy which result from its adaptation to the modern world, observing that in a traditional society the economic is not fully differentiated from the social, political and ritual spheres of activity. It is unfortunate, however, that he makes little more of this crucial point. The body of the book is concerned with the increasing differentiation of the various spheres of peasant life; but one could have wished for a fuller analysis of their previous integration. For background data on the traditional economy, the quotations from the reports of Colonial Secretary Lockhart and Governor Blake, about 1900, might have been supplemented by information contained in the Chinese gazetteer for San On county, if not by the \"historical data available in out of the way places\" (p 32 fn), which, one hopes, will soon be located and researched. \n\nAt a more theoretical level, I feel that Potter might have attempted to place the social structure of peasant China in a wider context: he does not, for example, cite Leach's work on the balancing of the \"total social exchange account\". It may well be that the differentiation of spheres of activity has gone a good deal", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205584, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "CAPITALISM AND THE CHINESE PEASANT\n\n121\n\nless far than one might suppose from the superficial — though very striking changes in the material standard and style of living. This is especially true of the political and economic spheres. To say, as Potter does in describing the activities of one particularly wealthy individual, that \"in the New Territories at present, political power is easily translated into wealth\" is to oversimplify a complex symbiotic relationship between economic and political power scarcely a new thing in Chinese society. Further consideration of the ways in which different types of peasant society are integrated would have raised some fascinating questions on the particular case of “depeasantization” in the Chinese context. Just how much difference has the great increase in wealth made? Has it, perhaps, intensified patterns of behaviour that were already present? Potter describes the same, or another, wealthy personage as being constantly attended by three or four close business and political associates, almost all of whose entertainment expenses he pays: what is the nature of the relationship between these men? And how does it differ from the analogous ones described in the Chinese novels comedies of manners which could offer new insights to the anthropologist of traditional China?\n\nUnfortunately, Potter lacked time and opportunity thoroughly to investigate the Hop Yick Company, a most interesting organisation in the local market town of Yuen Long. Skinner's work on the integration of whole marketing areas is very relevant to the New Territories, and it would be useful to have more detail on the articulation, past and present, of Yuen Long market with the surrounding villages.* One among many important questions raised, but perhaps insufficiently discussed, by Potter concerns the entry of outside capital into a market which previously derived its livelihood exclusively from its function as a focus for the economic and political activity of the surrounding district: what\n\nA small point of fact (p. 170): the Hop Yick Company did not evolve from a market organisation controlled by a Kam Tin lineage group, interesting though such a development would have been. It was formed when the other groups of villages in the Yuen Long marketing area became tired of the domination of the old market by the Tangs of Kam Tin. These groups (yeuk or heung) found themselves with the capital and the political integration necessary to throw off the Tangs' control, and to form a new market on the doorstep of the old. (Cf. Hong Kong Administrative Reports, 1917, J.2: \"The new market at Un Long proved its utility and incidentally took much of the life out of the old market, where several bankruptcies had to be registered\") Kam Tin was excluded from the foundation of the new market.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205586, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "CAPITALISM AND THE CHINESE PEASANT\n\n123\n\nthrows new light on the structure of the powerful lineage in traditional China. A mere 7% of the land held by the Tangs in Ping Shan was in individual hands; the remaining 93% was ancestral land, i.e. land incorporated in the name of a particular ancestor, the income from which is reserved for the exclusive benefit of that ancestor's patrilineal descendants. As the largest private holding was just under 4 acres, private landlordism may be dismissed as insignificant. The distribution of ancestral land is best described by an adaptation of one of Potter's own diagrams:\n\nB Ас\n\nA\n\nE\n\nF\n\nAD\n\nApproximately 4/5 of all the ancestral land is in the name of ancestor D., and is therefore reserved for the benefit of the descendants of E., F., and G.: while almost 1/2 of the total is in the name of ancestor G., its proceeds being reserved to the Six Families which make up his branch. The remaining 1/10 of the ancestral land is distributed in small parcels over the rest of the lineage. Thus, if there are no private landlords in Ping Shan, there is concentration of landholdings, and landlordism on a major scale. Although Potter is at pains to show that the arrival of Western industry and commerce neither initiated nor stimulated the concentration of landholdings in the hands of absentee landlords, he does not stress that the rural economy, in itself, never produced sufficient surpluses to permit the accumulation of wealth on anything approaching this scale; many Chinese proverbs testify to the difficulty of making more than a bare living from agriculture -- while tradi-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205588, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "CAPITALISM AND THE CHINESE PEASANT\n\n125\n\nA corollary of the sudden rise in land values is of course a desire on the part of landlords or land manipulators to let or sell their land to the highest bidder. Tenant farmers were traditionally protected by an acknowledged system of secure tenancy, but the sanctions which supported this, though effective enough in the past, are rapidly being weakened now, and tenants' title to the land they farm is becoming increasingly insecure. They are seeking legal, documented contracts to protect their interests against those of the landlords.\n\nRents were traditionally high; Potter's conclusion is that rent generally amounted to 45% of the crop—and it is clearly only because the system of reckoning rent, based on the potential rice yield of the land rented, has been slow to catch up with modern conditions that vegetable-growers are not paying much more than they are for their fields. As it is, Potter observed a tendency for rents to rise each time a new tenancy is arranged.\n\nIn spite of increasing insecurity of tenure, and gradually rising rents, farmers' income has risen with the growth of Hong Kong: Potter, with unquestionable logic, derives the one from the other. But he does not explore the paradox that while the bulk of Hong Kong's development has taken place in the context of laissez-faire capitalism, two factors which have been of crucial benefit to the agricultural community have been the result of direct Government intervention: the Vegetable Marketing Organization (V.M.O.) and the Farmers' Cooperative. The paradox deserves consideration—the more so as Potter himself says that the farmers' reaction to the establishment of the Cooperative \"might offer some hint as to the attitude of the peasantry on mainland China to the collectivization of agriculture\". Despite farmers' criticisms, Potter's objective assessment is that both the V.M.O. and the Cooperative have been successful and of great value to the farmers. But how then is one to characterise the economic history of the New Territories since 1900? To this question Potter does not fully address himself, and he allows his section on the Cooperative to belie the implication of his title.\n\nIn spite of the change of title, the argument of the book on the subject of the Treaty Ports is a considerable modification of the argument as presented in the thesis. This is all to the good; the micro-economist takes on the macro-economists at his peril.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205589, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 131, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "126\n\nH. G. H. NELSON\n\ncase put by Fei Hsiao-tung and others who were influenced by the \"orthodox\" Marxist-Leninist interpretation is now convincingly shown to be oversimplified and misleading; and if not wholly unsatisfactory, at least open to serious question. Nevertheless, by his change of title, Potter exposes himself to the criticism that his original choice of field and the data he drew from it may not have been an adequate testing ground for so large an hypothesis. He asserts that in all relevant respects, the situation of Ping Shan resembled that of villages in the hinterland of other Western Treaty Ports; and although he acknowledges the fact of the security of land-tenure given by the British registration of all holdings in the Colony, he is inclined to minimise its importance. Villages in the Chinese mainland, however, had no such security, and, more importantly, lacked the benefits of the Pax Britannica. Hong Kong's peaceful development was interrupted only by the Japanese Occupation, and Potter recognises that as a watershed of change: how much greater changes must have been caused in China by the long series of upheavals that took place there?\n\nPotter's objections to the Marxist-Leninist interpretation of rural China's economy are otherwise well-founded. He shows that while in some areas rural handicrafts were destroyed, the extent to which peasants depended for their livelihood on rural handicraft industries was in general very slight: relatively few areas were as dependent as was Fei's Kaihsienkung on the silk industry. There is, in fact, evidence for the stimulation of China's rural industries by the presence of the Treaty Ports. Similarly, absentee landlordism was not so major a problem as has been supposed. Potter adduces data from a wide variety of sources on other villages in comparable situations, and concludes that the \"orthodox\" interpretation is invalidated by its failure to take into account the tremendous complexity and diversity of the data. He could indeed have brought his point home by citing the wide variety of reactions to modernisation apparent within the limited compass of the New Territories themselves.\n\nPotter has tackled a problem which is of major significance not only to the history of modern China but to the worldwide impact of the developed upon the undeveloped nations. It is not only the student of China who will welcome his eclectic approach and thorough re-examination of accepted views. He has made us aware of the diversity of China's rural scene before 1949, the com-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205590, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 132, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "CAPITALISM AND THE CHINESE PEASANT\n\n127\n\nplexity of the transition from peasant to industrial society, and the scarcity of the evidence in the Chinese case from which a total picture can be composed. But this does not mean that a model can never be constructed. Comparative studies of economic and social change in South America and India could provide new angles from which to survey China's experience: and the mainland itself may one day yield a rich harvest of information. Meanwhile Potter's removal of an oversimplified and misleading model is a first and major contribution towards the construction of a new and more refined one.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205591, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "128\n\n# CHINESE STREET-CRIES IN HONGKONG\n\nBy J. NACKEN*\n\nEditor's note. Dr. Alan Birch, Senior Lecturer in History at the University of Hong Kong, came across this article in the China Review, Volume II, 1873, pp. 51-55. This publication was made available to him from U.S. National Archives Microfilm, Gp. 108, Roll 9 by courtesy of the United States Consulate General, Hong Kong. The Branch is grateful to Dr. Birch for bringing this interesting article to our notice. It is reproduced here exactly as in the original, though a different format has been adopted to suit the Journal's printing style.\n\nMy friend was sitting at his desk, busy, no doubt, in framing the best-worded sentence ever penned in the East, when a howl from the street rang through the lofty verandah, and rebounded, as it were, from the high ceilings of the room. \"That's one of those ubiquitous hawkers,\" said my friend angrily, springing to his feet and rushing to the verandah to have a look at the back of the disturber. I joined my friend quietly and was just in time to see a pair of broad shoulders raising themselves, and a pig-tailed head bending backwards; and then came a second edition of the howl we had heard before. I myself, being of an asthmatic nature, rather envied the sturdy fellow who could carry so much on his shoulders and walk a brisk pace, and yet have breath enough left to utter such stentorian sounds.\n\n\"What does that fellow call out?\" my friend asked. I could not say, though I had been in China for some years, and, as my friend remarked, ought to know, if I pretended to know Chinese at all.\n\nThat was some years ago. In the mean-time others like my friend must have suffered from the annoyance which led to the framing of Ordinance No. 8 of 1872, which says that:\n\n\"Every person is liable to a Penalty who shall use or utter Cries for Purpose of buying or selling any articles whatever,... within any District or Place not permitted by some Regulation of the Governor in Council.'\n\nFor the hawkers of Hongkong wooden tickets are provided which must be renewed every quarter at a cost of 50 cents. These\n\n* Mr. Nacken was a member of the Rhenish Mission, Mr. H. A. Rydings has located a brief reference to his work in South China in the account of the Rhenish Mission given at pp. 272-276 of The China Mission Hand-Book (Shanghai, American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1896). Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205596, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 138, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "CHINESE STREET-CRIES IN HONG KONG\n\n133\n\nAnother class of hawkers are the sellers of articles for daily use. Here is one panting under his load of earthenware; there is another who cries out his bamboo-wares, such as baskets, brooms, mats, benches, ginger grinders etc. Hawkers of fans, pipes, feather-dusters, china, fire-wood, tobacco, salt, oil, cloth, lanterns, etc., one meets everywhere. Beautifully arranged bunches of flowers are offered to you in the street, but happily in a quiet way, because they attract sufficient attention by themselves, I suppose.\n\n\"What does that fellow call out? He has nothing in his two baskets.\" Ah, my friend, he belongs to a very numerous and a very bad lot of men. He is a buyer of refuse. If you hear a voice cry out “mái lán t'it lán l'ung”* you may be sure that he will soon be at the back of your house, near your servants' quarters. He has plenty of money with him, and he will buy from your cook bones, feathers (the good ones for fans and the bad ones for manure), rags and empty tins; from your coolie, paper, nails, shoes, needles, thread or anything that can be got hold of whilst sweeping the rooms; from your boy he will buy bottles, glass, or anything which you may have lost, such for instance as a key, a lock, a stocking, a handkerchief, or a gold button, and even a watch.\n\nThere are a great many of these refuse buyers in Hongkong, but I cannot say how many, as they do not come under the Hawkers' Ordinance. They either have their own shops or they deliver their goods to one of the licensed shops, called Marine stores, which take their name, I am inclined to think, from the fact that all not properly acquired goods are sent afloat into the interior as soon as possible. There are, however, other refuse dealers who are quite respectable. They buy or exchange broken silver, old fans, spectacles, frames, opium-dross, etc.\n\nWe have now to turn our attention to the cries of those who offer their services for repairing things. And here I must say, that the Chinese have really acquired the art of mending. In how wretched and clumsy a way are things repaired in Europe! There is not a foreigner in China who has not several testimonials in his house, proving that his servants are very careless in breaking glass and china and that his servants' countrymen are very skilful and careful in mending it. His tools look rather primitive, but they\n\n* ✰### to buy old iron and old copper.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205597, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 139, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "134 \n\nJ. NACKEN \n\nanswer the purpose. The diamond gimlet especially is a treasure which is not known in Europe. Besides glass and China this simple looking spectacled old man will repair foreign umbrellas, clasps, and hinges, and mark China-ware. Another carries women's toilet boxes with him, which he exchanges for old ones if they are past mending. A third sharpens razors and whets scissors; then come the travelling smith, the cobbler, the tinker; one who hoops tubs and basins, and finally the repairer of mats.\n\nIn passing we may notice the familiar warning cry of our chairbearers 'Mái 'pin* “step aside,” and of the coolies in carrying loads 'T'ai keuk† or 'Hoi lot “look to your footing,” \"clear the road!” and then pass on to hear a few cries in connection with idolatry. Here is the hawker of joss paper, of incense sticks and of candles; there is a table, a chair and a picture of a man's head; a shrewd looking Chinaman has a crowd of eager listeners gathered around him, whilst with his persuasive tongue he tells his fortune to the one who for a few cash has engaged his services. He is a sort of phrenologist. His brother fortune-teller who has his stand at the next corner pretends to read a future happy fate by the lines of his customer's hand. Sometimes you may see an elderly woman with an open umbrella pacing along the sidewalk. Sün meng§ she calls out into the houses. Her prophesying apparatus consists of two tortoise shells. A happy day for a family festival or a felicitous name for a child she is sure to find. And if a child be sick she knows that the little one's spirit has been frightened away by a cat or a dog or something else. She will bargain for some twenty cash, take the child's jacket, light a fire in the street and call the frightened spirit back. After the jacket has been put on the child, the spirit is supposed to have taken up again its former abode within;\n\nand our last street crier walks on.\n\n**\n\n埋邊\n\n千睇脚\n\nL\n\nI BALAS\n\n§ to calculate destinies.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205598, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "135\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nNOTES ON SOME VEGETARIAN HALLS IN HONG KONG BELONGING TO THE SECT OF HSIEN-T'IEN TAO:\n\n(THE WAY OF FORMER HEAVEN)*\n\nOn Saturday, March 16, 1968, members of the Society visited four vegetarian halls at Ngau Chi Wan, Kowloon, belonging to a religious sect called Hsien-t'ien Tao. These notes are based on materials provided for the visit, which we have rearranged and expanded slightly, and they include also a brief account of the visit itself.\n\nWe chose vegetarian halls for our visit because they are, to many members of the public in Hong Kong, less known places of worship than the more popular temples, and the monasteries and nunneries of Buddhism. When we first came across these particular halls in Kowloon and discovered they were of the Hsien-t'ien Tao sect they seemed to us to be an obvious choice for another reason: they follow an ideology standing outside Buddhist and Taoist religion and again far less known to most people in Hong Kong than these faiths.\n\nA field study will have to be made before a full account can be written up of either vegetarian halls or of the Hsien-t'ien Tao and its operation in Hong Kong today. These notes are intended to provide the reader with some general outline information and are based on information already obtained by Marjorie Topley here, and in research elsewhere, and by James Hayes in interview with members of these Kowloon halls prior to the visit. The short bibliography of works which we have appended provide more detailed material on the background of this and similar religious groups, and their vegetarian halls in China in traditional times. We refer the reader also to an article by Marjorie Topley elsewhere in this volume on matters of religion in the nineteenth century.†\n\nI. THE VEGETARIAN HALL AND ITS PURPOSE\n\nVegetarian halls (chai-t'ang) form part of the organization of more than one Chinese religion. They are found, for example, in\n\n* The illustrations to these notes are at Plates 14 to 19.\n\n† See pp. 9-43 above.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205601, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "138 \n\nNOTES AND QUERIES \n\nsaid to have been of the Buddhist faith and to have lived in China in the early part of the eighth century; or to one of their patriarch-successors. These sects share a common ideology, have the same goals, and some have a similar system of rank and appointments, even possessing the same rank-names and terms of address. Some of these sects are, like Hsien-t'ien Tao, vegetarian, that is to say they demand a permanent vegetarian diet (and also sexual abstinence) from their rank-holders; and some, generally speaking the more recent off-shoots, are non-vegetarian. It is only the vegetarian sects which are organized through vegetarian halls. \n\nSome of the other sects operating in Hong Kong today and recognised by Hsien-t'ien Tao to be related to it are P'u-tu Men: \"The Salvation Sect\" and Kuei-ken Men: \"The Sect of Reverting to the Root [of Things],\" which are both vegetarian; and T'ung-shan She: “The Fellowship of Goodness\", which is non-vegetarian and was particularly active in the period leading up to the founding of the Chinese Republic and immediately afterwards. \n\nThe ideology of these sects is known by Hsien-t'ien Tao rather confusingly as Hsien-t'ien Ta-tao: \"The Great Way of Former Heaven\". It is syncretic, incorporating elements from a number of sources but most importantly from Chinese and Tibetan Buddhism, and from Taoism, and the Yin-Yang cosmology which received general acceptance by the Chinese in traditional times. In combining all these elements however Great Way ideology, as we will refer to it here, produces an original synthesis: a system of ideas distinct from any other. The religion divides time into three major epochs, or cyclical periods, during each of which it is supposed that Absolute Truth comes into the world, is taught by a major Buddha and other distinguished sages, and then, unless men have made efforts to prevent it, becomes distorted and finally disappears. The disappearance of Truth from the world is followed by a major catastrophe (there might also be minor, localised disasters during each period due to minor Truth distortions). All sects in the group believe we have already passed through the first of these periods which was followed by a great flood; some believe we are in the second period now (dominated by Sakyamuni Buddha) which will be followed by a great fire unless we act to prevent it; and a few believe we are actually in the third period which will be followed by a wind catastrophe (interpreted by the sect Kuei-ken Men as an atomic war). It is in this final period that the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205603, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "140\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nIV. EFFECTS OF SUPPRESSION ON SECT ORGANIZATION\n\nOne effect of campaigns against the Hsien-t'ien sects was to create leadership problems. Patriarchs were sometimes put to death before any successor could be appointed, sometimes several of those likely to succeed to office were put to death simultaneously too, and there was no precedent for electing a leader from among the remaining rank-holders. This led to further splintering into sub-sects: new off-shoots appeared headed by various of the remaining men of top rank.\n\nAn effect of all this on the sect which concerns us here was to cause it to abandon the patriarchate entirely and also do away with the next highest places which were occupied by five men known as the \"Five Elements\". Leadership was handed over to men of the rank immediately below these five who became known as \"family heads\" (chia-chang), and were placed in charge of groups of vegetarian halls occupied by his \"kinsmen\".\n\nAnother effect was on the establishment of vegetarian halls themselves. In some cases members met in their own homes when campaigns against the sects were at their highest, or non-residential halls were established in the towns where they could pass as shop-houses. Sometimes only the \"family head\" and other top rank-holders lived in residential halls and these were built in lonely places difficult of access.\n\nBut the banishment of leaders also brought the sects down to the south of China: to places where they were exiled. Previously their strongholds appear to have been Szechuan and Anwhei provinces. They were strong also in the Hanyang region. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries they began to spread into Hong Kong and to other places overseas: Singapore and Malaya, Thailand, Indonesia, and Borneo. For instance, during our visit we were told that there are currently 100 halls of the Hsien-T’ien Tao sect in Thailand and on the walls of several of the halls visited we were shown photographs said to be those of halls there and in Singapore.\n\nV. VEGETARIAN HALLS AND THE Hsien-T'ien SECT IN HONG KONG\n\nAt the present time we have only fragmentary information on the Hsien-t'ien sect in Hong Kong. The sect appears to have reached here, however, sometime in the late nineteenth century: it will", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205605, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 147, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "142\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nIt is clear from these comments that the Government of Hong Kong at that time was uncertain of the religious affiliations of these halls and it is not possible therefore to say with certainty whether or not they were all sectarian or how many were of the Hsien-t'ien sect. Nevertheless, from the remarks made about the secretiveness of the promoters and managers as to their objects, one must assume that some at least belonged to the sects. It is particularly interesting to note the reference to the opinion of the Government of Kwangtung, and one may wonder how far traditional Chinese ideas of unorthodoxy influenced the ideas not only of the Chinese citizens commenting and who may have known more of their true nature, but also, more subtly, those of the British officer in charge of the District in which the vegetarian hall boom was being experienced. One can of course appreciate Kwangtung's feelings about this boom. Expulsion of sects from its territory would be of little avail if they were planning to set up establishments not far away and from where they hoped to conduct work for the millennium!\n\nIt is interesting, perhaps, to compare the situation here with that in Singapore about the same time, where it is clear from evidence collected by Marjorie Topley there was a similar boom in development. The Singapore Government was clearly unaware of the sectarian connexions of halls built at that time, and indeed is still unaware, as far as she knows, of such connexions with halls built also in the thirties when there was another boom associated with the influx of unattached working women from Kwangtung at that time. Presumably, these developments were too far away to concern the Government of China, or perhaps they were unaware of them also.\n\nToday, in Hong Kong, the Hsien-t'ien sect of concern is a registered company, going under the name of the Sin Tin Taoism Association Ltd. (“Taoism” as used here comes from the term Tao used in the sect's name: Hsien-t'ien Tao, and should not be confused, as in fact it sometimes is, with the religious system of this name). It does not appear to be militant today in its search for its religious goals but, on the contrary, does much valuable charitable work. In 1943, during the Japanese Occupation, the Sin Tin Taoism Association raised money to provide a home for the aged, which it established at Tung Choi Street, Kowloon. In 1945,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205607, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "144\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nheld the third highest of six ranks which may be taken by members of the sect (the two highest are reserved for men only). This rank is known as Yin-ên (314) “Conducting (or Guiding) Grace\" and entitles the holder to the middle name of Ch'ang (g). For a full list of ranks in various of the sects see \"The Great Way of Former Heaven......\" by Marjorie Topley, cited below.\n\nThis lady's father, said to have been an ordinary tenant farmer, and a native of Fa Yuan district, Kwangtung, had held the Chêng-ên rank in the sect, one below his daughter's. He died in the second year of the Republic (1913-14) and the daughter, his only child, followed him into the religion. Photographs of both these persons can be seen at the hall.\n\nThe founder of this hall was also said to have been in charge of the YEE WOH hall (*) in Canton, but on the Japanese occupation of South China in 1937-39 she and a body of her followers removed permanently to the WING LOK T’UNG in Ngau Chi Wan.\n\nOne of the present inmates of this hall was previously with the founder in Canton, having followed her into the sect at the age of 9 (she is now over 60 years of age). Her mother was said to be a cousin of the founder.\n\n2. Kam Ha Ching She (#4)\n\nThis hall was built in the 16th year of the Chinese Republic (1927-28). The founding lady was of the same rank as the founder of the above hall and like her had previously been in charge of a vegetarian hall in Canton, the SHUI WOH T’ONG (#) before coming to Hong Kong.\n\nThe SHUI WOH T'ONG and the YEE WOH T'ONG above, form part of a group of halls of the sect known to members as the “WOH groups\", because they each have WOH as part of their name. They are not to be confused with the secret society of this name.\n\nThe establishment of the KAM HA CHING SHE was said to have been a result of an increasing following among women from Hong Kong who visited the founder in Canton. Deciding to establish a hall in the Colony she set up the MAN YUAN T’ONG (*) on a floor in rented premises in Third Street, Hong Kong island, probably about the year 1910. The growing number of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205611, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 153, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "148\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nvillage to visit the KAM HA CHING SHE to be given a bowl of rice and other food. This is supposed to \"help make them stronger and more diligent\". (The sects hold masses at which cooked rice is used and which, in Singapore, is certainly handed out to the poor of the area round a vegetarian hall after the service. It may be that the rice handed out in this case is similarly treated to religious rituals and that it is this which gives it its ability to make students \"strong\" and \"diligent\").\n\nIt is also reported that leaders of the Village Affairs Office of Ngau Chi Wan village are invited to dinner on the 15th day of the 1st lunar month, no doubt to keep up friendly relations between close neighbours.\n\nThe vegetarian halls certainly went to great effort to entertain members of the Society on our visit. Each hall provided us with plentiful, and extremely tasty, vegetarian snacks, fruit, cold drinks and Chinese tea. We would like to record our gratitude to them for their generosity. We would also like to record our gratitude to those in charge of the halls for permitting this visit and in letting us wander at will, and to the spiritual advisor of the inmates and to other male members of the sect who came along to answer our many questions; also to Mr. Tsang Sum of the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, Hong Kong Government for much assistance with the visit.\n\nSOME WORKS OF REFERENCE\n\n1. The most comprehensive work on sects in general in the nineteenth century and of campaigns against them is J. J. M. de Groot's Sectarianism and Religious Persecution in China: a Page in the History of Religions (Amsterdam, Johannes Muller, 1903-4) 2 Vols. It has now been reprinted (legally!) by Literature House Ltd., Taipei, Taiwan, 1963. Many of the sects he mentions are members of the Hsien-tien group. For evidence of this, see:\n\n2. Marjorie Topley, \"The Great Way of Former Heaven: a group of Chinese secret Religious Sects\", in Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. XXVI, Pt. 2 1963, pp. 362-392. \"Great Way\" ideology is described in more detail in this article, and also the system of ranks and appointments used by several of the sects. The evidence for linking these sects with the well-known White Lotus organization is also discussed.\n\n3. Further details of several sects of the group are provided in articles appearing in the Chinese Recorder. See for example:\n\nJ. Edkins, \"Religious Sects in North China\", Vol. XVII, 1886. D. H. Porter, \"Secret Sects in Shangtung\", Vol. XVII, 1886. George Miles, \"Vegetarian Sects\", Vol. XXXIII, No. 1, 1902. The relationship among the sects discussed was not however known to these writers at the time.\n\nHong Kong, 1968\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY and JAMES HAYES", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205612, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 154, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nJARDINE, MATHESON & CO.'S FIRST SITE IN\n\nHONG KONG\n\n149\n\nAlexander Matheson told the House of Commons Select Committee on Commercial Relations with China in 1847 that his firm had, without authorisation, commenced building \"to a certain extent\" before the first Land Sale held by Captain Elliott* on 14 June 1841 in Hong Kong. It is commonly assumed that the site of this building was at what later became known as East Point, in the present Causeway Bay area of Hong Kong, where the firm was to build extensive godowns and residences. One writer, for example, speculates that by the time of those first land sales, Jardine, Matheson & Co. had already selected for themselves a \"spacious area at East Point\" and intimates that it was there that they were building in June, 1841.2 However, even on the rather scanty evidence available, it seems clear that the site of this unauthorised building was not East Point but an area on the present Queen's Way, in the old Admiralty Dockyard.\n\nContemporary evidence, in any event, makes it unlikely that East Point was the site. Pottinger, the first Governor of Hong Kong,† gives us a graphic description of East Point as he saw it, possibly in August 1841 but more likely in mid-1842, when he returned from the military expedition against China. He describes its \"wild and uncouth state being one chaos of immense masses of granite and other rocks, that it was hardly accessible by person or on foot, either on the side of the water or the land, that the firm in question, by the application of science and extraordinary labour and by an expenditure of about £100,000 (sic), have not only made it available for their vast mercantile concerns, but have rendered it a credit and an ornament to the colony.\" The site sounds at that time, to put it mildly, somewhat unattractive though it did stand at the head of the Wongneichung Valley and would be well-placed to dominate any settlement there; there is evidence that the firm conceived a plan in 1842 for building a seawall and\n\n* Administrator of Hong Kong January-August 1841 as well as plenipotentiary for the current negotiations with the Chinese authorities. See p. 16 and Appendix I of G. B. Endacott's A History of Hong Kong (London, Oxford University Press, 1958).\n\n† Sir Henry Pottinger, Administrator and subsequently first Governor of Hong Kong August 1841-May 1844. Endacott op. cit. Appx, I.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205613, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "150 \n\nNOTES AND QUERIES \n\ncanal which would give access to warehouses and so on built in the Valley (a plan which A. T. Gordon, the Land Officer, endorsed in the 'dream' of the future City of Victoria which he communicated to Pottinger in 1843).4 But if Pottinger's description is accurate, it would have taken a good deal of imagination to see it that way. \n\nThe East Point site was purchased, at the first Land Sale on 14 June 1841, in the name of Captain William Morgan, a ship's captain who may have been Jardine's Hong Kong manager, and the actual area purchased was not specified then or when Pottinger's Second Land Committee was attempting to settle the Land Question in Hong Kong. We learn, from a later source, that it amounted to almost 170,000 square feet (about 3.4 acres). It is, however, often overlooked that the firm also purchased three other marine lots at the same sale: numbers 26, 27 and 28 and it is here that they had already commenced building by the time of the sale. This contention is upheld by a number of contemporary accounts of the sale. The Canton Register (predecessor of the Hong Kong Register) intimates that one purchaser had commenced building before the sale,6 \n\nWe are told in an unpublished history of the early years of Jardine, Matheson & Co. that in February 1841, within a month of the naval forces taking possession of the island, that they had erected a large matshed godown above the foreshore. An anonymous correspondent of the China Mail, writing 8 years after the event, but who attended the first sale in 1841, states that Matheson, in order to avoid the expenses involved in landing goods at Macao for transhipment, resolved to land a consignment of cotton at Hong Kong. To make this possible, he sent from Macao materials for the erection of a godown. This building, he avers, was four feet above the ground at the date of the sale and was sited on what later became known as the Commissariat Stores. The fact that they were building and had ground cleared, he continues, gave additional value to adjoining lots. As will be seen, Marine Lots 26, 27 and 28 were shortly to become the Commissariat stores. If further support is needed, I may quote from Tarrant's History of Hong Kong, published in 1861 or 1862: he states that \"some months before the sale......Messrs Jardine, Matheson & Co, erected those godowns which now form part of the Naval Yard, near the Canton Bazaar.” \n\nI", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205614, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 156, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n151\n\nEnough has been said to demonstrate that East Point was not the Firm's first building site. This leads on to a further contention that it was not the original intention to site the main part of the new city of Victoria in the Happy Valley - though it is undeniable that that idea was mooted within a year or so and building did commence there after a very small number of individuals, most of them connected with Jardine, Matheson & Co., very quickly obtained grants of much of the best land in the area.\n\nHowever, one further circumstance suggests that the firm originally intended to have their Headquarters much nearer the centre of town than was later the case. Sometime in 1841, perhaps very soon after the sale of 14 June 1841, they obtained a transfer from a Captain Ramsay of what was then Town Lot 42, and there erected a large house of which the Canton Press caustically commented that \"on entering the harbour, you perceive the most commanding site, disfigured by a hybrid erection, half New South Wales and half native production, which is a foretaste of the architectural absurdities to be perpetrated on this island.\"\n\nBut Jardine, Matheson & Co. were unfortunate in their choice of this site for their headquarters on two counts. It was early decided that the hill to the west of the present Albany nullah (Garden Road) should be reserved for Government buildings only. Government correspondence was as early as November 1841 datelined ‘Government Hill’.\n\nThereby restricting the development of the town in that direction into the fairly wide and gently sloping valley behind the present Murray House. But even worse was the Military's insistence that the ridge and hillside to the east of the Albany nullah should be reserved for their use; this area covered the sites of both the firm's godowns and house. The house later became the residence of Lord Saltoun, Commander of British Forces in China during the war which ended with the Treaty of Nanking in 1842. The present Flagstaff or Headquarters House, built by 1846, now stands on this site.\"1\n\nThey were able to occupy neither building for long: early in 1842, Colonel Malcolm, Pottinger's secretary, wrote to them, extending an offer to compensate them for moving away to allow the area to be used by the Military. They would be allowed to choose marine lots in any part of the island not appropriated for any other purpose and would, in addition, be given $25,000 in cash for the buildings they had erected. They had, of course, no option, and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205616, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 158, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n153\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Minutes of Evidence, Q. 2260.\n\n2 G. R. Sayer, Hong Kong: Birth, Adolescence and Coming of Age, 1937, p. 99.\n\n3 Pottinger to Lord Stanley, (No. 15 of 1844), 28 February 1844, (CO129/5/£174) The occasion of this despatch was Admiral Cochrane's suggestion that East Point would make the best site for a naval depot and that Jardine, Matheson & Co. should be removed to make way: see Cochrane to Pottinger, 23 February 1844 (CO129/5/£182).\n\n4 Gordon to Malcolm, 6 July 1843 (CO129/2/f.138).\n\n5 See Friend of China, 2 November 1850.\n\n6 Canton Register, 29 June 1841.\n\n7 E. J. Yorke, The Princely House, (unpublished), p. 487.\n\n8 China Mail, 20 December 1849.\n\n9 Apparently published in 1861 or early 1862 in either Canton or Hong Kong. It was a reprint of articles written by Tarrant in his newspaper, the Friend of China, at the time when he was publishing it in Canton. For this extract, see Friend of China, 9 November 1861.\n\n10 Canton Press, 19 February 1842.\n\n11 See Hong Kong Register, 15 January 1850. The siting is amply demonstrated from maps also. And see Minute by Pottinger on the question of accommodation for General D'Aguilar, Saltoun's successor: January 1844 (CO129/5/f.93).\n\n22\n\n12 Malcolm to Jardine, Matheson & Co., 17 February 1842 (CO129/5/f.96).\n\n13 See Hong Kong Register, 15 January 1850.\n\n14 Yorke, op. cit., p. 488.\n\n15 Pottinger to Jardine, Matheson & Co., 3 June 1842 (CO129/5/f.224).\n\n16 The firm claimed later that this godown belonged to their Bombay agent, Sir Jamsetjee Jeejeebhoy, without whose consent they were unable to comply with a request that it be sold to the military for use as barracks: see Pottinger to Saltoun, 26 October 1843 (CO129/5/f.524).\n\n17 Yorke, op. cit., p. 491.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205617, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 159, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "154\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nRESEARCH ON FAMILY VALUES AND CULTURE CHANGE IN HONGKONG'S MODERN CHINESE NOVELS\n\n130 novels, parts of novels and short stories (simply called \"novels\" below) in Chinese language of the years 1960-67 have been analyzed. Only novels were included which have their setting in present-day Hongkong. They are printed as books, in periodicals and daily newspapers. The following data have so far been assembled. From them some preliminary observations can be made.\n\n1. Material\n\n1.1 List of authors according to origin from North or South China, occupation, income.\n\n1.2 List of newspapers and periodicals according to circulation, class of readers.\n\n1.3 Notes on readers according to sex and class.\n\n1.4 Summaries of the contents of each novel.\n\n1.5 List of the values and attitudes of the main characters of each novel according to class (upper, middle, lower) and age (young, old). Both distinctions have proved useful.\n\n1.6 Tabulation (as 1.5) of these values and attitudes, specifically arranged under the following topics:\n\nindividual versus family and group,\n\nachievement orientation versus non-achievement orientation,\n\nattitude for or against Western culture,\n\nattitude to law and morals.\n\n2. Method\n\n2.1 From some of the most widely-read publications those 130 novels etc. were selected which deal with relevant social topics as listed in 1.6.\n\n2.2 Some balance between books, periodicals and newspapers was attempted.\n\nThe sample of novels in books was balanced according to the main two price groups.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205618, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "164\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nhusband's family were Hakkas from near Tam Shui and they had then been in Ngau Tau Kok for three generations.\n\nThese accounts are selected from others known to the writer, and are intended to illustrate a feature of old village life in the Hong Kong region at the end of the last century and, no doubt, for centuries before.\n\nBy way of a postscript it appears that travelling Hakka craftsmen were not only to be found in South China. Agnes Smedley's book The Great Road: The Life and Times of Chu Teh (Monthly Review Press, New York, 1956) mentions regular visits from such persons at his home when he was young. He was born in a village near the market town of Ma An Chang in I Lung (四川) district in Szechuan in 1886. The following extracts are of interest:\n\nFrom time to time during the year, itinerant artisans left the big towns and cities and came along the Big Road, wandering from village to village to work for such families as needed their special skills. Carpenters, metalsmiths, mat weavers, cloth weavers and others, all were skilled artisans who owned and carried their own tools of trade... An old weaver, whom General Chu referred to simply as \"the Old Weaver\", came each winter to weave cloth from the cotton thread spun by the women of the Chu family. The coarse woven cloth was then dyed an indigo blue, hung on long bamboo poles to dry, after which the women cut and sewed it into garments for the family, into quilt coverings or other uses of the household... These itinerant artisans were a part of the peasant economy. Coming from the big towns or cities, they were much more advanced and independent than the peasants, to whom they brought new ideas. They were even folk historians and some of them could read and write. They lived in the homes where they worked, and each evening the family gathered about to listen to their talk... The Old Weaver who wove cloth for the Chu family each winter seems to have been a Hakka also. He was a grim old fellow with a scalding tongue who would set up his long narrow loom in the courtyard or, if it was too cold, in the kitchen, and begin his weaving... the old man's long brown hands worked as swift as light. He could weave twenty chih, some twenty to thirty feet of cloth, a day, for which", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205620, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 162, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n157 \n\nThe only study of the question which has any pretence to authority is that by Sayer in his work on the first 20 years of Hong Kong under British rule. In that study he makes use of various contemporary descriptions and accounts to fix the site of the first building to which the name 'Government House' has been given on the location of the Victoria District Court at the top of the present Battery Path. Though I do not contest that the site was so used for a period, it would appear that Sayer's conclusion is at variance with other contemporary material which should have been available to him. The problem stems partly from a failure to distinguish between the offices where the Governor performed his official functions and the residences where he lived. When Sir Henry Pottinger, the first Governor, arrived in 1841, he spent one night in a tent. When he returned to Hong Kong after the successful conclusion of the war against China, he lived in a number of houses, though there is positive evidence only about one of them. Though visual evidence from drawings of Hong Kong suggest that he may have resided in a house in the possession of Major Caine, the Chief Magistrate, there is no documentary evidence of the fact and I am not concerned with it; if he did so reside, he must have done so gratuitously, for the Government Accounts of the period do not record any rent payments which might be attributed to this.\n\nSayer is able to state confidently that \"the first Government House has disappeared without trace” as a preamble to his attempt to re-trace it. The Canton Press of January 1842 reported that “a public office to serve as a temporary residence for the head of the Government\" had just been finished. The same newspaper shortly after this referred to this building as \"Government House,\" but added that it had changed its name to the \"Record Office\" since \"the late Acting Governor has been metamorphosed into a Lieut.-Governor.\" The reference is to A. R. Johnston, who administered Hong Kong during Pottinger's absences from the Colony. Sayer concludes from this that the building referred to by the newspaper must have been the house undeniably built by Johnston at the top of Battery Path. He further supports this by pointing out that, on Collinson's Map of 1844, Johnston's House is marked 'Government House.' Lest, however, this should seem to answer the question beyond further argument, I have a few observations to offer.\n\nAs early as the end of 1841, Johnston was writing letters dated 'Government Hill' and there is no doubt that this was the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205621, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "158 \n\nNOTES AND QUERIES \n\narea later, and right up to the present day, reserved exclusively for Government buildings. In one such letter, Johnston informed Pottinger that the 'Record Office' should be completed and ready for occupation in 6 weeks time.3 A few months later, Pottinger was datelining letters 'Government House.' It is a fair assumption that this was the building to which Johnston and the Canton Press referred. It could not, therefore, have been, as Sayer asserted, the house built by Johnston as his own residence; not only because that house was not built until some time later, but also because of the directions which Pottinger gave to Johnston on the selection by the latter of a suitable site for his house. Sayer's assertion would necessitate Pottinger giving instructions on the siting of the house in which he already lived himself. But the contents of the letter provide the answer: Pottinger directed that Johnston's house was not to interfere with the site for the permanent Government House which, he said, would “be in front of the building erected as an office and record office and in which I am now residing.” Since the site for the permanent Government House was then that on which it was eventually erected, it follows that Pottinger was referring to a site lying lower down the hill than that in which he was living. Confirmation of the location is provided by a letter which Davis, second Governor, wrote to Lord Stanley (Secretary of State for the Colonies) in which he told him that his present residence, lately the Land Office, was \"quite commodious enough to enable me to dispense with any other until orders shall be received from Home for its erection.” \n\n5 \n\nThe documentary evidence is confirmed by two maps of the time: both Collinson's Map and that prepared by Gordon, the Land Officer, show a group of buildings just to the south of the present Upper Albert Road. On Collinson's map (the later of the two) they are marked simply 'Government Buildings,' but on Gordon's map of 1843 they are called 'Government House.' At about this time, the Friend of China newspaper described a new road which passed in front of Government House and descending to Queen's Road near Johnston's House. It must therefore be taken to be established that a collection of buildings immediately to the south of the present Government House were the first to bear the name. Though Sayer admits of the existence of these buildings on this site, he fails to relate them to the general question which he sought to answer.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205622, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 164, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n159\n\nNothing is known of the buildings themselves in 1842 but in the following year there was further activity on the site, partly to provide a roof for the Chinese Imperial Commissioner, Keying during his visit in the summer of that year. In April 1843, Woosnam (Pottinger's secretary) requested Gordon to draw up plans for a new Government House which would serve as temporary accommodation until Hong Kong's future was settled (ratifications of the Treaty of Nanking had not at that time been exchanged and it was thought locally that Hong Kong would be given up if they were not; in fact, the Colonial Office was disposed to treat the Colony as belonging to the Crown by right of conquest). The accommodation was to consist of two bungalows, one of three rooms and the other of four bedrooms. Gordon's return of his departmental expenditure reveals that he cut a site \"for the residence of the head of the Government,\" built a carriage road to \"Government House,\" and built a bungalow without offices.\n\n8\n\nThese buildings must be those which appear on both the maps referred to, along with earlier structures. But, though this conclusion seems beyond doubt, Sayer attempts to identify these buildings with another structure altogether: the Albany. He quotes a description of Government Hill given in the Chinese Repository which says that Government House was \"further westward and higher up the hill\" than Johnston's House. Sayer \"unhesitatingly\" identifies the reference with the Albany, a building which used to stand within the area of the Botanical Gardens at the foot of Old Peak Road. It was erected in 1843-1844 as a residence for Government servants at a reasonable rental at a time when rents on the open market were extremely high. There is no record of the Albany ever having been used for anything other than residential purposes. In view of the undoubted presence of other buildings in a place consistent with the description, it is difficult to see why Sayer confused them with the Albany.\n\nBut what of the established fact of Governor Davis's residence in Johnston's house? There is positive evidence that Johnston's house was so used: there is on record a letter from Pottinger to Johnston concerning its hire during the latter's absence on leave,10 and Martin, sometime Colonial Treasurer in Hong Kong and the Colony's most virulent critic, made a specific point of the expenditure on renting the house for the Governor. Some years later, the Friend of China commented acidly that \"the Governor, if he has", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205623, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 165, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "160\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nnot built a palace, pays the rent of one for his own accommodation out of the public purse.\" The Government accounts for the period reveal that the rent was paid to Johnston for its hire by Government. But it is quite clear from Davis's letter to Stanley that, in August 1844, he could only have been living in Johnston's House if it were then known as the 'Record Office.' That is not beyond possibility for, if the early buildings on the site in the present Botanical Gardens were known as the 'Record Office' when Johnston lived there, his later residence may have attracted the same name to distinguish it from 'Government House.' But that conclusion cannot disturb the main argument.\n\nAs a postscript, it is worth commenting on the suggestion that Sir Samuel Bonham, third Governor, lived at Spring Gardens (Spring Garden Lane in the present Wanchai). Sayer quotes a reference from Robert Fortune's Tea Districts of China (1852) and comments that it is the first and only evidence that a Governor of Hong Kong lived at Spring Gardens. Sayer should have read his Friend of China where he would have discovered advertised, after Bonham's departure from Hong Kong, the sale of a house, doubtless one of those depicted on Murdoch Bruce's sketch of Spring Gardens, which was stated to have been lately in the occupation of Bonham. Fortune was right; or, as Sayer would have put it, he was a veracious witness,12\n\nHong Kong, 1968,\n\nDAFYDD EMRYS Evans\n\nNOTES\n\n1G. R. Sayer, Hong Kong: Birth, Adolescence and Coming of Age, 1937, Oxford University Press.\n\n2ibid, p. 211.\n\n3Johnston to Pottinger, 12 November 1841; CO129/10, f. 51 (Colonial Office Records).\n\n4c.g. Pottinger to General Burrell, 7 March 1842; CO129/10, f. 114.\n\n5Pottinger to Johnston, 26 May 1842; CO129/10, f. 204.\n\n6Davis to Lord Stanley, 16 August 1844; CO129/7, f. 20.\n\n7Friend of China, Overland Summary, 23 December 1843.\n\n8Woosnam to Gordon, 18 April 1843; CO129/10, f. 360.\n\n9Gordon to Pottinger, 10 February 1844; CO129/5, f. 141.\n\n10Pottinger to Johnston, 21 October 1843; CO129/10, f. 522.\n\n11Friend of China, 18 April 1846.\n\n12See also Friend of China, 26 December 1849. The house was erected by Messrs. Blenkin, Rawson & Co. on Marine Lot 42 and rented to Government for £500 p.a.\n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205624, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nA REAPING KNIFE FROM LANTAU ISLAND, HONG KONG\n\n161\n\nPlate 21 shows a locally-made agricultural tool from Pui O Lo Wai, a three hundred year old mixed settlement of Hakka and Cantonese on Lantau Island.* It is said to have been made about thirty years ago.\n\nIt is very simply made from the fork of one of the lesser branches of a common local tree, the China Fir. A slender blade has been added that could have been made by one of the itinerant blacksmiths who visited Lantau each winter until recent years, or else have been purchased in the shops of the nearby market centre of Cheung Chau.\n\nThe size of the handle of such a knife could obviously vary from branch to branch though there were obvious minimum and maximum limits dictated by usability. In our example the handle measures approximately 13″ and the blade is 4″ long. Despite appearances the blade is not broken off at the tip but was made with the squared-off end.\n\nThis knife, together with the more usual type shown at Plate 22, was used to cut the rice stalks in the paddy fields. The first type was — and is generally used for the first crop which is harvested in June and July. This is a wet crop because the fields are not dried out at reaping time as in the case of the second crop (October-November) when the second knife is normally favoured.\n\nThe construction of the first knife enables the user to gather four or five stalks between the arms of the handle and draw them together, after which a deft flick of the wrist turns them over to be dealt with by the cutting edge of the blade. In cases where the stalks are lying flat or at an angle and may be tough through being wet the advantages of using such a knife are obvious.\n\nI do not know if it is in general use on Lantau, or elsewhere in the New Territories.\n\nHong Kong 1968.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\n* See my article \"A Mixed Community of Cantonese and Hakka on Lantau Island\" in Aspects of Social Organisation in the New Territories (ed. Marjorie Topley) published by the Hong Kong Branch, R.A.S. in 1965, pp. 21-26.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205628, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 170, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n165\n\nhe charged two or three cash a chih, with food and a place to sleep as was the custom. That was a lot of money for a man to earn; he could live for a week on one day's labor.\n\nAt page 53 it is mentioned that a few years later, at or about the Boxer time, the Old Weaver no longer came to the Chu home to weave cloth each winter, and that no one took his place, it being then cheaper to buy British or foreign cloth in the market.\n\n1. For descriptions of hemp spinning wheels from Chekiang see pp. 167-169 of Rudolf P. Hommel's China at Work... (New York, The John Day Company, 1937). Photographs of two such wheels are at pp. 170 and 171. I have not yet come across any such relics from the Hong Kong region.\n\n2. The Hakkas of Hing Ning district, mentioned above, appear also to have played a large part in weaving foreign cotton yarn imported via Swatow. Consul F.S.A. Bourne in his section of the Report of the Mission to China of the Blackburn Chamber of Commerce 1896-7 (Blackburn, The North-east Lancashire Press Company, 1898) at pp. 153-4 mentions them as using foreign yarn for weaving cotton cloth \"sent down the Canton East River past Hui-chow Fu to Fatshan where it is dyed black and called ch'ung-ch'ang-ch'ing i.e. imitation long black. This cloth, like that of which it is a copy, is very largely exported to Singapore.\"\n\n3. For local, i.e. Hong Kong, place names see A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1960).\n\nHong Kong, 1968.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nTHE TUNG CHUNG FORT (LANTAU ISLAND, HONG KONG)\n\nFor earlier references in NOTES AND QUERIES see Vols. 3 (1963) and 4 (1964) of this Journal at pp. 144-145 and 146-152 respectively.\n\nIn late January 1966, I heard of, and spoke with, an old lady aged 90 sui (歲) born on 2nd October 1877. She had spent all her days in the Tung Chung valley, having been born in Wong Ka Wai and married into Sheung Ling Pei village. A series of questions...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205631, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 173, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "168\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nTHE PRACTICE OF CHINESE BUDDHISM 1900-1950 by Holmes Welch, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass. 1967, pp. xxii, 568.\n\nChinese religion is, to say the least, an exasperating field of study to enter for both specialist and general reader alike. You cannot but be fascinated by the richness of the material, but you cannot help your head spin either at the equal richness of controversy among the experts on the meaning of it all. Be it religion as a whole (was China essentially a religious country?), or one of its many parts, it is difficult to obtain a balanced picture.\n\nIn this beautifully written book, aimed at both specialist and general reader (I consider it a \"must\" for the specialist) Mr. Holmes Welch bravely enters the arena to examine the practice of Chinese Buddhism anew. Many of our readers will recall him as a former member of the Society's Council and author of an article on Buddhism in Hong Kong (Volume I of the Journal). His focus for attention here is Buddhist institutions in mainland China during the first half of this century, and his objects twofold: to give us new material and new detail, and at the same time correct some misleading statements and impressions which have been \"echoed and re-echoed until now they are generally accepted\".\n\nAs the author points out: \"When modern Buddhism is discussed in almost any Western book about China, we find vivid descriptions of the commercialism, illiterates, and vice, but seldom a word about the piety, scholarship or discipline.\" But how to get a true picture? To discover if there is another side? Mr. Welch uses two methods. One is the increasingly popular \"oral history\" approach: by collecting data in intensive interview with Buddhist monks now living overseas. Here, as his anecdotes show, he came right up against the kind of scholarly prejudice concerning interview of people to obtain religious information known to all contemporary workers in the field. The other approach was documentary, using in some cases rare, or rarely known about, Buddhist monastic materials. Some of his data in the book then, is based on one type of information, some on the other, and he also sometimes combines the two.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205633, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "170\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nCHINESE BUDDHIST MONASTERIES: THEIR PLAN AND ITS FUNCTION AS A SETTING FOR BUDDHIST MONASTIC LIFE, J. Prip-Møller, Architect, F.R.I.D.A., Hong Kong University Press, Hong Kong, 1967, pp vii, 300. HK$250.\n\nAccording to my encyclopaedia, architecture is concerned with finding practical and aesthetic solutions to the problem of enclosing spaces for living, worship and work. But what sort of limitations are imposed on plans by the needs of the particular activity enclosed; and conversely too, one supposes, what sort of limitations are imposed on the activity itself by the building techniques developed by a culture? Mr. Prip-Møller is a scholar who attempts to answer such questions in perhaps one of the most difficult fields: an oriental, monastically based, religion which although not changing over much during the centuries it has been established in China, makes all sorts of complex demands on the designers of buildings to house its celibate communities.\n\nThe knowledge necessary for a study of this kind is of course very special: not only architectural, but cultural and religious as well. The author of this book, first published in Denmark thirty years ago and now here in reprint in Hong Kong, was well-qualified however for the task he set himself. In setting out to see how the plans of Chinese Buddhist monasteries have related to the needs of Buddhism and the way of life, training and spiritual goals of its monks, he was already armed with extensive architectural knowledge and professional experience in China, and a great deal of knowledge also of the Buddhist religion (a study of meditation ritual is among his other publications). He already spoke the language, and travelled extensively, mainly in central China and the Yangtze valley where Buddhism was still in a flourishing condition, in search of his data, and architectural sketches and plans.\n\nThe result of this painstaking and lengthy research is a book of considerable value and interest to many kinds of reader. Although personally, I would have liked to see a chapter at the end drawing together the more fundamental points about functional relationships, everything of significance appears to have been covered. There is much information on Buddhist monasticism itself, including the training of novices, descriptions of ordinations, monastic rules and monastic punishments. There are also very plentiful and interesting illustrative materials relating to monasteries and the Chinese monastic way of life.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205635, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 177, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "172\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nDr. Freedman's essay is concerned with problems in an area to which Professor Firth has made significant contributions. This is the role of the deceased in the organization of the society left behind them (see for example, Firth, Frazer Lecture, 1955). The particular concern here is with the deceased as members of a kinship system.\n\nIn \"Ancestor Worship: Two Facets of the Chinese Case”, Dr. Freedman discusses first the question of geomancy (fêng-shui) in regard to buildings and to tombs (the yang and yin of geomancy), and differences found in the incidence of the two types in two parts of what he calls the sinicized world. China, Vietnam and Korea all practise both kinds of geomancy, but Japan has only that of buildings. He suggests this situation might be explained in terms of the kinship system of these countries. In Japan we do not find the kind of agnatic descent system which we associate with China and can be seen in Korea and Vietnam. He also suggests a relationship between the elaborateness of the geomancy of graves and that of the lineage structure, saying it is probably no accident that in the south-east part of China (principally Fukien and Kwangtung) both lineages and geomancy of tombs have been carried to extreme forms of development.\n\nThe principal argument is that where the authority of past generations represented in the cult of ancestors weighs heaviest, there men redress the balance by recourse to the geomancy of the tomb. It is pointed out that geomancy delivers a man's ancestors into his own hands, so to speak (he may determine fortune by siting one or more graves in a way so that influences of the landscape are channelled through the ancestors' bones to agnatic descendants); but in ancestor worship, which Dr. Freedman then goes on to discuss, ancestors are beings with rights and duties.\n\nThe problem here is why Chinese ancestors are essentially benign. An interesting argument is developed relating this to the connexion between ancestors and the nature of command of those taking over from them in the world of the living. The weight of ethnographical evidence is that ancestors, by being displaced, resent their successors, and also endow them with authority to rule in their place. But in the last two millennia in China there has been a situation whereby the family is a property-owning estate dissolving on the death of each senior generation to reform into successor-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205637, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 179, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "174\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\na factory or in petty trade, or some form of out-work, for example making plastic flowers, extremely popular since about 1960. It also affects the future of young members of the boat community since children, once living on the land, can attend school regularly.\n\nLand people have long regarded the boat people as near barbarians and have myths about their \"un-Chinese\" activities, but Miss Ward argues movement ashore will change their status generally, and in the long run the cumulative effects of all the developments connected with economic change will be to integrate the fishing folk completely into the rest of the Chinese population. Miss Ward's main work has been with the Cantonese speaking fishing folk. One might wonder, however, whether the rate of integration will be the same for the \"Hoklo,\" speaking a different dialect. Land-dwelling speakers of this dialect have still a long way to go to full integration in Hong Kong.\n\nHong Kong, 1968.\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\nTHE AWAKENING OF CHINA 1793 - 1949: Roger Pelissier (edited and translated by Martin Kieffer) London, Secker and Warburg, 1967, pp 532. 63/-\n\nThis book, part of a series entitled \"History in the Making\", is really a collection of short extracts, few of them more than several pages culled from numerous Western works. English, American and, usefully, (the compiler being of that nationality) French sources form the bulk of the publications from which the selection is made. The extracts are linked by a connecting narrative to form a continuous sequence of historical experience extending from the Macartney Embassy in 1793-94 to the débâcle of 1948 - 49 when the Chinese Communists took over control of all China.\n\nWhilst the narrative is, in places, open to question, this publication deserves to be widely known and read. This is partly because the books from which the extracts are taken are, in most cases, long out of print and sometimes difficult to obtain; but mainly because it provides a superb sweep of modern Chinese history, carefully assembled. The richness of the material is remarkable and the authors are compelling partly, one suspects, because of the vital nature of what lay before their eyes. The writers are", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205638, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 180, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n175\n\nequally varied. Priests and missionaries; diplomats, consuls, officials and their wives; businessmen; journalists; soldiers and sailors among the foreigners; emperors, Ching officials and literati, Kuomintang and Communist leaders among the Chinese. Chairman Mao has his place (pp 306-308).\n\nIt is easy to choose items to illustrate the striking nature of much of the contents, and to dwell on how well they illuminate the scene. One might mention inter alia the Rev. Timothy Richard's account of a journey made during the dreadful Shansi famine of 1876 (pp 179-181) and of his encounter with a man in a Shantung village who persisted in repeating the official version that England was a revolted tributary (p 182); the description of the filth of Canton's canals and thoroughfares in 1910 (pp 233-234); a French resident of Peking's comments on the passage through his neighbourhood of a tatterdemalion body of troops from the warlord period (pp 286-287) and the striking eye-witness account of one of the outflanking hill marches of the Red Army against Japanese troops (pp 448-489). The cover given to the thirty year period 1917-49 between pp 261-504 half the volume is justified by the material available to the compiler. The chapter of extracts on Red China 1935-45 (pp 413-456), is particularly good. In the midst of such riches it is pointless to recite choice items from one's own reading that might have gone into the work; though no doubt, like this reviewer, readers will be able to suggest alternatives here and there, such is the tremendous outpouring of works on experiences in China up till 1949.\n\n—\n\nThis reviewer recommends the book to a wide range of readers, specialist and general alike; there is something for all in its 500 pages. Its main contribution is to expose the starkness of China's experience and convey some of the misery occasioned for the common people by both natural and man-made disasters over the period. Thereby the essential background to a better understanding of Mao's China and, indeed, of the desperate self-strengthening movement behind the Cultural Revolution is provided in its true perspective and deeper meaning.\n\nHong Kong, 1968.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nPage 180\n\nPage 181", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205639, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 181, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "176\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nTHE SENIOR JOHN SAMUEL SWIRE 1825 - 98: MANAGEMENT IN FAR EASTERN SHIPPING TRADES, Sheila Marriner & F. E. Hyde; (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 1967) pp. xiv, 206, appendices, illus. 42/-\n\nThis book is the latest product of the Liverpool School of Business History which, under Professor Hyde's direction, has published a number of converging and complementary studies of the Liverpool merchant and ship-owner. Although it is claimed for these studies that \"they are collectively an expression of ideas and techniques in the progression towards more sophisticated types of analysis in the handling (sic) of business records\", a common feature of all of them is the endorsement of Charles Wilson's credo: in the history of business, biography is a powerful element.\n\nWe come to this book, then, with the previous knowledge from these other Liverpool Studies that 'The Senior' was a tenacious, aggressive character, described by a business rival as \"a person who lived by and for business alone\"; with, as well, a considerable understanding of the part played by Messrs. Butterfield and Swire in the Far Eastern shipping trades and, in particular, of J. S. Swire's role as architect and protagonist of the Eastern Shipping Conferences. The commercial history of Butterfield and Swire, and to a lesser extent of Holt's Blue Funnel Line,* has already been examined from several angles which means that the reviewer of this present study has had to read three books instead of one! (The third one is K. C. Liu's study of the Anglo-American Steamship Rivalry in China (Harvard, 1962) and which drew, if indirectly, on the Butterfield and Swire records.) This effectively strikes the note of competition arising from the establishment and operation of the China Navigation Company.\n\nWhat we have new in this latest piece of research, principally, is the story of the 'Great and Ancient' (Taikoo) Sugar Refinery and, later, of the Taikoo Dockyard in Hong Kong. This project stemmed, as the authors make quite clear, as much from the conflict between Swire's and Jardine's - Swire swore to oppose the Princely House at all points—as from a calculation that it might further the shipping interests of the firm. Indeed, one of the most valuable sections for the historian of the China Coast trade is the\n\n* Blue Funnel: A History of Alfred Holt and Co. of Liverpool from 1865 to 1914, F. E. Hyde and J. R. Harris, Liverpool University Press, 1957.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205640, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 182, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n177\n\ndocumented account of the cut-and-thrust rivalry of the two Hong Kong firms. With the publication of Dr. Le Fevour's thesis* and the recent acceptance of the principle of scholarly access to the records of Jardine Matheson at Cambridge University, we may expect further dissection of this remarkable commercial network. However, one may reasonably doubt whether the account of the working of this system of finance and trade with Shanghai and Hong Kong as the nuclei and the Treaty Ports as the other vital constituents, will be written for a long time. Until it is, the economic history of Hong Kong cannot be studied.\n\nButterfield and Swire's history, of course, does illustrate some of the principal developments which brought this system to its peak: the hemispheric swing of the firm's trading interests from America to the East (including Australia, about which this study could have been more informative -- apparently no reference was made to the history of the White Star Line published in 1964); the ultimate giving-up of trading activities to concentrate on agency services. The career of John Samuel Swire, too, in its insistence on business honour and rectitude, virtues of the Liverpool business man of the last century, which may strike the present day historian as unctuous, also illustrates crucial changes in business attitudes when we compare the original Taipans with their successors. The Senior was, I venture to think, not untypical in his scruples.\n\nIt is precisely because this is an illuminating study of the character of the business man in relation to his partners, clients and rivals which makes it an important contribution to the study of business history.\n\nUniversity of Hong Kong.\n\nALAN BIRCH\n\n* Western Enterprise in China, 1842-95, to be published shortly as a Harvard Research Monograph.\n\nBOOKS RECEIVED\n\nThe Council acknowledges with thanks books received from various publishers during the year, and in particular from the Hong Kong University Press and Oxford in Asia. A list for 1967-1968 will appear in the next issue of the Journal.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205641, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 183, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "178\n\nTHE LIBRARY OF THE HONG KONG BRANCH, ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\nH. A. RYDINGS (Honorary Librarian)\n\nSince the revival of the Hong Kong Branch in 1959, an effort has been made to build up a library for the use of members, with particular reference to materials on South China and Hong Kong. Some members have kindly donated books, and in 1964 the Asia Foundation made a generous gift of HK$2,850 for the purchase of books. The greater part of this has been spent on the rarer works of local interest, which members would otherwise find it difficult to obtain or consult. The Journal of the Branch has been sent in exchange to various other institutions and societies, by which means a useful collection of their journals has been acquired. In all, the library of the Branch now contains nearly 300 volumes, including periodicals and pamphlets.\n\nBy kind permission of the British Council Representative, a selection of these books is now located at the British Council Library in the Gloucester Building, where Members will be able to consult them, and borrow any volumes which are not marked for reference only. The remainder of the books belonging to the Hong Kong Branch are at present located in the Library of the University of Hong Kong, where they may be consulted by Members on application to the Librarian. These are the rarer books, and those not likely to be in great demand, which are available for reference only. Rules for the use of the Library, together with a preliminary list of its contents, have been distributed to Members.\n\nIt is much to be desired that the Hong Kong Branch may have its own premises, where the whole library collection may be kept together. The University Library, where all the books were previously located, is too inconvenient of access to most members, whilst the British Council Library has its own problems of limited accommodation. Meanwhile, the present division of the books between the two locations, whilst in many ways unsatisfactory, is the best that can be arranged.\n\nAn author catalogue of the books has been compiled on cards, and is available at the British Council Library. The following list, which includes all the books and pamphlets received for the library", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205642, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 184, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "The Library\n\n179\n\nof the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society up to 20th May, 1968, is copied from the catalogue. A list of the other contents of the library, including periodicals, scrolls, tape-recordings, and other materials will be compiled and published in due course. It is also intended to issue annual supplements to the list of books and periodicals.\n\nLIST OF BOOKS\n\n'ABD ALLAH IBN 'ABD AL-KADIR, Munshi.\n\nThe voyage of Abdullah; a translation from the Malay, by A. E. Coope, with notes and appendices. Singapore, Malaya Publ. House, 1949.\n\nABEL, Clarke.\n\nNarrative of a journey in the interior of China, and of a voyage to and from that country, in the years 1816 and 1817; containing an account of the most interesting transactions of Lord Amherst's embassy to the court of Pekin... London, Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme and Brown, 1819.\n\nADAMS, Arthur.\n\nTravels of a naturalist in Japan and Manchuria. London, Hurst and Blackett, 1870.\n\nALEXEIEV, Basil M.\n\nThe Chinese gods of wealth: a lecture delivered at the School of Oriental Studies, University of London, on 26th March, 1926. [London] School of Oriental Studies, 1928.\n\nALLEY, Rewi\n\nPeking opera: an introduction through pictures by Eva Siao and text by Rewi Alley. Peking, New World P., 1957.\n\nANDERSON, Æneas.\n\nA narrative of the British embassy to China in the years 1792, 1793 and 1794... London, Debrett, 1795.\n\nARLINGTON, L. C.\n\nChinese women's coiffure. [Shanghai, China Society of Science and Arts, 1929]\n\nReprinted from the China journal, v.11, 1929, pp. 4-10, 69-76 and 119-126. Presentation copy signed by the author.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205643, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "180\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nBACKHOUSE, E. and BLAND, J. O. P.\n\nAnnals and memoirs of the court of Peking, from the 16th to the 20th century. London, Heinemann, 1914.\n\nBALL, J. Dyer.\n\nThings Chinese; or, Notes connected with China. 5th ed., rev. by E. Chalmers Werner. Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1925.\n\nBELCHER, Sir Edward.\n\nNarrative of a voyage round the world, performed in Her Majesty's Ship Sulphur, during the years 1836-1842, including details of the naval operations in China from Dec. 1840 to Nov. 1841. Publ. under the authority of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty. London, Colburn, 1843, 2 vols.\n\nBERNARD, W. D.\n\nNarrative of the voyages and services of the Nemesis, from 1840 to 1843; and of the combined naval and military operations in China: comprising a complete account of the Colony of Hong Kong, and remarks on the character and habits of the Chinese, from notes of W.H. Hall, London, Colburn, 1844. 2 vols.\n\nBISHOP, John L., ed.\n\nStudies in Chinese literature. Cambridge, Mass., Harvard U.P., 1965.\n\nBLAND, J. O. P., and BACKHOUSE, E.\n\nChina under the Empress Dowager; being the life and times of Tzu Hsi, compiled from state papers and the private diary of the comptroller of her household. New and rev. cheaper ed. Boston, Houghton Mifflin, 1914.\n\nBODDE, Derk.\n\nChina's first unifier: a study of the Ch'in dynasty as seen in the life of Li Ssŭ († 208 B.C.). Hong Kong, University Press, 1967.\n\nBOUCHOT, Jean.\n\nScènes de la vie des Hutungs; croquis des moeurs pékinoises. 2e éd. Pekin, [Nachbaur] 1922.\n\nBREDON, Juliet.\n\nHundred altars. Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1936.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205644, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 186, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "THE LIBRARY\n\n181\n\nBREDON, Juliet.\n\nSir Robert Hart: the romance of a great career, told by his niece. London, Hutchinson, 1909.\n\nBUCK, Peter H.\n\nExplorers of the Pacific: European and American discoveries in Polynesia, by Te Rangi Hiroa (Peter H. Buck). Honolulu, Bernice P. Bishop Museum, 1953.\n\nBUSHELL, Stephen W.\n\nChinese art. 2nd ed. London, H.M.S.O., 1909 reprinted 1924. (Victoria and Albert Museum handbooks) 2 vols.\n\nCAHILL, James.\n\nChinese painting. [Lausanne] Skira, 1960.\n\nCARL, Katharine A.\n\nWith the Empress Dowager. New York, Century, 1905.\n\nCARNÉ, Louis de.\n\nTravels in Indo-China and the Chinese Empire: with a notice of the author by the Count de Carné. Translated from the French. London, Chapman and Hall, 1872.\n\nCHAI, Fei, and others.\n\nIndigo prints of China. Peking, Foreign Languages Press, 1956.\n\nCHENG, J. C.\n\nChinese sources for the Taiping Rebellion, 1850-1864. Hong Kong, University Press, 1963.\n\nCHU, Hsi (AO\n\nKia-li (†): livre des rites domestiques chinois de Tchou-hi, traduit pour la première fois avec commentaires by C. de Harlez. Paris, Leroux, 1889.\n\nCLAUDEL, Paul.\n\nChine. Photographies d'Hélène Hoppenot. [Genève] Skira, 1946.\n\nCLAVELL, James.\n\nTai-pan: a novel of Hong Kong. London, Michael Joseph, 1966.\n\nCOATES, Austin.\n\nPrelude to Hongkong. London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1966.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205645, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 187, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "182\n\nCOHEN, Paul A.\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nSome sources of anti-missionary sentiment during the late Ch'ing. Ann Arbor, Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan [1962?]\n\nExtract from China Society, Taiwan. Journal, v. 2.\n\nCOHN, William.\n\nChinese art. London, The Studio, 1930.\n\nCOHN, William.\n\nChinese painting. London, Phaidon Press, 1948.\n\nCOLE, Fay-Cooper.\n\nThe peoples of Malaysia. New York, Van Nostrand, 1945.\n\nCOTES, Everard.\n\nSigns and portents in the Far East. New York, Putnam, 1907.\n\nCOULING, Samuel.\n\nThe encyclopaedia sinica. Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1917 reprinted 1964.\n\nCOWDRY, N. H.\n\nPlants from Peitaiho. [Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1922] Reprinted from Royal Asiatic Society. North China Branch. Journal, v. 53, 1922, pp. [158]-188.\n\nCROSSMAN, Carl L.\n\nA design catalogue of Chinese export porcelain for the American market. Salem, Mass., Peabody Museum, 1964.\n\nDAVID, Armand.\n\nJournal de mon troisième voyage d'exploration dans l'Empire Chinois. Paris, Hachette, 1875. 2 vols.\n\nDAVIS, S. G., ed.\n\nEconomic geology of Hong Kong. Hong Kong, University Press, 1964.\n\nDAVIS, S. G., ed.\n\nLand use problems in Hong Kong: a symposium. Hong Kong, University Press, 1964.\n\nDAVIS, S. G. and TREGEAR, Mary.\n\nMan Kok Tsui (†); archaeological site 30, Lantau Island, Hong Kong. Hong Kong, University Press, 1961.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205646, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "DAWSON, Raymond, ed.\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nThe legacy of China. Oxford, Clarendon P., 1964.\n\nDEBNICKI, Aleksy.\n\n183\n\nThe Chu-shu-chi-nien (+) as a source to the social history of ancient China. Warszawa, Panstwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1956.\n\nDEGROOT, J. J. M.\n\nThe religion of the Chinese. New York, Macmillan, 1912.\n\nDE MOUBRAY, G. A. de C.\n\nMatriarchy in the Malay Peninsula and neighbouring countries. London, Routledge, 1931.\n\nDER LING, Princess.\n\nTwo years in the forbidden city. New York, Dodd, Mead, 1929.\n\nDRAKE, F. S., ed.\n\nSymposium on historical, archaeological and linguistic studies on Southern China, South-East Asia and the Hong Kong region: papers presented at meetings held in September 1961 as part of the Golden Jubilee Congress of the University of Hong Kong. F. S. Drake, general editor; Wolfram Eberhard, chairman of the proceedings. Hong Kong, University Press, 1967.\n\nEASTHAM, Barry C.\n\nChinese art ivory. Tientsin, Paradissis, 1940.\n\nEBERHARD, Wolfram.\n\nSettlement and social change in Asia. Hong Kong, University Press, 1967.\n\nECKE, Gustav.\n\nAtlantes and Caryatides in Chinese architecture. [Peking, Catholic University, 1930]\n\nEDWARDS, Richard.\n\nPine, hibiscus and examination failures. [Ann Arbor] Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan [1966]\n\nExtract from Michigan. University. Museum of Art. Bulletin, v.1, 1965/66.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205647, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 189, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "184\n\nEITEL, Ernest J.\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nFeng-shui: or, The rudiments of natural science in China. London, Trübner, 1873. bound with\n\nEITEL, Ernest J.\n\nThree lectures on Buddhism. Hong Kong, China Mail, 1871.\n\nELLIOTT, Alan J. A.\n\nChinese spirit-medium cults in Singapore. London, London School of Economics, Dept. of Anthropology, 1955. (Monographs on social anthropology, n.s., no.14)\n\nELLIOTT-BATEMAN, Michael.\n\nDefeat in the East: the mark of Mao Tse-tung on war. London, Oxford U.P., 1967.\n\nEMBREE, John F.\n\nA Japanese village: Suye Mura. London, Kegan Paul, 1946.\n\nENDACOTT, G. B.\n\nA biographical sketch-book of early Hong Kong. Singapore, Eastern Univs. P., 1962.\n\nENDACOTT, G. B.\n\nA history of Hong Kong. London, Oxford U.P., 1958.\n\nFables de la Chine antique. Pekin, Éditions en Langues Étrangères, 1958.\n\nFAIRBANK, John King.\n\nTrade and diplomacy on the China coast; the opening of the treaty ports, 1842-1854. Cambridge [Mass.] Harvard U. P., 1964. (Harvard historical studies, v. 62 - 63).\n\nFEDDERSEN, Martin.\n\nChinese decorative art: a handbook for collectors and connoisseurs. Tr. by Arthur Lane. London, Faber, 1961.\n\nFINN, Daniel J.\n\nArchaeological finds on Lamma Island (##), near Hong Kong. Ed. by T. F. Ryan. Hong Kong, Ricci Hall, University of Hong Kong, 1958.\n\nRepublication of articles originally appearing in the Hong Kong Naturalist, 1933-1936.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205648, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 190, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "THE LIBRARY\n\n185\n\nFIRTH, Raymond.\n\nMalay fishermen: their peasant economy. Issued in cooperation with the Royal Institute of International Affairs and the Institute of Pacific Relations. London, Kegan Paul, 1946. (International library of sociology and social reconstruction)\n\nFITZGERALD, C. P.\n\nChina: a short cultural history. 3rd ed. London, Cresset P., 1961.\n\nFONG, Siué-fong.\n\nFables. Pekin, Éditions en Langues Étrangères, 1955.\n\nFORTUNE, Robert.\n\nThree years' wanderings in the northern provinces of China ... Shanghai, University Press, 1935.\n\nFREEDMAN, Maurice.\n\nChinese lineage and society: Fukien and Kwangtung, London, Athlone P., 1966. (London School of Economics. Monographs on social anthropology, no. 33)\n\nFREEDMAN, Maurice.\n\nLineage organization in southeastern China. London, Athlone P., 1958. (London School of Economics. Monographs on social anthropology, no. 18)\n\nFRODSHAM, J. D.\n\nThe murmuring stream: the life and works of the Chinese nature poet Hsieh Ling-yün (385-433), Duke of K'ang-Lo. Kuala Lumpur, Univ. of Malaya P., 1967. 2 vols.\n\nGARNER, Sir Harry.\n\nOriental blue and white. 2nd ed. London, Faber, 1964.\n\nGARVEN, H. S. D.\n\nWild flowers of North China and South Manchuria. Peiping, Peking Natural History Bulletin, 1937.\n\nGEOFFROY-DECHAUME, François.\n\nChina looks at the world: reflections for a dialogue. Eight letters to T'ang-lin, tr. from the French by Jean Stewart. London, Faber, 1967.\n\nGILBERT, Rodney.\n\nWhat's wrong with China. London, Murray, 1926.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205649, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 191, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "186\n\nGILES, Herbert A.\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nChina and the Manchus. Cambridge, University Press, 1912. (Cambridge manuals of science and literature).\n\nGILES, Lionel.\n\nA gallery of Chinese immortals; selected biographies translated from Chinese sources. London, Murray, 1948.\n\nGODMAN, A., ed.\n\nThe attainment and ability of Hong Kong primary IV pupils: a first study. Hong Kong, University Press, 1964.\n\nGOODRICH, L. Carrington.\n\nA short history of the Chinese people. 2nd ed. London, Allen & Unwin, 1957 reprinted 1962.\n\nGRAHAM, Dorothy.\n\nThrough the moon door: the experiences of an American resident in Peking. New York, Sears, 1926.\n\nGRATTON, Henry Pearson, ed.\n\nAs a Chinaman saw us: passages from his letters to a friend at home. New York, Appleton, 1904 reprinted 1916.\n\nGRAY, Terence James Standus.\n\nAll else is bondage: non-volitional living [by] Wei Wu Wei [pseud.] Hong Kong, University Press, 1964.\n\nGRAY, Terence James Stannus.\n\nOpen secret [by] Wei Wu Wei [pseud.] Hong Kong, University Press, 1965.\n\nGRAY, Terence John Stannus.\n\nThe tenth man: the great joke (which made Lazarus laugh) [by] Wei Wu Wei [pseud.] Hong Kong, University Press, 1966.\n\nGRIFFIS, William Elliot.\n\nChina's story, in myth, legend, art and annals. Boston, Houghton Mifflin, 1901.\n\nGRUNWEDEL, Albert.\n\nMythologie du Buddhisme au Tibet et en Mongolie, basée sur la collection lamaïque du Prince Oukhtomsky. Traduit de l'allemand par Ivan Goldschmidt. Leipzig, Brockhaus, 1900.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205650, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 192, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "GULLAND, W. G.\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\n187\n\nChinese porcelain; with notes by T. J. Larkin. London, Chapman & Hall, 1902-11. 2 vols.\n\nHACKNEY, Louise Wallace, and YAU, Chang-foo.\n\nA study of the Chinese paintings in the collection of Ada Small Moore, London, Oxford Univ. P., 1940.\n\nHALL, D. G. E.\n\nA history of south-east Asia. 2nd ed. London, Macmillan, 1964, reprinted 1966.\n\nHANSFORD, S. Howard.\n\nChinese jade carving. London, Lund Humphries, 1950.\n\nHARRISSON, Tom.\n\nHistory, science, the arts and nature in Sarawak (1960-61) and (1961-62). [Kuching, Government Printing Office, 1961-62].\n\nReprinted from Sarawak's annual report, 1961 and 1962.\n\nHENDERSON, Norman K.\n\nThe education of handicapped children; recent trends and research, with implications for Hong Kong. Hong Kong, University Press, 1964.\n\nHENDERSON, Norman K.\n\nEducational developments and research, with special reference to Hong Kong. Hong Kong, University Press, 1963.\n\nHENDERSON, Norman K.\n\nStatistical research methods in education and psychology. Hong Kong, University Press, 1964.\n\nHERRFAHRDT, Heinrich.\n\nSun Yatsen, der Vater des neuen China: ein Beispiel west-östlicher Begegnung. Hamburg, Drei-Türme-Verlag, 1948.\n\nHEWLETT, Sir Meyrick.\n\nForty years in China. London, Macmillan, 1943.\n\nHEYWOOD, G. S. P.\n\nRambles in Hong Kong. 2nd ed. Hongkong, Kelly & Walsh, 1951.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205651, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 193, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "188\n\nHOÀNG, Peter.\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nA notice of the Chinese calendar, and a concordance with the European calendar. 2nd ed. Zi-ka-wei near Chang-hai, Catholic Mission P., 1904.\n\nHOBSON, R. L.\n\nHandbook of the pottery and porcelain of the Far East in the Department of Oriental Antiquities and of Ethnography. [London, British Museum] 1937.\n\nHODGSON, Mrs. Willoughby\n\nHow to identify old Chinese porcelain. 4th ed., enl. London, Methuen, 1920.\n\nHong Kong et la côte chinoise, du Tonkin à Ning-po... Paris, Hachette, 1910.\n\nHONG KONG. University. Institute of Oriental Studies.\n\nChinese tomb pottery figures: catalogue of exhibition... 26th-28th September, 1953. Hong Kong, University Press, 1953. (Institute of Oriental Studies. Catalogue series, no. 1)\n\nHOSIE, Dorothea, Lady.\n\nTwo gentlemen of China: an intimate description of the private life of two patrician Chinese families... London, Seeley, Service, 1924.\n\nHSUAN Tsang (玄奘)\n\nSi-yu-ki: Buddhist records of the western world. Tr. from the Chinese of Hiuen Tsiang (A.D. 629) by Samuel Beal. Popular ed. London, Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner, [189-?] 2 vols. in 1\n\nHSUEH, Chün-tu\n\nA review article: the years of triumph. London, 1962. Reprinted from China quarterly, no. 11, 1962, pp.225-235. Presentation copy inscribed by the author in Chinese.\n\nHUANG, Raymond\n\nIntonation in idiomatic English, for Chinese students in south-east Asia; by Raymond Huang in collaboration with A. W. T. Green. Hong Kong, University Press, 1964- v.1 only.\n\nHUCKER, Charles O.\n\nChina: a critical bibliography. Tucson, University of Arizona P., 1962.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205652, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 194, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "The Library\n\n189\n\nHUMMEL, Arthur W., ed.\n\nEminent Chinese of the Ch'ing period (1644-1912). Washington, D. C., Government Printing Office, 1944. v. 2 only.\n\nHUNTER, Guy.\n\nSouth-East Asia — race, culture, and nation. Publ. for the Institute of Race Relations, London. London, Oxford U.P., 1966.\n\nHUNTER, W. C.\n\nThe 'fan kwae' at Canton before treaty days, 1825-1844. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1965.\n\nReprint of original ed., London, 1882.\n\nHUNTER, W. C.\n\nBits of old China. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1966. Reprint of original ed., London, 1855.\n\nJARRETT, V. H. C.\n\nFamiliar wild flowers of Hongkong; illus. with photographs by the author... [Hong Kong] South China Morning Post [1937]\n\nJENYNS, Soame.\n\nA background to Chinese painting. London, Sidgwick & Jackson, 1935.\n\nPresentation copy inscribed by the author.\n\nJENYNS, Soame.\n\nChinese archaic jades in the British Museum. London, British Museum, 1951.\n\nPresentation copy inscribed by the author.\n\nJENYNS, Soame.\n\nLater Chinese porcelain: the Ch'ing dynasty, 1644-1912. 3rd ed. London, Faber, 1965.\n\nJENYNS, Soame.\n\nMing pottery and porcelain. London, Faber, 1953. Presentation copy inscribed by the author.\n\nJOCELYN, Robert, Viscount Jocelyn.\n\nSix months with the Chinese expedition; or, Leaves from a soldier's note-book. London, Murray, 1841.\n\nJOHNSTON, Reginald Fleming.\n\nBuddhist China. London, Murray, 1913.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205653, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 195, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "190\n\nJOUON, René.\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nGéographie commerciale de la Chine. 4e éd. [Zikawei, Shanghai, Imprim. de l'Orphelinat de Tou-sè-wè] 1937.\n\nKARLBECK, Orvar.\n\nTreasure seeker in China. Translated from the Swedish by Naomi Walford. London, Cresset Press, 1957.\n\nKARLGREN, Bernhard.\n\nThe book of documents. Stockholm, Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, 1950.\n\nKARLGREN, Bernhard.\n\nThe book of odes: Chinese text, transcription and translation. Stockholm, Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, 1950.\n\nKENDALL, Elizabeth.\n\nA wayfarer in China: impressions of a trip across West China and Mongolia, Boston, Houghton Mifflin, 1913.\n\nKOKUSAI BUNKA SHINKOKAI,\n\nK.B.S. bibliography of standard reference books for Japanese studies, with descriptive notes. Tokyo, K.B.S., 1960-\n\nvol. 2: Geography and travel only.\n\nKOREA. Supreme Council for National Reconstruction.\n\nMilitary revolution in Korea. Seoul, the Secretariat, Supreme Council, 1961.\n\nKOREA. University. Asiatic Research Center.\n\nA brief history of the.... Center. Seoul, the Center, 1964. Text in Korean and English.\n\nKUR'ÄN.\n\nThe Holy Qur'ān: Arabic text and English translation by the late Maulawi Sher Ali. Published under the auspices of Hazrat Mirza Bashir-ud-Din Mahmud Ahmad. Rabwah, West Pakistan, Ahmadiyya Muslim Foreign Missions Office, 1960.\n\nKWOK, K. W.\n\nThe splendours of historic Nanking: eighty photographic studies, with descriptive notes... Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1933.\n\nTitle and text in English and Chinese.\n\nPage 195\n\nPage 196", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205654, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 196, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "THE LIBRARY\n\n191\n\nLANG, Olga.\n\nPa Chin and his writings; Chinese youth between the two revolutions. Cambridge, Mass., Harvard U.P., 1967. (Harvard East Asian series, 28)\n\nLANYON-ORGILL, Peter A.\n\nAn introduction to the Thai (Siamese) language for European students. Victoria, B.C., Curlew P., 1955.\n\nLAUFER, Berthold.\n\nArchaic Chinese jades collected in China by A. W. Bahr, now in Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, described by Berthold Laufer. New York, privately printed for A. W. Bahr, 1927.\n\nLAUFER, Berthold.\n\nIvory in China. Chicago, Field Museum of Natural History, 1925.\n\nLAUFER, Berthold.\n\nJade; a study in Chinese archaeology and religion. 2nd ed. South Pasadena, Perkins, 1946.\n\nReprint of original ed., publ. by the Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, 1912.\n\nLESLIE, Donald, and DAVIDSON, Jeremy.\n\nAuthor catalogues of western sinologists. Canberra, Dept. of Far Eastern History, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, 1966. Mimeographed.\n\nLIN, Yu-t'ang (***)\n\nThe gay genius: the life and times of Su Tungpo. New York, John Day, 1947.\n\nLIN, Yu-t'ang (***)\n\nThe importance of living. New York, Reynal & Hitchcock, 1937 reprinted 1938.\n\nLIN, Yu-t'ang (††364)\n\nMoment in Peking: a novel of contemporary Chinese life. Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1939.\n\nLIN, Yu-t'ang (#*#*)\n\nWith love and irony. Garden City., N.Y., Blue Ribbon, 1945.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205655, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 197, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "192\n\nLIU, James J. Y.\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nThe Chinese knight-errant. London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1967.\n\nLIU, Hsiang (NA)\n\nLe Lie-sien tchouan (* *(4): biographies légendaires des immortels taoïstes de l'antiquité. Traduit et annoté par Max Kaltenmark. Pekin, Centre d'études sinologiques, Université de Paris, 1953.\n\nLIU, Kwang-ching.\n\nAnglo-American steamship rivalry in China, 1862-1874. Cambridge, Mass., Harvard U. P., 1962, (Harvard East Asian studies, 8)\n\nLIU, Shih-shun (*)\n\nOne hundred and one Chinese poems, with English translation and preface. Introd. by Edmund Blunden; foreword by John Cairncross. Hong Kong, University Press, 1967.\n\nMACKEY, Sean, ed.\n\nSymposium on the design of high buildings; proceedings of a meeting held in September 1961 as part of the Golden Jubilee Congress of the University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, University Press, 1962.\n\nMARCHAL, H.\n\nGuide archéologique aux temples d'Angkor: Angkor Vat. Angkor Thom et les monuments du petit et du grand circuit. Paris, Van Oest, 1928.\n\nMARRINER, Sheila, and HYDE, Francis E.\n\nThe Senior: John Samuel Swire, 1825-98; management in Far Eastern shipping trades. Liverpool, Liverpool U.P., 1967.\n\nMARTIN, Bernard.\n\nThe strain of harmony: men and women in the history of China, London, Heinemann, 1948.\n\nMEDHURST, Walter Henry,\n\nA glance at the interior of China, obtained during a journey through the silk and green tea districts, taken in 1845. [Shanghai, 1849]\n\nThis copy formerly belonged to the Canton Library and Reading Room, and is inscribed \"W. C. Hunter, Hong Kong, January 29, 1852\".", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205656, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 198, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "THE LIBRARY\n\nMICHAEL, Franz H., and TAYLOR, George H.\n\n193\n\nThe Far East in the modern world. London, Methuen, 1956.\n\nMILLARD, Thomas F.\n\nConflict of policies in Asia. New York, Century, 1924.\n\nMORSE, Hosea Ballou.\n\nThe international relations of the Chinese Empire. [London, Longmans Green, 1910-1918 reprinted 1961] 3 vols.\n\nNACHBAUR, Albert.\n\nMon carnet de Chine: 1920, 2ème volume [only] [Pekin, Nachbaur, 1920?].\n\nNOTT, Stanley Charles.\n\nChinese jade throughout the ages: a review of its characteristics, decoration, folklore and symbolism. London, Batsford, 1936.\n\nOLIPHANT, Laurence.\n\nNarrative of the Earl of Elgin's mission to China and Japan in the years 1857, 58, 59. Edinburgh, Blackwood, 1859.\n\nOLIVER, Frank.\n\nSpecial undeclared war. London, Jonathan Cape, 1939.\n\nOUDENDYK, William J.\n\nWays and by-ways in diplomacy. London, Davies, 1939.\n\nPEFFER, Nathaniel.\n\nThe Far East; a modern history. Ann Arbor, Univ. of Michigan P., 1958. (University of Michigan history of the modern world)\n\nPOLO, Marco.\n\nThe travels of Marco Polo, rev. from Marsden's translation, and ed. with introd. by Manuel Komroff. London, Jonathan Cape, 1928 reprinted 1930.\n\nPOPE-HENNESSY, Una.\n\nEarly Chinese jades. London, Benn, 1923.\n\nPOULIK, Josef.\n\nPrehistoric art, including some recent cave-culture discoveries, and subsequent developments up to Roman times. Photographs and graphic arrangement by W. and B. Forman. Tr. by R. Findlayson Samsour. London, Spring Books, 1956.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205657, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 199, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "194\n\nPRIP-MØLLER, J.\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nChinese Buddhist monasteries; their plan and its function as a setting for Buddhist monastic life. Hong Kong, Hong Kong U. P., 1967.\n\nReprinted from the original ed., Copenhagen, 1937.\n\nRAND, Christopher.\n\nHongkong; the island between. Tokyo, Tuttle, 1955.\n\nREMER, C. F., ed.\n\nThree essays on the international economics of communist China. Publ. for Center for Japanese Studies and the Department of Economics. Ann Arbor, Univ. of Michigan P., 1959.\n\nRIDE, Sir Lindsay.\n\nBiographical note [on] James Legge: concordance tables [to Legge's Chinese classics, and] notes on Mencius, by Arthur Waley. Hong Kong, H.K. Univ. P., 1960.\n\nRIDE, Sir Lindsay.\n\nRobert Morrison; the scholar and the man: and, Illustrated catalogue of the exhibition held at the University of Hong Kong September fourth to eighteenth 1957 to commemorate the 150th anniversary of Robert Morrison's arrival in China. Hong Kong, University Press, 1957.\n\nROWLEY, George.\n\nPrinciples of Chinese painting, with illus. from the Du Boist Schanck Morris collection. Princeton, N.J., Princeton U.P., 1947. (Princeton monographs in art and archaeology, 24)\n\nROY, Jules.\n\nJourney through China. Tr. from the French by Francis Price. London, Faber, 1967.\n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. Hong Kong Branch.\n\nAspects of social organization in the New Territories: week-end symposium, 9th-10th May, 1964. [Hong Kong, the Branch, 1964]\n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. Hong Kong Branch.\n\nSome traditional Chinese ideas and conceptions in Hong Kong life today: weekend symposium, October 1966. Hong Kong, the Branch, 1967.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205658, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 200, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "THE LIBRARY\n\n195\n\nSCOTT, A. C.\n\nTraditional Chinese plays, tr., described and annotated by A. C. Scott: Ssu Lang visits his mother and The butterfly dream. Madison, Univ. of Wisconsin P., 1967.\n\nSICKMAN, Laurence C. S., ed.\n\nEarly Chinese art. Newton, Mass., University Prints, [194-?] Monochrome reproductions in portfolio.\n\nSIMON, Walter.\n\nFunctions and meanings of erl. London, Taylor's Foreign P., 1952-54. 4 pts.\n\nReprints from Asia major: a British journal of Far Eastern studies, new series, v. 2, pp. 179-202; v. 3, pp. 7-18, 117-131; and v. 4, pp. 20-35.\n\nSIMPSON, William.\n\nThe Buddhist praying-wheel: a collection of material bearing upon the symbolism of the wheel and circular movements in custom and religious ritual. London, Macmillan, 1896.\n\nSPENCER, Cornelia.\n\nMade in China: the story of China's expression. London, Harrap, 1947.\n\nSTAUNTON, Sir George Leonard, 1st Bart.\n\nAn authentic account of an embassy ... to the Emperor of China. taken chiefly from the papers of the Earl of Macartney, Sir Erasmus Gower (and others). 2nd ed., corr. London, G. Nicol, 1798.\n\nThis set lacks the fol. vol. of plates.\n\nSTERICKER, John, and STERICKER, Veronica.\n\nHong Kong in picture and story. Hong Kong, the authors, 1953.\n\nSTERICKER, John.\n\nA tear for the dragon, London, Barker, 1958.\n\nSTOKES, Gwenneth.\n\nQueen's College, 1862-1962. [Hong Kong, privately published, 1962]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205659, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 201, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "196\n\nSUNG, Z. D.\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nThe symbols of Yi King; or, The symbols of the Chinese logic of changes. Shanghai, China Modern Education Co., 1934.\n\nSWALLOW, Robert W.\n\nSidelights on Peking life. Peking, China Booksellers Ltd., 1927.\n\nTENG, Ssu-yü, and BIGGERSTAFF, Knight.\n\nAn annotated bibliography of selected Chinese reference works. Rev. ed. Cambridge, Mass, Harvard U.P., 1950. (Harvard-Yenching studies, v. 2)\n\nTENG, Ssu-yü, and others.\n\nJapanese studies on Japan and the Far East; a short biographical and bibliographical introduction, prepared by Teng Ssu-yü with the collaboration of Masuda Kenji and Kaneda Hiromitsu. Hong Kong, University Press, 1961.\n\nTHOMPSON, Robert Wallace.\n\nO dialecto português de Hongkong. Lisboa, Centro de Estudos Filológicos, 1961.\n\nTHORBECKE, Ellen.\n\nPeople in China; thirty-two photographic studies from life. London, Harrap, 1935.\n\nTREGEAR, Thomas R.\n\nA survey of land use in Hong Kong and the New Territories. Hong Kong, University Press, 1958.\n\nTROTSKY, Leon.\n\nProblems of the Chinese revolution ... Tr. with an introd. by Max Shachtman. 2d ed. New York, Paragon Book Gallery, 1962.\n\nReprint of 1st ed., 1932.\n\nTUN, Li-ch'en (E)\n\nAnnual customs and festivals in Peking, as recorded in the Yen-ching sui-shih-chi. Tr. and annotated by Derk Bodde. 2nd ed., rev. Hong Kong, University Press, 1965.\n\nU.S. Library of Congress. Science and Technology Division.\n\nMainland China organizations of higher learning in science and technology and their publications: a selected guide. Comp. by Chi Wang. Washington, D.C., U.S. Government Printing Office, 1961.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205660, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 202, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "The Library\n\n197\n\nWADDELL, L. Austine.\n\nThe Buddhism of Tibet; or, Lamaism, with its mystic cults, symbolism and mythology, and in its relation to Indian Buddhism. 2nd ed. Cambridge, Heffer, 1934.\n\nWALKER, Egbert H.\n\nFifty-one common ornamental trees of the Lingnam University campus: a guide to the more important local trees. Canton, Lingnam University, 1930.\n\nWANG, Ch'ung (1)\n\nLun-hêng (3) Tr. from the Chinese and annotated by Alfred Forke. 2nd ed. New York, Paragon Book Gallery, 1962.\n\nReprint of previous ed., Leipzig, 1907-11.\n\nWEALE, B. L. Putnam, pseud.\n\nIndiscreet letters from Peking; being the notes of an eye-witness [to] the siege and sack of a distressed capital in 1900. New York, Dodd, Mead, 1907 reprinted 1919.\n\nWELCH, Holmes.\n\nThe parting of the way: Lao Tzu and the Taoist movement. Boston, Beacon Press, 1957.\n\nWERNER, E. T. C.\n\nMyths & legends of China. New York, Brentano, 1922.\n\nWHITAKER, K. P. K.\n\nTsaur Jyr's “Luohshern fuh\". London, Taylor's Foreign P., 1954.\n\nReprint from Asia major: a British journal of Far Eastern studies, new series, v. 4, pp. 36-56.\n\nWIEGER, L.\n\nRudiments [de parler et de style chinois] 2e éd. Imprimerie de la Mission Catholique, 1905. vol. 4: Morale et usages only.\n\nWILKINSON, H. P.\n\nThe family in classical China. Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1926.\n\nWILLETTS, William.\n\nChinese art. Harmondsworth, Penguin Books, 1958.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205661, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 203, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "198\n\nWILLIAMS, C. A. S.\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nOutlines of Chinese symbolism: an alphabetical compendium of antique legends and beliefs... Peiping, Customs College Press, 1931.\n\nLimited ed. of 250 signed copies.\n\nWINSTEDT, Richard.\n\nThe Malays: a cultural history. Singapore, Kelly & Walsh, 1947.\n\nWOODHEAD, H. G. W.\n\nThe truth about the Chinese Republic. London, Hurst and Blackett, 1925.\n\nWOOLF, Bella Sidney, afterwards Mrs. Lock, afterwards Lady Southorn.\n\nChips of China. Hong Kong, Kelly & Walsh, 1930.\n\nWRIGHT, Arthur F.\n\nBuddhism in Chinese history. Stanford, Calif., Stanford U.P., 1959. (Stanford studies in the civilizations of eastern Asia)\n\nWRIGHT, Leigh R.\n\nHistorical notes on the North Borneo dispute. Ann Arbor, Mich., Association for Asian Studies, 1966.\n\n484.\n\nReprinted from Journal of Asian studies, v. 25, 1966, pp. 471-\n\nWRIGHT, Leigh R.\n\nSarawak's relations with Britain, 1858 to 1870. Kuching, Government Printing Office, 1964.\n\nReprinted from Sarawak Museum, Journal, v. 40, 1964, pp. 628-648.\n\nWRIGHT, Stanley F.\n\nHart and the Chinese customs. Publ. for the Queen's University, Belfast. Belfast, Mullan, 1950.\n\nWU, Chiêng-ên (E)\n\nMonkey; tr. from the Chinese by Arthur Waley. London, Allen & Unwin, 1942 reprinted 1945.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205674, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 216, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "211\n\nMANEELY, R. B.\n\nAnatomy Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nMANSFIELD, Miss M. B. - c/o Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon.\n\nMAO, Dr. Philip Wen-chee + 326-8 Tung Ying Building, 100 Nathan Road, Kowloon.\n\nMARSHALL, Dr. Patricia M.\n\nMARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J.-\n\nMAXWELL, D. P. F. · Zoology Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nP. O. Box 104, Macau, Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K.\n\nMAYNARD, Prof. David M. Foothill College, Los Altos Hills, California, U.S.A.\n\nMCBAIN, E. B.\n\nMCBAIN, G. T\n\nMCCABE, Mrs. S. J.\n\nMCCOY, John\n\nMCCRARY, M.*\n\nMCDOUALL, J. C.*\n\nMCELNEY, B. S.\n\nc/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Imperial Chemical Industries (China) Ltd., 16th Floor, Union House, H.K.\n\nFlat 1, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Division of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A.\n\n25-A Robinson Road, Top floor, H.K.\n\n13, The Green, St. Leonards-on-Sea, Sussex, England.\n\nJohnson Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank Building, H.K.\n\nMCFADZEAN, Prof. A. J. S. The University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nMCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. Michael J.\n\nMCKENNA, Sister M. P. - St. Peter in Chains Catholic Church. Kowloon Tsai, Kowloon.\n\nMaryknoll Sisters, Waterloo Road, Kowloon\n\nMcKEIRNAN, Sister Agnes - As above.\n\nMCLEVIE, J. G.\n\nMEFFAN, Mrs. E. I. -\n\nMEIJER, Dr. M. J.\n\nMICHAELIONES, Miss E. O. - ►\n\nMIDDLEBROOK, R. W.* -\n\nMILBURN, K. T\n\nDept. of Education, The University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\n92 Kitano-cho, 2-chome, Ikuta-ku, Kobe, Japan.\n\nConsulate General of the Netherlands, Room 1505, Central Building, H.K.\n\nc/o The British Council, 1, St. Mark's Avenue, Leeds 2, England.\n\n165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A.\n\nMarine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C, H.K.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205677, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 219, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "214\n\nRYAN, Rev. Father T. F.\n\nL\n\nRYDINGS, H. A..\n\n+\n\nWah Yan College, 281, Queen's Road, East, H.K.\n\nH.K. University Library, H.K.\n\nSAUNDERS, Hon, J. A. H. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K.\n\nSCHALLER, Miss K.\n\nSCHOYER, B. P. -\n\nSCHWARZ, Miss Marjorie D.*\n\nSCOTT, A. C.\n\nSCOTT, J. M.\n\nSELLERS, David M. -\n\nSELLETT, G.*\n\nSERSALE, Miss S. M.\n\nSHAW-KENNEDY, Miss Anne -\n\nSHEPHARD, A. J.\n\nSHEKURY, Miss E.\n\nSHOEMAKER, John F. -\n\nSHING, D.\n\nSHU, Dr. H. T.\n\nSIEGEL, H. W. -\n\nSINFIELD, G. H. C.* -\n\nSIMPSON, R. F.\n\nSKELSON, R. E.\n\nSLEVIN, B. F.\n\nSMALL, Dr. D. H.\n\nSMITH, Leslie*\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\nH.K. Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon,\n\n37, Northbridge Road, Greenwich, Connecticut, 06870, U.S.A.\n\nc/o Mrs. R. L. Smyth, 1635 Green Street, San Francisco, California, U.S.A.\n\nAsian Theatre Program, University of Wisconsin, U.S.A,\n\nHong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corp., H.K.\n\nc/o H.K. Government Office, 54 Pall Mall, London, S.W. 1, England.\n\n\"Pinecrest\", N.K.I.L. 3543 Tai Po Road, Kowloon.\n\n11-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K.\n\n2B Fairland Towers, 7B Bowen Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\n14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon,\n\n73 Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon.\n\nFlorida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K.\n\n70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. c/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K.\n\nApt. No. 406, 1061 Don Mills Road, Don Mills, Ontario, Canada,\n\n\"Woodside\", University of H.K., Pokfulum, H.K.\n\n43 Magazine Heights, 17 Magazine Gap Road, H.K.\n\nc/o 1st floor, Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K.\n\nDental Headquarters, Kennedy Road, H.K.\n\nFlat 10-B, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205679, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 221, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "216 \n\nTARR, A. D. - \n\nTHOMAS, L. F. \n\nTHOMAS, Dr. O. L. \n\n- \n\nTHOMAS, T. H. \n\nTHORN, Mrs. R. \n\n+ \n\nTHROWER, Prof. L. B. - TILL, The Very Rev. B.* \n\n+ \n\nTISDALL, B. \n\nTOLMAN, Norman H. \n\nTOOGOOD, C. W. - \n\nTOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie TORRIBLE, G. R.* \n\nTOWNER, J. A. \n\nTRISTRAM, M. P. W. \n\nTSEUNG, Dr. F. I. TURNER, Sir Michael* \n\nTYLER, Mrs. M. R. \n\n+ \n\n- \n\n- \n\nP \n\n- \n\nFlat 202, Balmacara, 17 Old Peak Road, H.K. \n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. \n\nFlat 5, \"Cliffside\", King's Park Rise, Kowloon, \n\nc/o The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K. \n\n14D, Headland Road, Hong Kong. \n\n6-B, Alberose, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K. c/o Morley College, 61 Westminster Bridge Road, London S.E.1., England, \n\n1 Garden Terrace, G/F, H.K. \n\nCultural Office, U.S. Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. \n\nc/o Oxford University Press, 5th floor, News Building, 633 King's Road, H.K. 19, Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K. \n\nc/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K. \n\n57 Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. \n\nRating & Valuation Dept., Murray House, Garden Road, H.K. \n\nChina Building, 4th floor, H.K. \n\n\"Whispers\", Riversdale, Bourne End, Bucks, England. \n\n402 Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K. \n\nUHALLEY, Dr. Stephen, Jr. Department of Oriental Studies, University \n\nVETCH, H. \n\nVETCH, Mrs. H. \n\n+ \n\nVIO, Dr. E. G. VISICK, Mrs. M. WALDEN, J. C. C. \n\n+ \n\nWARD, Miss J. E. A.* \n\nWARRINGTON-STRONG, Cmdr. F. \n\nWATSON, Hon. K. A. WATERS, D. D. WEBB-JOHNSON, S. A. WEI, Dr. Tat \n\nof Arizona, Tucson, Arizona 85721, U.S.A. Hong Kong Univ. Press, The University, H.K. \n\nAs above, \n\n315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. Dept. of English, The University, H.K. c/o Urban Services Dept., Central Govt. Offices, (West Wing), H.K. \n\nc/o National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, N. Devon, England. \n\nc/o Registry of Persons Office, Causeway Bay Magistracy, H.K. \n\nc/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K. Technical College, Hung Hom, Kowloon. 46 King's Park Flats, Kowloon, \n\n3. Fontana Gardens, 5th Floor, Causeway Hill, H.K. \n\n*Life Member \n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205680, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 222, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "217\n\nWEINREBE, H. M.\n\nWELCH, Holmes, H.* WHITELEGGE, D. S.* WILLIAMS, B. V.\n\nWILLIAMS, P. B. -\n\nWILLIAMS, Roger A.\n\nWILSON, B. D. - WILMOT-MORGAN, E.\n\nWILMOT-MORGAN, Mrs. D. M. -\n\nWILSON, Mrs. A. W.. WINKLER, Mrs. E. WONG, Kwok Fong WONG, Peng-Cheong*\n\nWONG, Prof. Po-shang\n\nWONG, Shing-tsang\n\nWONG, Miss Sybil WOO, Dr. Pak-foo WOOD, Mrs. C. -\n\nWOOL-SMITH, Miss Judy -\n\nWORTLEY TALBOT, Miss P. E. WRIGHT, Miss B. R.\n\nWRIGHT, D. A. L. WRIGHT, Dr. L. R. -\n\nWU, Hei-Tak\n\nYANG, V. T.\n\nYAP, Dr. Pow-meng\n\nYEUNG, Walter, W. T. YOUNG, Miss Pauline -\n\nZIGAL, Mrs. I. ZIMMERN, W. A.\n\n7\n\nWeinrebe & Pennell, Ltd., 1103-4 Yu To Sang Bldg., H.K.\n\n4 Holden Lane, Concord, Mass., U.S.A.\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K.\n\n10, The Albany, H.K.\n\nDept. of Extra-Mural Studies, The University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\n3-C Homestead Road, The Peak, H.K.\n\nc/o P.W.D. Headquarters, Central Government Offices, H.K.\n\nAs above.\n\n2 University Drive, H.K.\n\n402 Clovelly Court, 12 May Road, H.K. 92A, Pokfulum Road, 1st floor, H.K. Wong, Tan & Co., Chartered Accountants, 732/735 Alexandra House, H.K.\n\n11th Floor, Mascot House, 746-8 Nathan Road, Kowloon,\n\n16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st floor, H.K.\n\nG. P. O. Box 497, H.K.\n\nRoom 204 China Building, H.K.\n\nSisters' Qtrs., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon,\n\nAddress unknown,\n\nFlat 3-C, Union Apartment, 11 Macdonnell Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of Education, The University, H.K.\n\nc/o Hong Kong Club, H.K.\n\nDept. of History, The University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nThe Registry, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 677 Nathan Road, Kowloon, Flat A-1, 9th floor, 2 Oaklands Path, H.K. 86C, Pokfulum Road, H.K,\n\n60-B Conduit Road, Ground floor, H.K. Peak School, Plunketts Road, H.K.\n\n12 Bowen Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Wheelock Marden & Co., Ltd., Room 1234. Union House, H.K.\n\nThe Hon. Secretary (P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform him of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205698, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 4, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal.\n\nA brochure containing a short history of the Hong Kong Branch, together with a list of lectures given before the Society since its revival, can be obtained by prospective members from the Hon. Secretary, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong.\n\nThe Council welcomes contributions from non-members as well as from members. Articles, notes and queries, and other material dealing with such subjects as the history, languages, literature, art, social customs, and natural history of Hong Kong and adjacent areas will be considered for publication.\n\nContributors are requested to follow closely the style sheet of the Journal, obtainable from the Editor. Contributions of over 20,000 words will not normally be accepted for publication in the Journal. They may, however, be submitted for consideration as monographs.\n\nAll communications intended for publication should be type-written in double spacing on one side of the paper only, leaving adequate margins. They should be sent to the Hon. Editor, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong.\n\nResponsibility for opinions expressed in articles published in this Journal rests with the individual contributors and not with the Council.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205699, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 5, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "# CONTENTS\n\n## PRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1968\n\n## HON. TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1968\n\n## TRANSACTIONS OF THE BRANCH 1968\n\n## Chinese Unofficial Members of the Legislative and Executive Councils in Hong Kong up to 1941\n\n### T. C. CHENG\n\n## ARTICLES CONTRIBUTED:\n\n### Y\n\n### Militia, Market and Lineage: Chinese Resistance to the Occupation of Hong Kong's New Territories in 1899\n\n#### R. G. GROVES\n\n### Tung Kwu Island; the Type Site of Hong Kong's Older Prehistoric Culture\n\n#### W. SCHOFIELD\n\nPage 1\n\nPage 5\n\nPage 7\n\nPage 31\n\nPage 65\n\n### King Mongkut and the Kingdom of Siam\n\n#### R. BRUCE\n\n### The Linguistic and Literary Value of Ming Dynasty 'Mountain Songs'\n\n#### JOHN MCCOY\n\n### The Chinese Descent System and the Occupancy Level of Village Houses\n\n#### H. G. H. NELSON\n\n### Some Notes on Ethno-botany in the New Territories of Hong Kong\n\n#### ARMANDO DA SILVA\n\n### The Mapping of Hong Kong\n\n#### J. T. COOPER\n\nPage 82\n\nPage 101\n\nPage 113\n\nPage 124\n\nPage 131\n\n## ARTICLE REPRINTED:\n\n### The San On Map of Mgr. Volontieri\n\n#### RONALD C. Y. NG\n\nPage 141\n\n## NOTES AND QUERIES:\n\n### Bethesda and the Berliner Frauenverein Für China\n\n#### ALBRECHT PLAG\n\n### The Comet of 1532 —\n\n#### L. Carrington GOODRICH\n\n### What Inspired Sir John Bowring's Hymn?\n\n#### L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\n### Books from the Victoria Library —\n\n#### H. A. RYDINGS\n\n### Early Hong Kong Libraries\n\n#### J. R. JONES\n\nPage 149\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151\n\nPage 152\n\nPage 154\n\nPage 154\n\n### Defence Wall at Pass between Kowloon City and Kowloon Tsai —\n\n#### W. SCHOFIELD\n\n### Removal of Villages for Fung Shui Reasons. Another Example from Lantau Island, Hong Kong\n\n#### JAMES HAYES\n\n### The Occupancy Level of Village Houses in the Hong Kong Region\n\n#### JAMES HAYES\n\n### A Pair of Pottery Covered Jars found at Shek Pik, Lantau Island\n\n#### JAMES C. Y. WATT\n\n## BOOK REVIEWS\n\n### Kelly and Walsh\n\n## THE LIBRARY, 1968-69\n\n## LIST OF MEMBERS\n\n### HON. EDITOR\n\nPage 156\n\nPage 158\n\nPage 161\n\nPage 163\n\nPage 165\n\nPage 179\n\nPage 183", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205705, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 11, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "HON. TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1968\n\nOn the retirement and return to Britain of Mr. O. P. Edwards of the Hongkong & Shanghai Bank the accounts have been kindly audited by Mr. N. N. Chan of Butterfield & Swire (H.K.) Ltd.\n\nMembers will note that there is an excess of Income over Expenditure amounting to $6,970, compared with a deficit amounting to $738 in the previous year. This has largely been brought about by the increase in sale of publications, which this year amounted to $6,118 (against $1,708 last year). Such a high figure for the sale of publications cannot be expected for the future since this year's figures include the sales of 2 Journals (1967 and 1968) and the full effects of the sales of the brochure on the 1966 Symposium and Sir Lindsay Ride's booklet \"The Old Protestant Cemetery in Macao\". There is therefore no room for complacency, and it will be noticed that once again annual subscriptions do not cover our total expenditure, the shortfall being covered by bank interest, income from investments and the sale of publications.\n\nIn December 1968 the 125 shares in the Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corporation (London Register) were sold at a profit of $9,981 and are responsible for the large current account balance ($23,736). The proceeds of this sale have since been re-invested in buying 400 Hong Kong Electric and 400 Lane Crawford, the latter now showing a gratifying increase in market value together with a rights issue of 50 shares. There has also been a recent bonus issue of 133 shares in the China Light & Power. The cost over market value of 6% Commonwealth of Australia 1977/80 can be attributed not only to the low market value of this stock but also to the effects of devaluation.\n\nThe Society is expected to meet heavy expenditure in the forthcoming year. The 1969 Journal with offprints will call for an amount of $8,000 to 9,000, and it is expected that Volume I of the Journal will be reprinted in the near future, calling for another $3,000. Members are strongly urged to assist in increasing the membership of the Society not only to help towards the cost of this high anticipated expenditure but also to obtain a more satisfactory income over expenditure for the future.\n\nD. A. GILKES,\n\nHon. Treasurer.\n\n28 April, 1969.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205706, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 12, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "1967 \n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY \n\nINCOME AND EXPENDITURE FOR THE YEAR ENDING 31ST DECEMBER, 1968 \n\nEXPENDITURE \n\nSundry Expenses \n\n(printing, stationery, postage, \n\nlecture expenses) \n\n--- \n\nHK$ 2,668 \n\n1,100 Symposium Expenses \n\n+ \n\n12,670 Journal Expenses \n\n+++ \n\nHK$ 3,438 \n\n1,471 \n\n10,518 \n\n1,971 \n\nSurplus Excess of Income over \n\nExpenditure \n\n6,970 \n\n1,190 Purchase of Library Books \n\nINCOME \n\n... \n\n1967 HK$ 200 Sundry Receipts \n\n1,192 Symposium Receipts 1,708 Sale of Publications \n\n333 Bank Interest Received 1,916 Dividends Received \n\n580 Life Memberships 1968 10,901 Annual Memberships 1968 Annual Memberships 1969 \n\npaid in 1968 \n\nDeficit - Excess of Expenditure \n\nover Income \n\n+++ \n\n+ \n\nHK$ 221 \n\n1,382 \n\n- L L \n\n6,118 \n\n2,041 \n\nTTT \n\n1,916 \n\n+++ \n\n+++ \n\n1,100 11,380 \n\n210 \n\n60 \n\n738 \n\nHK$17,628 \n\nHK$24,368 \n\nHK$17,628 \n\nHK$24,368 \n\nBALANCE SHEET AS AT 31ST DECEMBER, 1968 \n\nLIABILITIES \n\nASSETS \n\nHK$42,416 Surplus at 1st January, 1968 \n\nJ \n\nHK$41,678 \n\n(738) \n\nAdd: Income over Expenditure \n\nin 1968 Profit on Sale of \n\nInvestments (Note 1) \n\n6,970 \n\nHK$28,431 Investments at cost (Note 2) \n\n(For market value see below) Balance at Banks \n\n15,518 \n\n7,333 \n\nFixed Deposit \n\n$12,223 \n\n9,981 \n\n18,000 \n\nDeposit at Call \n\nITT \n\n526 \n\nCurrent Account \n\n+++ \n\n7,152 23,736 \n\n43,111 \n\n41,678 Surplus at 31st December, 1968 12,612 Sundry Creditor-Printing Charges \n\nHK$54,290 \n\n58,629 \n\nHK$58,629 \n\nHK$54,290 \n\nHK$58,629 \n\nINVESTMENTS \n\nNote 1: \n\n125 shares Hongkong & Shanghai \n\nBanking Corporation (London \n\nRegister) \n\nCost \n\nProceeds of Sale (Dec., 1968) \n\nProfit on Sale \n\n+ \n\nHK$12,913 \n\n22,894 \n\nHK$ 9,981 \n\n(Signed) D. A. GILKES, Hon. Treasurer. \n\nNote 2: \n\nCost \n\nMarket Value \n\n200 shares China \n\nLight & Power HK$ 4,030 HK$ 5,800 \n\n700 shares 6% \n\nCommonwealth \n\nof Australia 1977/80 \n\n11,488 \n\n7,150 \n\nHK$15,518 HK$12,950 \n\n(Signed) N. N. CHAN, Hon. Auditor.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205708, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 14, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "8\n\nT. C. CHENG\n\nIt was as late as February 1880 that an eligible Chinese took his seat as an unofficial member in the Legislative Council. He was Ng Choy, later known throughout China as Dr. Wu Ting-fang. Ng's parents went to Singapore from Chung Shan District,* Kwang-tung Province, and he himself was born in Singapore in 1842. He came to Hong Kong as a boy and was educated at St. Paul's College.2 Having served as an interpreter in the Magistrate's Court in Hong Kong from 1861 to 1874, he was admitted to Lincoln's Inn, London, to study law and was the first Chinese to qualify as a barrister-at-law in January 1877. He was admitted to practise as a barrister in the Supreme Court in Hong Kong in May the same year.\n\nNg Choy's appointment to the Legislative Council was entirely a result of the efforts of the Governor, Sir John Pope Hennessy (April 1877 - March 1882), an Irishman, and a great champion of the Chinese community which had changed a great deal since the 1850's.3\n\nIn 1880 when Hugh Gibb, a member of the Legislative Council, went on leave, Sir John took the opportunity to appoint Ng Choy to a provisional seat in the Council. When he addressed the Secretary of State on this subject, he quoted a memorial from leading Chinese in which they asked that since the Chinese out-numbered the foreigners by ten to one, they should be allowed a share in the management of public affairs. He then went further and suggested a reorganization of the Legislative Council so as to enable Ng Choy to have a more permanent seat. The Secretary of State was not sympathetic with Sir John's views but agreed to Ng's appointment only on a temporary basis until Gibb's return to Hong Kong, or for three years. One view expressed in the Colonial Office was that should the Governor want to consult the Legislative Council secretly or should relations with China become strained, the presence of a Chinese member on the Council might be awkward.4\n\nIn any case, when Ng Choy took his seat in the Legislative Council for the first time on 19th February 1880, it was a great occasion for rejoicings among the Chinese community and a deputation of leading Chinese members called at Government House to congratulate the Governor and themselves on the appointment.5\n\n* Then known as Heung Shan District.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205709, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "CHINESE UNOFFICIAL MEMBERS OF COUNCILS\n\nAs things turned out, Gibb did not return to Hong Kong, and Ng Choy was therefore appointed on a three-year term. This appointment was unfortunately interpreted by some members of the British community as an attempt to create an anti-English party feeling in Hong Kong.\n\nIn May 1880 when one of the magistrates went on leave, the Governor replaced him temporarily by Ng Choy who thus became the first Chinese to hold a senior appointment in the Hong Kong Government. This led to a question in the House of Commons as to why Ng Choy should combine a paid official post with an unofficial seat in the Legislative Council; but by the time these explanations were required the original holder of the post had returned to the Colony.\n\nThe attitude of the British community towards him and the Governor as a result of his appointment to the Legislative Council as well as this parliamentary question must have embarrassed Ng Choy very much. During this time, China having suffered repeated defeats from the hands of foreign powers, there was a movement in China to promote western technology and to modernize China, and any Chinese who had been trained or educated abroad would be welcome back to China. Thus when an invitation came from China for him to serve China, Ng Choy accepted it gladly. He left Hong Kong in 1882 before the expiry of the 3-year term in the Legislative Council, and later sent in his resignation from Tientsin.\n\nNg Choy became Secretary and Legal Adviser to Viceroy Li Hung-chang, one of the most important Chinese political figures of the time. Now known as Wu Ting-fang, he soon rose to become Chief Director of Railways and later Ambassador to the U.S.A. After the founding of the Chinese Republic in 1911, he held important appointments respectively as Minister of Judicial Affairs, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Minister of Financial Affairs. In 1917, when China entered the First World War, he was for a short time nominated as Premier. In 1922 he became Governor of Kwangtung and died the same year in office, soon after General Chan Kwing-ming's revolt in Canton.*\n\n* In his The Chinese (Indianapolis, The Bobbs-Merrill Company, 1909) p. 196, John Stuart Thomson praises Wu and styles him \"the Chesterfield of China in all the graces of speech and manners.\" Ed.\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205710, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 16, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "10\n\nT. C. CHENG\n\nWhile he was Legislative Councillor in Hong Kong, Ng Choy was known to oppose the office of the Registrar-General (established 1844), also known as Protector of Chinese and later renamed in 1913 Secretary for Chinese Affairs, on the ground that it was race discrimination to force Chinese and Europeans to deal with the Government through different departments.8 During his term of office, he was a member of a very important Education Commission, appointed by the Governor Sir John Hennessy in August 1880, to study the question of raising the Government Central School into a collegiate institution, giving a higher education in English and Science. What Sir John had in mind was that Hong Kong would render a great service to China by starting a collegiate institution so that young Chinese boys could come to Hong Kong for a higher western education instead of going to distant countries like America and England. However, the Commission as a whole disagreed with the Governor. It dismissed the idea of a Collegiate Institution on the ground of cost, and pointed out that the great need of the majority of the local population was a sound elementary education. Thus it was not the province of the Government to establish, at the cost of the ratepayers, an institution that would be mainly for the advantage of a small number of wealthy members of the community.\n\nNg Choy's achievements as a Legislative Councillor in Hong Kong were by no means great as compared with some of his successors, as he held office for less than three years; but he had the distinction of being the first Chinese to serve on that Council, and since his time both the Colonial Office and the Governors of Hong Kong have agreed on the principle of Chinese membership of the Legislative Council.\n\nWhen Sir George Bowen arrived in April 1883 as Governor, he was in favour of having a Chinese member on the Legislative Council but realized that it would not be easy to find a successor to Ng Choy from \"among those qualified as British subjects, a native gentleman combining in his own person the proper social position, independent means and education\". In conjunction with the question of a permanent Chinese member on the Legislative Council, Sir George Bowen also took the opportunity of re-constituting the Council. The main differences between the old and the new Council were that a Chinese member was appointed and that the Chamber of Commerce was invited to elect a member.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205711, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 17, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "CHINESE UNOFFICIAL MEMBERS OF COUNCILS\n\n11\n\nfor nomination by the Governor. The new Council met on 28th February, 1884, and consisted of 6 officials excluding the Governor: the Chief Justice, the Colonial Secretary, the Attorney General, the Surveyor General, the Colonial Treasurer, and the Registrar General. There were also 5 unofficials: Mr. T. Jackson (elected by the Chamber of Commerce), Mr. F. D. Sassoon (elected by the Justices of the Peace), Messrs. P. Ryrie, F. B. Johnson and Wong Shing, appointed by the Governor.\n\nThus in 1884 Wong Shing became the second Chinese to serve on the Legislative Council as an unofficial member. He too was a Cantonese from Chung Shan District. In 1841 he entered, with two other Chinese boys, Yung Wing and Wong Foon, the Morrison School in Macao which was later transferred to Hong Kong. In January 1847, Dr. Robbins Brown, an American teacher in the Morrison School, had to leave China on account of ill health. He offered to take a few of his old pupils back to America for further education. Yung Wing, Wong Foon and Wong Shing signified their desire to go and, through Dr. Brown and the Morrison Education Society, expenses for two years for the three boys were arranged. They embarked at Whampoa on the ship \"Huntress\" and proceeded via the Cape of Good Hope, the journey taking more than three months. Upon arrival in the U.S.A. the three boys were admitted to the Monson Academy at Monson, Massachusetts.\n\nAs a result of ill health, Wong Shing did not manage to acquire any academic honours during his sojourn in the United States. On his return to China he was offered an appointment in the Foreign Ministry. He served with Viceroy Li Hung-chang and Marquis Tseng Chi-tze and was a member of the Chinese legation staff in Washington. He resigned later from the Chinese diplomatic service and came to Hong Kong as a merchant. He was also associated with the Anglo-Chinese College and with the London Missionary Society for which he directed its printing establishment under Dr. James Legge. When the Tung Wah Hospital was founded in 1870, he was a founder director. He was naturalized in December 1883 and was appointed to the Legislative Council in February 1884. He was described as a man of property, much-travelled, speaking good English and fully qualified to “look at Chinese affairs with English eyes and at English affairs with Chinese eyes\". His career as a Legislative Councillor was an", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205715, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 21, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "CHINESE UNOFFICIAL MEMBERS OF COUNCILS\n\n15\n\nincluding a big reclamation project.14 The name of the company contained the names of the partners, \"Kai\" from Ho Kai and \"Tak\" from Au Tak. Hence the name of our airport may be taken as a name in commemoration of both Ho Kai and Au Tak.\n\nAlthough very westernized himself, Dr. Ho Kai always entertained a very sympathetic understanding of the Chinese masses. In May 1887 when the Government introduced the Public Health Bill, Dr. Ho Kai, to the surprise of his European friends, opposed it strongly as a member of the Sanitary Board. He accused the Bill of making the \"mistake of treating Chinese as if they were Europeans\" and argued that to improve standards indiscriminately would mean cutting down the available building space, and forcing rentals to go up,15 thereby causing great hardship to the poorer Chinese. Because of his opposition the Bill had to be amended substantially. This is only one example of why Ho Kai was so much respected by the Chinese community as its leader and forthright spokesman.\n\nIn addition to his interest in Hong Kong affairs, Ho Kai, like many educated Chinese of his time, was very much concerned with the modernization and reformation movements that were going on in China. On 8th February 1887, the China Mail carried a reprint of an article by Marquis Tseng Chi-tze, Chinese Minister to Great Britain and Russia, entitled \"China, the Sleep and the Awakening\". On 16th February 1887, Ho Kai published, under the pen-name \"Sinensis\", a long article in the China Mail refuting many points raised by Marquis Tseng. In subsequent years he wrote quite a number of articles, voicing his ideas on political and economic reforms in China, and refuting the views of such Chinese personages as Viceroy Chang Chi-tung and Kang Yu-wei, the reformer who aroused the ire of the formidable Empress Dowager. In 1897 he was offered a post in China by his brother-in-law, Wu Ting-fang.16 However, he went to Shanghai to have a look at things for himself and he decided to return to Hong Kong.\n\nIn 1895, when Dr. Sun Yat-sen, one of his students in the Hong Kong College of Medicine and founder of the Chinese Republic, started the Hsing Chung Hui, a revolutionary organization, in Hong Kong, he had the assistance and support of Dr. Ho Kai. Indeed Dr. Ho took an active part in planning some of the early abortive attempts in Canton to overthrow the Manchu Government.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205716, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 22, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "16 \n\nT. C. CHENG \n\nDr. Ho died in September 1914 at the age of 55 leaving over ten sons and daughters by his second wife who was a Chinese. \n\nThe fourth Chinese to serve on the Legislative Council was Wei Yuk, son-in-law of Mr. Wong Shing. He had another name Wei Bo-shan17 and Po Shan Road is named after him. He was born in Hong Kong in 1849 of a wealthy family, his father, Wei Kwong, being compradore to the Hong Kong branch of the Chartered Mercantile Bank of India, London and China (now the Mercantile Bank Ltd.). After many years of Chinese studies under private tutors, he entered the Government Central School. In 1867, at the age of 18, he proceeded to England to attend the Leicester Stoneygate School. In 1868 he went to Scotland and studied for four years at the Dollar Institution. After a European tour, he returned to Hong Kong in 1872 and then worked in China for a short period. When his father died in 1879 he succeeded him as compradore to the bank. He was a very public-spirited citizen, well-known for his charming manners and pleasant personality. In 1880 he was elected a director of the Tung Wah Hospital and in 1887 became its Chairman. He was appointed a Justice of the Peace in 1883. \n\nWei Yuk's appointment to the Legislative Council was additional to and not in replacement of Ho Kai, and came about as follows. \n\nDuring 1894, the Governor, Sir William Robinson, forwarded to the Secretary of State a petition signed by the Honourable Messrs. Thomas Whitehead, Paul Chater, Ho Kai and other residents in the Colony, asking for unofficial membership in the Executive Council; \"free election of representatives of British nationality in the Legislative Council\"; \"a majority of such representatives in the Legislative Council\"; and freedom of the official members to vote according to their conscientious convictions.18 \n\nThe Secretary of State, Lord Ripon, criticized the petitioners' demands as lacking in clarity on the ground that the petitioners \"asked for the free election of representatives of British nationality without reference to the qualifications of the voters\". Thus if the petitioners intended that only those from the British Islands should vote and be eligible for election, this would exclude the Chinese who comprised nine-tenths of the entire population. He dismissed the claim to have a majority of elected representatives,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205717, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 23, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "CHINESE UNOFFICIAL MEMBERS OF COUNCILS\n\n17\n\nand stated that free debate by officials was impossible because paid servants must support Government measures or resign.\n\nHowever, in a confidential letter to the Governor, Lord Ripon agreed that unofficial representation on the Legislative Council should be enlarged and that there should be two unofficial members nominated to the Executive Council. Considering the extent of the Chinese contribution to Hong Kong and the undesirability of making any distinctions of race, he was of the opinion that one of them ought to be a Chinese. In his reply, the Governor, Sir William Robinson, doubted the advisability of the proposed increase in the Legislative Council and opposed having a Chinese on the Executive Council on the ground that he \"could not and would not be an independent member\". He also added that the Chinese did not understand representative Government.\n\nIn 1896, the new Secretary of State, Joseph Chamberlain, approved the appointment of an extra unofficial in the Legislative Council, preferably a Chinese, and the appointment of two unofficial members for the first time in the Executive Council. Thus in 1896 Wei Yuk became an unofficial member in the Legislative Council, and Messrs. Paul Chater and J. Bell-Irving of Jardine, Matheson & Co., took their seats in the Executive Council on 22nd October, 1896. From the year 1896 to 1929 there were two Chinese unofficial members serving concurrently on the Legislative Council.\n\nAlthough he was junior to Dr. Ho Kai in the Legislative Council, yet because he was older in age and much more Chinese in his mentality and approach, he was just as much respected by the Chinese as was Dr. Ho Kai. He did a good deal to bridge the gap between the Europeans and the Chinese on the one hand, and the Government and the Chinese population on the other. His advice was highly respected by the Government, especially at times of strikes and troubles among the Chinese masses, e.g., the coolie strike against the health regulations for plague prevention in 1894. He was noted for his ability to settle matters amicably before they assumed serious proportions. He was very much concerned with law and order among the Chinese masses because in those early days riff-raff and political refugees from South China continued to come into Hong Kong. Thus it was at his suggestion that the District Watch Force was formed in 1888, the district", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205718, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 24, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "18\n\nT. C. CHENG\n\nwatchmen being paid for with subscriptions from the Chinese community.* In 1893 a District Watch Force Committee was formed with the Registrar General (Protector of Chinese) as Chairman, and from that time onwards up to 1941 many prominent Chinese leaders served on that Committee. Indeed, for many years, it was more or less a tradition for prominent Chinese who wished to render public service to the Colony to begin their public career with this Committee and then, in the case of those who had a knowledge of English, to proceed to the Sanitary Board (which was replaced by the Urban Council in 1935) and thence to the Legislative Council.\n\nFor some years Wei Yuk was more or less an unofficial liaison officer between Hong Kong and the Manchu Government, and the latter was indebted to him in no small degree for the assistance he rendered in bringing to justice Chinese criminals who had fled from Chinese territory to Hong Kong. He was so respected by the Chinese in South China that, following the successful revolution in 1911, when Admiral Li Tsun, Commander of the Chinese Imperial Naval Detachments of Kwangtung and Kwangsi Provinces, declared his surrender to the revolutionary forces directed by Dr. Sun Yat-sen's deputy, Hu Han-min from Hong Kong, Mr. Wei Yuk was asked to act as the guarantor of good faith on both sides!\n\nIn 1894, a fierce bubonic plague broke out in Hong Kong which accounted for over 2,000 deaths mainly in the oldest Chinese section of Hong Kong, viz., Tai Ping Shan (the present Po Hing Fong). In 1896 and subsequent years the plague recurred to a greater or less degree every spring. As there was little scientific knowledge of the plague and as there was no western treatment for this, Government decided to take drastic measures including the cleansing and disinfecting of infected areas, compulsory removal of the sick and house-to-house visitation carried out generally by the military. As it was very un-Chinese to allow sick parents or relatives to be removed from their homes to die in strange hospital rooms, and as the Chinese looked upon house visitation as interference and intrusion upon their privacy and personal liberty, they adopted an attitude of passive resistance and often hid away the dead and the sick. Wei Yuk was able to do\n\nSee chapter 4, \"District Watchmen\" of Regulation of Chinese Ordinance, No. 13 of 1888.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205719, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 25, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "CHINESE UNOFFICIAL MEMBERS OF COUNCILS\n\n19\n\nan outstanding job in these difficult times in enlightening the Chinese masses and in explaining to them the purpose of the Government measures. For these invaluable services he was later presented with a gold medal and a letter of thanks from the general public of Hong Kong.\n\nWei Yuk was also a far-sighted person, for it was he who first seriously pursued the idea of constructing a railway from Kowloon to Canton and thence to Peking. He spent large sums in furtherance of the scheme which failed, however, owing to the obstacles placed in its way by officials in China.21\n\nWei Yuk served on many Government and public committees. While not being noted for long speeches, he was always clear and precise in expressing his views and advice. He retired from public service in 1917 at the age of 68. For his invaluable services to the Colony, he was awarded the C.M.G. in 1908 and knighted in 1919. He died in 1922.\n\nWhen Sir Kai Ho Kai retired in February 1914, his place in the Legislative Council was filled by Lau Chu-pak, who was born in Hong Kong in 1866. He was a brilliant scholar at the Central School and in 1885 was the first boy to be awarded the Stewart Scholarship.22 After leaving the Central School, he was for a time chief clerk at the Hong Kong Observatory. Later he became a tea merchant and amassed a fortune. He was a generous benefactor of education and helped financially many poor children to complete their schooling. With Ho Fook, he was co-founder, in 1900, of the Chinese Merchants Bureau which was renamed in 1913 the Chinese Chamber of Commerce. Before he was appointed to the Legislative Council, he was for many years an active member of the District Watch Force Committee, the Sanitary Board, the Board of Education and the Council of the University of Hong Kong. He was Chairman of the Po Leung Kuk in 1903, a founder-director of the Kwong Wah Hospital in 1907 and Chairman of Tung Wah Hospital in 1909/1910. In January 1909 when a powerful committee was nominated, with the Governor Sir Frederick Lugard as Chairman, to raise funds to start the University of Hong Kong, Lau, Dr. Ho Kai and Wei Yuk were all members of the Committee.\n\nLau Chu-pak's concern in education was demonstrated in 1916 when he suggested, in a Legislative Council meeting, that the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205721, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 27, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "CHINESE UNOFFICIAL MEMBERS OF COUNCILS\n\n21\n\nOn Ho Fook's retirement from the Legislative Council in 1921, he was succeeded by Chow Shou-son (later Sir Shouson Chow) who, together with Sir Robert Hotung, were often referred to as the two grand old men of Hong Kong in the 1940's and 1950's.\n\nChow was born in 1862.* In 1874, he was sent, together with 29 other Chinese boys, by the Manchu Government to the United States to pursue higher western studies. This was the third of four batches of young Chinese scholars who, through the efforts of Yung Wing, were sent to America by the Manchu Government in the years 1872 to 1875.25 Young Chow was eventually admitted to Columbia University where he remained until 1881 when the Chinese Educational Mission in the United States was disbanded and all the boys were brought back to China.\n\nWhile in North America the Chinese boys, totalling 120, were under the supervision of some ignorant and stupid Manchu officials who did not understand what the boys were learning and who were not in sympathy with their activities. These officials sent back to China reports saying that instead of concentrating on their academic studies, the boys were taking part in all sorts of barbarian games and athletic activities. Worst of all, some of the boys were going out with American girls and were being converted into Christians. A report ended by a recommendation that they must be returned to China immediately, otherwise they would lose all interest and patriotic feelings towards China. This recommendation was readily accepted and the boys were back in China in 1881. Many of the boys made good use of the knowledge they acquired and turned out later to be leading engineers, railway builders, diplomats and admirals in China.\n\nChow Shou-son was at first assigned to the Chinese Customs but later became, at various times, Manager of the China Merchant Steamship Navigation Company in Tientsin and Managing Director of the Peking-Mukden Railway. He also held appointments in the Foreign Ministry and was at one time a Chinese consul in Korea. After the founding of the Chinese Republic in 1911, he came to Hong Kong to engage in business and later became Chairman of the Boards of Directors of the Bank of East Asia, the China Entertainment and Land Development Company and the China Emporium.\n\nHis family had been settled in one of the Hong Kong villages for nearly two hundred years. See JHKBRAS vol.7(1967), pp.164-166.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205722, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 28, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "22 \n\nT. C. CHENG \n\nIn May 1915, Japan forced the Republic of China, then under the premiership of Yuan Shih-kai, to accept the \"Twenty-one Demands\". Four years later, in 1919, the Chinese delegation failed at the Peace Conference in Paris to prevent the \"transfer\" of Germany's \"rights and privileges\" in the Shantung Province to Japan. As a result of this complete disregard of China's sovereignty by the foreign powers, thousands of students took part in processions demonstrating against foreign militarism and oppression in China on 4 May 1919. In response, students, merchants, and workers throughout China also staged demonstrations and strikes, thereby sparking off in China the \"May 4 Movement\". Chinese national feelings were also stirred by the Nationalist Party, the Kuomintang (or K.M.T.), who now pressed for the abolition of extra-territorial rights and unequal treaties and the retrocession of foreign concessions. All these had serious repercussions in Hong Kong, and in 1922 the first of a series of seamen's strikes began. On 30th May 1925, certain Chinese demonstrators were shot and killed by British policemen in the International Settlements in Shanghai. This led to more serious strikes and demonstrations in Shanghai, Canton, and Hong Kong, culminating in an economic boycott which paralysed Hong Kong.\n\nDuring this period, the Chinese unofficials, viz., Chow Shou-son, Ng Hon-tsz (who died in May 1923) and Robert Kotewall (who succeeded Ng Hon-tsz), and other prominent Chinese leaders, including Sir Robert Hotung and the directors of Tung Wah Hospital, stood solidly by the Government. Some of them actually acted as unofficial middlemen in negotiations between Hong Kong and the seamen's representatives in Canton. The services rendered by Chow Shou-son and Robert Kotewall during this crisis were so valuable and outstanding that speedy recognition was accorded to them. In 1926, Chow was created a knight. Kotewall was given the honorary degree of LL.D. by the University of Hong Kong, and the following year was awarded the C.M.G.\n\nIt may be of interest to quote here the Governor Sir Cecil Clementi's remarks made in early 1926 at a Legislative Council meeting about the big strike of 1925 and the boycott that followed: \"We are determined to give full protection to the people of Hong Kong, and to put down with a firm hand any conspiracy to intimidate or otherwise to cause trouble among labourers and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205723, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 29, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "CHINESE UNOFFICIAL MEMBERS OF COUNCILS\n\n23\n\nmerchants in this Colony. In all necessary measures to that end, I know that I can rely upon the whole-hearted support of this Council\". At the same meeting, the Senior Unofficial member, Sir Henry Pollock, paid the following tribute to Sir Shouson Chow and Robert Kotewall; \"During the last seven months, in particular, we have felt indebted not only to Sir Shouson Chow but also to his Chinese colleague on the Council. We, Sir, behind the scenes, can appreciate perhaps more fully than the general public the work of the Chinese members of this Council during the period I have referred to”. \n\nOn 9th July 1926, Sir Shouson Chow was also appointed the first Chinese member of the Executive Council, following the death of Sir Paul Chater who had served on that Council since 1896.26 Although the appointment was made on personal grounds, it was evident that political considerations also came in, viz., to pacify anti-British sentiment in China and to further encourage the loyalty of local Chinese towards Hong Kong. \n\nSir Shouson Chow served on both Councils until 1930, when he resigned from the Legislative Council. He continued, however, to be a member of the Executive Council until he retired in 1936. He died many years after the war, in 1959, \n\nWhen Lau Chu-pak retired from the Legislative Council in 1922, he was succeeded by Ng Hon-tsz who was born in 1877 and was compradore to Shewan, Tomes, Ltd. He was a director of the Tung Wah Hospital in 1907 and was a founder of the Tsan Yuk Hospital. He was at various times a member of the District Watch Force Committee, the Sanitary Board and the Council of the University of Hong Kong. He served in the Legislative Council for only two years and died in 1923 while in office. After his death, Sir Henry Pollock remarked at the Legislative Council meeting held on 10th May 1923 that Mr. Ng had always been a \"wise, sound and faithful councillor”. \n\nMr. Robert Kotewall, who succeeded Ng Hon-tsz as a member of the Legislative Council in 1923, was born in Hong Kong in 1880. Educated at the Central School as well as the Diocesan Boys' School, he was a noted English as well as Chinese scholar and was a very good speaker. After a distinguished career in the Hong Kong Government until 1916, he turned to business and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205724, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 30, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "24 \n\nT. C. CHENG \n\nfounded a company named after himself. He was also General Manager of Chinese Estate, Ltd., and adviser to the Hong Kong and Yaumati Ferry Company. He was Honorary Adviser to the Chinese Government as well as the Kwangtung Provincial Government. In 1924, he turned down a Chinese offer to be ambassador to England. He was a member of the Legislative Council for 13 years, from 1923 to 1936, and a member of the Executive Council for 5 years from 1936 to 1941. He was created a knight bachelor in 1938.\n\nThe big strike of 1925 was followed by a boycott of British goods and shipping in China until 10 October 1926, resulting in a serious economic depression in Hong Kong. Mainly through the persuasiveness of Robert Kotewall a special loan of £1,600,000 with an interest rate of 5½%, was arranged from the British Government to assist the merchants of the Colony until normal trading was resumed. Because of this, the Chinese gave him the nickname of \"Silver Tongue\". Sir Robert Kotewall died after the war in 1949,27\n\nIn 1929, the Legislative Council was enlarged through the initiative of the Governor, Sir Cecil Clementi, who was a noted Chinese scholar. The number of officials was increased from eight to ten, including the Governor, and the number of unofficials was increased from six to eight. Of the two additional unofficial members, one was to be a Chinese and the other a Portuguese. Thus the number of Chinese unofficials was increased from two to three and the Portuguese community was represented for the first time on the Council by Mr. Jose Pedro Braga.\n\nIn addition to Sir Shouson Chow and Robert Kotewall, Dr. Tso Seen-wan became the third Chinese member of the Legislative Council in 1929. Dr. Tso, born in 1868, studied law in England. In 1896 he started his practice as a solicitor in Hong Kong together with a partner named Hodgson. In 1902, he, Dr. Ho Kai and some other Chinese leaders were responsible for the founding of St. Stephen's Boys College. He served on the Sanitary Board in 1918 and was appointed a J.P. the same year. As early as 1916, he was awarded the honorary degree of LL.D. by the University of Hong Kong, and in 1928 and 1935 was awarded the O.B.E. and C.B.E. respectively. He served on the Legislative Council from 1929 to 1937 when he resigned.\n\nPage 30\n\nPage 31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205725, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 31, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "CHINESE UNOFFICIAL MEMBERS OF COUNCILS\n\n25\n\nDr. Tso was noted as a very frank, honest and outspoken person. On 26th August 1936 when Mr. (later Sir) M. K. Lo proposed a motion in the Legislative Council that the censorship of the Chinese press should be abrogated, he opposed it by saying that, although he appreciated the principle of the freedom of the press within certain limits, he must ask that local conditions and the interest of the Colony, and in particular of the Chinese community, should be taken into consideration as of first importance. He argued that as there was so much unrest and uncertainty in the political atmosphere in the Far East as a result of Japanese aggression in China, it was very easy and quite natural for the Chinese papers to over-step their bounds by giving expressions to their feelings on matters Chinese. Such expressions, if undesirable and unchecked, might create misunderstandings outside and stir up trouble inside the Colony. He advocated that prevention was better than cure; for, if bad feeling or bad blood were stirred among the masses, especially among the less intelligent sections of the Chinese community, it would be most difficult to restrain or pacify. He felt therefore that Government should continue to censor the Chinese press, although the better controlled English press needed little, if any, censorship. Although Lo's motion was also opposed by other members and was lost, Dr. Tso's frank remarks led to fierce criticisms and even hostility against him by the Chinese press and the Chinese public. This was probably the cause of his resignation in 1937.\n\nIn 1931, when Sir Shouson Chow left the Legislative Council, he was succeeded by Mr. Chau Tsun-nin, now Sir Tsun-nin Chau. Sir Tsun-nin, born in 1893, is the seventh son of the late Chau Siu-ki who was acting Legislative Councillor in the years 1921, 1923 and 1924. Having received his early education at St. Stephen's Boys College, he completed his university studies at Oxford. He was then admitted to Middle Temple and became a barrister. In 1914 he returned to Hong Kong and, after practising as a barrister for a few months, turned to business. He was appointed a J.P. in 1923 and a member of the Sanitary Board in 1929. He was a member of the Legislative Council from 1931 to 1939, and was awarded the C.B.E. in 1938. After the war he was appointed to the Executive Council and was created a knight bachelor in 1956. He retired in 1959.\n\nWhen Robert Kotewall retired from the Legislative Council", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205728, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "28 \n\nT. C. CHENG \n\nNOTES \n\n1 During these early years, schools like the Morrison School, operated by the Morrison Education Society founded by Dr. Robert Morrison, the Anglo-Chinese School (or Ying Wah School) operated by Dr. James Legge of the London Missionary Society (Dr. Legge is best known for his translation of the Chinese classics and for his appointment as the first professor of Chinese at Oxford University in 1874), and St. Paul's College operated by the Anglican Bishop, were dismal failures whether from the missionary or from the educational point of view. In 1855, the Governor Sir John Bowring had this to say about St. Paul's College: \"For the last six years, £250 a year has been voted by Parliament to the Bishop's College for the education of 6 persons destined to the public service, and not a single individual from that College has been yet declared competent to undertake the meanest department of an interpreter's duty\n\nSee E. J. Eitel, Europe in China, London; Luzac and Co., 1895, p. 349.\n\n2 On p. 60 of Fragrant Harbour by G. B. Endacott and A. Hinton, a statement was made that Ng Choy was \"educated at the old Central School (Queen's College)\". I find no evidence to support this.\n\n3 As a result of the founding of the Government Central School (the present Queen's College) in 1862, a number of educated Chinese well-versed in both Chinese and English had been produced, who began to regard Hong Kong as their home town and who began to develop a keen interest in the welfare of Hong Kong. Thus leading Chinese founded the Tung Wah Hospital in 1870 and the Po Leung Kuk in 1880. It is of interest to note that in the 1870's, the educated Chinese actually pressed for the election of representatives to form a Chinese Municipal Board. In 1878, when the foreign community protested against Sir John Hennessy's policy of lenient treatment of prisoners, the Chinese in Hong Kong for the first time despatched an address to Queen Victoria which was in effect a vote of confidence in the Government.\n\n4 G. B. Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong, p. 94. *G. B. Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong, p. 94.\n\n6 In 1862 an Institute of Foreign Languages was founded in Peking and translation bureaux were established to translate scientific books into Chinese. In 1866 the first modern shipbuilding yard was started in Foochow, Fukien, and from 1872 to 1875 four batches of selected young Chinese scholars, totalling 120, were sent to the U.S.A. to further their studies.\n\n7 General Chan (陳炯明, Chen Chiung-ming) revolted against Sun Yat-sen in Canton in June 1922. For details about this revolt, see Tang Leang-li's The Inner History of The Chinese Revolution, London, p. 140.\n\n8 G. B. Endacott, A History of Hong Kong, p. 199.\n\n9 G. B. Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong, p. 98.\n\n10 After 2 years there, Yung Wing (容閎, Rong Hong) went to Yale University and was the first Chinese to graduate from that famous institution in 1854. Yung later became a famous person in the history of modern China, being responsible for the opening of the first school of mechanical engineering in Shanghai; the formation of the China Merchant Steamship Navigation Company; the translation of many scientific books into Chinese; and the sending of young Chinese scholars to the U.S.A. for western studies in the 1870's. In the case of Wong Foon, after 2 years' study in the U.S.A., he crossed the Atlantic to Scotland and entered the University of Edinburgh where he graduated with honours in medicine and surgery. He returned to Canton in 1857 and distinguished himself as a surgeon. See also Lo Hsiang-lin, Hong Kong and Western Cultures, Honolulu, East-West Center, 1964, Chapter 4, \"Yung Hung (Yung Wing) and Foreign Schemes\".", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205731, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "31\n\nMILITIA, MARKET AND LINEAGE:\n\nCHINESE RESISTANCE TO THE OCCUPATION OF HONG KONG'S NEW TERRITORIES IN 18991\n\nR. G. GROVES*\n\nIntroduction\n\nViolence, or the very real possibility of violence, was endemic in southeastern China during the nineteenth century. The provinces of Kwangsi, Kwangtung, and Fukien were notorious to imperial official and foreign observer alike for their varieties of armed conflict. Brine, a British naval officer with contemporary experience of the coastal provinces, described the mid-nineteenth century situation as follows: \"the whole history of the period is little else than a continual series of local insurrections, bursting out in all directions. The coast was infested with pirates, who not only caused great injury to the coasting trade, but frequently landed and sacked the villages lying adjacent to the sea. In the two Kwang provinces armed bodies of men moved from town to town, and committed large robberies in open day... the Pekin Gazettes were full of reports from the provincial governors acquainting the emperor with the disorganized state of the country, and complaining of the inadequacy of their troops to quell the interminable revolts.\" To this catalogue of ills may be added the Opium and Arrow Wars, inter-lineage and clan warfare, ethnic conflict, and major and minor rebellions.\n\nThe prevalence of violence was by no means new. Writing of the Hsin-an District of Kwangtung Province, just over a century ago, the German missionary Krone noted: \"Hung-mo the founder of the Ming dynasty (1368-1399 A.D.), found it necessary... to appoint an officer with the title ‘Shou-yu-sho'... Protector of the region, in order to protect the population, which was rapidly increasing, against the bands of robbers and vagabonds which infested the district.\"3 More recently Professor Maurice Freedman, surveying a mass of evidence and arguing that organized violence\n\n* Mr. Groves is a Lecturer in Sociology at the University of East Anglia. He conducted field research in the New Territories between 1963-65. His article \"The Origins of Two Market Towns in the New Territories\" appeared in Aspects of Social Organization in the New Territories (ed. M. Topley) published by the Hong Kong Branch, R.A.S. in 1965.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205732, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "32\n\nR. G. GROVES\n\nwas part of a system of inter-lineage relations, concludes that: \"it cannot be dismissed as the sign of a particular crisis in the society of southeastern China. The data... refer to the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth centuries, but in fact the pattern [of violence] is probably very much older.\"\n\nEven at times of optimum efficiency, the ability of the imperial government to control the activities of its numerous subjects was limited, if only because officials and military forces were thinly spread over China's large land mass. Routine police functions were largely vested in mutual responsibility systems, the heads of which were answerable to the district magistrate. During periods of social upheaval, the de facto responsibility for the preservation of parochial law and order rested, as often as not, upon members of local elites. When provincial and military officials did attempt to pacify the countryside, their efforts frequently had the character of punitive expeditions. The effects were often so disastrous that every effort was made to avoid official intervention.\n\nAs a consequence, there had for long been a tradition of local self-defence in southeastern China. Powerful lineages maintained fighting corps which protected their members against external aggression and enabled them to impose their will upon weaker neighbours. Smaller lineages and villages banded together in an effort to achieve similar objectives. The political and military potentialities of these associations were viewed with ambivalence by the officials of the empire. Their usefulness in certain circumstances could not be denied. But their capacity for violence contributed to the disorder of the countryside and posed the constant threat of an organizational capability which might be turned to sedition and rebellion.\n\nIt is generally agreed that from the beginning of the nineteenth century if not earlier the imperial bureaucracy increasingly manifested those symptoms which in the past had presaged a dynastic decline. Corruption and incompetence were rife in civil and military administration. The system of rural control \"had declined so far in one institution after another that no amount of imperial effort could revive it.\" Natural disasters multiplied, contributing to the disorder and the increasing disaffection of sections of the rural population. It was under these circumstances that the imperial government had to cope, first, with two wars with the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205743, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "MILITIA, MARKET AND LINEAGE\n\n43\n\nbad informal connections with Hong Kong's officialdom and that its activities were a foretaste of the future.\n\nBy March of 1899, British officials began to appear in the territory. A party was busy near the Sham Chun river, marking out the frontier with China. Meanwhile, the officer in charge of the Hong Kong police was touring the territory, considering alternative locations for police stations. This official—Captain Superintendent F. H. May arrived at Ping Shan on 27th March. His first action was to post a proclamation saying that the Hong Kong government would not interfere with the land, buildings, or customs of the people. He then designated a hill behind Ping Shan as the site for a police station. A crowd gathered and the argument began. “It says that land, buildings, and customs will not be interfered with but will remain the same as before. Why should they, therefore, when they first come into the leased area, wish to erect a police station on the hill behind our village? When has China ever erected a police station just where people live? The proclamation says that things will be as before. Are not these words untrue?”\n\n54\n\nThe Resistance Movement -- 28th March to 18th April, 1899.\n\nThe day after May's visit to Ping Shan, discussions were held in the ancestral halls of Ping Shan and Kam Tin. In both instances, agreement was reached that resistance should be offered to the British. Following the two meetings, a third took place in an ancestral hall at Ha Tsuen. Representatives of all three Tang lineages were present and previous decisions to offer resistance were ratified. Messages were sent to leaders throughout the marketing area, asking them to attend a meeting at Yuen Long market the next day.\n\nSteward Lockhart later argued that the resistance leaders feared for their positions of power and privilege. At the Ha Tsuen meeting, a wider range of anxieties were expressed: “... that under English law a poll tax would be collected; that houses would be numbered and a charge made therefor; that fishing and wood-cutting would be prohibited; that women and girls would be outraged; that births and deaths would be registered; that cattle and pigs would be destroyed; that police stations would be erected, which would ruin the Fung Shui [Mandarin: Feng Shui] of the place. In short, that the evils that would arise would be so great", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205754, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 60, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "54 \n\nR. G. GROVES \n\nOn 2nd June Rev. Schaub wrote that the \"literati of Pan T'in had a meeting with the headmen of the six large market places in their neighbourhood.\" He continued, \"most of the collected elders of the various villages were very reluctantly promising some help, but after all they came to an agreement that they would send 500 men from each market place when the Indian troops should really come to Pan Tin.\"3 Meanwhile, the villagers of Pan T'in were constructing trenches between their village and Li Long. \n\nOn 5th June Rev. Schaub reported that fortification work was still in progress. He had heard that \"members of the rich and prosperous clan Tang in the city of Tung Kun ... are behind the scenes, that soldiers and weapons are coming up from there.\" Rev. Schaub continued, \"last Saturday a messenger came from one of our out-stations, 15 miles from here... to bring us the news that the various market places in that region had also a gathering to discuss their plans.\"74 \n\nRev. Schaub enclosed his own translation of a gentry placard posted in a nearby market town. It begins with a denunciation of the barbarians, and continues: \n\n44 \n\nTo fight the barbarians, I propose in a rough way: (1) to get the funds. It is the best plan that the six confederations (six market places) keep together. But the outlay for the soldiers should not be collected by an extraordinary field tax. It is also not right that the various confederations should pay the costs. Some of these places have a large population, and many fields... but for instance Thonglak (alias market of peace) could not do this. It is a small place and there is not a large population... We should use the usual field tax. Let first the six confederations come together to ask our Government for help \n\n**75 \n\nBy the end of June it was clear that the British did not intend an expedition against the villages of the interior. The occupation had, however, become involved in larger diplomatic issues between Britain and China. It dragged on throughout the summer until 13th September, when the last of the British forces withdrew behind the frontiers of the Colony. In the interim much of the Sham Chun valley was left without any form of Chinese government. On the day the British forces finally quitted the valley \n\nPage 60\nPage 61", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205758, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "58\n\n-\n\nR. G. GROVES\n\nThe documents show that the composite force which opposed the British consisted of a variety of semi-independent commands, deriving from lineages and villages scattered over a wide area of the New Territory. Communication between them was chiefly by runner, carrying verbal or written messages. The most rapid form of communication — the signal drum — was also the most restricted in the messages it could transmit. The composition of the force tended to change daily, and this would make implementation of agreed tactics difficult. Inability to maintain continuous communication was reflected in the tendency of the militia to fight set-piece battles. After each engagement, it was necessary to withdraw, re-establish contact with all concerned, and decide what was to be done next. The British, in contrast, established chains of heliograph stations as rapidly as possible.\n\nTactical flexibility was also handicapped by a rudimentary system of support. Logistic responsibility was allocated among the participants for limited periods of time, often no longer than a day. The absence of a commissariat meant that supply lines had to be kept short, and that militia units were restricted to operations close to home.\n\nWithin these limits, the composite force was impressive. It was seemingly well armed and disciplined, and its leaders sophisticated in small unit tactics. Both the total force and its larger components would be effective instruments when used — officially or unofficially — for internal security purposes.\n\nWakeman has described militia forces of this type as \"lumped together assemblage of specific localistic units.\"77 The intent of this article has been to show how one such lumping together occurred. The parallels with the Kwangtung militia of the 1840's and '50's are evident. Scarcely three weeks lapsed between the first meetings of 18th March, 1899, and the final battle on 18th April. Within this time, over 2,000 armed men were mobilized and put into the field. As was the case half a century earlier, this was accomplished by means of well-established and enduring sets of relationships that reflected the close-knit social structure and organization of rural Kwangtung province.\n\nThe arguments presented above have been developed with reference to a few militia corps in one province of China. The general usefulness and validity of the analysis can be tested as", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205759, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "MILITIA, MARKET AND LINEAGE\n\n59\n\npart of further studies of militia, both within Kwangtung Province and elsewhere in China. It is possible that the approach to militia used in this article could be applied to other, more significant, military organizations as they existed in nineteenth century China. For example, recent studies of the regional armies of Tseng Kuo-fan and Li Hung-chang indicate that they were, initially, amalgamations of local militia forces.78 A more detailed analysis of these militia could contribute to a greater understanding of the particularistic relationships which appear to have been important in maintaining regional armies as viable organizations over relatively long periods of time.\n\nNOTES\n\nThis article is based upon research in Hong Kong between 1963 and 1965. I am grateful for the financial support provided by the London-Cornell Project for East and South-East Asian Studies. A number of colleagues have commented upon the subject matter of the article during its various stages of preparation. I would particularly like to thank the following for their advice: Dr. Christopher Turner, Dr. George C. Bond, Mr. James Hayes, Professor Maurice Freedman, and Professor Göran Aijmer. A draft of the paper was read to the Sociology Seminar, School of Social Studies, University of East Anglia. I am grateful to my colleagues in this context for their comments. Place names will be rendered according to A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon, and the New Territories, Hong Kong Government Printer, Hong Kong, n.d., but published 1960.\n\n2 Brine, Lindesay. The Taeping Rebellion in China: A Narrative of its Rise and Progress. London, 1862, pp. 11-12.\n\n3 Krone, [R]. “A Notice of the Sanon District\", Article V, Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, pt. VI, Hong Kong, 1859, p. 71.\n\n4 Freedman, Maurice. Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien and Kwangtung. London, 1966, p. 115.\n\n5 The Governor of Hong Kong, commenting upon robbery and piracy during the year 1903, said: \"they are the most common offences in the Southern provinces ... the Provincial Authorities do not attempt to deal with such cases until some village is reported as being specially notorious as harbouring robbers, when, if the authorities do not consider them too strong, a force is sent out and as many as possible arrested or the village destroyed.\" Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, 1903, Hong Kong, 1904, pp. 348 ff.\n\nFreedman, op. cit., p. 112, quotes an account of such an expedition which took place in \"about 1870\" and resulted in the beheading of more than a thousand people.\n\n6 Hsiao Kung-chuan, Rural China, Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century, Seattle, 1960, p. 503.\n\n7 For a detailed account of these events, see: Wakeman, Jr., Frederic, Strangers at the Gate: Social Disorder in South China, 1839-1861. Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1966.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205760, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "60\n\nR. G. GROVES\n\n* Skinner, G. W. \"Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China Part I: The Journal of Asian Studies, vol. XXIV, no. 1, November 1964, p. 32.\n\n9 Ibid., p. 5ff.\n\n10 Ibid., p. 32.\n\n11 Ibid., pp. 32ff, C. K. Yang brings out clearly the significance of the market town as the centre of a system of communication. “In times of peace and tranquility, the subjects for chatting range from the births and deaths, weddings and quarrels, conditions of crops, some strange signs in the stars, some mishaps in certain villages, to all the big things and little things that make up the interest and chores in the daily life of the village peasants. But in time of war and political upheavals, in periods when banditry runs rampant or natural calamities plague upon the countryside, from the markets wild rumours fly; seeds of fear and suspicion are sown; signs of omens are interpreted and widely scattered.\" Yang, C. K., A North China Local Market Economy. Institute of Pacific Relations, New York, 1944, p. 13.\n\n12 See, for example, Freedman, op. cit., pp. 82ff., Hsiao, op. cit., p. 423.\n\n13 Skinner, op. cit., pp. 21ff.\n\n14 Skinner, op. cit., p. 27.\n\n15 Freedman, op. cit., pp. 18ff.\n\n16 Ibid., p. 20.\n\n17 Ibid., pp. 20-21.\n\n18 Amyot, J. The Chinese Community of Manila; A Study of Adaptation of Chinese Familism to the Philippines Environment, Research Series no. 2. Philippines Studies Program, Department of Anthropology, University of Chicago (mimeo), 1960. As will become clear, Amyot's analysis is important to the arguments of both Skinner and Freedman.\n\n19 Hsiang is commonly translated as 'township', a practice followed by Amyot. Freedman points out that both 'Hsiang' and 'township' have been used as administrative terms and proposes the more neutral 'vicinage' as an alternative translation, Freedman, op. cit., p. 23.\n\n20 Amyot, op. cit., p. 40. Quoted by Freedman, op. cit., p. 22.\n\n21 Ibid., pp. 52ff. Quoted by Freedman, op. cit., p. 23.\n\n22 Freedman, op. cit., p. 23.\n\n23 Ibid., p. 25.\n\n24 Ibid. It will be argued below that, even in the case of the Hsin-an higher-order lineages, the standard marketing area was organizationally significant.\n\n25 The New Territories formerly constituted roughly three-fifths of Hsin-an county. By the Convention of Peking, 6th June 1898, they were leased to Britain for 99 years.\n\n26 Wakeman, op. cit., p. 36. The term \"local corps\" is used by Chiang Siang-tseh in his work The Nien Rebellion, Seattle, University of Washington Press, 1954.\n\n27 Wakeman, op. cit., p. 38.\n\n28 Ibid., p. 39.\n\n29 Ibid., pp. 39-40.\n\n30 Ibid., p. 63.\n\n31 Ibid., pp. 64-5.\n\n32 Ibid., p. 112.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205761, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "33 Ibid., p. 113.\n\nMILITIA, MARKET AND LINEAGE\n\n61\n\n34 This event has a tangled academic history. The establishment of the association by the twenty-four villages was originally reported in the Chinese Repository (IV, 1836, p. 414), and is quoted by Wakeman (op. cit., p. 63) from that source. It is also quoted by Hsiao (op. cit., p. 309) as an example of inter-village co-operation for the purposes of defence and the maintenance of order. Skinner (op. cit., p. 39, n. 80), quoting from Hsiao, argues its significance for the analysis of standard marketing communities.\n\n35 Wakeman, op. cit., p. 39.\n\n36 Skinner, G. W. \"Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China Part II\". The Journal of Asian Studies, vol. XXIV, no. 2, February 1965, pp. 207f.\n\n37 Only those aspects of the New Territories most relevant to the argument will be discussed. There is a growing literature about the area which, taken together, gives considerable detail. Freedman, op. cit., p. viii, provides a bibliographical note on published works.\n\n38 The land frontier of the territory begins just north of the Sham Chun river and runs eastward from Deep Bay to the market of Sha Tau Kok. J. H. Stewart Lockhart, the then Colonial Secretary of Hong Kong, was deeply opposed to this boundary. \"It cuts in two the rich valley of which Sham Chun is the centre, and, while excluding that town, divides the villages in the valley hitherto linked together by family ties and common interests; all these villages regard Sham Chun as their central and most important market, where they dispose their goods and make their purchases\" Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, Extracts from Papers Relating to the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong, 1899, Hong Kong, 1900, p. 196.\n\n39 Ibid., p. 187. Stewart Lockhart's population estimates cannot be regarded as very accurate. By 1900 he thought the number of villages to be 597. Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, 1900, Hong Kong, 1901, p. 252. The Hong Kong census of 1911 gave the total population of the territory as 104,101. In the Northern District alone, 398 villages were enumerated. Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, 1911, Hong Kong, 1912, pp. 103ff. On the other hand, as guesses go, Stewart Lockhart's count is by no means disreputable. His estimate of 100,000 is not all that far from the 1911 census figure cited above. Other examples could be given which suggest that his estimates are sufficiently accurate to indicate general magnitudes of population, if not precise numbers.\n\n40 Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, Extracts..., op. cit., p. 188.\n\n41 This discussion will be confined to that part of the territory which used to be known as the 'Northern District' and will not consider the markets at Sai Kung, Tsuen Wan, Sham Shui Po, and Cheung Chau island. For brief accounts of these, see Hayes, J. W., \"The Pattern of Life in the New Territories in 1898\"; \"Cheung Chau 1850-1898: Information from Commemorative Tablets\", Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 11, 1962, vol. III, 1963.\n\n42 Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, 1911, op. cit., pp. 103f.; Correspondence (December 15, 1903, to February 27, 1907) Relating to the Proposed Canton-Kowloon Railway, Eastern No. 88, Colonial Office, London, 1907, pp. 85ff.\n\n43 For example, the marketing schedule of the two Tai Po markets was 3-6-9. That is to say, the markets met on the 3rd, 6th, 9th, 13th, 16th, 19th, 23rd, 26th and 29th days of each lunar month. The same principle applies to the schedules of each of the other markets. Normally, in specifying a schedule, only the first three days are given.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205775, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "TUNG KWU ISLAND\n\n75\n\nnon-liquid food such as grain, nuts or fruit, or for holding food of some sort for the use of the dead, who would not be likely to find their food jars dissolving in their graves. The use of the net pattern with what were probably magic signs in each mesh may indicate that such jars were funerary vessels, covered with watching eyes or other patterns to repel demons from seizing and carrying off the food. (See R. Maglioni “Some Aspects of South China Archaeological Finds\" in Proceedings, Third Congress of Far East Pre-historians). The variety of patterns is illustrated in Plate 8.\n\nThe distribution of ornamented sherds in depth and locality presents some interesting points. In my collection, there are 33 such pieces. 16 were picked off the beach at unrecorded spots; the others were found in known stretches of beach, indicated on the sketch-map, or in situ at measured depths in the sand. It was not always easy to decide either the nature or the purpose of the designs inside the meshes, but round raised studs were probably ‘eyes', and most other designs were perhaps 'life-giving' or occasionally 'phallic'. A few were indeterminable: these were raised ridges in meshes of rhombic shape, or so shapeless that no conclusion could be drawn.\n\nFour designs of each type came from known depths, and four were found in the I, J, L, and M sectors. One, as well as four loose pieces with ‘eye' patterns, came from C sector. No real conclusion can be drawn from the recorded depths with so few specimens, except that the patterns seem to have been equally fashionable throughout the occupation of the site. From other sites, however, notably Sha Chau, a mile or two south of Tung Kwu, I got the impression that the raised stud in a single-line, square-net pattern was more popular when the upper layers of the sandbank formation were deposited.\n\nThe lines of the netting on the sherds differ in number from one to four, and the angles of the meshes are either right angles, enclosing squares, or obtuse and acute angles, enclosing rhombs. Of the square-meshed nets, only four are from known depths, none lower than 122 cm., and there are three with one line round the meshes and one with three. The rhombic net impressions are much commoner than the square in the pottery found at measured levels: 16 as against 4. Nets of one and three lines show average depths of 111 cm., those of two lines—much commoner—average 170 cm.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205780, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "80\n\nW. SCHOFIELD\n\nAntiquities in 1939, bulletin no. 11. On the Danh Do La site, a sand-bank, he describes a section 4.5 m. above sea level, where at 45 to 89 cm. below the ground surface is a culture stratum with potsherds, stones and pumice. His derivation of the pumice from the East Indies, while possible, is perhaps less likely than my suggestion of a more northern origin, as the prevailing winds in the South China seas are undoubtedly north-east to south-east, and typhoons generally make their approach felt by violent easterly gales. All but three of the pumice-bearing sandbanks in Hong Kong face east, and one of the three, Tai Wan in Lamma, faces south.\n\nLIFE AND INDUSTRY OF THE INHABITANTS\n\nThe only industry of which we can be certain is that still carried on by boat-people living near Tung Kwu, namely, fishing: yet there is little direct evidence of it in the finds. A rough stone ring collected by Professor Shellshear, and a stone axe blunted almost beyond recognition, with a notch on each side for attaching a rope or rattan, most likely used as a net sinker, and found loose on the surface of the isthmus during a visit by Professor Andersson, are the only direct traces. Yet if people ever lived on the island, this was almost the only resource open to them apart from the primitive 'slash and burn' cultivation indicated by the digging-stones. The food vessels left for the dead, the store jars, and the cooking stands they placed their hot round-bottomed caldrons on, indicate not only a settlement, probably shifting, but a cemetery. Tiled houses were no doubt a later development, going back no further than the Tang dynasty. The main interest of the relics found lies in the light they throw on the culture and life of the men who lived there before the coming of the colonists from the feudal principality of Yuet, and so before Chinese influence was strongly felt.*\n\n* James Watt writes:\n\nL\n\nSince Mr. Schofield worked on this site, later excavations in China have confirmed that the whole class of stamped designs found on the soft pottery of Tung Kwu (Plates 7 & 8) is unmistakably derived from the decorative art of the Shang culture in the north. Similar, and some identical, designs are found on Shang pottery of all periods (including those from the recently discovered early Shang site at Erh-li-t'ou in north-western Honan). The pattern of raised studs set in the meshes of a rhombic lattice or a \"compound lozenge\" is also one of the chief decorations appearing on bronzes of the Anyang phase of Shang culture. Further evidence of Shang", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205782, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 88, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "82\n\nKING MONGKUT OF SIAM AND HIS TREATY WITH BRITAIN\n\nROBERT BRUCE*\n\nWhen Sir John Bowring sailed up the river to Bangkok in March 1855 he was asked by King Mongkut not to fire a salute lest the citizens be alarmed. Sir John, Governor of Hong Kong and Her Majesty's Plenipotentiary in the Far East, reluctantly agreed to postpone the ceremonial explosion from the Rattler's guns until the anxious citizens had been given one day's warning.\n\nThe Siamese had cause for concern. The Burmese, their traditional enemies, had been conquered by the British; and a dozen years before the Bowring mission the great Chinese Empire had been defeated by the British navy. On their eastern frontier, the Siamese watched with alarm the French encroachment on Cochin-China and their own dominion of Cambodia. To the south of the Isthmus of Kra British power was spreading into the Malay States, including Kedah, a feudatory of Siam. But their fears were to prove unfounded. The Bowring mission to Bangkok was completely successful for both British and Siamese. On April 18th, 1855, a Treaty of Friendship and Commerce was signed, an agreement which was to secure for Siam, alone in south-east Asia, independence from colonial rule and which set her on the long, painful road of modernisation.\n\nForce had been used to 'open' China. In the same year as Bowring's peaceful mission to Bangkok Commodore Perry's American warships were demanding commerce and navigation rights of the Japanese. Even after the Treaty of Nanking had\n\n* This article, entitled \"King Mongkut of Siam\", appeared in History Today for October 1968. The original text, slightly extended, is reprinted here by permission of the Editor. Mr. Bruce lectured to the Hong Kong Branch on this subject in February 1968.\n\nMr. Bruce is at present a visiting professor in the Department of Political Science at Eastern Kentucky University, U.S.A. He served eight years as Representative of the British Council in Thailand and later filled the same post in Hong Kong where he was a member of Council of the Hong Kong Branch, Royal Asiatic Society. Mr. Bruce was also one time Director of the Government School of Chinese Language at Kuala Lumpur, Malaya.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205783, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "KING MONGKUT AND THE KINGDOM OF SIAM\n\n83\n\nopened the Treaty Ports and a second British conflict with China had proved the superiority of Western arms, the Chinese court refused to reform. The Japanese were quicker to read the signs. Only Siam, unlike her weak neighbours in the tropical south, was able to adapt herself to the new world without war or its threat and without loss of sovereignty.\n\nWhy was this? Was it because Britain and France had agreed to the Thai kingdom being a buffer between their Indian and Indo-Chinese empires? Or was it that the King of Siam who received Sir John Bowring had more vision than most of his Asian contemporaries and was succeeded by an equally gifted son? Whatever the reasons, the Treaty of 1855 was a major factor in determining the future of the Thai kingdom. It provided for the opening of diplomatic relations with Britain and, as a natural consequence, with other western nations. It introduced extra-territorial rights to British subjects living in Siam and allowed them to own or rent property. In commerce the Treaty abolished the strangling system of monopolies owned by the King and 'farmed' to Chinese merchants - replacing it by a free market with low duties on imports and exports. The year after the conclusion of the British treaty the Americans and the French secured similar agreements and these in turn were hastily followed by treaties with various European nations. These treaties marked a turning-point in the modern history of Siam.\n\nIn the century and a half which followed Louis XIV's mission to Ayuthia in 1689 Siam had little or no contact with the West. In the mid-eighteenth century her main preoccupation was the constant war with the Burmese who finally sacked their ancient and splendid capital in 1767. By the time the new house of Chakri had established the capital at Bangkok in 1782 the British East India Company had consolidated its dominion over India. The tea trade with China was growing rapidly and ports of call on the eastern run were obvious advantages. Francis Light obtained Penang island for the Company from the Sultan of Kedah in 1786 for the annual payment of $6,000 and the vague understanding of British protection. Kedah was an acknowledged feudatory of Siam, but at that time King Rama I was far too busy with the building of Bangkok to concern himself with the incident and the British were not then interested in Siam. Raffles had", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205784, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "84 \n\nR. BRUCE \n\nlost Java and gained Singapore for a reluctant Company, and Malacca followed. Siam was eventually drawn into the picture not for her trade or her position on the way to China \n\na little \n\noff the route -- but, in fact, because of Kedah and the other northern Malay States. \n\nBy 1818 the Chakri dynasty had gained sufficient strength to instigate her vassal Kedah to attack the neighbouring Malay State of Perak. The Siamese army then entered Kedah itself and the Sultan fled to Penang. British merchants there were indignant and called on the Company to intervene, but the Supreme Council in Calcutta considered that \"a war with Siam would be an evil of very serious magnitude\". Their policy was one of conciliation. \"All extension of our territorial possessions and political relations on the side of the Indo-Chinese nations\" the Company declared, \"... is earnestly to be deprecated and declined as far as the course of events and the force of circumstances permit\". \n\nAs well as the Malay States there was the Burma question. The restive Burmese had extended their power to Arakan, thus making them neighbours of the British in India. By the eighteen-twenties Britain became involved in war with Burma in the southern part of the country. With the extension of the East India Company's interests to Siam's western and southern borders it became desirable that relations between the Company and Bangkok should be regulated on a peaceful basis. At the same time trading relations should be improved. The bad conditions of trade were described by Raffles as \"slavish and humiliating” for English merchants. He gave this account of the trade: \n\n“On arrival in port the most valuable part of the cargo is immediately presented to the King who takes as much as he pleases; the remaining part is chiefly consumed in presents to the courtiers and other great men, while the refuse of the cargo is then permitted to be exposed to sale. The part which is consumed in presents to the great men is entire loss; for that which the King receives he generally returns a present which is seldom adequate to the value of the goods which he has received; but by dint of begging and repeated solicitation this is sometimes increased a little.\" \n\nTo remedy the situation John Crawford was sent to Bangkok by the Governor General of India in 1822. \n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205786, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "86 \n\nR. BRUCE \n\nmonopolies abolished whilst levies on imports were to be limited, and vessels were to pay a tax on their size. But Burney failed to get permission for a British Consul to reside at Bangkok. Nor was he able to free British nationals from Siamese law. \n\nNext came the Americans. A merchant, Mr. Edmund Roberts, was commissioned by the President to secure a treaty at least as good as the British one. This was seven years later, in 1833. Although a President seemed to the Siamese a much less august personage than a King and America was both remote and less important, Roberts secured his treaty. It was almost exactly the same as the Burney agreement. \n\nIn the next two decades, especially in the \"forties, trade became more difficult. In fact the treaties with the British and the Americans gradually eroded away, and the old monopolies were taken back by the Court. Imports and exports were farmed to Chinese merchants by the King. Duties were arbitrary and heavy and trade dwindled. Everywhere else the British had greatly expanded their commerce by mid-century. Singapore was growing rapidly, the China trade had increased still further after the Opium War, the northern coast of Borneo was open to British commerce. It seemed only natural and civilised to the bold merchant princes and sea captains of Victorian England that Siam should, willy-nilly, share in the new prosperity, especially now that the first steamships had reached the Gulf of Siam. \n\nSir James Brooke, the White Rajah of Sarawak, was the next British envoy to sail up the Menam to Bangkok. He came in August 1850 on board H.M.S. Sphinx accompanied by a merchant vessel of the Company, the Nemesis, both steamers. Lord Palmerston, the Foreign Secretary, cautioned Sir James to be careful in his quest for better trade. \n\n\"In conducting these negotiations\", he directed, “you must be very careful not to get involved in any disputes or hostile proceedings which would render our position in Siam worse than it now is or which might compel Her Majesty's Government to have recourse to forcible measures in order to obtain redress. It is very important that if your efforts should not succeed they should at least leave things as they are and should not expose us to the alternative of submitting to fresh affront or of undertaking expensive operations to punish insult”.'", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205794, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "94\n\nR. BRUCE\n\nnecessary for the late King? He would be welcome then, that is in 1852. At the same time he took the initiative in improving trading conditions. Monopolies were partly removed and duties on imports and exports reduced. For a moment it seemed that Siam's foreign relations could be improved without formal treaty and the British Government did not press the matter. But in fact there was much to be done, and with a new British Plenipotentiary at Hong Kong it was opportune to resume discussions.\n\nSir John Bowring was a very different diplomat from his three British predecessors, Crawfurd, Burney and Brooke or the American envoys Roberts and Ballestier. He was an intellectual, a radical reformer, a disciple and editor of Jeremy Bentham, a linguist who could prattle in a dozen languages, an ex-Member of Parliament and a writer of hymns, an inveterate talker, a man with limitless energy and a Victorian capacity for pomposity and self-glory. After a career of business, politics, writing and self-appointed diplomacy in the courts of Europe, Bowring, being short of money, accepted public office as Consul at Canton. That was in 1849 when he was fifty-seven. Some five years later he became Governor of Hong Kong, Superintendent of Trade and, most glorious of all, Her Majesty's Plenipotentiary responsible for relations with China, Japan, Siam and all countries in the Far East.\n\nBowring's five years' Governorship of the island colony on the coast of China was anything but successful. Some of his senior officials were incompetent and even corrupt, and he was unpopular among the British merchants. Worst of all he precipitated the second Anglo-Chinese war by sending warships to bombard Canton over a quite unworthy incident. But he was completely successful when he sailed to Bangkok in March, 1855, to negotiate a treaty with the Siamese.\n\nMost of the detailed business of the negotiations was done by Bowring's young assistants, his son John C. Bowring, an employee of Jardine, Matheson and Co. in Hong Kong, and Harry Parkes, his secretary, who was later to have a distinguished career as Consul at several ports on the China coast, (Mongkut referred to the young men as \"Mr. Parkes and Your Excellency's upspring\".) But it was Bowring and King Mongkut who created the favourable atmosphere which allowed progress to be rapid and the discussions congenial. It was clear from the start that the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205795, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 101, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "KING MONGKUT AND THE KINGDOM OF SIAM\n\n95\n\nSiamese were willing to have a treaty which would open up trade and increase Western influence. They had some anxiety, however, about what the Cochin-Chinese, the Vietnamese would think about the treaty. Would they conclude that the Siamese had surrendered to the British? King Mongkut asked Bowring time and again to go to Cochin-China to make a similar treaty. The King was also anxious about the kind of man who would be chosen as British Consul, if this article of the treaty were accepted. Would he be as much a gentleman as Sir John? Bowring assured him that only the best man would be appointed and that he hoped to go to Cochin-China.\n\nThe whole business for this momentous treaty was transacted in the most felicitous manner. King Mongkut and his equally intelligent Prime Minister, Praya Suriwongse, understood the issues at stake; these were not merely the details of imports and exports, the appointment of Consuls and the rights of foreigners, they were no less than the independence of Siam and the beginning of her modernization. It was much to Bowring's credit (and to Harry Parkes and young Bowring) that he was able to gain the confidence of the King, to allay his fears, and to assure the Siamese that the new policy that the treaty was launching was greatly to their own as well as to the British advantage.\n\nThe Treaty of Friendship and Commerce was signed on 18th April, 1855, less than a month after the arrival of the mission. Its first article pledged perpetual peace and friendship and the protection of the two nations' subjects in each other's countries. Article 2 provided for the appointment of a British Consul at Bangkok who would have jurisdiction over British subjects in Siam. The third article was an extension of the second, requiring that Siamese offenders should be given up to Siamese justice and British offenders to British justice, that is, the Consul. This was the system of extra-territorial rights which had recently been obtained from the Chinese after the Opium War. It was an infringement of Siam's sovereignty but it gave assurance to British subjects that they would not be exposed to the severity of Siamese justice and encouraged the setting up of business houses. This right was given up in 1909, long before its withdrawal in China, in return for the independence of Kedah and the other northern Malay States from Siam. The next three articles of the treaty were all concerned with the rights of British subjects. They could", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205804, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "104\n\nJOHN MCCOY\n\nUnfortunately, in the vast collection of Chinese literature there is comparatively little folk poetry and most of it is of recent origin. Doubtless it has existed at all periods, but except for the very early samples which became part of the classical tradition, or for the occasional single item preserved in other writings, most of it was lost. The literati generally scorned it, at least in public, and today we are able to turn up only a few collections of any significant age and these chiefly through historical accident.\n\nIn recent years the Peking government has published a collection of Ming and Ching Dynasty folk songs as part of a general policy to point attention to the artistic efforts of the proletariat. I was lucky enough to run across this material in a Hong Kong book store. Of particular interest was a book called Shan Ko or 'Mountain Songs', a collection made in the later years of the Ming Dynasty by Feng Meng-lung. These songs were recorded verbatim from the farmers and laborers in the fields near Feng's home, that is, in Wu District near Soochow. To date this group of poems represents the earliest popular collection which I have been able to find. At least it is my earliest collection showing no evidence of revision and rewriting by the collector. More such materials doubtless exist but I have not come across them yet.\n\nMountain Songs as a literary genre have probably enjoyed a long life. The oldest reference to them may be that found in the 'Song of the Lute' or P'i P'a Hsing by Po Chu-i of the Tang Dynasty. However, this may be merely a general reference to songs from the mountain areas rather than 'Mountain Songs' as a specific genre. Today the Mountain Songs flourish, particularly in South China, with new verses appearing daily. Other Peking publications have collected modern Mountain Songs and added a companion set of more acceptable lyrics with political themes. This gives us a possible spread of at least 1300 years with extant samples of a homogeneous genre going back about 300 years.\n\nThe poetic structure of the Mountain Songs won't add anything especially new to our picture of Chinese poetry. The basic verse is four lines of eight metric beats each, or multiples of eight in various combinations. This is much like the classical seven character poem where the eighth metric beat is realized as a pause at the end of each line. The major difference is that the Mountain Songs allow a considerable variation in the actual", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205812, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 118, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "112\n\nVI.\n\nJOHN MCCOY\n\n師姓齊,姐姓齊,\n\n贈嫁箇了頭也姓齊,\n\n齊家囡嫁來齊家去,\n\n半夜裏番身齊對齊。\n\n\"The groom was named Ch'i, the bride was named Ch'i,\n\nWith the dowry was a serving girl, also named Ch'i.\n\nCh'i family girls came in marriage into a Ch'i family.\n\nThrough the middle of the night it was bodies turning, Ch'i against Ch'i,'\n\n1) Here the surname (M) ch'i\n\nis an obvious pun on the 'navel'. Feng records another\n\nhomophonous word (M) ch'i version in which the surname (M) máo, also meaning 'fur, body hair', is substituted throughout for ch'i,\n\n2) of some anthropological interest is the single surname wedding which took place in this poem. Although frowned upon by Chinese tradition, this type of marriage probably occurred from time to time throughout China.\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\nChao, Yuen-ren (1928). Studies in the Modern Wu-Dialects. Tsing Hua College Research Institute Monograph No. 4. Peking.\n\nFeng, Meng-lung, compiler, Shan Ko (Mountain Songs). From the Ming-Ch'ing Min-ko Shih-tiao Tsung-shu (Collection of Ming and Ch'ing Folk Songs and Popular Lyrics), Peking (1962).\n\nKarlgren, Bernhard (1915-1926). Études sur la Phonologie Chinoise. Leiden.\n\nMartin, Samuel E. (1953). The Phonemes of Ancient Chinese', Journal of the American Oriental Society Supplement, No. 16,\n\nEditor's Note:- The Chinese text at I-VI above are photographic reproductions from the author's MS.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205813, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "113\n\nTHE CHINESE DESCENT SYSTEM AND THE OCCUPANCY LEVEL OF VILLAGE HOUSES\n\nH. G. H. NELSON*\n\nDr. Göran Aijmer, in an article in the last issue of this Journal, touches on the problem of the occupancy level of Chinese village houses at the time when the British took over the New Territories. Discussing the relative wealth of two neighbouring communities in 1905, he assumes (footnote 10) that \"at one time all house-units were inhabited by one household each ....”, and expresses surprise that his calculations reveal an average of only 1.7 and 2.2 persons per house instead of the five or so that he would have expected (footnote 7). He suggests that there must have been a drastic reduction in the population to produce such a low level of occupancy. I believe, however, that his figures reveal a perfectly normal situation, which does not need to be explained in terms of large-scale out-migration. The purpose of this article is to point out certain features of Chinese social structure, and of the physical nature of New Territories villages, which make inevitable such low ratios of people to houses.\n\nAt the same time, Aijmer has indirectly raised the much more fundamental issue of the relation between the kinship structure of the Chinese and their domestic architecture. I shall touch briefly on the problem of understanding what is meant by the term 'village house' in the context of Hong Kong, and hope to give further consideration elsewhere to the light thrown on the Chinese understanding of family development by the way they build and distribute their house-property. It should be pointed out here, however, that the local pattern of building single domestic units in terraced rows finds few, if any, parallels in other parts of China. In Taiwan, for example, the dominant pattern in rural domestic architecture is that of the L or U shaped homestead.\n\nVillage Houses: The Problem of Definition\n\nWhat, then, is a village house? I myself recently came up against the problem of deciding just what is meant by the term\n\n* Mr. Howard Nelson of the London School of Economics was engaged on social research in the New Territories in 1967-68. His review article of Jack Potter's recent book Capitalism and the Chinese Peasant; Social and Economic Change in a Chinese Village (University of California Press, 1968) appeared at pp. 119-127 of last year's Journal.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205821, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "CHINESE DESCENT SYSTEM\n\n121\n\nof the two should in fact have proportionately more empty houses than its poorer neighbour22; it is not impossible that the sort of inefficiencies in the descent system that I have described whereby the swelling of a descent line in one generation may leave the next with more house-property than it needs or can redistribute — may account for this anomaly.*\n\nH. G. H. NELSON.\n\nNOTES\n\n1. Göran Aijmer, \"Being Caught by a Fishnet: On Fengshui in South-eastern China\", J.H.K.B.R.A.S., Vol. 8, 1968, pp. 74-81.\n\n2. Field data drawn on in this paper are derived from a period of work in Sheung Tsuen, Pat Heung, from June 1967 to October 1968. I was employed as a Research Officer of the London School of Economics, on a project financed by a grant made to Professor Maurice Freedman by the Social Science Research Council. Much of the information from the Hong Kong Government's land records was collected by my wife, whose fare to Hong Kong was provided by the London-Cornell Project for East and South-East Asian Studies, financed jointly by the Carnegie Corporation of New York and the Nuffield Foundation. I am very glad to acknowledge their generosity.\n\n3. See for example J. E. Spenser, \"The Houses of the Chinese\", Geographical Review, Vol. XXXVII, 1947, pp. 254-273.\n\n4. Cf. J. W. Hayes, ‘A Chinese Village on Hong Kong Island Fifty Years Ago Tai Tam Tuk, Village Under the Water', in I.C. Jarvie and Joseph Agassi, eds., Hong Kong: A Society in Transition, London, 1969, p. 33.\n\n5. Block Crown Lease, Demarcation Districts Nos. 112 and 114, 1905; various Memorials in Yuen Long District Office; and ‘A-Roll' volume X.14. I am most grateful to the New Territories Administration for their courtesy in allowing me access to the invaluable information contained in their Land Records.\n\n6. The current records conceal the difference between inhabited structures and \"house-lots' (Crown Rent being assessed on the site rather than the structure) - a difference of which the villagers are aware. Many of them, when asked how many houses they own, will say, \"so many houses and so many lots \"(uk-tel_£)\". It seems to me possible that some villagers may, in 1905, have been far-sighted ---or fortunate enough to register both their houses and their ruined lots, thereby avoiding the expense and complication of obtaining a New Grant Lot when they wanted to rebuild on an old site.\n\n* Groups of houses, bigger and more durable than usual, have also been built as a form of long-term investment (and prestige expenditure) by particularly wealthy men; but their hopes of producing enough sons and grandsons to justify this deliberate over-production of houses are often sadly unfulfilled.\n\n* On the subject of this article see also Mr. Hayes' note at pp. 158-160.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205822, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "122\n\nH. G. H. NELSON\n\n* Records covering 380 houses from 1905 to 1968 reveal 55 sales of houses. This includes sales within (the majority) and between surname groups of which Sheung Tsuen has seven, formerly eight -- but does not include sales to outsiders; these do not in any case become significant until after 1963. The 55 house-sales include 12 houses which were sold twice, which for reasons given below, may be regarded as a significant reduction of the total; and also include sales of empty sites, cowsheds, and latrines. These latter are sometimes, but not invariably, indicated in the Memorial of sale, so it is likely that there were more of this type than the records reveal: I estimate the total at about 10. The number of original sales of habitable houses in this 63 year period is therefore a little above thirty.\n\n9 I occasionally heard the term chinguk EA used to describe such a house; but strictly speaking this refers to the house which contains that version of the ancestral tablet which has been passed down the eldest son line.\n\nT\n\nT\n\n10 The question of the completeness of the records may be raised: in general, I think it is safe to say that in as important a matter as title to house-property, transactions are almost certain to be registered eventually at the local District Office. The only exception to this is the adjustment of property rights which may involve a sale between brothers after a division: this often occurs before the brothers' succession to their father is registered, so that the sale does not reach the Land Records. In one such case that I know of, however, the sale between the brothers was felt to be important enough for it to be documented and witnessed by \"the Village Representative and all the elders\". This took place in 1960 or 1961.\n\nThe Hon. Editor has drawn my attention to non-registration of transactions in the early years of the British administration of the New Territories, citing the District Officer's report for the Southern district (1912) which says:-\n\nEight hundred and sixty-five deeds were registered during the year. This is only slightly above the average for the last seven years during which the Land Ordinance has been in force. There is no doubt that much land changes hands without registration; and it is probable that not more than 10 per cent of mortgages on land in the less accessible parts of the district are registered. The journey from Lantao is an almost insuperable obstacle and a \"stamped paper\" is generally considered sufficient security.\n\nIn this case the principal reasons for non-registration were distance and poor communications. At Sheung Tsuen the main land office was at Tai Po until the Yuen Long District Office was established in 1947. (though it appears there was some kind of Land Office-cum-Court at Ping Shan pre-war). If people had to go all the way over Tai Mo Shan to Tai Po there would have been similar disincentives to registration here too.\n\n11 Cf. M. C. Yang, A Chinese Village: Taitou, Shantung Province, Columbia University Press, New York and London, 1965 edition, p. 40: although this instance comes from a very different part of China, and a village where domestic architecture is different from that in Hong Kong.\n\n12 The institution of k'ai-tsai ## often loosely translated as “godson' - is not relevant here.\n\n13 See for example H. D. R. Baker, A Chinese Lineage Village, London, 1969, p. 49.\n\n14 Apart from its obvious restriction to a unilineal descent system, kwoh-kai also differs significantly from Western forms of adoption in that the initiative may come either from the adopter or the adoptee, as indicated below.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205829, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 135, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "NOTES ON ETHNO-BOTANY IN THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n129\n\nGlochidion eriocarpum (tsat tai koo ✯✯★★) is a hillside plant. The leaves are first boiled and then applied to sores to relieve irritation.\n\nHydrocotyle asiatica (pang tai woon). A tonic drink is made from this plant as a yuet hei reliever. It is considered especially good for nursing mothers. The leaves and stalks may be eaten as a vegetable with rice, and an excellent soup can be made from it.\n\nHedyotis uncinella (po chau tsai). The plants are dried in the sun and used in making a tonic drink to relieve yuet hei and to offset general debility.\n\nThese are only ten of many economic simples with reputed curative or medicinal qualities. As already suggested, some of them may have been emergency famine food at one time or another, particularly those that also serve as vegetables or as soup stock.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 In 1962-63, most of the nets in small sampans appeared to have been made from commercial natural fibres (abaca, ramie or coconut coir fibers). However, Agave fiber was still used for making twine. Fishermen then were readily accepting synthetic nets. Some fishermen I talked to believed that synthetic nets were too expensive for small craft as snagged nets meant costly losses because it is harder to salvage nets of synthetic fiber than those of natural fiber, so I was told.\n\n2 I haven't seen cochineal insects used for dye myself and the information given me was essentially \"before the use of chemical dyes, in olden days, this kind of cactus (Opuntia) harboured yin chi insects that were used for a red dye.\" Whether the cochineal insect was used or not in the lifetime of the older villagers I talked with, I do not know. Personally I suspect it was used extensively in the past and the dyeing technique diffused through the Philippines to the China coast from Acapulco, Mexico in the days of the Manila Galleon (i.e., Acapulco to Manila to Macau and thence along the South Chinese coast).\n\n3 Kong Nim and Pei Kwan Kong terms for Rhodomyrtus tomentosa berry, are used interchangeably at Fan Lau. Fan Lau as well as most of the other Lantau villages were, I suspect, pirate hideouts and it may well be that Pei Kwan Kong may have been a term derived from the time of the Great Evacuation, 1662-1669. For details of the latter see Lo Hsiang-lin, Hong Kong and its Communications before 1842. (Hong Kong 1963, Chinese version 1960) chapter VI,\n\n4 Tuk yuc tung (\"fish poison vine\"). Many cultivators buy an insecticide powder called tuk yue fun (fish poison powder). This powder is usually first mixed with sawdust before application. It is the same powder used by gardeners to rid the lawn of white grubs! This powder too is dusted on the heads of children suspected of having lice in their hair.\n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205830, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 136, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "130\n\nARMANDO DA SILVA\n\n5I saw bits of red paper tagged to certain bushes attributed with medicinal properties at Ma Nam Wat, Saikung peninsula on Chinese New Year, January or February 1963. The man who placed the red paper tags explained to me the significance of the tags. I do not know how widespread this custom is. It could be an isolated incident but I personally don't think so and I believe this custom to be widespread, at least in the past.\n\nIt was seeing this act of consecration to plants that aroused my curiosity about useful and medicinal plants around and about coastal villages.\n\n6 The Chinese botanical reference book I used for plant identification is Chik Mar Hok Tai Tsz Tin published in Shanghai, 1918. Unfortunately Chinese plant names in that book are of North Chinese reference only, and are not applicable to South China or the Hongkong area. The modern Chinese reference work on \"koon yeuk\" medicine I consulted is Chung Wa San Yeuk Mat Hok Tai Tsz Tin published in Tientsin, 1934. Again, plant names and treatments described in that book are not applicable to South China and the Hongkong area.\n\nAll of the Cantonese terms and characters were supplied to me by shang choi yeuk collectors at Mui Wo, Lantau. These collectors were seen (in 1963) at Mui Wo ferry pier returning to Hongkong with their loads of shang choi yeuk plants. I am sure that even now (1969), you can also with patience encounter shang choi yeuk collectors at Tai O, Taipo or Shatin. At Cheung Chau, in 1963, there were even a few professional seaweed collectors still left! A common seaweed collected there is a Gelidium called shek fa choi (stone flower vegetable). It is the chief jelly ingredient in the preparation of the Cantonese jelly dessert called \"pak leung fun\", and it is the demand from restaurants in Hongkong and Kowloon that makes seaweed collection profitable for the handful of seaweed collectors left.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205841, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 147, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "141\n\nTHE SAN ON MAP OF MGR. VOLONTERI*\n\nOn the Centenary of the Copy in the R.G.S. Collection\n\nRONALD C. Y. Ng†\n\nIn 1860 a young Italian priest arrived in the British Colony of Hong Kong to join the Mission of the Propaganda in the Roman Catholic Diocese there. Interrupted frequently by ill health, he stayed only a few years in the Colony and in the adjoining Chinese District of San On (Hsin-An Hsien, now known as Bau-An Hsien) in the Province of Kwangtung, in preparation for a later distinguished career in northern China. Compared with those long years of successful missionary work in the capacity of Bishop of Honan, Fr. Simeone Volonteri's early efforts were little remembered and his biographer devoted only a small section in an introductory chapter to the description of his labours in Hong Kong and its vicinity.\n\nPadre Ho, a name derived from the transliteration in the local dialect of the first syllable of his surname, was a well-liked priest among the Hakka rice farmers in the District. He was a man of tremendous zeal and was reputed to have converted an entire community on an island off the coast and nine other villages to the Catholic faith. His youthful keenness and his love of the country and the people led him, together with his interpreter and colleague, over land and water to almost every settlement in the District. A most remarkable fruit of his four years' professional labour was undoubtedly the San On District Map 'drawn from actual observations', a frequently consulted historical and geographical document for those interested in the area, especially of the period before the New Territories were leased to Britain in 1898. However, his modesty dissuaded him from acknowledging directly on the map his due share of the credit in bringing to the public this 'first and only map hitherto published'. Within two years of\n\n*This article was first published in the Geographical Journal Vol. 135, Part 2 (June) 1969, pp. 231-5. It appears here with the consent of the author and the kind permission of The Royal Geographical Society who have also provided the full-scale reproduction of part of the original map that appears as Plate 15 of our Journal.\n\n† Dr. R. C. Y. Ng is Lecturer in Geography, School of Oriental and African Studies, London University.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205844, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 150, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "144\n\nRONALD C. Y. NG\n\nConsidering that the mapping was done during his brief sojourn in the District, in the little time which he could devote to perform this immense task of recording over 900 settlements spreading over an area of some 750 square miles under personal and environmental conditions which were far from congenial, Fr. Volonteri deserves the admiration of all those who have recourse to the document. It is worth noting that the number of 368 villages and market towns shown in that part of San On which became British 30 years later is fairly consistent with the official figure of 416 for 1898. The information on the settlement pattern was certainly derived from his personal knowledge and the Chinese script was probably provided by his local collaborator, Don Andrea Maria Liang, who accompanied him on practically all his journeys in San On. Herein lie also the sources of weakness of the map: the vital time element and the joint authorship.\n\nThe most immediately evident aspect of the discrepancies is the number of villages on both sides of the San On border which had their locations clearly marked but remained unnamed in either language. These settlements have in common that they are situated in the remote interior or on the off-shore islands. It may well be that Fr. Volonteri would have liked more time in the District to complete the work he had so meticulously undertaken, but his health deteriorated and, furthermore, he was under the impression that he would soon be assigned to a new post under the existing circumstances of shortage of personnel in other mission stations in China. He was understandably anxious to see the map engraved in Leipzig prior to his departure from the area. The appearance on the map of these unidentified villages may lead one to suspect legitimately that there could well be many more sites which are not even marked with a symbol. This is almost certainly the case with Lantau Island. Travelling in San On in his day was an arduous and time-consuming business, as Stewart Lockhart's description of the conditions thirty years hence was to reveal. There is no doubt that the work was finished in haste for on several occasions errors made in the Chinese characters were not properly erased but were merely printed over. Fr. Volonteri, with his knowledge of the Chinese written language, must have noticed these incongruities and, except for shortage of time, he would not have sent the manuscript to the engraver with such a lack of polish.\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205846, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "146\n\nRONALD C. Y. NG\n\nthe immediate vicinity of the well recognized market towns. The other important factor is probably related to the state of law and order in some of the outlying areas during this period of China's internal upheaval. The complacent mandarin in San On Un would most likely have left Lantau and its adjacent islands to the unlawful elements and concentrated instead on the places with overland contact. In view of the notorious history of piracy on these islands, which were ideally situated in relation to the trade routes focusing on and weaving between the flourishing ports of Portuguese Macau, British Victoria and Chinese Canton, the officials in Nam-tau-shing, the administrative seat of San On district, would have been unable to render the priest much protection had he ventured to these parts. Volonteri, however, was not wanting in courage and in spirit of adventure, but the pirates of the Pearl River estuary were very different men from those he encountered in Swabue, on whom he had written, 'the pirates seem to fear the humble priest and not the priest the pirates; they make some rare appearances but the presence of the padre impels them to retreat at once'. How far this can account for the comparatively poor outline and incorrect location of the off-shore islands as well as for the lack of information on the settlements there must await fresh materials on Volonteri's work in San On, but the villagers on Lantau vouchsafed to me that in the time of their forefathers, piracy, preying on ships and peasants alike, was a greater hazard to the population than the vagrant weather conditions.\n\nFinally, the bilingual feature of the map must be noted. It is apparent that the document was intended primarily for English-speaking users. As there are several current systems of transliteration, in the present case the one based on Williams' Dictionary, the inclusion of the original Chinese names adds to the work that rare, but highly desirable, quality of precision and refinement. In a way, the document is simultaneously a map and a gazetteer of the District. The degree of cooperation between Volonteri and Liang was remarkable and out of the hundreds of villages cited bilingually there was not a single occasion where the name in one language did not correspond to the other. This is probably due to Fr. Volonteri's ability to read, perhaps not so much as to write presentably, the Chinese script which enabled him to check every detail. Credit should also go to his colleague for juxtaposing", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205849, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "149\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n\"BETHESDA\" AND THE BERLINER FRAUENVEREIN FÜR CHINA\n\nThe following is an extract from a letter written on 15th August 1968 to the Hon. Editor by Pastor Albrecht Plag of the German-speaking Evangelical-Lutheran Congregation in Hong Kong.\n\nTo my knowledge, the first foundling house to be established and built in Hong Kong was the one founded by the \"Berliner Frauenverein für China\". This body was formed at Berlin in 1850 under the influence and through the efforts of the German Protestant pioneer missionary to China, the Rev. Dr. Karl Gützlaff whose contribution to the early history of Hong Kong is well known. He is buried at the Colonial Cemetery in Happy Valley.*\n\nThe history of that foundling house, which was named \"Bethesda\", is given (at least up to 1897) in the book Aus der deutschen Mission unter dem weiblichen Geschlechte in China (C. F. Winter'sche Buchdruckerei, Darmstadt, 1889, 3. Aufl. 1897) by Miss Luise Cooper. According to this source, “Bethesda” was designed and built by Mr. C. St. G. Cleverly, the then Surveyor-General for the Hong Kong Government. The dedication ceremony took place on 5th July, 1861. The site was bought for HK$720 by the \"Berliner Frauenverein für China\" (Hong Kong representative at that time: Mr. Ladendorff), probably in 1860 or early 1861. The size of the lot is given as 350 ft. long and 150 ft. wide and the annual crown rent is £23 and 2 sh. per year. It must have been quite a respectable building, situated on a hill overlooking the harbour somewhere in the western part of Hong Kong Island.*\n\nIn 1881, on the same property, just next to \"Bethesda\", the German Lutheran Congregation of the time built their own little church. A few years earlier, they had elected the Rev. E. Klitzke, the then director of \"Bethesda\", as their pastor. However, soon after Rev. Klitzke died (in 1883) that predecessor of our present German-speaking Evangelical-Lutheran Congregation in Hong Kong (constituted in 1965) declined and ceased to exist. Klitzke is also buried at the Colonial Cemetery.\n\n* See Plates 16 and 17, kindly supplied by Pastor Plag.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205854, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "154\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nEARLY HONG KONG LIBRARIES\n\nVol. VIII of the Society's Journal contained an introduction to Hong Kong's library history under the heading of \"Notes on Hong Kong Libraries in the Nineteenth Century\". It mentioned as foremost of the early libraries in the Colony the Victoria Library and Reading Rooms which had been privately organised in 1848. There was, however, a still earlier library—that of the Asiatic Society of China which was founded in January 1847 and later became the China Branch and, still later, the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. Some of the founders of the Society had belonged to a Medico-Chirurgical Society founded in Hong Kong in May 1845 and to a Philosophical Society of Hong Kong formed shortly before the Asiatic Society. Both these societies were merged in the Asiatic Society in January 1847, and the books of the Medico-Chirurgical Society were handed over to the Asiatic Society to form part of the new Society's library on the understanding that members of the Medico-Chirurgical Society be admitted as members of the Asiatic Society without ballot or entrance fee.\n\nThe Asiatic Society's library was kept from 1849 in a room at the Court House which had been granted for the use of the Society for its meetings by Sir George Bonham. When the Society ran into difficulties in 1858 it handed over its valuable library of 400 books on trust to the Morrison Education Society which had been formed in Canton in 1835 and which, from 1855, had also kept its library in the Old Court House.\n\nWhen the demand for a proper public library grew on the building of the City Hall the Morrison Education Society presented its own library and that of the Royal Asiatic Society to the City Hall Library which was visited by the Duke of Edinburgh when he opened the City Hall on 2 November, 1869,\n\nHong Kong, 1969.\n\nJ. R. JONES\n\nDEFENCE WALL AT PASS BETWEEN KOWLOON CITY AND KOWLOON TSAI\n\nThis item on one of the antiquities of Old Kowloon City is taken from a pencilled note in one of Mr. Walter Schofield's note-books, dated 15th April, 1928. It is clearly a contemporary description. The note is reproduced", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205855, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 161, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n155\n\nas it stands though I have changed the position of a few sentences dealing with the gate in order to put all description of it in one paragraph. The words in italics are editorial additions. As mentioned elsewhere in this number, Mr. Schofield died in December, 1968, I did not have the benefit of discussing the note with him. Ed.\n\nThis wall commands the path from Kowloon Tsai to Kowloon City, at the top of the pass which rises about 150 feet above the plain by Kowloon City: i.e. it faces due East. It runs on the North, up the hill, and curves slightly to North West for the last 15 yards of its length. At its highest, it is quite 80 feet above the path. On the South it descends the hill for only 30 feet or so, and is very ruinous.\n\nNearly all of it is built of 'chunam',* laid on in layers 5 inches or so thick, and with a coping of the same material which is ridged - not rounded. The wall rises in 'steps', following the hill slopes, and keeping an average height of 10 feet. The middle of the wall is sometimes hollow; this hollow, where seen, being 2 or 3 inches across, and having thin slabs of granite in it.\n\nTwenty yards East of and behind the gate on the path, at the top of the pass is a screen wall (to keep out devils), of rough polygonal blocks mortared with 'chunam' and plastered over. It is 30 inches thick.\n\nThe gate itself is of granite slabs mortared together, a massive buttress each side and a platform on top. This is narrow; the floor is two thicknesses of granite slabs. The wall of 'chunam' runs across the top of the gate, and is 6 feet high. The main wall is quite 30 inches thick. The gate has holes for 7 wood bars, square at the bottom (for 'earth') and round at the top (for 'heaven'). The gate measures 6 feet through the masonry, and the granite blocks are large and well squared, the whole thing very massive. Steep steps lead up on the right of the gate to the platform. The earth for 3 or 4 feet outside the gate is held up by a granite retaining wall for 4 feet outwards from gate.\n\nOn each side of the gateway this wall is pierced by a low, square loophole lined with blue bricks, suited only for a musket\n\n* E. C. Bridgman's Chinese Chrestomathy in the Canton Dialect (Macao, S. Wells Williams, 1841) p. 204 has this description of Chunam, \"Chunam is an Indian word for lime, but in China it is applied to a mixture of lime and oil, used for caulking boats and junks; the mixture of lime, sand and oil, which is so commonly used in this country for floors and walks instead of a pavement is called Fúi Shá, or sanded lime.\" Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205858, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 164, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "158\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nthey were moving further away from the seashore where their boats and fishing equipment were stored on the beach when not in use. In short, these and other removals of entire village communities in the area during the first three decades of this century should be seen as a triumph of mind over matter, demonstrating the strength of traditional beliefs at that time.\n\nHong Kong, 1968.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nTHE OCCUPANCY LEVEL OF VILLAGE HOUSES IN THE HONG KONG REGION\n\nIn note 7 to his article \"Being Caught by a Fishnet: on Fung Shui in South-eastern China ”(JHKBRAS Vol. 8, 1968, pp. 74-81) Dr. Aijmer, quoting averages of 1.7 and 2.2 persons per house-unit in two Hakka villages in Tide Cove in 1911 speaks of this \"amazingly low figure\" and expects \"something around five or more as an average\". In doing so, he has touched upon an interesting subject: the occupancy level of village houses in the Hong Kong region in the early 20th century.\n\nElsewhere in this number (pp. 113-123) Mr. Howard Nelson takes up this subject and explains that a low level of occupancy of persons per 'house' is not unusual but normal, and that occupancy should be seen rather in terms of the number of 'houses' per household than the number of persons per 'house'. His definition of 'house' is given at pp. 113-115.\n\nDuring my discussions and investigations in New Territories and Kowloon villages over a number of years I have collected descriptive material from various informants that relates to this interesting topic. What follows is taken from my notes. The term 'house' is used in the sense used by Nelson i.e. a one-roomed dwelling with kitchen in front.\n\nFirst, let me quote a general statement of the occupation position. This is dated 1936 and occurs in a written representation to Government which came from the former Tsuen Wan villages of the New Territories:\n\nMost of the houses of the inhabitants of the New Territories are for owners' occupation. Some of these houses were left by ancestors, so even though he is of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205860, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "160\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nAt the two villages of Old and New Heung Kong Wai near Aberdeen a group of villagers had to come before a Squatter Board in 1893 to help determine and register legitimate holdings. From the information then recorded, and happily preserved, the following facts emerge:\n\n(a) the New Village was built entirely by inhabitants of the Old Village;\n\n(b) two of the houses in the New Village were built 1860-70 and some earlier, some later;\n\n(c) many families owned houses in each village;\n\n(d) many families owned 2 or 3 houses;\n\n(e) none of the cultivated land in the valley was (1893) owned by outsiders.\n\nElsewhere on the island I obtained and wrote down the following account of house occupation in the small Hakka village of Tai Tam Tuk for the period before this village was removed to make way for a reservoir in 1914:\n\nSome of the houses were in a ruinous condition in 1914, which is usually the case in the smaller and poorer villages in South China where frequent typhoons and heavy rains combine to shorten the life of these simply-constructed dwellings. Perhaps in consequence, most families in the village had several houses. For instance, one of my informants, her husband, his parents and his younger unmarried brother shared three houses and one shed, but ate together as one household.\n\nThese examples seem to bear out Mr. Nelson's reinterpretation of Dr. Aijmer's figures i.e. that at that time (1911) there were about 35 households in Big Stream Village, owning on average 2.2 houses each; and that Plum Grove contained 12 households with 3 houses each.*\n\nHong Kong 1969,\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\n* Since writing the above I also recall a case at Law Uk, Pui O where, speaking of her early married life there well before 1900, a very old village woman said theirs was \"a three table household\" with something over 20 persons eating together. It was also a multi-house one.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205863, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 169, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n163\n\nconnection with cremation burial was introduced by an \"iron-using people influenced by Buddhism”.\n\nThe present discovery is thus not only of interest to Hong Kong, it also serves to establish cultural links between south China and South-east Asia during the “Proto-historic” period of South-east Asia. It is hoped that this discovery will lead to more systematic work on the archaeology of the Ming period in Hong Kong.\n\nHong Kong, 1969.\n\nJAMES C. Y. WATT.\n\n+\n\nNOTES\n\n1 See J. W. Hayes, \"Preliminary Report on the Finds at Shek Pik” at pp. 122-124 of H.K.B.R.A.S. Vol. 2, 1962 elaborated by James C. Y. Watt and J. W. Hayes in \"Sung Finds at Shek Pik\" in Vol. I of the Journal of the Hong Kong Archaeological Society, (1969).\n\n2 These bowls are usually quite shallow with an incised pattern of vertical lines on the outside and often a stamped pattern in the centre. Kilns producing such bowls have been discovered in Wai Yeung county, about 100 kms. east of Canton reports in Kaogu 1962.8 and Kaogu 1964.4.\n\n3 Kaogu 1964.10. See also Kaogu 1962.2 and Kaogu 1965.6.\n\n4 Rosa C. P. Tenazas, A Report on the Archaeology of the Locsin University of San Carlos Excavations in Pila, Laguna. Manila, 1968.\n\n5 Wilhelm G. Solheim II. Archaeological Survey and excavation in Northern Thailand. Preliminary report on excavations at Ban Nadi, Ban Sao Lao, Pimai No. I. Honolulu, 1966. (Quoted by Tenazas, op. cit.)\n\n“KELLY AND WALSH”\n\nAll members of the Branch will have seen books bearing the name of this famous Eastern publishing house, and some may own a few of their many publications over the last century. Dr. J. R. Jones has contributed a note taken verbatim from an old book in his possession, which demonstrates the firm's long history. It reads:\n\nProbably the next oldest printing and publishing concern in Shanghai is Messrs. Kelly and Walsh, Limited, formed in 1876 by the amalgamation of two local booksellers, Kelly and Company and F. & C. Walsh. While this firm's main concern is bookselling, it also runs an important printing business, turning out high-class work of every description. It, too,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205864, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 170, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "164\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\npublishes books, and now has a very long list of excellent works to its credit, mainly, of course, on China and things Chinese. Originally situated on the Bund, this company moved to its present site on Nanking Road in 1918.\n\nDr. Jones comments:\n\nNine years after the amalgamation in 1876, the Company was incorporated on 1st July 1885. Its primary object was stated to be to acquire the business then carried on at Hong Kong and elsewhere under the style of Kelly & Walsh which evidently was until then a partnership. There were seven subscribers to the Memorandum, five of them being described as “stationers” with an address at 11 The Bund, Shanghai while the other two were stationers with an address at 19 Queen's Road, Hong Kong. I would gather from this that they were all members of the group of partners and employees of Kelly & Walsh in Shanghai and Hong Kong. The principal subscriber was Thomas Brown of Shanghai who took 1114 out of 1350 shares.\n\n华\n\nIt is hoped to provide more information about this historic publishing house in a later issue of the Journal.\n\nHong Kong, 1969.\n\nHON. EDITOR", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205870, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 176, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "170\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nJapanese villages, Mexican villages and, indeed, European villages. It is precisely through looking for parallels and differences in social structure (despite what might be great differences in culture) that generalizations about the village as a form of social organization and human association may in fact be forthcoming.\n\nWhat would seem to be required now is a two-fold effort in which the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society might fruitfully participate. The first effort should be the accumulation of data in archival form which would be available to scholars in Hong Kong to use for comparative purposes. This archival effort would have to be well enough subsidized to be able to reproduce and store data, the original copies of which no author would willingly leave behind.\n\nThe second effort usefully could be a conference of people actively involved or likely to be involved in research about Hong Kong villages (or indeed any villages) in which discussions could be held concerning what current researchers in the field think are the major issues and research problems. Perhaps through this conference a programmatic series of research efforts, which would have greater final scientific value than any single research effort could have, would be forthcoming.\n\nOpen-ended books like Mr. Baker's can help to stimulate thinking of this kind and as a consequence must be rated as both useful and important.\n\nSTRANGERS AT THE GATE, SOCIAL DISORDER IN SOUTH CHINA, 1839-1861. Frederic Wakeman, Jr., University of California Press, 1966, pp. 276, US$6.\n\nThis fairly short book provides a narrative of the main events of twenty-three years of British dealings with Canton and Kwang-\n\n11 The Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, has recently begun such a project. A conference has been held in which problems of research have been discussed: this is a hopeful beginning. It may be further aided by the forthcoming publication of a new bibliography of materials about Hong Kong, to be published shortly by the Department of Extramural Studies, of the Chinese University of Hong Kong.\n\nEditor's note: the proceedings of the conference mentioned in Dr. Berkowitz's note 11 have now been published. See Marjorie Topley (compiler) Anthropology and Sociology in Hong Kong. Field Projects and Problems of Overseas Scholars. Hong Kong, Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, 1969.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205872, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 178, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "172\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nterm “militia” to translate tuan lien (). Wakeman uses this term and, to my mind, strays further from its real meaning when he differentiates between tuan lien and \"genuine tuan lien\". I would prefer to use Siang-tseh Chiang's term \"local corps\" for all \"tuan lien”, whether \"genuine\" or not. In English this is a more accurate, because more loose-fitting, term, and it does not abuse the word \"militia” which in Britain at least has a precise meaning. Militia were auxiliary troops not on full-time service except when embodied in time of war for home or overseas service. These forces were totally under government control, and indeed were an integral part of the military forces of the English Crown and as such subject to considerable constitutional constraint. This led Cardwell, the 19th-century Army reformer, to describe the militia as \"the constitutional force of England.. a force ever dear to the people of England from constitutional antecedents\".* Thus the circumstances of the existence and mode of use of the British militia after the establishment of the Standing Army in 1660 were quite different from those obtaining in China during the Ching dynasty; which surely strengthens the case for selecting another term to describe \"local forces\" that were not financed by government and might never have had official blessing.\n\nThat the appearance of tuan lien might be deceptive is, however, certain. The Kwangtung Viceroy commented as follows on Hong Kong Governor Sir Henry Blake's theory that Chinese regular troops might have taken part in the disturbances that followed the occupation of the New Territories of Hong Kong in 1899:\n\nThe Governor of Hong Kong suspected that they were regular troops from the fact that they had guns, cannon, and uniforms. He was not aware that the villagers of Kwangtung, in their constant fights with each other, are always erecting forts, and use guns and cannon, and wear uniforms. This is a matter of common notoriety.\n\nThis quotation is borrowed from Mr. Groves' article, printed elsewhere in this number of the Journal, in which he uses Wakeman's book to put together an interesting essay on the interaction of market, lineage and militia (local forces) during the opposition to the British occupation of the New Territories in 1899.\n\nSecondly, this reviewer found the discussion of \"local schools\"\n\n* Quoted in The Spectator, 14th March, 1969, p. 331.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205876, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 182, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "176\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nthe modification of the position and attitudes of the British Mandarinate. This is a most valuable piece of research; it is to be hoped that Mr. Lethbridge will eventually be able to give us a fuller publication on the events and the effects of this period.\n\nOther contributions which explore the dynamics of Hong Kong society, rather than one of its disparate elements, are those of J. S. Cansdale and E. Kvan; both treat of students at Hong Kong University, a group whose significance as a focal point of East-West contact is out of all proportion to its numbers. One would like to see these enquiries, cultural and psychological, followed up in, for example, a study of Chinese government servants in Hong Kong; those, in other words, for whom the crisis of contact is subtly different. Having grasped the fruits of their education, traumatic though it may have been, they are now at the focus of political and administrative contact between East and West. What conflicts do they experience, and how are these resolved?\n\nConcerning a third paper which attempts to deal with the specific problem of East-West contact, that of the co-editors themselves -- I have considerable misgivings. I feel that they might have taken heed of the fact that few have dared to tread this ground, and thus been more wary of venturing into so intricate a subject as that of \"face\". They contend that Chinese concern for \"face\" is not only a barrier to trivial moments of daily interaction, but to the more vital (in their estimation) process of westernisation; they go so far as to ask how any society so burdened could have functioned in the past. I would emphasise the value of a more positive approach: if the traditional Chinese concept of status relations had been so unwieldy, the society would surely have failed to function at all. It would have been better to investigate, with the fullest reliance on Chinese sources, the role of \"face\" in the total social system of traditional China: was it in fact a barrier to, or a method of communication? The subject of \"face\" is at once sufficiently important to deserve a better informed and more sympathetic treatment than this, and is yet at the same time possibly less important than the authors lead us to suppose.\n\nThere is little need to stress the value of Dr. Marjorie Topley's essay, here reprinted, on Chinese attitudes to wealth. Scholars in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205880, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 186, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "180\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nMost of the periodicals have been received in exchange for our own journal, and form a valuable portion of the collection, many of the titles not being easily accessible elsewhere in Hong Kong. Exchange agreements were made with the following three additional institutions: Monumenta Serica Institute, Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, and Instituto do Luis Camões, Macao.\n\nThe following is a list of titles added to the Library of the Hong Kong Branch since the publication of the previous list in volume VIII of the Journal. Items marked* are kept at the University Library, and the remainder at the British Council.\n\nALISJAHBANA, S. Takdir.\n\nA41\n\nIndonesia: social and cultural revolution. Kuala Lumpur, Oxford U. P., 1966.\n\nC517\n\nCH'EN, Yüan (†)\n\nWestern and central Asians in China under the Mongols; their transformation into Chinese (R$). Los Angeles, Monumenta Serica, 1966.\n\nCHINA. Laws, Statutes, etc.\n\nC531\n\nTa Tsing leu lee (#1); being the fundamental laws and a selection from the supplementary statutes of the penal code of China ... Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1966.\n\nCOLLIS, Maurice.\n\nC71\n\nWayfoong: the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation. A study of East Asia's transformation, political, financial and economic, during the last hundred years. London, Faber, 1965.\n\nDOOLITTLE, Justus.\n\nD69\n\nSocial life of the Chinese; with some account of their religious, governmental, educational, and business customs and opinions with special but not exclusive reference to Fuhchau. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1966.\n\nEITEL, Ernest J.\n\nE36e\n\nEurope in China: the history of Hongkong from the beginning to the year 1882. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1968.\n\n*FERREIRA, José dos Santos.\n\nF38\n\nMacau să assi, Macau, Tipografia da Missao do Padroado, 1967.\n\nGILES, Herbert A.\n\nG47g\n\nGems of Chinese literature. 2d ed., rev. and greatly enl.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205881, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 187, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "THE LIBRARY\n\nTaipei, Literature House, 1964.\n\nHENSMAN, Bertha, and MACK, Kwok-ping (AMA)\n\n181\n\nH52\n\nHong Kong tale-spinners; a collection of tales and ballads transcribed and translated from story-tellers in Hong Kong. Hong Kong, Chinese Univ. of Hong Kong, 1968.\n\nHILL, Dennis S.\n\nH645\n\nFigs (Ficus spp.) of Hong Kong. [Hong Kong] Hong Kong University Press, 1967.\n\n*KOLLARD, J. A.\n\nPAM K81\n\nEarly medical practice in Macao. Macao, Inspecção dos Serviços Economicos, Agencia de Turismo, 1935.\n\nMARTIN, W. A. P.\n\nM383\n\nA cycle of Cathay; or, China, South and North, with personal reminiscences. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1966.\n\nMAYERS, William Frederick,\n\nM46\n\nThe Chinese reader's manual: a handbook of biographical, historical, mythological and general literary reference, Taipei, Literature House, 1964.\n\nMAYERS, William Frederick, ed.\n\nM46 t\n\nTreaties between the Empire of China and foreign powers; together with regulations for the conduct of foreign trade, etc. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1966.\n\nMICHIE, Alexander.\n\nM624\n\nThe Englishman in China during the Victorian era, as illustrated in the career of Sir Rutherford Alcock many years consul and minister in China and Japan, Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1966.\n\nMORSE, Hosea Ballou.\n\nM88 t\n\nThe trade and administration of the Chinese Empire. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1966.\n\nREMER, C. F.\n\nR38 f\n\nThe foreign trade of China. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1967.\n\nWHISSON, Michael G.\n\nW576\n\nUnder the rug: the drug problem in Hong Kong. A study in applied sociology. [Hong Kong] Hong Kong Council of Social Service, 1965.\n\nWILLIAMS, S. Wells.\n\nW727\n\nThe Chinese commercial guide, containing treaties, tariffs, regulations, tables, etc., useful in the trade to China & Eastern", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205882, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "182\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nAsia; with an appendix of sailing directions for those seas and coasts. 5th ed. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1966. YULE, Sir Henry.\n\nY95\n\nCathay and the way thither; being a collection of medieval notices of China. New ed., rev. throughout in the light of recent discoveries by Henri Cordier. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1966.\n\nThe following bound volumes of periodicals are now located in the British Council Library, Gloucester Building, where they may be consulted. They are not available for loan.\n\nAsia major, London, vols. 9-11, 1962-1965,\n\nEast and West, Rome, vols. 14-17, 1963-1966.\n\nFrance. Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique. Bulletin signalétique.\n\nSec. 21: Sociologie, etc., vols. 16-18, 1962-1964. Sec. 24: Sciences du langage, vol. 19, 1965.\n\nJapan quarterly, Tokyo, vols. 10-14, 1963-1967. Journal of Asiatic studies, Seoul, vols. 8-10, 1965-1967. Monumenta serica, Los Angeles, vols. 19-25, 1960-1966. Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Stockholm. Bulletin,\n\nvols. 1-4, 1929-1932; 38-39, 1966-1967.\n\nRoyal Asiatic Society, London. Journal, 1957-1966.\n\nRoyal Asiatic Society. Korea Branch. Transactions, vols. 34-39, 1958-1962.\n\nSarawak Museum journal, vols. 9-14, 1960-1966.\n\nSinologica, Basel, vols. 7-9, 1962/63-1966/67.\n\nTōhō Gakuhō, Kyoto, vols. 32-39, 1962-1968.\n\nTsing hua journal of Chinese studies, Taipei, new series, vols. 2-6, 1960/61-1966/67.\n\nThis collection comprises 14 different titles, and 75 vols. (bound in 60).\n\nHong Kong, 28 April, 1969.\n\nH. A. RYDINGS,\n\nHon. Librarian.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205893, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 199, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "193\n\nLOFTS, Prof. B. - \n\nLOSEBY, Miss P. \n\nLOTHROP, F. B.* \n\n+ \n\nLUCAS, Col. E. S. S. - \n\nLUM Miss Ada - \n\nLUPTON, G. C. M. \n\nLUTZ, Hans F. - \n\nMA, Prof. Meng - \n\nMACK, A. M. \n\nMACKEITH, J. S. \n\nMACKENZIE, J. \n\nMACLEAN, Mrs. M. - \n\nMAGEE, M. W. P. \n\nMAHLKE, W. J. \n\n- \n\n. \n\n· \n\nDept. of Zoology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. \n\nc/o Russ & Co., Rooms 523/5 Gloucester Building, H.K. \n\n176 Milk Street, Boston, Massachusetts, 02109, U.S.A. \n\n94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. \n\n142, Boundary Street, Kowloon, \n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. \n\nTak Wai Mansion, Flat B, 3rd Floor, Man Fuk Road, Kowloon. \n\nInstitute of Oriental Studies, University of Hong Kong, H.K. \n\nNo. 34 Wilton Crescent, London, S.W.1., England. \n\n80 Robinson Road, H.K. \n\nDavie, Boag & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. \n\n5, Peak Pavilions, The Peak, H.K. \n\nOperations, Cathay Pacific Airways, Kai Tak Airport, Kowloon. \n\n19, South Bay Close, Repulse Bay, H.K. \n\nMANSFIELD, Miss M. B. c/o Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon. \n\nMAO, Dr. Wen-Chee, Philip 326-8 Tung Ying Building, 100 Nathan Road, Kowloon. \n\nMARSHALL, Dr. P. M. \n\nMARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J. \n\nMAYNARD, Prof. D. M. \n\nMcBAIN, E. B. \n\nMcBAIN, G. \n\nMCCABE, Mrs. S. J. \n\nMcCOY, Dr. John \n\nMcDOUALL, J. C.* \n\nc/o Dept. of Zoology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. \n\n+ \n\n+ \n\nP. O. Box 104, Macau, \n\n+ \n\nFoothill College, Los Altos Hills, California, U.S.A. \n\nc/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K. \n\nc/o Imperial Chemical Industries (China) Ltd., 16th Floor, Union House, H.K. \n\nFlat 1, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. \n\nDivision of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A. \n\n13, The Green, St. Leonards-on-Sea, Sussex, England. \n\nLife Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205897, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 203, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "197\n\nSHARPLEY, Mrs. W. S. M. New Zealand Commission, P.O. Box 2790,\n\nSHEPHARD, A. J.\n\nSHING, D. -\n\nSHOEMAKER, J. F. -\n\nSHU, Dr. H. T.\n\nSIEGEL, H. W.\n\n+\n\n-\n\nSINFIELD, G. H. C..\n\nSLEVIN, B. F.\n\nSLEVIN, B.\n\nSMALL, Dr. D. H.\n\nSMITH, L.*\n\nSMYTH, Miss L.\n\nSO, Dr. Chak-lam\n\nSPANKIE, D. R. A.\n\nSPERRY, H. M.\"\n\nSPOONER, M. G. -\n\nSTANLEY, Major H. F. -\n\nT\n\nSTANTON, W. T.*\n\nSTEVENS, Major K. G.*\n\nSTEWART, Miss E. M.\n\nSTOKES, J.\n\nSTONEY, G. S. -\n\nSTONEY, Mrs. G. S.\n\nSTOWE, C.-\n\n+\n\n-\n\n-\n\n+\n\nH.K.\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K.\n\nFlorida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K.\n\n73 Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon,\n\n70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. c/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K.\n\nApt. No. 406, 1061 Don Mills Road, Don Mills, Ontario, Canada,\n\nA3 Magazine Heights, 17 Magazine Gap Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K.\n\nDental Unit, Kennedy Road, H.K.\n\nFlat 10-8, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K.\n\nPhysiotherapy Dept., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon.\n\nDept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nEconomic Survey Section, British Trade Commission, Room 704 Shell House, H.K.\n\nLime Rock Road, Lakeville, Connecticut, U.S.A.\n\nThe Registry, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nc/o H.K. Tourist Association, Realty Building, H.K.\n\nDina House, Duddell Street, H.K.\n\nG. Sy Hq. FARELF, Singapore.\n\nFlat 23, 3 Caldecott Road, Kowloon.\n\nQueen's College, Causeway Bay, H.K.\n\nFlat 1, \"Ravencourt\", 24 Mount Austin Rd., H.K.\n\nAs above.\n\nFlat No. 112, 75 Macdonnell Road, H.K.\n\nSTRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., Union House, H.K.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205898, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 204, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "198\n\nSU, Dr. Chung-jen*\n\nSU, Ming-hsuan\n\nSU, Samon\n\nSWIRE, A. C.*\n\nSYKES, Major A. E. -\n\nTALBOT, H. D. -\n\nTAN, Khek-seng*\n\nTANG, Mrs. Jack C. -\n\nTANG, Sir Shiu-kin*\n\nTANNER, R. F.\n\nTARARIN, P. A.* -\n\nTHOMAS, L. F.\n\nTHOMAS, T. H.\n\nTHROWER, Prof. L. B. ·\n\nTILL, The Very Rev. B.*\n\n+\n\nTISDALL, B.\n\nTOMLIN, Mrs. Ian\n\nTOOGOOD, C. W. -\n\nTORRIBLE, G. R.*\n\nTOWNER, J. A.\n\nTRISTRAM, M. P. W.\n\n+\n\nTSEUNG, Dr. F. I.\n\nTURNER, Sir Michael* -\n\nTYLER, Mrs. M. R.\n\nUHALLEY, Dr. S., Jr.\n\n·\n\n155, Blue Pool Road, Flat A, 1/F, H.K.\n\n45 Hankow Road, 9th Fl., Flat C, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Shanghai Commercial Bank Ltd., 12 Queen's Road, Central, H.K.\n\nc/o John Swire & Sons, Ltd., 66 Cannon Street, London, E.C.4, England.\n\nM.O.D. Chinese Language School, Lyemun Barracks, B.F.P.O.1, H.K.\n\nDept. of Geography, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nA1, 7th floor, Villa Monte Rosa, 41A Stubbs Road, H.K.\n\n7C Bowen Road, Bowen Mansions, Apt., 402, H.K.\n\nRoom 1701, Central Building, H.K.\n\n27 Macdonnell Road, Room 32, H.K.\n\n623 N. Harper Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif. 90048, U.S.A.\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K.\n\nc/o The British Council, P.O. Box 753, Steuart Lodge, 154 Galle Road, Colombo 3, Ceylon.\n\n6-B, Alberose, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Morley College, 61 Westminster Bridge Road, London S.E.1, England.\n\n1 Garden Terrace, G/F, H.K.\n\n41D, Shouson Hill Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Oxford University Press, 5th floor, News Building, 633 King's Road, H.K.\n\nc/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K.\n\n57 Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K.\n\nRating & Valuation Dept., Murray House, Garden Road, H.K.\n\nChina Building, 4th floor, H.K.\n\n\"Whispers\", Riversdale, Bourne End, Bucks, England.\n\n402 Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K.\n\nDept. of History, Duke University, Durham, N. Carolina, U.S.A.\n\n+\n\nLife Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205924, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 4, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal.\n\nA brochure containing a short history of the Hong Kong Branch, together with a list of lectures given before the Society since its revival, can be obtained by prospective members from the Hon. Secretary, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong.\n\nThe Council welcomes contributions from non-members as well as from members. Articles, notes and queries, and other material dealing with such subjects as the history, languages, literature, art, social customs, and natural history of Hong Kong and adjacent areas will be considered for publication.\n\nContributors are requested to follow closely the style sheet of the Journal, obtainable from the Editor. Contributions of over 20,000 words will not normally be accepted for publication in the Journal. They may, however, be submitted for consideration as monographs.\n\nAll communications intended for publication should be type-written in double spacing on one side of the paper only, leaving adequate margins. They should be sent to the Hon. Editor, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong.\n\nResponsibility for opinions expressed in articles published in this Journal rests with the individual contributors and not with the Council.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205930, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 10, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "4\n\ntrade and penetration to China and the Far East, and the Society was in part designed to bring together in London members of these societies who had returned to England and allow them to meet and continue publication of their work. It was founded in March 1823 and received its Royal Charter of Incorporation from George IV on 11th August, 1824. It is the oldest and most important Society of its kind in Europe, and its standing as the doyen of Societies promoting the study of Asia has been maintained by the devotion of generations of eminent scholars, explorers, and others who have contributed through its Journal, in public addresses and in many other ways, a rich harvest of knowledge, the practical uses of which serve to promote and aid our understanding of, and our relation with, the East.\n\nBefore the acquisition of Hong Kong the movement had extended to the mercantile community in Canton, under the influence of Sir John Davis who had become a founder member of the Royal Asiatic Society in London, and of correspondents of the Society who included James Matheson.\n\nThe Hong Kong Branch grew out of a Medico-Chirurgical Society founded in 1845. This Society, however, in accord with the contemporary spirit of inquiry, and the enthusiasm for better knowledge of Asia in general and of China in particular, had contemplated setting up a Philosophical Society under the leadership of Andrew Shortrede, Editor of the China Mail who drafted the Society's laws based on those of the Royal Asiatic Society. Sir John F. Davis, then Governor of the Colony, by reason of his known literary and scientific acquirements rather than his official rank, was asked to be President. He suggested that the Society should seek to be admitted as a Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society with which, as a founder member, he was in close touch and with whose active President, the Earl of Auckland, he had had discussions on these lines before he left England.\n\nSo in January 1847 the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was founded and all the members of the Medico-Chirurgical Society who wished to join were admitted on condition of their Society's library being handed over to the new body.\n\nBesides the Governor as President, and Andrew Shortrede as General Secretary and Major General D'Aguilar as Vice President,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205931, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 11, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "the Society included the hierarchy of the Government, Military, Medical and Mercantile communities.\n\nIn his Inaugural Address as President of the Hong Kong Branch, Sir John Davis stressed the importance of directing the Society's attention to practical projects and to natural history, geology and botany, as well as to literary pursuits, and suggested that he could get the sanction of the Colonial Office to the grant of a moderate piece of ground for a Botanical Garden. Sir John left the Colony in 1848; but, as the result of a stirring appeal by the Rev. C. Gutzlaff at a meeting of the Society in August 1848, the project was approved, although it was not carried into effect until the governorship of Sir John Bowring, and then the Garden was placed under Government control and not under that of the Society.\n\nThe Society was fortunate in enjoying influential Government and press support, including that of the China Mail, and continued under Sir George Bonham who gave the Society a room in the old Supreme Court building to hold its meetings and to house its library.\n\nWith the departure of Sir John Bowring in May 1859, and the death in the September following of the Branch's devoted Secretary, the Society collapsed. The efforts of Dr. James Legge, as well as those of Sir Hercules Robinson, the new Governor, as President, of the Bishop of Victoria and of the Acting Chief Justice as Vice-Presidents and of Harry (later Sir Harry) S. Parkes were of no avail.\n\nThe collapse of the Society came at an unfortunate time and deprived it of the prestige and momentum which it would undoubtedly have gained from the work of some of its famous members. Legge was on the eve of publishing his famous translation of the Chinese Classics, which eventually appeared only through the generosity of Joseph Jardine (and his successor Sir Robert Jardine) and of John Dent, the heads of the two largest merchant houses in the Colony. A little later, in 1865, T. W. Kingsmill had to resort to the aid of the Shanghai Branch for the publication of his studies on the geology of Hong Kong.\n\nIt was thus with a deep sense of responsibility, and also of duty, that it was decided to revive this Society in 1959 after the lapse of a century.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205934, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 14, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "the Society had a fine home of its own with a lecture hall presented by a Dr. Wu Lien-teh, a magnificent library and a museum and art gallery. It was supported by the Municipal Councils of the International Settlement and of the French Concession with liberal grants. In Hong Kong, however, no philanthropist has yet appeared to help the Society and the Government gives us only $200 a year in return for which it receives free copies of the Society's publications.\n\nOur library is increasing and now consists of about 500 books but can be much enlarged by the purchase of books and by donations. One section of the library, the rarest volumes and our exchange journals as well as a stock of our own journals, is kept in the University, while the other section is kept in the rooms of the British Council which is already hard pressed to house its own library. We are grateful to the University and the British Council for these facilities and the services of their staff but the time has come when the Society will have to appeal for funds to house our library and make it more easily available.\n\nWe have to acknowledge with gratitude the gifts of books made during the year, including contributions from the Hong Kong University and from the South China Morning Post. A most valuable gift was the presentation on behalf of the Diocesan Girls' School of the classic and rare book, Bentham's Flora Hongkongensis, published in 1861. Bentham was a member of the Society but published his great work two years after the Society's collapse. In this connection I want to add that it has been my great wish, so far not achieved, to see Bentham's book succeeded by a new and colour edition of the Flora of Hong Kong based on the 500 admirable slides from the photographs taken by Mr. F. A. Nixon. With some Government encouragement and some philanthropic help, such as was given by Jardines and Dents in 1859, such an aim could be achieved and would serve as a permanent contribution by the Royal Asiatic Society to the natural history of Hong Kong.\n\nAs you will see from the Hon. Treasurer's Report our finances are in a satisfactory position; but we cannot be complacent as we have heavy expenses to meet in printing the new issue of the Journal and in reprinting Vol. I and the printing of the record and results of the recent Symposia conducted by Professor Dwyer", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205935, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "and by Professor Thrower. Again it will be seen that the modest subscription of $30 a year, for which apart from the ordinary amenities of the Society members receive a free copy of all the Society's publications, falls far short of the costs of running the Society. The gap is as usual bridged mainly by interest from investments, bank interest and the sale of journals. Our investments at the end of 1969 showed a market value of $52,855 against cost of $43,554. The origin of our investments was the anonymous gift of $10,000 by a friend in 1947 in memory of Arthur de Carl Sowerby, who was the founder and curator of the Society's museum in Shanghai and a great authority on the natural history of China. This was supplemented by a gift of $5,000 by the late Stanley Smith in aid of the Society's funds in 1965.\n\nThere have been no changes in the Council of the Society during the year except that the vacant office of Vice Chairman in place of Prof. K. E. Robinson was filled by the appointment by the Council under Rule 11 of the constitution of Mr. J. W. Hayes who has been Editor of the Journal since 1966 and whose scholarly contributions to it and his popular tours of historic Hong Kong have been so greatly appreciated. The Council is a hard working body and meets at least once a month, and its activities involve a great deal of time and labour. Every member has his particular function and role to fulfil, apart from his general contribution to the Council work.\n\nIt has been a great pleasure to work for ten years with such harmonious and hardworking colleagues, and I want to thank them for their loyalty and for the unremitting help they have given me over the last ten years. In resigning at this juncture from the Presidency I do so with great regret, but am happy in the knowledge that the future of the Society is in safe hands.\n\nIn conclusion I want to thank the British Council for its continued support and for all the services it provides for the Society. I want last but not least to pay tribute to and thank, both on my own behalf and that of the Society, Mrs. O'Hara of the British Council for her willing and ready help during those ten years which all members of the Council have good reason to appreciate. She is an indispensable repository of the infinite details connected with the secretarial work, and her ready and\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205936, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 16, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "10\n\nwilling help has been of great value to me as President and to\n\nthe Council generally.\n\n13th May, 1970.\n\nLectures in 1969 comprised:-----\n\n20 January\n\nDr. M. W. M. Lau\n\n24 February\n\nJ. R. JONES\n\nThe F. A. Nixon Collection of Nestorian Crosses and the Fr. Finn Collection of Finds on Lamma Island\n\nDr. Morris I. Berkowitz\n\nThe Effects of Resettlement on the Plover Cove Villagers\n\nProf. P. G. O'Neill\n\nThe No Theatre of Japan Today\n\nMr. K. M. A. Barnett\n\nRemoving Some Barriers to Comprehension\n\nAspects of Hong Kong Marine Fauna\n\n11 March\n\n8 April\n\n15 April\n\nDr. Lamarr B. Trott\n\n28 April\n\nAnnual General Meeting.\n\n5 May\n\nMr. Holmes H. Welch\n\n24 May\n\n\"The Role of Religion in Chinese Life\n\n9 June\n\n11\n\n23 June\n\nA Tour of Old Shau Kei Wan organized by\n\nMr. J. W. Hayes.\n\nDr. Hugh D. R. Baker\n\nThe Chinese Lineage Village: A Pyramid of Kinship\n\nDr. R. K. Murton\n\nWild Life in Hong Kong\n\n29 September\n\nMr. J. C. Y. Watt\n\n23 October\n\n17 November\n\nThe Use of Jade in Old China\n\n\"Look Around\" Tour on Hong Kong Island\n\norganized by Mr. J. W. Hayes.\n\nMr. G. E. Johnson\n\nFrom Rural Committee to Spirit Medium Cult", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205938, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 18, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "1968 \n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY \n\nINCOME AND EXPENDITURE ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR ENDED 31ST DECEMBER, 1969 \n\nEXPENDITURE \n\n \n HK$10,518\n Journal Expenses \n \n \n 1,020\n Symposium Expenses \n \n \n 1,971\n Purchase of Library Books \n \n \n 3,438\n Sundry Expenses \n \n \n \n (printing, stationery, postage, \n \n \n \n Lecture expenses) \n \n \n 6,970\n \n \n \n HK$24,368\n \n \n \n Balance being surplus of income over expenditure transferred to accumulated Funds \n \n\n1968 \n\nINCOME \n\n \n HK$ 1,100\n Life Memberships 1969 \n \n \n 11,380\n Annual Memberships 1969 \n \n \n 210\n Annual Memberships 1970 paid in 1969 \n \n \n 6,118\n Sale of Publications \n \n \n 1,382\n Symposium Receipts \n \n \n 2,041\n Bank Interest Received \n \n \n 1,916\n Dividends Received \n \n \n 221\n Sundry Receipts \n \n \n \n \n \n \n HK$20,020\n \n \n \n HK$24,368\n \n \n \n HK$ 410\n \n \n \n 10,559\n \n \n \n 90\n \n \n \n 3,728\n \n \n \n 1,082\n \n \n \n 1,075\n \n \n \n 2,865\n \n \n \n 211\n \n \n \n HK$20,020\n \n \n\nQUOTED INVESTMENTS HELD AT 31ST DECEMBER, 1969 \n\n \n £700 Stock 6% Commonwealth of Australia 1977/80 \n \n \n 333 Shares China Light & Power Co. Ltd. \n \n \n 400 Shares Hong Kong Electric Co. Ltd. \n \n \n 450 Shares Lane Crawford Ltd. \n \n \n Cost \n Market Value \n \n \n HK$11,488 \n HK$ 7,473 \n \n \n 4,030 \n 9,124 \n \n \n 12,487 \n 16,100 \n \n \n 15,549 \n 20,138 \n \n \n HK$43,554 \n HK$52,835 \n \n\n12", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205940, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 20, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "THE LIBRARY OF THE HONG KONG BRANCH ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\nREPORT FOR THE YEAR 1969 - 1970\n\nA further 53 volumes of books were added to the Library during the past year, bringing the total stock to 396 volumes, excluding bound volumes of periodicals, which are mentioned separately below. Of the additions, no less than 43 were gifts, and the Branch is extremely grateful to the following donors:\n\nCentre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong\n(2 publications)\n\nDiocesan Girls' School, through Miss M. B. Mansfield\n(Bentham's Flora Hongkongensis, 1865, and Dunn and Tutcher's Flora of Kwangtung and Hongkong, 1912)\n\nMr. J. E. Noronha\n(Historic Shanghai, by C. A. Montalto de Jesus, 1909)\n\nSouth China Morning Post, Ltd., through the\nUniversity of Hong Kong Library (9 volumes)\n\nFather Manuel Teixeira\n(4 of his own publications on Macau)\n\nUniversity of Hong Kong Library\n(18 volumes)\n\nAnother seven volumes were received through the Hon. Editor, having been sent as review copies to the Journal. Of the above, undoubtedly the most valuable is that by Bentham, which in spite of its publication date remains the primary source on Hong Kong flora. Another interesting addition is a Xerox copy of a rare private publication, Diary of events and the progress on Shameen, 1859 - 1938 by H.S.S. [H. Staples-Smith], made from the original now in the possession of Mr. J. W. Hayes.*\n\nThe Hon. Librarian took advantage of the sale at the Challenge Bookshop in July to purchase eight titles of Asian interest at reduced prices.\n\nThe Library continues to receive a number of valuable journals in exchange for its own publications, and a further fifteen volumes of these have been bound, bringing the total of bound volumes\n\n* There follows on, from Mr. Ryding's report, part of a letter addressed to me by The Rt. Rev. Gilbert Baker, Bishop of Hong Kong and Macao, dated 29th September, 1969, reproduced here with his kind permission, that provides this identification. The Bishop was then on the staff of Christ Church, Shameen. Ed. (Footnote continued on opposite page)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205942, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 22, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "MORE ON THE YUNG-LO TA-TIEN\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\nHalf a century ago Dr. Lionel Giles wrote an informative article in the New China Review (vol. II, April 1920) on the Yung-lo ta-tien (hereafter abbreviated as YLTT). Others too, both before and since, have contributed something to our knowledge about this great compilation. It appears time, however, for another sketch and assessment, now that the Veritable Records of the Ming dynasty (Ming shih-lu) and other original sources have been made available.\n\nThe YLTT was unquestionably the major collective literary enterprise of the Ming period (1368 - 1644). The proposal for the undertaking was officially made by the Grand Secretary Hsieh Chin (1369 - 1415) and others on July 19, 1403. Essentially the purpose was to try to make one complete thesaurus of existing literature. At this point in history the Chinese were just beginning to recover from not one but several devastating conflicts. In the tenth century part of north China had been lost to the Khitan, and both Chinese and non-Chinese peoples had warred over the rest. After the Sung (960+) had come into control of the south and central areas, the Jurchen in the twelfth century drove out the Khitan and bit off part of the Sung domain, to be followed in the thirteenth by the Mongols who conquered all of China in over half a century of campaigning. For seventy years there was peace, and then the Chinese began to throw off the Mongol yoke as well as struggle amongst themselves for mastery. From 1350 to 1380 war raged again, and many a center of culture suffered. It is a wonder that there was anything of value left. But this was not all. The prince of Yen (Chu Ti) at the turn of the century made two attempts to seize the throne from his nephew, and this too resulted in destruction, particularly in the north. He finally achieved success on the second, entering the capital, Nanking, in July 1402, and proclaimed himself emperor, with his reign title as Yung-lo, in January 1403. One may perhaps assign to the invention of printing, both by woodblock and (to a less extent) by movable type, the merit of preserving, through all these centuries from A.D. 900 on, at least part of the literary heritage of the Chinese people.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205947, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 27, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "22\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\nLibrary of Peiping reported on its copy of the local history of Shao-hsing-fu, Chekiang (YLTT ch. 7963). One must also mention the excellent use made by Professor Jao Tsung-i of chüan 11,907 (preserved in Peking) in his article on \"Some place-names in the South Seas in the Yung-lo ta-tien.\"8 Finally, because everyone is interested in Marco Polo and the authenticity of his record of travel, let us mention the discovery in chüan 19,418 of the YLTT by two Chinese scholars of the names of the three envoys from the Mongol court of Persia who were dispatched in 1290 to Kubilai in Cambaluc to convey the Lady Kukachin (Marco's Cocachin) to Tabriz to become the bride of Argon. Their names, rendered in Chinese transcription, correspond fairly closely with those preserved in Marco's account. His name and the names of his father and uncle, unfortunately, were not considered of sufficient importance to receive mention. Hopefully we may expect more enlightenment on China's past as these rare volumes are further explored.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 For example, Leonard Aurousseau in Bull. de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient XII: 9 (1912), and both Walter Swingle and Arthur W. Hummel in Reports of the Library of Congress, 1922-23, 1935-36, 1940, etc.\n\n2 Wang Chung-min1 has recently identified 246 of these individuals, including the three principals, in an article entitled \"Yung-lo ta-tien tsuan-hsiu jen k'ao,”†^#, Wên-shih★★ 4 (June 1965), 17 ff. (Mrs. Lienche Tu Fang kindly drew this to my attention.)\n\n3 Bull. de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient IX (1909), 828, n.3.\n\n4 Communication to the author, dated 15th Oct., 1969, from the curator, D. Zichy.\n\n5 I owe this to Mrs. Delano Young (née Yang Chin-yi) who received the information from a member of the staff of the Library.\n\n6 Extracts of books were distributed under different tone groups.\n\n7 A Study of Chiang-su and Che-chiang gazetteers of the Ming Dynasty (Canberra 1969), p. 5.\n\n8 Symposium on Historical, Archaeological and Linguistic Studies of Southern China, South-east Asia, and the Hong Kong Region (Hong Kong 1967), 191-7.\n\n9 Yang Chih-chiu and Ho Yung-chi, \"Marco Polo quits China,\" Harvard Jo. of Asiatic Studies IX (1945), 51. See also Yule-Cordier, The Book of Ser Marco Polo (London 1903), I, p. 32.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205948, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 28, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "MORE ON THE YUNG-LO TA-TIEN\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY OF IMPORTANT WORKS CONSULTED\n\nMing shih-lu (Taiwan ed., 1962-66), Tai-tsung 0393, 0627, 1016;\n\nShih-tsung 8413; Mu-tsung 0204; Shên-tsung 5040;\n\nYung-lo ta-tien mu-lu (Peking 1960), preface;\n\nSsú-k'u ch'üan-shu tsung-mu (1930), 137/3a;\n\nKuo Po-kung, Yung-lo ta-tien k’ao (Changsha 1938, rev. ed. Taipei 1967);\n\nWu Kuang-ts'ing, Scholarship, Book Production, and Libraries in China (618-1644), manuscript (Chicago, Dec. 1944);\n\nPaul Pelliot, T'oung Pao 20 (1921), 175-77.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205949, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 29, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "LORD ELGIN AND THE TAIPINGS\n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, Jr.*\n\nWhen Lord Elgin, Great Britain's Plenipotentiary to China and the negotiator of the abortive Treaty of Tientsin in 1858 and of the Peking Convention in 1860, in a fit of anger and frustration at the Manchu government raised the possibility of treating with the Taiping revolutionaries instead, his colleagues quickly dissuaded him from such a drastic course. But the question, having been raised, remained to what extent was Lord Elgin's threat the revelation of an alternative policy that the British might have been considering should the recalcitrant Manchus prove in the end to be hopelessly intractable? In other words, had the British been giving secret thought to negotiating a separate or alternative treaty with the Taipings at Nanking?\n\nAside from Lord Elgin's passing remark in this regard there certainly was little in the record of relations between the British and the Taipings to suggest that any such arrangement had been given serious consideration. The early diplomatic visits to Nanking in 1853 and 1854 were never followed-up by any of the Western powers.2 Despite the features of the Taiping regime that did not set well with the foreigners it had manifested a friendly attitude toward them and did continue to exist as a de facto alternative government with which they might have dealt had they been so disposed. But they were not. Instead the powers opted to deal exclusively with the Manchus, even though this required the waging of further hostilities in order to accomplish their diplomatic objectives.\n\nStill, there does remain Lord Elgin's annoyed comment. Did it possibly signify a line of action that had been hidden? Of course, this was unlikely. Yet the best way to satisfy our curiosity on this question is to examine the record of Lord Elgin's own visit through Taiping territory. Did the Minister Plenipotentiary,\n\n*The author, a former editor of this Journal, currently Associate Professor of History at Duke University, is indebted to the Research Associates Program of the Graduate School of International Studies and the Social Science Foundation of the University of Denver for a grant which facilitated the preparation of this article. In modified form the article forms part of a chapter of the author's forthcoming book Revolutionary Taiping China and the West.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205953, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 33, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "28\n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR.\n\nhad not had sufficient time to inform Anking of his impending approach.18 Nevertheless, Elgin made no effort himself to notify the uninformed Taiping garrison. Instead, as soon as the Taipings opened fire at the head-on approach of the strange vessels it was returned with a vengeance. After the Taiping batteries had been quieted, the ships' cannons fired into the city itself. This was done even though the English observed the country people running into it for protection from the attacking Imperialists.19 The English did not stop at Anking, but continued upstream. On the way back from Hankow, when again approaching Anking Elgin took precautions, and \"thought it necessary to take a pretty high tone with the rebel authorities...\"20 He sent Wade ashore with a message of warning, reflecting that \"to menace with capture by two small gun-boats a great city, walled and garrisoned, might have been in bad taste elsewhere, but in China it was the thing to do.”21 On shore, Wade found out that the Taipings had since been informed of what had happened at Nanking and that they were highly apologetic for making the same mistake at Anking. Wade refused a present of oxen and other provisions. An invitation to visit the Taiping commander at Anking was similarly rejected. Wade departed with a final verbal warning indicating \"how simple a matter it would be for us to sweep them away utterly, were we provoked to do it.”22\n\nOn this return trip, Elgin decided to stop by at Nanking once again, this time to acknowledge receipt of a formal written apology which had been sent from the Taipings soon after the first visit, but which, because of the speed of the English ascent and the presence of the Imperialist fleet on the river, had failed to reach Elgin. The apology awaited, therefore, the return of the English and was delivered to them when they again passed by Wu-hu.23\n\nAs one of the few visits by Western officials to Nanking, this event deserves more attention than has been accorded by historians. The handling of the story of this visit is of interest in itself, for it sheds some light on how easily misunderstanding of the Taipings grew, as a result of both conscious prejudice and improper reporting. One contemporary writer, Commander Lindsay Brine, for example, who has a general reputation among historians for his relative objectivity in writing on the Taipings, gives three pages to the visit,24 His account gives details of the conversation", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205955, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 35, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "30 \n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR. \n\nThe English neglect is of special interest and not without significance, for although the document was written by Hung Hsiu-ch'uan, and was translated by Wade, yet it did not occasion even a minimal formal acknowledgment of receipt, either from Elgin, to whom it was addressed, or verbally from Wade during his visit in Nanking. \n\nThis document reveals significant information which should not have been so lightly dismissed by the English diplomats. Most importantly it was addressed to Elgin in polite Chinese fashion (though Ch'ing or traditional officialdom could never have been so polite) as 'Imperial Commissioner of a Superior Nation' shang-kuo ch’in-ch'ai ta-ch'en,30 Thus it signified a marked tendency of the Taipings in this period to emphasize the equality of other nations with Taiping China. The tone of writing is throughout conciliatory, and refers to foreigners as brethren in distinctly friendly terms. Taiping ministers, in it, were enjoined to entertain foreigners with ceremony. And while the adjective \"younger\" was also used with the term \"brethren\" this need not have implied inequality in an international sense. This is because Hung was giving in this document a religious lecture to foreigners as individuals. His special role as religious leader permitted him, by his reckoning, to use this mode of address in speaking to others. There were no pretensions to universal supremacy, nor was there any mention of foreigners bringing tribute. The document really marked a new and significant stage in Taiping foreign relations. However, as the English neglected even a courteous acknowledgment of the document, so they never bothered distinguishing important and necessary distinctions in it. Instead, subsequent writers have rested content with prejudicial interpretations of its \"fanatical\" religious content. Wade could not forebear remarking upon its \"very small literary pretension and indifferent handwriting.\"31 \n\nAt every point of personal contact between the English and Taipings on this trip, the latter never failed to exhibit a spirit of cooperative accommodation and outright friendliness to the English. No place in the record is there a word to contradict this, even from the obviously prejudiced Wade himself. And Elgin was sensitive to such things. Earlier he had written that he always made a point to ask persons who had penetrated the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205956, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "LORD ELGIN AND THE TAIPINGS\n\n31\n\nChinese interior of the treatment they had experienced. He admitted that \"almost invariably\" the answer was \"that at points remote from those to which foreigners have access, there was no diminution, but on the contrary, rather an enhancement of the courtesy exhibited towards them by the natives.\"32 While these visitors all need not have been referring to Taiping areas, it is a fact that the only exception to this apparent rule during Elgin's own trip on the Yangtze was at Hankow, which was under Ch'ing control. Elgin noted that in this city \"we thought we detected symptoms of the old disease of antipathy to foreigners, though of a very mitigated type.\"33 The English encountered objections to their entering the walled city of Wu-ch'ang,34 and when they walked about Hankow, were treated to the spectacle of having their Chinese official companions \"severely bamboo\" anyone who came near the foreigners, even if only to gratify understandable curiosity.35 Effort was made to prevent the mission from making purchases of local products of any kind.36\n\nElgin's general conclusions as the result of this trip were that there was \"little or nothing of popular sympathy\" for the Taipings, and that the majority of the population was desirous of peace and commerce. The first conclusion is obviously based upon the flimsiest and most suspect evidence, while the latter is merely a gratuitous observation. Our evaluation is harsh, but is based squarely upon a consideration of the motives and circumstances of the expedition, and on reflection upon the composition of the mission itself, with its heavy anti-Taiping bias (there was even a Ch'ing official accompanying the mission). With this background understood, it is a wonder indeed that Elgin himself would not have been more critical of the testimony garnered along the way, for Elgin had pondered the problem of the credibility of such information. His reflection on one aspect of the subject, some present-day interviewers on the China scene might agree, has a certain timeless applicability:\n\nChinamen of the humbler class are not much addicted to reflection, and when subjected to cross-examination by persons greedy of information, they are apt to consider the proceeding a strange one, and to suspect that it must be prompted by some exceedingly bad motive. Moreover, having been civilized for many generations, they carry politeness so far, that", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205958, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "LORD ELGIN AND THE TAIPINGS\n\n33\n\nof the river ports is contingent on the suppression of the rebellion.\"40\n\nThus the record of Elgin's own visit through Taiping territory adequately lays to rest any notion that he might have been harboring an alternative policy of dealing with the Taipings. Without question, his angry remark was merely rhetorical, entirely lacking substance. He was frustrated with Manchu behavior, both in his own repeated experiences with them, and with their poor handling of the Taiping resurgence of 1860.41 Yet Elgin had done nothing to cultivate the political alternative that Taiping China posed. Nor would he ever do so.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Elgin referred to a \"Chinese\" government as an alternative to the Manchus. This presumably meant the Taipings who were the only viable such alternative readily at hand. See, for example, Immanuel C. Y. Hsü, China's Entrance into the Family of Nations: The Diplomatic Phase 1858-1880, Cambridge; Harvard University Press, 1960, p. 104.\n\n2 See Stephen Uhalley, Jr., \"A New Look at the Diplomatic Missions of 1853-54 to Taiping-held Nanking,\" The Chung Chi Journal, Volume 6 (May 1967), 171-190. For the best general English-language history of the Taiping movement as a whole, see Franz Michael, The Taiping Rebellion: History and Documents, Vol. I, Seattle and London; University of Washington Press, 1966. Unfortunately the fine work of Jen Yu-wen, the foremost Chinese authority on the Taipings, is for the most part unavailable in English translation; although a concise English edition of his narrative history of the Taipings is in preparation,\n\n3 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 228, Shanghai, January 5, 1859, \"Papers Respecting Lord Elgin's Special Mission to China and Japan, 1857-1859,\" 1859, Parliamentary Papers or Blue Book (BB), IX, 444.\n\n4 Ibid.\n\n5 Laurence Oliphant, Narrative of the Earl of Elgin's Mission to China and Japan, London, 1860, Vol. II, 310.\n\n6 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 228, p. 444.\n\n7 Oliphant, II, 361-362.\n\n8 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 228, p. 444.\n\n9 Oliphant, II, 314.\n\n10 \"A Cruise up the Yangtze in 1858-59,\" Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine (May 1860), 704-705.\n\n11 It was of an event during this exchange that Oliphant later wrote: \"A large crowd had collected outside the gate, chiefly composed of rebel soldiers watching the proceedings. We sent them a ten-inch shell just to give them some idea of our armament.\" Ibid., p. 318.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205959, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 39, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "34 \n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR., \n\n12 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 231, Inclosure No. 1, Shanghai, January 6, 1859, BB, IX, 454. \n\n13 Ibid., Inclosure No. 2, p. 455. \n\n14 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 228, p. 445. \n\n15 Ibid., Inclosure 1, p. 447. \n\n** \n\n16 Wade, in adjoining sentences, says that \"The prices put upon the articles we named were not exorbitant and, \"This part of our errand done we took our leave, glad to escape from the pressure of this most disorderly mob, and the offensive atmosphere they created.\" Ibid., p. 448. \n\n17 Oliphant, II, 361. \n\n18 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 228, p. 445, \n\n19 Oliphant, II, 362-364. \n\n20 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 228, p. 446. \n\n21 Ibid. \n\n22 Ibid., Inclosure No. 2, pp. 448-449. \n\n23 Ibid., Inclosure No. 4, p. 450. \n\n24 Lindsay Brine, The Taeping Rebellion in China, London, 1862, pp. 226-228. Despite his reputation for relatively dispassionate reporting Brine makes similar omissions in discussing other episodes as well. In discussing the visit at Wu Hu he uses only passages from Oliphant that reflected poorly on the Taipings without mentioning that the Taipings graciously complied with the request for supplies - pp. 223-226. Regarding the bombardment of Anking, Brine does not mention that the Imperialists were attacking the city simultaneously -- pp. 220-221. \n\n25 Only the surname of the Taiping leader is given in Wade's account, which is the basis of the other versions of this visit, That it was Li Ch'un-fa is a surmise concurred in by Jen Yu-wen in personal conversation with the writer. As a lieutenant of Li Hsiu-ch'eng it is likely that Li Ch'un-fa was well-disposed toward foreigners, as indeed, he seems to have been depicted in Wade's own account. \n\n26 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 228, Inclosure No. 5, pp. 450-452, \n\n27 Ibid., p. 451. \n\n28 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 232, Inclosure of Elgin to Seymour, Shanghai, January 6, 1859, BB, IX, 455. \n\n29 This poem was not included in the Blue Book collection of documents, but was subsequently translated and printed in Oliphant, II, 334-341, and in Brine, pp. 229-236. It will soon be made available once again among Franz Michael's documents of the Taipings to be published in the near future. The Chinese text, which should be consulted, for the English translation is inconsistent, is found in Jen Yu-wen, T'ai-p'ing Tien kuo tien-chih t'ung-kao (TPTKTCTK), Vol. II, 881-883. \n\n30 We learn of the use of this specific form of address from Chester Cheng's recording of the cover letter in his book on Taiping documentary materials in the United Kingdom. Unfortunately, Cheng does not mention the important poem itself - Chester Cheng, Chinese Sources for the Taiping Rebellion 1850-1864, Hong Kong, 1963, p. 150. It is possible that the word shang was used as an honorific in place of the more usual kuei, a word that may have been proscribed by the Taipings because of its phonetic similarity to kuei meaning devil.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205960, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "LORD ELGIN AND THE TAIPINGS\n\n31 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 228, Inclosure No. 3, p. 449.\n\n32 Elgin to Clarendon, No. 139, Shanghai, April 9, 1858, BB, IX, 260.\n\n33 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 228, p. 445.\n\n34 Ibid.\n\n35 Ibid.\n\n36 Ibid.\n\n37 Ibid., pp. 442-443.\n\n38 Ibid., p. 442.\n\n39 Brine, p. 268.\n\n40 Hsü, China's Entrance, p. 78, citing Reed to Cass, November 5, 1858, China: Dispatches, Vol. 17, Doc. 35. It should be noted, however, that this is indirect evidence, but given by a contemporary who was generally co-operative with Elgin.\n\n41 See John S. Gregory, \"British Intervention Against the Taiping Rebellion,\" Journal of Asian Studies, XIX, No. 1 (November 1959), 12-13.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205963, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "38 \n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE \n\nmutual incomprehension of Chinese and Europeans. Only a few missionaries had a working knowledge of the Chinese dialects spoken in Hong Kong; but missionary effort went mainly into the evangelisation, conversion and education of the Chinese, and most missionaries, many of whom were not British, were antipathetic to the Colonial Government, whose raison d'être in their view, judging by the contents of the contemporary publication The Friend of China, was to protect the opium interests of the great European hongs. Eitel claims there was in 1854, apart from the missionaries, 'not a man left in Hong Kong thoroughly acquainted with both the written and spoken languages of China'; and in 1859 there were said to be only three men in government service, (excepting Lobschied, the Inspector of Schools) who had some knowledge of Cantonese; but only one, the Interpreter of the Supreme Court, 'was at all acquainted with the written language and that imperfectly'. The Chinese could not bridge the gap either: there were few educated Chinese and fewer who could understand English. In 1867, an editorialist in the China Mail averred that 'we can safely assert that the average knowledge possessed by the compradore class in Hong Kong is almost entirely useless in any situation of official responsibility'.8 \n\nAbove all else Hong Kong needed a group of officials with competence in spoken and written Chinese, especially the former; and, although this was less understood at the time, it lacked officials with an understanding of the structure of Chinese society (of what we would call today the social anthropology of the Chinese). Sir Hercules argued, in defence of his scheme, that it was quite impossible to conduct the government of 120,000 Chinese without proper interpreters who knew their language; but Eitel probably comes closer to the nub of the matter with his declaration: “English education among the Chinese people of the Colony, and Chinese knowledge among the English officials of Hong Kong are the two factors upon which the success of the general scheme of English colonial policy to a great extent depends....\" Communication with the Chinese was needed not merely for social and cultural contacts but for reasons of social control over a Chinese lumpenproletariat, without a stake in the Colony. \n\nThe scheme initially propounded by Sir Hercules to the Hong Kong Legislative Council on 23 March 1861 was designed primarily to establish a staff of interpreters, to be used in the courts,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205964, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG CADETS, 1862 - 1941\n\n39\n\nwhere the need was pressing; for often the courts could not sit at all for want of interpreters and as frequently had to adjourn owing to incorrect interpretation. Sir Hercules' plan was that 'the cadets should be under 20 years of age; that they should be chosen from any of the Colleges, and not from King's College alone, as at present in the consular service.........on arriving in China, they would have teachers provided for them; when competent, as they might be in three years.........they should be considered preferable (after a further two years of experience in administration) to any office in the Civil Service that did not involve a professional training.\" The Council liked the scheme and the Secretary of State gave his approval. Regulations governing the cadetships were then published in the Government Gazette on 12 October 1861. The Regulations stipulated that 'at the end of two years' study or as soon afterwards as they shall be declared qualified by a Board of Competent Examiners, the first three Cadets shall be appointed Government Interpreters, and be employed in such of the departments as may require their services (and that) after three years' service they will be considered eligible by the Secretary of State for promotion to the higher offices in the Civil Service of Hong Kong. As it turned out, the first three cadets never held the position of interpreter. They were in such demand and were promoted so swiftly to substantive posts that their promotion was a de facto violation of the published regulations.\n\nThe first three cadets were appointed in 1862 and arrived in Hong Kong late that year. They were M. S. Tonnochy,12 W. M. Deane13 and Cecil Clementi Smith.14 There were further appointments in 1865 — Alfred Lister,15 James Russell,16 and R. G. Starkey, but the last resigned within a year and joined the North China Insurance Company. H. E. Wodehouse17 was appointed in 1867 and J. H. Stewart Lockhart18 in 1879, after an interregnum of 12 years during which the scheme was in abeyance. Only 14 cadets were appointed during the rest of the century, among them Francis Henry May19 (1881), Reginald Fleming Johnston20 (1898), and Cecil Clementi (1899), all of whom were to distinguish themselves at a later date.\n\nThe early cadets had meteoric careers. They all received acting posts before their period of study was up. Smith became", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205965, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "40 \n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE \n\nRegistrar-General in 1864, a key post, Deane Superintendent of Police in 1867, and Tonnochy who held the offices of Sheriff, Coroner and Marshal of the Vice-Admiralty Court in 1865, became Assistant Harbour Master in 1867 and Superintendent of the Jail in 1875, a post he held until his death in 1882. Lister was soon sent to the Harbour Office and Russell, who also acted as Governor Sir Richard Macdonnell's private secretary, was sent to the Magistracy. James Legge, long resident in Hong Kong, was critical of the way in which the original scheme was modified by expediency and argued that \"there should have been no directing them away from their proper business of study until they had given proof of their actual interpretation in the supreme court”,22 Legge was right in principle; but although it was not the Government's intention to produce a supply of sinologues but rather administrators with a knowledge of Chinese, these early cadets did work hard at their Chinese, and one, Lister, supplied the China Review and Notes and Queries on China and Japan with many thoughtful comments on Chinese language and society. \n\nThe development of the cadet scheme can only be understood in relation to changes that occurred outside Hong Kong. The scheme was influenced - if not directly inspired by changes in public administration in India and the homeland. Open competition was first invented for India and the germ of the idea is to be found in Lord Macaulay's 1854 report on recruitment of the Indian Civil Service. In Great Britain appointments to the civil service until the year 1855 were made by nomination. In 1855 a stringent examination was introduced; and in 1870 the principle of open competition was adopted as a general rule. The year 1870 witnessed, then, the abolition of patronage and the admission of people into the civil service at prescribed ages and by means of competitive examinations; and a distinction was drawn, in terms of grades and hence of salary and prestige, between the routine and intellectual tasks of government. Competitive examinations meant, of course, that there was little chance of success into the higher grade except for candidates who had a successful university career, and, often, in addition, special preparation by a private tutor. These reforms influenced the recruitment of cadets into the Hong Kong Civil Service. \n\nIn 1869, as a result of the evolving climate of thought in English, a competitive examination by the Civil Service Commis-\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205969, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "44 \n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE \n\nHong Kong, needless to say, was not Africa, and the Hong Kong cadet did not spend his working life in the bush adjudicating the disputes of unsophisticated natives. He worked mainly, unless one of the District Officers in the New Territories, in a many-layered urban society, in which were to be found a number of extremely rich and some highly erudite Chinese. The population of Hong Kong was related in terms of race, language and culture to that of China, the home of an ancient civilisation; and cadets spent two impressionable years learning the language of that country and something of its splendours, and its miseries as well. I suspect many cadets were deeply impressed by their contact with the culture and civilisation of the Chinese, that a process of 'mandarinisation' often took place, especially among those working in the Registrar-General's Department (the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs) where official documents were published in the same form and style as those of the Imperial Chinese bureaucracy.31 I suggest that cadets were paternalistic towards the local population, but that their paternalism was Confucian in spirit and understood by Chinese. Their background and training, in its historical context made this era of cadets not unacceptable to, though not necessarily liked by, Hong Kong Chinese with memories of the behaviour of Chinese officials across the border. British officials acquired in Hong Kong, then, a gloss from the population they ruled. Sir Frederick Lugard, 'in gentle derision', called cadets 'the twice-born';32 and Reginald Stubbs, on a special mission from the Colonial Office to Malaya and Hong Kong, exclaimed in 1910 that they were prepared to advance claims to act for the Almighty'.33 Exposure to life in an English public school and then to life in an Eastern Colony, led not unexpectedly to this consummation of belief. \n\nThe contribution made by cadets and ex-cadets to sinology and scholarship in general is impressive. One has only to take note of the publications of such officials as Alfred Lister, J. H. Stewart Lockhart, R. F. Johnston, G. R. Sayer,34 S. F. Balfour,35 Walter Schofield,36 Soame Jenyns,37 R. A. D. Forrest,38 and K. M. A. Barnett.39 Many were also members of learned societies; and a substantial number acquired not only compulsory Cantonese but a knowledge of other Chinese dialects, such as Hakka and Mandarin; a few specialised in Japanese; and those who worked in the Police, Hindi or other Indian languages.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205976, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG CADETS, 1862 - 1941\n\nNOTES\n\n51\n\n1 Since the end of war with Japan in 1945 both Hong Kong and its Government Service have experienced major changes of circumstance and outlook. Whilst the cadet or administrative grade continues in being there are now (April 1970) administrative officers in a total permanent Civil Service establishment of there are Chinese officers, the first of whom was appointed in 1948.\n\n2 The title was later changed to \"Cadet on Probation\". In 1862 cadets received a salary of £200 per annum on arrival in the Colony and at the end of two years' study or as soon afterwards as they were declared qualified by a Board of Examiners £400 per annum. In 1924 the salary was still only £350 on arrival and £400 after passing the final examination; in 1936 the amounts were £450 and £525 respectively. Information on the Cadet Service is to be found in the various General Orders of the Hong Kong Government.\n\n3 The following books have information on the origin of the scheme: E. J. Eitel Europe in China, Hong Kong, 1895, p. 365; G. B. Sayer Hong Kong: Birth, Adolescence, and Coming of Age, London, 1937, p. 194; J. W. Norton-Kyshe The History of the Laws and Courts of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1898, vol. 2, pp. 8-11; and Sir Charles Collins Public Administration in Hong Kong, London, 1952, pp. 126-127.\n\n4 Aucuparius: Recollections of a Recruiting Officer, London, 1962, p. 164. Major Sir Ralph Furse was Director of Recruitment, Colonial Service, 1931-48; and Adviser to the Secretary of State for Colonies on Training Courses for the Colonial Service, 1948-50.\n\n5 For a sketch of Caldwell's career see G. B. Endacott A Biographical Sketch-book of Early Hong Kong, Singapore, 1962, pp. 95-99. Daniel Richard Caldwell was of mixed blood, born at Singapore, and married to a Chinese. He was a brilliant linguist and occupied, at one time or another, various senior posts in the Hong Kong Government. His proved association with Ma Chow Wong, a frequenter of pirates, ruined Caldwell's career. Caldwell was found unfit by a Commission of Inquiry to continue in the public service. He died in 1875.\n\n6 E. J. Eitel \"Chinese Studies and Official Interpretation in the Colony of Hong Kong”, China Review, vol. 16, 1877-8, p. 5.\n\n7 Norton-Kyshe, op. cit., vol. I, p. 579.\n\n8 January 28, 1867,\n\n9 See note 6.\n\n10 Norton-Kyshe, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 8-9.\n\n11 Ibid., p. 10. The revised regulations for Hong Kong Cadetships, published in the Government Gazette, 7 September 1872, gives the heads of examination as follows: \"(A) Obligatory — 1st. Exercises designed to test Handwriting and Orthography; 2nd. Arithmetic, including Vulgar and Decimal Fractions; 3rd. Latin, and one of the following languages: Greek, French, German, Italian; 4th. English Composition, including Précis writing; (B) Optional 5th. Pure and Mixed Mathematics; 6th. Ancient and Modern History, and Geography; 7th. Elements of Constitutional and International Law, and Political Economy; 8th. Geology, Civil Engineering and Surveying\". Every candidate was expected to show a competent knowledge of the first four subjects, but could select any two of the optional subjects.\n\n7", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205977, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "52 \n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE \n\n12 Malcolm Struan Tonnochy (1840-1882). Educated at Blackheath Proprietary School and Trinity College, Cambridge. Hong Kong Civil Service 1862; died in office while Superintendent of Victoria Gaol. Obituaries of Tonnochy are to be found in the Hong Kong Telegraph, December 14 and 15, 1882, and China Mail, December 15, 1882. The Telegraph tells us \"that yesterday the deceased was in good spirits and played tennis in the afternoon, dined out with a friend, and was in the Club until shortly after midnight\", A Chinese barber found Tonnochy dead in bed when he came to shave him in the morning. He was a bachelor. \n\n13 Walter Meredith Deane (1840-1906). Educated St. Paul's School and Trinity College, Cambridge. Hong Kong Civil Service 1862; Captain Superintendent of the Police, 1866-1891. Deane was severely wounded on duty in 1878 and resigned in 1891 on account of ill-health. \n\n14 Sir Cecil Clementi Smith (1840-1916). Educated at St. Paul's School and Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, Hong Kong Civil Service 1862; promoted from Colonial Treasurer, Hong Kong, to Colonial Secretary, Straits Settlements, 1878. Administered Government 1884-85; appointed Lieutenant-Governor and Colonial Secretary, Ceylon, 1886; Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the Straits Settlements, 1887; H. M. High Commissioner and Consul-General for Borneo and Sarawak, 1889. \n\n15 Alfred Lister (1843-1890). Educated at University of London. Hong Kong Civil Service 1865; prepared detailed index to the Ordinances of Hong Kong in 1870; Colonial Treasurer 1883-90. Died on board ship near Yokohama while on sick leave, Lister held the office of Treasurer as an adjunct appointment only, and with an almost nominal salary, in conjunction with his substantive appointment of Postmaster-General, Lister left a wife and four children in England. See Hong Kong Telegraph, 15 June, 1890. Governor Des Voeux referred to Lister as an \"excellent officer\". \n\n**\n\n16 Sir James Russell (1843-1893). Educated at Queen's University, Belfast. Hong Kong Civil Service 1865; private secretary to Governor Sir Richard MacDonnell 1868; Police Magistrate 1870; Chief Justice of Hong Kong 1888. The Hong Kong Telegraph, 4 September, 1893, in an editorial entitled \"Sir Judas' Russell: His History\" declares \"You could not have been much of an expert in the Chinese language two short years after your appointment to a cadet-ship, yet in 1867, you were Government ‘Interpreter'\". The editorial referred to Russell as \"the Gargantua of Hong Kong social life\" and \"the Jeffries of the Hong Kong Bench\". The writer of the editorial was the atrabilious Robert Fraser-Smith, who founded the Hong Kong Telegraph in 1881. Since Fraser-Smith had been jailed several times for libel, he had reason to dislike the Chief Justice. (See Frank H. H. King and Prescott Clarke A Research Guide to China-Coast Newspapers, 1822-1911, Cambridge, Mass., 1965). Russell, a bachelor like Lister, died at Strathpeffer, Scotland, shortly after resigning from Government. \n\n17 Henry Ernest Wodehouse (1845-1929). Educated at Repton School. Hong Kong Civil Service 1867; retired on pension as Police Magistrate in 1898. One son, Peveril, was the first baby born on the Peak and brother of P. G. Wodehouse, the novelist. Wodehouse was the last of the batch of officials originally appointed to the Colony in the capacity of student interpreter. \n\n18 Sir James Haldane Stewart Lockhart (1858-1937). Educated at King William's College, Isle of Man, Watson's Academy, Edinburgh (gold medallist), and Edinburgh University (Greek medallist), Hong Kong Civil Service 1878; attached to the Colonial Office for one year; Registrar General 1887; Colonial Secretary 1895-1902; Special Commissioner to Inspect and Report on the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong, 1898; representative of Great Britain to delimit the boundaries of the extension of Hong Kong; first civil Commissioner of Weihaiwei, 1902; retired 1921.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205978, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 58, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG CADETS, 1862 - 1941\n\n53\n\n19 Sir Francis Henry May (1860-1922), Educated at Harrow and Trinity College, Dublin. Hong Kong Civil Service 1881; Captain Superintendent of Police, 1893-1902; Colonial Secretary, 1902-1910; Governor of Fiji and High Commissioner of Western Pacific, 1910-12; Governor of Hong Kong, 1912-1919. First cadet to become Governor. Altogether May spent 38 years in Hong Kong.\n\n20 Sir Reginald Fleming Johnston (1874-1938), Educated at Edinburgh University (Gray Prize; prox. accessit., Lord Rector's Essay); Magdalen College, Oxford (mentioned hon, causa Stanhope Essay). Hong Kong Civil Service 1898; Assistant Colonial Secretary, 1899-1904, Transferred to Weihaiwai 1904; Senior District Officer and Magistrate, Weihaiwai, 1906-17. Tutor to the Ex-Emperor of China, 1919-1925. Commissioner of Weihaiwai, 1927-30. Professor of Chinese and Head of Department of Languages and Cultures of the Far East, School of Oriental Languages, London University, 1931-1937.\n\n21 Sir Cecil Clementi (1875-1947). Educated at St. Paul's School and Magdalen College, Oxford, Hong Kong Civil Service 1899. Clementi, following his uncle and godfather, Sir Cecil Clementi Smith, preferred an Eastern Cadetship, and was posted to Hong Kong. Land Officer and Police Magistrate in the New Territories, 1903-6, Clementi had the task of recognizing the land titles of over 300,000 claims. Appointed Colonial Secretary of British Guiana 1913-1921; Colonial Secretary, Ceylon, 1922-1925; Governor of Hong Kong, 1925-30; Governor of the Straits Settlements and High Commissioner for the Malay States 1930. In 1934 Clementi retired on account of ill-health.\n\n22 James Legge \"The Colony of Hong Kong\", China Review, Vol. I, 1872-3, p. 173.\n\n23 Dominions Office and Colonial Office List 1939, p. 624, states: \"The average number of cadets appointed to Malaya and Hongkong during the period of 1919-31 inclusive was between 9 and 10. Since 1931 the average has been 5-8, 6 generally. In 1937, 7 cadets were appointed, and 9 in 1938. There were none appointed to Hong Kong 1937, and only 2 in 1938. The demand for cadets in Hong Kong was always small”.\n\n24 For example, Thomas Sercombe Smith (1854-1937) was appointed a Hong Kong Cadet in 1882. In 1883 he was attached to the Colonial Office for a year; and in 1884, after a brief spell attached to the Colonial Secretary's Office, Hong Kong, proceeded to Peking where he studied Chinese, 1884-6. On the other hand, Arthur Winbolt Brewin (1867-1946), proceeded to Canton in 1888. Brewin, who was educated at Winchester, succeeded Eitel as Inspector of Schools in 1897; became Registrar General in 1901 and retired in 1912.\n\n25 Victor Purcell The Memoirs of a Malayan Official, London, 1965, pp. 108-109. The Index to Correspondence (of the Colonial Secretariat), compiled in 1902 by R. H. Kotewall, has a cryptic entry: \"Cadets studying Chinese in China must reside at a place removed from European social surroundings\".\n\n26 Alexander Grantham Via Ports, Hong Kong, 1965, p. 5.\n\n27 I have been able to discover the schools attended by 64 of the cadets: 52 went to schools listed in the Public Schools Yearbook; the other 12 to small private schools. Two cadets (H. E. Wodehouse and A. W. Brewin), it seems, did not go to a university; five I have been unable to trace; and of the rest - 78 in all — 55 went to English universities (Cambridge 25; Oxford 23; London 4; and one each at Leicester University College, Liverpool University, and Manchester University); 10 to universities in Ireland (Trinity College 8); and 11 to Scottish universities (Edinburgh 6,\n\n-55", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205988, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "A HONG KONG BUTTERFLY Lamproptera curius (Fabricius) walkeri (Moore)\n\nCOLONEL V. R. BURKHARDT*\n\nIntroduction\n\nwith Introduction and Postscript by J. B. Pickford and J. Carey-Hughes\n\nThe following notes on the breeding of Lamproptera curius walkeri are from the records of the late Colonel V. R. Burkhardt, together with some correspondence he had with Mr. N. D. Riley of the British Museum of Natural History.\n\nColonel Burkhardt served in China and Hong Kong for many years, including two periods as Military Attaché to the British Embassy to China. He published three volumes on Chinese Creeds and Customs (H.K., South China Morning Post Ltd., 1953, 1955, 1958) and contributed a weekly article in a local newspaper on the same subjects under the pseudonym 'Pioneer'.\n\nIn addition to his interest in Sinology he was an enthusiastic and painstaking entomologist. In later years, due to storage difficulties he did not keep his set specimens, but made water colour illustrations of the many species he had caught including a large number of rarities. While these are extremely well executed and scientifically correct, there is really no substitute for the whole insect.\n\nAt the time of Colonel Burkhardt's notes on L. curius (1957) little or nothing was known of the early stages of this butterfly. His observations are recorded here without alteration.\n\nCOLONEL BURKHARDT'S NOTES\n\nThe small Papilio Lamproptera curius was first reported in Hong Kong by Commander Walker in 1892, and his name is associated with it by Moore. Kershaw describes it in his Butterflies of Hong Kong (1907) as very scarce and sporadic, appearing to become scarcer in Hong Kong of late years. He continues \"I have seen so little of this insect that I cannot do better than quote Commander Walker's account in the Transactions of the Entomological Society of London, for 1895.\"\n\n* Colonel Burkhardt's article on Hong Kong Butterflies, with coloured illustrations, appeared at pp. 97-104 of the 1964 Journal, Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205999, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "74\n\nDAFYDD EMRYS EVANS\n\naltogether. Further, their settlement there had been \"perfectly voluntary\" and they had all \"enjoyed the profits of their respective callings without contributing a penny to the expenses of the colony\". If any refused to move, they were to be told that they could \"leave the Colony whenever they like.\" The Committee found that there were 112 authorised lot-holders but a further 24 were, in the eyes of the Committee, disqualified by reason of their houses \"being dedicated to disgraceful purposes\" (but who should nevertheless receive $25 compensation).14\n\nNothing was done to put the Committee's proposals into effect and when Davis arrived to succeed Pottinger, it was clearly a matter of urgency, for the Government had pledged to provide an alternative site and to give up the site to the new owners by 22 July 1844. The lot-holders clearly could not be moved until the new site was prepared and, indeed, they showed every intention of sitting tight where they were. Davis directed the work of drawing up an estimate and a contract for the work as quickly as possible. But 22 July approached still without any progress even on this, and Davis directed that the work of levelling proceed without first obtaining an estimate. The work cost $5,956.40 but Major Aldrich of the Royal Engineers certified that the money had been properly spent.15 In view of the high cost of effecting the removal, Davis decided that no monetary compensation at all should be paid and that the 'rent holiday' should only last for four years and not the five suggested by the Committee.\n\nAt the sale on 22 January, the purchasers had been promised possession of their lots by 22 July 1844 but that date arrived with the lot-holders still in situ. Bruce, the Colonial Secretary, therefore, published a Notification on 25 July to the effect that they should remove by 25 August so that possession could be given to the purchasers by 31 August. If they failed to comply with the direction, they would forfeit the materials on the sites now belonging to Crown lessees. The Notification further informed them that the ground for relocation was being marked out for them at Taipingshan and would be cleared for them free of charge, rent due would be remitted and no rent would be payable for a period of four years.16\n\nThe Press was disturbed: the Friend of China commented that \"though legally Her Majesty's representative could claim", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206002, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "# THE BEGINNINGS OF TAIPINGSHAN\n\n77\n\nOffice's records had fallen owing to non-registration of transactions (it being by then more or less necessary for a purchaser to take a chance on the title to land offered to him by a vendor), a strenuous effort was made to regularise the situation and much \"squatting\" without title and consequently, in most cases, non-payment of Crown Rent, came to light.\n\nThe end for old Taipingshan came not in the 1880's but in the 1890's when Bubonic Plague was brought to the Colony from West China. The most virulent reservoir of the bacillus turned out to be Taipingshan. The only solution, not only to the problem of stamping out the plague but also to other forms of social offence given by the district, was to remove the Chinese town physically. This was done by powers given in the Taipingshan Resumption Ordinance of 1894, and the result was wholesale demolition of much property and re-aligning of old and construction of new roads. Taipingshan had to be razed and, fortunately for Hong Kong, never rose again in its former glory.\n\nUniversity of London, 1968.\n\nDAFYDD EMRYS Evans\n\nMr. Evans is Professor of Law in the University of Hong Kong. Two of his earlier contributions to the early history of Hong Kong appeared in the Notes and Queries section of the 1968 Journal.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 The area was known as Taipingshan from the early days of the colony and its name is not derived from its function as a refuge for T'ai Ping rebels in later years.\n\n2 See Gordon (Land Officer) to Pottinger, CO129/Vol II, f. 152,\n\n3 See Gordon to Malcolm (Colonial Secretary), CO129/Vol. II, f. 138 dated 6 July 1843.\n\n4 The rents for both the Upper and Lower Bazaar Lots represented the same rate per square foot as that charged by Johnston for Town Lots.\n\n5 But the Chinese were turning to the use of brick rather than wood by the end of 1841; see Canton Press, 19 February 1842.\n\n6 Gordon to Pottinger, 19 December 1843; CO129, Vol. II, p. 445.\n\n7 Davis to Stanley 26 July 1844; CO129, Vol. VI, p. 435.\n\n8 Woosnam (Pottinger's private secretary) to Gordon, 10 January 1844: CO129, Vol. V. p. 69.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206003, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "78\n\nDAFYDD EMRYS EVANS\n\n\"See their petition, reprinted in Friend of China, 4 May 1844, and also below, P. \n\n10 The contents of the petition, Pottinger's reply and the lot-holders' rejoinder were all published in the Friend of China, 4 May 1844. \n\n\"I Lo Hsiang-lin, Hong Kong and its External Communications before 1842, (Hong Kong, Institute of Chinese Culture, English translation, 1963) p. 117, maintains that there had long been a settlement in the area of the present Taipingshan, The name is said to have originated from the pacification of the pirate Cheung Po-chai in 1810 who is known to have had a stronghold there. The mountain now known as Victoria Peak was renamed Taipingshan (the Mountain of Peace) and is so known in Chinese today. The Man Mo temple, standing today in Hollywood Road, is said by Lo to have been built by Cheung in the first decade of the 19th Century. There is considerable documentary evidence as to the existence of such a settlement in the early 1840s. \n\n12 Caine, Gutzlaff and Gordon to Pottinger, C.O.129, Vol. VI, p. 440. 13 Woosnam to Caine, Gutzlaff and Gordon, 17 April 1844; C.O.129, Vol. VI, p. 442. \n\n14 Caine, Gutzlaff and Gordon to Bruce, 21 May 1844; C.O.129, Vol. VI, p. 444. \n\n15 Aldrich to Bruce, 20 July 1844; C.O.129, Vol. VI, p. 445. \n\n16 Notification dated 25 July 1844. It appeared in the Hong Kong Register on 30 July 1844 and the gist of it was contained in the Friend of China on 3 August 1844. Only in the former, official, version, does the information about the date of possession for the purchasers appear. \n\n17 10 August 1844. \n\n18 Friend of China, 2 October 1844. The site is still occupied by a branch of the present Western Market, \n\n19 Davis to Stanley, (no. 44 of 1844), 26 July 1844 and Stanley to Davis, 3 January 1845; C.O.129, Vol. VI, p. 438. Under-Secretary Stephen commented on the despatch that, though the expenditure would have to be referred to the Colonial Land and Emigration Commissioners, \"it must, however, ultimately be sanctioned \" \n\n20 Davis to Stanley, 29 October 1844; C.O.129, Vol. VI, p. 157. The additional expenditure was sanctioned without further comment: Stanley to Davis 1 April 1845; C.O.129, Vol. VI, p. 161, \n\n21 Inland Lots Nos. 223A, 223B, 223C, 223E, 224, 224A, 224B, 224C, 224E, 225, 226, 226A, 229D, 231A, 233, 233A, 234, 234D, 238B, 239A, 239B, 240A, 241, 242A, 243, 243A, 244, 244B, 245A, 245B, 245C, 245D, 245E, 245F, 245G, 245H, 245I, 246A, 247B, 247C, 248A, 253, 253A, 272. \n\n22 Inland Lots Nos. 213, 224D, 228, 228B, 229, 231, 232, 232A, 232C, 233E, 234B, 234C, 234E, 238, 244A, 252B, 255B, 256B. \n\n23 Inland Lots Nos. 223, 246, 246B, 246C, 247, 247A, 247D, 248B, 248C, 248D, 249C, 252C, 253B, 254, 255D, 255E, 256. \n\n24 Inland Lots Nos. 214, 234A, 223D, 227, 235A, 241A, 246C, 246B, 253B. \n\n25 Inland Lots Nos. 238C, 239C, 240, 241B, 241C, 242B, 245, 250, 255A, 256A,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206004, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "CHINESE EMIGRATION \n\nAND THE DECK PASSENGER TRADE \n\nA. D. BLUE* \n\nUntil after the Treaty of Tientsin of 1858, emigration from China was illegal, but this law, like so many others, was more honoured in the breach than in the observance, especially in the southern provinces of Fukien and Kwangtung, and to a lesser extent Kwangsi. Traders, however, were allowed to go abroad under certain conditions, which usually included eventual return to China. There had been emigration from these southern parts of China to most regions of South-east Asia for centuries before 1858, and there were flourishing colonies of Chinese at all the main ports when the first Europeans arrived there in the 16th century. The Ming fleet under Cheng Ho is said to have killed five thousand Chinese at Palembang in 1406, and while this is almost certainly an exaggeration, it is certain that these Chinese colonies were already populous. While treating briefly with Chinese emigration to other parts of the world, the following essay deals mainly with emigration to South-east Asia. The Chinese called this region the 'Nanyang', which literally means 'Southern Ocean'; but it is often used to describe other countries even further south, such as Australia, New Guinea, and the South Pacific islands. In the pre-European and early European eras, most overseas Chinese were traders, money lenders, and craftsmen, and their contribution to the economy of South-east Asia was out of all proportion to their numbers.\n\nThe civil wars which succeeded the Manchu defeat of the Mings in south China in the mid-17th century gave a strong impetus to emigration; but the arrival of the Europeans in South-east Asia in time created the conditions favourable to Chinese settlement on a much larger scale. The Chinese were often the intermediaries between the Europeans and the native peoples, useful to each, but periodically incurring hostility from both. As they increased in numbers, the Chinese posed increasingly\n\n*The author served as an Engineer Officer with the China Navigation Company from 1928 until 1938, and was on the Yangtse in 1930 in the Shengking and again in 1934 in the Wuhu. He was captured by pirates in the Newchang river in Manchuria in 1933 and held prisoner for five and a half months. Three of his articles have been published previously in the Journal: \"European Navigation on the Yangtse\" in Vol. 3, 1963, \"Piracy on the China Coast\" in Vol. 5, 1965, and \"The China Coasters\" in Vol. 7, 1967.\n\n* See the note at the end of this article.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206005, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "80\n\nA. D. BLUE\n\ndifficult problems to the governments concerned, and cruel, drastic, but ineffectual attempts were made to halt immigration. The massacres of thousands of Chinese in the Philippines in 1603, 1639, and again after the British occupation of 1763, are the most celebrated of many such occurrences, the last being caused by the Chinese having shown a marked preference for British rather than Spanish rule. In Indonesia the worst massacre took place at Batavia in 1740. Similar pogroms, but on a much smaller scale, continued in the Philippines down to 1820, and post-war Indonesia has shown a disquieting tendency to put the clock back two centuries in their treatment of their Chinese. But although victims of periodic bouts of xenophobia from the local peoples, in most countries of South-east Asia and at most times the Chinese were protected by the colonial governments which recognised the value of Chinese labour for their economies.\n\nBy the early decades of the 19th century the coolie trade between China and South-east Asia had attained substantial proportions -- although still nothing like so great as it was to become later -- and most of the trade was in the hands of Chinese junks of from 300 to 400 tons. Such craft could only sail before the wind and carried crews of up to ninety sailors, enough to man five European ships of the same size. They took anything from twenty to thirty days between south China and the Straits or Bangkok, and the coolies had a very uncomfortable time on the passage. No charts were carried, the only navigational instrument being a very rude compass, and they kept as close to land as possible. In the 1830s up to eighty such junks sailed to Bangkok every year, usually from Swatow, and by the mid 1840s, by which time European steamships were entering the trade, it was estimated that about 15,000 coolies were emigrating to Bangkok every year.\n\nA description of these old trading junks is given in S. Wells Williams, The Middle Kingdom (London, W. H. Allen & Co. revised edition, 1883) vol. 1, p. 753. It shows inter alia that the number of passengers carried on these junks to the Nanyang could be very great. ... \"The cabins look more like niches in a sepulchre than the accommodations for a live passenger. The crew lie upon deck most of the time, and are usually interested in the trade of the vessel or an adventure of their own. The great number of passengers which have been stowed in these vessels entailed a frightful loss of life when they were wrecked. In February, 1822, Capt. Pearl, of the English ship Indiana, coming through Gaspar Straits, fell in with the cargo and crew of a wrecked junk, and saved one hundred and ninety-eight persons (out of one thousand six hundred with whom she had left Amoy).\" Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206006, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "CHINESE EMIGRATION AND THE DECK PASSENGER TRADE 81\n\nUntil the treaty port era that began with the Treaty of Nanking 1842, most Chinese emigration was voluntary, and mainly to South-east Asia. Then the situation changed. Almost coincident with the opening of the treaty ports and the expansion of foreign shipping on the coast, a widespread demand for cheap labour arose in many parts of the tropics, to replace the recently emancipated slave labour, and also to supply the additional workers required for the increased agricultural and industrial development which followed the establishment of European administrations. In many of these places contract labour from China provided the solution.\n\nMuch of the contract labour was voluntary; but many thousands of the Chinese emigrants to the Spanish and ex-Spanish colonies of South America and the West Indies were kidnapped, abducted by unscrupulous crimps, or sold by cruel or poverty-stricken relatives. The coolies themselves were not always blameless, and many accepted engagement money and then failed to turn up at the collecting centres, or absconded before joining the ship. The labour agents employed by the centres received a capitation fee for every coolie they delivered at the coast, and were specially active during famines and depressions. In 1853 the capitation fee was three dollars per head, but in addition these agents often appropriated any money advanced to the coolies on the score of defraying expenses, and also charged them with the capitation fee, maintenance costs at the depot, and other expenses. As a result the unfortunate coolie often found himself saddled with a heavy debt which might amount to several months' wages before he ever set foot on the promised land. But whether voluntary or forced, the coolies were herded into wretched barracoons at the coast while waiting for their ship, and then suffered great hardship and cruelty on the voyage. In spite of repeated protests, British ships and Hong Kong played an invidious part in this infamous traffic in the early treaty port years.\n\nHowever, the British government soon made attempts to ameliorate the abuses of the emigrant trade but only succeeded in diverting much of it to other ports such as Whampoa, Macao, Cumsingmoon, Amoy, and Swatow. The Chinese Passengers' Act, passed in 1855, prescribed certain standards of food, accommodation, medical attention, and so on; and two years later a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206007, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "82\n\nA. D. BLUE\n\nmarine surveyor was appointed to enforce the provisions of this Act. This resulted in many of the emigrant ships leaving Hong Kong harbour with the prescribed number of passengers on board, and then picking up many more outside Green Island, on its western limits. Even the very modest space of 12 square feet (6 feet by 2 feet) was only provided in the few good ships, and in some sailing ships each coolie had only 8 square feet. Another step to remedy abuse was taken in 1869, when emigration of Chinese to places outside the British Empire was prohibited. A more important step outside China was the appointment of British officials as Protectors of Chinese in Singapore and Penang in 1877 and 1880 respectively, followed in 1901 by the appointment of similar Dutch officials in Indonesia. (It should be remembered in any comparison between British and Dutch colonial administrations, that slavery was not abolished in the Dutch East Indies until 1860). Perhaps the last major improvement was taken in 1914, when Britain abolished indentured labour throughout the British Empire, an act of altruism which destroyed the Penang sugar industry.\n\nBesides emigration to the Nanyang and to South America, the discovery of gold in California and Australia in 1849 and 1851 respectively, started Chinese emigration to both places; and the first official returns of emigrants from Hong Kong in 1854 showed 10,491 emigrants leaving for California and 4,341 for Australia. The Chinese called California ‘Kam Shan', Golden Mountains; and Australia San Kam Shan, 'New Golden Mountains', a name this country still retains among many Chinese to this day.\n\nMost of the emigration to California and Australia was voluntary, and as stated above, the greatest abuses in the emigrant trade involved South America and the West Indies, and in particular the Peruvian guano islands and Cuba. In 1856, for instance, the master of a British ship which had left Hong Kong with 332 emigrants for Cuba, reported losing 128 from suicide and disease during the voyage. The first suicide took place on the first day out, and there was an average of three per day until the ship passed through the Sunda Straits. The captain had received $70 in passage money for each man who boarded the ship in Hong Kong, and collected a further $400 for every one", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206008, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 88, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "CHINESE EMIGRATION AND THE DECK PASSENGER TRADE 83\n\nlanded in Cuba alive. Losses of up to 40% were not uncommon on such voyages, and it is not surprising that the emigrant trade was sometimes called the \"Pig Trade\".*\n\nMost of this emigration continued to be in sailing ships as the early steamships were not particularly popular in the emigrant trade; it was thought the passengers were not landed in such good condition as from sailing ships. The number of days at sea was not so important as the number and condition of the passengers landed. It is probable, however, that like the contemporary objections against carrying tea in steamships, the objections against steamships in the emigrant trade were mainly based on prejudice.\n\nBetween the 1840's and the 1870's, when emigration to South America and the West Indies was practically uncontrolled, conditions on the long passage from the China coast were as bad as those on the notorious 'Middle Passage' of the African Slave Trade. Sometimes they were so intolerable that the Chinese rose in revolt, and attempted to kill the captain and crew. Sometimes they would set the ship on fire, hoping either to capture the ship or escape in the confusion. Emigrant ships were usually provided with barricades on deck in those days, like those on convict ships, to prevent the coolies from attacking the officers' and crews' quarters, a device later adopted as an anti-piracy precaution on late 19th and early 20th century emigrant ships in the South-east Asian trades.\n\nDuring this same period Indians were emigrating to the West Indies, Mauritius, Fiji, and other places, and the Indian section of the emigrant trade has been studied more intensively than the Chinese. The Indian trade was not subject to such great abuses as the Chinese, as it was under more effective control at each end. Indians were also more amenable to discipline, so there was less danger of revolt on Indian emigrant ships. Their passivity and personal habits, however, made them more liable to illness, and the greatest dangers in the Indian emigrant trade\n\n* S. Wells Williams, Chinese Commercial Guide (Hong Kong, 1863) pp. 223-224, shows that coolies for the American countries were known as \"chü-tsai ## or pigs\" among contemporary Cantonese \"by an allusion to their [i.e. the Cantonese] mode of catching and carrying off swine in round baskets\". It is not known whether this phrase, which is still remembered today as 7, is of earlier origin. Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206009, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "84 \n\nA. D. BLUE \n\ncame from cholera and fire, and not from revolt. It was generally believed that the Chinese were more able to look after themselves than the Indians. \n\nOne of the greatest tragedies in Chinese emigration befell the American clipper Flora Temple in 1859. The Flora Temple left Macao for Havana with 850 passengers, who were rebellious from the very start of the passage. Although they were unsuccessful in breaking out of the holds, they killed one of the crew who fell into their clutches. The ship ran into bad weather four days out from Macao, and was unable to take accurate sights. Two days later she ran on a reef off the coast of Indo-China. It was apparent that she would soon break up, so the captain and crew launched and provisioned the two lifeboats, and abandoned the ship and passengers. After a rough passage the captain and one of the lifeboats reached the coast near Touron twelve days later, but nothing was heard of the other lifeboat. A French naval ship was sent to rescue the deserted coolies and search for the missing lifeboat. When they arrived at the scene of the wreck, however, all they could find was a few planks of the Flora Temple, but no trace of the passengers or other lifeboat. \n\nAnother tragedy, but on a smaller scale, befell the British barque Sophia Fraser when taking emigrants from Amoy to Penang. The Sophia Fraser ran into a typhoon three days out of Amoy, and during the pandemonium which broke out among the coolies confined in the 'tween decks thirty-five died. The subsequent enquiry revealed that only four of the deaths were due to natural causes, the rest having been killed in the senseless fight caused by panic. This bears some resemblance to the central incident in Conrad's novel \"Typhoon\", as the burning of the Shah Jehan in the Indian coolie trade resembles the central incident in \"Lord Jim\". \n\nWhat appeared at the time to be one of the major tragedies in the history of Chinese emigration concerned the French ship St. Paul in 1858, when taking 327 indentured labourers from Hong Kong to the Australian gold fields. The St. Paul ran on a reef off Rossel Island, a small island lying to the east of the New Guinea islands, and the captain and eight of the crew were picked up fifteen days later by the British schooner Prince of Denmark. After an inexplicable delay of two months they were put ashore", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206010, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "CHINESE EMIGRATION AND THE DECK PASSENGER TRADE 85\n\nat the French settlement on New Caledonia, after which the French authorities sent a ship to rescue the survivors on Rossel Island. Only one small Chinese boy was found, whose story was that the rest of the passengers and crew had been eaten by the natives. This was accepted as gospel by the press in Sydney where the boy was taken, although there were some glaring inconsistencies in his story, and it was repeated in the British Admiralty Sailing Directions. Not until thirty years later was it seriously questioned, when its most important critic was Sir William MacGregor, the first Australian administrator of New Guinea. It is now generally believed that, rather than wait to be taken on to Australia and a life-time of labour to repay the inflated cost of their passages, the Chinese had preferred to take a chance in New Guinea. Food, including the highly prized luxury bêche-de-mer, was comparatively plentiful, and life in New Guinea with freedom must have appeared infinitely preferable to life in the Australian goldfields saddled with a heavy personal debt. When the first official census was taken in New Guinea, many Chinese were recorded, of whose origins there was no satisfactory explanation.\n\nAnother notable incident in the history of Chinese emigration, and which had a happy conclusion, concerned the Peruvian ship Maria Luz in 1872. The Maria Luz had left Macao with over 300 indentured labourers for the Peruvian guano islands, and was forced into Yokohama harbour in distress. One coolie jumped overboard and swam to H.M.S. Iron Duke, where he reported that the passengers on the Maria Luz had either been kidnapped or decoyed on board under false pretences. As a result of the publicity and outcry which this caused, all the passengers were sent back to China. Peru had then no treaty relations with Japan, but threatened war unless Japan apologised and indemnified her. The British government, however, warned Peru that any hostile act on her part would invite retaliatory action by the Royal Navy; and the whole question was referred to France, who gave her verdict in favour of Japan. This case focussed public attention on the many unsavoury aspects of the emigrant trade, and also led to the opening of diplomatic relations between China and Japan.\n\nIt is necessary to remind ourselves that conditions in many of the emigrant ships to South-east Asia during the 1850's and\n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206012, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "CHINESE EMIGRATION AND THE DECK PASSENGER TRADE 87\n\nhundreds were to be seen, and the 1937 census showed Bangkok to have 196,000 Chinese females to 336,000 males. This shortage of female compatriots in the early centuries induced many Chinese to intermarry with the local Malays, Siamese, or Indonesians; and until well into the present century there always seemed a reasonable chance that the overseas Chinese would merge into the local communities. The relaxation of anti-emigration laws and the cheap and easy communications provided by the steam-ships, however, enabled more and more Chinese women to emigrate, and this reversed the previous trend towards assimilation. This factor may have been as important as political developments in increasing tension between the newly independent states of South-east Asia and their Chinese populations.\n\nBy the end of the 19th century the combination of enlightened public opinion and official action had mitigated the worst abuses of the continued coolie trade to South America and the West Indies. At the same time economic developments in South-east Asia were greatly increasing the already large demand for Chinese labour in that region. Rubber and tea plantations, tin mines and rice mills, all required labour which the local populations were either unable or unwilling to supply. As a result the centuries-old emigrant trade from south China increased many times over, and it was with this comparatively recent mass emigrant trade that the China coast steamship companies were most concerned. This became one of the most profitable sections of the China coast trade.\n\nThe domestic deck passenger trade had been important from the earliest days of foreign shipping on the China coast. The opium clippers had only carried European passengers, mail, and specie, in addition to opium; but all other foreign ships on the coast looked on deck passengers as a very important source of revenue. In a country so ill-equipped with roads as 19th century China, shipping played an indispensable role in passenger transport. In 1849, for instance, when the Hong Kong, Canton, and Macao Steam Packet Company was formed and commenced a regular service between the three ports, the cost of a deck passage between any two of these ports was one dollar. The speed, regularity, and safety of the foreign steamships soon enabled them to capture the cream of the deck passenger trade from the junks.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206013, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "88 \n\nA. D. BLUE \n\nAlmost every China coaster was equipped to carry several hundred deck passengers, although ‘equipped' is too grandiose a word to use when describing the very modest preparations this entailed. Deck passengers were usually carried on the main deck and in the 'tween decks, wooden decks on most ships, but without beds, bunks, or any luxuries of that nature. Each passenger or family was simply allotted so many square feet of deck space, and supplied their own bedding, mats, and wooden pillows. As the weather was usually warm and mild, male passengers spent most of their time on the main deck, which was sheltered from the sun by awnings. Female passengers, however, often spent the whole passage in the 'tween decks, in semi-private enclaves constructed with their baggage. Washing and sanitary facilities may have been primitive, but were reasonably adequate for a voyage rarely lasting more than nine or ten days, and were probably superior to what the passengers were accustomed to in their native villages. Numerous taps provided fresh water several times per day, and on a well-found ship passengers could fill buckets and other receptacles to last them through the dry periods. Thus Conrad's \"Typhoon\" does not give a very accurate description of an emigrant ship: the Nanyang was not a regular emigrant ship, and even Captain MacWhirr's well-intentioned efforts cannot have secured his passengers a comfortable passage before running into the typhoon.\n\nIn the heyday of the trade, deck passengers were usually provided with at least two Spartan meals per day, whose main ingredients were rice with a little dried fish and vegetables, and bought any extras and luxuries themselves. The compradore's staff cooked the two meals and kept the decks clean; but the whole crew were financially interested in the deck passengers. Some ran food and drink stalls where a wide range of Chinese delicacies were on sale; others ran opium dens and gambling schools; while others again hired out their accommodation. Under such circumstances the passenger with money to spare could have a very pleasant passage. There were the occasional periods of discomfort during bad weather and typhoons, when it might be necessary to confine the passengers in the battened down 'tween decks for their own safety. During the late 1920s and the 30s on the Bangkok, Singapore, Manila, and Haiphong trades I saw very little real hardship, and few destitute passengers. Most", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206014, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 94, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "CHINESE EMIGRATION AND THE DECK PASSENGER TRADE 89\n\nmaking their first venture abroad in those years were joining relatives or friends, and had been able to borrow enough on future earnings to ensure a comfortable passage. There were always a few unfortunates, however, who, in their anxiety to escape from the poverty and misery of their native village, had borrowed their passage money from money lenders or their tongs at ruinous rates of interest.\n\nConditions for most of this century were certainly vastly changed from the middle decades of the 19th century. Prospective passengers lived in boarding houses in Amoy or Swatow when waiting for a ship, and the ship's compradore often had a financial interest in these boarding houses or worked in close co-operation with their owners. As there was keen competition in the 20th century emigrant trades, not only between different shipping companies, but under the compradore system — between different ships in the same company, the prospective passengers were well treated in the boarding houses, which bore little resemblance to the barracoons of the 'bad old days'.\n\nBeside the China coasters, overseas ships on the Far Eastern run also took part in the emigrant trade, especially to the Straits and Bangkok, as this could be fitted into their wayport schedule; and even the large and luxurious Canadian Pacific liners were not above carrying a few hundred deck passengers from time to time. Ben Line steamers, too, sometimes called at Amoy and Swatow and took up to two hundred deck passengers to the Straits or Bangkok or vice versa, but on many overseas ships the passengers had to supply and cook their own food, and sleep on wooden planks laid over steel decks. The overseas ships were not normally so well suited for deck passengers as the regular coast ships, and by the First World War the latter had captured the cream of the trade.\n\nIn the South-east Asian trades south-bound traffic normally exceeded north-bound, but not to a disproportionate extent. Many overseas Chinese returned home, either for a holiday or to retire, and north-bound ships were especially busy just before Chinese New Year, and south-bound just after this important festival. These north-bound ships, where many passengers were carrying the savings of a few years or even of a lifetime, were the most tempting for pirates, and were specially equipped to deal", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206015, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "90 \n\nA. D. BLUE \n\nwith this menace. North-bound ships also carried several dead Chinese in their coffins, and spare coffins to accommodate any who might die on their way home. These latter were not buried at sea, but were invariably carried on to China for interment in their ancestral village, \n\nNot every Chinese who emigrated to the 'Nanyang' became a wealthy 'towkay', but most overseas Chinese communities were by Chinese standards prosperous, and all retained their liking for traditional Chinese foods and delicacies. This resulted in a substantial south-bound trade in such things as Swatow cabbages and oranges, live and preserved fish, lychees, Chinese wine, and preserved eggs; all of which paid high freight either to the shipping company or to some member of the crew. \n\nAmoy and Swatow had always been the major ports for emigration to South-east Asia, and they retained this importance until emigration came to an end shortly after the outbreak of the Pacific War; while Hong Kong was always the base for most of the ships engaged in the emigrant trade. The China Navigation Company was the coast company most concerned with the emigrant trades to the south during this century, although the three principal coast companies — China Navigation, Indo-China Steam Navigation, and China Merchants Steam Navigation Companies — were all equally concerned with the deck passenger trades on the coast and on the Yangtse. \n\nL \n\nFor most of the inter-war years the China Navigation Company operated weekly services from Amoy and Swatow to Bangkok and Singapore respectively, with four ships on each service. They had also one ship on a fortnightly service between Amoy and Manila, and four ships on a weekly service between Shanghai and Haiphong, with calls at the intermediate ports of Amoy, Swatow, Hong Kong, and Canton. In this latter trade cargo and deck passengers were equally important. The Bangkok trade had previously been operated by a German company, Nordeutscher Lloyd, which had bought out an earlier British concern, the Scottish Oriental Company, in 1899. Butterfield and Swire had been agents for both companies in south China, and when the German company in turn sold out during the early years of this century, Butterfield and Swire inherited this increasingly valuable", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206016, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "CHINESE EMIGRATION AND THE DECK PASSENGER TRADE\n\n91\n\ntrade for their own China Navigation Company. During most of the inter-war years a Norwegian company also operated a weekly service between Swatow and Bangkok in opposition to the China Navigation Company; but the latter's faster and more modern ships enjoyed the lion's share of this trade. The Singapore trade was an inheritance from the Blue Funnel Line, and came to the China Navigation through their close connection with the Holt family.\n\nFor several decades before the First World War much of the emigrant trade to Indonesia was in the hands of German companies, but when German overseas shipping was eliminated after the outbreak of war in 1914 this trade passed to Dutch companies, in particular the K.P.M. and the J.C.J.L. lines. Previous to 1890 a consortium of Dutch planters had employed coolie brokers in Singapore and Malaya for recruiting purposes, and Malaya was always something of a reservoir of Chinese labour for much of South-east Asia, especially for Indonesia and Siam. Entry into Malaya was easier than elsewhere, and there were more frequent and cheaper shipping services between south China and the Straits. It was always a comparatively simple matter for Chinese—authorised or unauthorised—to cross the short Malacca Straits into Indonesia or the ill-defined boundary between Malaya and Siam.\n\nThe Indo-China Steam Navigation Company was not nearly so deeply involved in the southern deck passenger trades as the China Navigation Company, but their Japan-Calcutta ships took part in the Straits trade on their way up and down the coast, and their Hong Kong-Sandakan ships had a near monopoly of the comparatively small trade to British North Borneo. Most coasters on the Hong Kong-Shanghai service called at Canton and carried deck passengers, but there was also a small fleet of specially designed river steamers employed between Hong Kong, Canton, and Macao, which provided daily and nightly services between the three ports, and thus an out and in connection for emigrants. The Canton river steamers were smaller editions of the Yangtse steamers, and their night departure from the Praya at Hong Kong, when they were a blaze of flamboyant and garish lights, was a spectacular sight before the Second World War. The six or seven hour passage between Hong Kong", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206017, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 97, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "92\n\nA. D. BLUE\n\nand Canton, and the shorter passage between Hong Kong and Macao, was for many Chinese passengers an opportunity for a prolonged gambling and drinking session.\n\nThe peak years of Chinese emigration to South-east Asia were those immediately preceding the world-wide economic depression of the early 1930s. The rubber and tin industries of South-east Asia were particularly hard hit by this depression, and Chinese immigration into all the countries of the region was severely curtailed. There had only been a very partial revival to pre-depression levels when the Pacific War broke out, soon after which Chinese emigration completely ceased.\n\nOwing to the different countries of South-east Asia adopting different methods of classifying nationality, it is practically impossible to obtain an accurate estimate of the number of Chinese in the region at any time; but well-informed authorities agree that at the outbreak of the Pacific War the number of people who regarded themselves as of Chinese race was about 8 million, that is between 5 and 6% of the total population. By far the greatest concentration of Chinese was in Malaya, where in 1947 the Chinese population of the Federation and Singapore was 2,605,000 out of a total population of 5,823,000. Singapore was, and still is, almost a Chinese city, and in 1947 there were 730,000 Chinese in a total population of 941,000. It is even more difficult to estimate how many Chinese were moving between China and South-east Asia in any year, but considering isolated figures relating to different countries, this must have amounted to several hundred thousands when the traffic was at its height. In 1929 Indo-China had a surplus of Chinese immigrants over emigrants of 40,000; while in the same year 195,000 Chinese males entered Malaya. In 1937 again some 8,000 Chinese entered British North Borneo.\n\nAlthough mainland Chinese have been unable to travel abroad since 1949, Chinese still move between Hong Kong, Formosa, and South-east Asia; but their numbers are infinitesimal in comparison with the vast traffic during the colonial era. However, the China Navigation Company is engaged in two specialised passenger trades which bear a little resemblance to the emigrant and deck passenger trades of the old days. One is the carriage of indentured labourers from Hong Kong to the Pacific phosphate", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206018, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "CHINESE EMIGRATION AND THE DECK PASSENGER TRADE 93\n\nislands of Nauru and Ocean Island; and the other is the Pilgrim Trade from Malaya to the Red Sea Port of Jeddah. The passengers in this latter trade are mainly Malays, who travel in near-luxury conditions comparable with European tourist class. Food and accommodation are suited to Moslem tastes and prejudices, an Iman travels on the ship, and there is a mosque provided in the accommodation.\n\nLater Chinese emigration to South-east Asia was largely the result of the economies imposed on the region by the European colonial powers, and the agricultural and industrial development which these powers initiated. On achieving independence at various times after 1945 each country has attempted with varying degrees of success - to weaken the economic and political position of their Chinese populations, and in the early 1960s Indonesia even attempted their repatriation on a substantial scale. It is in this country that the Chinese have been subjected to the harshest and most cruel treatment, with thousands being killed in pogroms reminiscent of the worst years in Indonesia and the Philippines in the earlier period. It may be that the contribution of the overseas Chinese to the economic development of South-east Asia, has in these latter years at least been counter-balanced by the political instability caused by their presence, but for this they are not wholly to blame.\n\nNOTE\n\nAn account of the Ch'ing government's attitude towards the emigration of its subjects is given at pp. 26-29 of Victor Purcell's The Chinese in Southeast Asia (London, Oxford University Press, 2nd edition, 1965).\n\nIn his well-known work, The Middle Kingdom (London, W. H. Allen & Co., revised edition, 1883) vol. 1, pp. 278-9 S. Wells Williams states that \"The obstacles put in the way of emigrating beyond sea, both in law and prejudice, operate to deter respectable persons from leaving their native land. Necessity has made the law a dead letter, and thousands annually leave their homes.\" He then quotes the following striking passage from W. H. Medhurst's China: Its State and Prospects (1838). \"Emigration is going on in spite of restrictions and disabilities, from a country where learning and civilization reign, and where all the dearest interests and prejudices of the emigrants are found, to lands like Burmah, Siam, Cambodia, Tibet, Manchuria, and the Indian Archipelago, where comparative ignorance and barbarity prevail, and where the extremes of a tropical or frozen region are to be exchanged for a mild and temperate climate.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206022, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 102, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "J\n\nA NEW LOOK AT CANTONESE EXPLETIVES\n\n97\n\nand none at all of that cross-thread I mentioned, which all the time we are speaking one phrase is guiding us away from a score of similar phrases which are not what we mean. This constant unconscious avoidance of saying what we don't mean is the pattern we must all set up when we would speak a second, third or fourth language.\n\nI hope what I am about to say will help you in this task. For most of us, when children, were crippled by being brought up to talk only one language; to those whose minds have been thus crippled, like the girls of Manchu China whose feet used to be bound in childhood, the idea of \"thinking in a language\" is as natural as the unnatural tiptoe tottering gait seemed the \"natural\" way for women to walk. The unbinding of bound feet was, I am told, a very painful matter and after a certain age could not safely be done.\n\nSo come, if you dare, and let me unbind your linguistic feet.\n\nEnglish is a language of the Indo-European family: a family the branches of which extend from Sanskrit, Old Persian and their descendants in South-Central Asia, through the Slavonic languages of Eastern Europe, Lithuanian and the Celtic languages (originally of Asia Minor, but now found only on the Atlantic and Baltic shores), Ancient and Modern Greek, the languages of ancient Italy, through Latin to the modern Italian, Spanish, French, Portuguese, Rumanian and Catalan, Old Norse and Icelandic down to modern Norwegian, Swedish and Danish, Gothic and Old High German down to the modern German dialects and Dutch; then again overseas with the Colonizers to North and South America, Australia, New Zealand, Southern Africa and as a second language of convenience in the shape of a special kind of English\n\n- back to India again where it may all have started.\n\nA great deal of work has been done on this family of languages, but it is well for us to remember that it is less than 200 years since the identity of such a family was observed and not much more than a century since Indo-European linguistic studies were firmly established.\n\nBefore that, and to some extent ever since, European scholars were taught to regard Latin and Greek as the only models of linguistic organization: therefore any language had to be studied", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206053, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "A BRITISH MARITIME CHART OF 1780 SHOWING HONG KONG\n\nHENRY D. Talbot*\n\nA recent acquisition by the Map Library of the Department of Geography and Geology of the University of Hong Kong is of some interest as it appears to be the earliest known British map or chart depicting the island of Hong Kong.\n\nThe title is \"A Chart of the China Sea from the Island of Sancian to Pedra Branca with the course of the River Tigris from Canton to Macao from a Portuguese draught communicated by Captain Hayter and compared with the Chinese Chart of the Macao Pilots\".\n\nThe places mentioned need little explanation as they are names still used today. Sancian is also called St. John's Island and is to the west of Macao, while Pedra Branca is today called Pedro Blanco and is an isolated rock, used as a navigational landmark, to the east of Hong Kong. The River Tigris is the name given to the river up to Canton, derived from the name of the narrows called \"Bocca Tigris\" (Tiger's Mouth) in Portuguese, a translation of the Chinese name.\n\nThe Captain Hayter is evidently Captain George Hayter of the East India Company Ship York. This ship was in Chinese waters frequently from 1741 up to 1786 and Hayter was compiler of another chart dated 1787.\n\nThe chart was \"... Printed for R. Sayer and J. Bennett Map and Chart-sellers No. 53 Fleet Street, as the Act directs, 29 Nov. 1780\" Robert Sayer (1725-1794) and John Bennett were well known as map-sellers at the end of the eighteenth century. It is recorded that Robert Sayer retired in 1794 after almost half a century in the map chart trade.\n\nThe size of the chart is 950 × 640 mm., while the size of the map itself is 781 × 596 mm. The latter is the length along the neatlines, the inner border of the map.\n\n* Mr. Talbot is Lecturer in the Department of Geography and Geology in the University of Hong Kong. He was Hon. Editor of this Journal in 1964.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206057, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 137, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "132\n\nHENRY D. TALBOT\n\nLo cheou-Lo Chau (Beaufort Island)\n\n=\n\nMers Bay Mirs Bay\n\nMew Is.-Mo Chau\n\nNako chau-Papai (Nei Kwu Chau or Hei Ling Chau)\n\nNine-pin-Ninepin Group\n\nPo-ke-long Point=Lei Yue Mun Point\n\nPsang-chau-Kau Yi Chau\n\nRagged Island Steep Island\n\nRat Island or Ling Ting-Ling Ting\n\nR. Povado or Iron River-Hebe Haven\n\nSin-can-hien-Hsin-an Hsien (San On Yuen) or, rather, the district city of Hsin-an\n\nSingan Islands-Siu Chau and Tai Shan\n\nShu-lap-ko Is.-Chek Lap Kok Island\n\nSui-pak Siu Kau Yi\n\nSoko Cheou Is. the Soko Islands\n\nSong-kco Sung Kong\n\nTa baco=Chung Chau\n\nTat-hong Moon-Tathong Channel\n\n=\n\nTay Pak Peng Chau\n\nTay-pak-hoe Green Island (or perhaps the sea between Hong Kong and Lantao Islands)\n\nTsa-cheou Is. =Sha Chau\n\nTsan-Cheou-Kau Pei Chau (off Cape D'Aguilar) Tysa=Small island 1⁄2 mile south of East Brother\n\nWang Laang-Waglan Island\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Cf. The British Museum General Catalogue of Printed Books (London, 1961) Vol. 100, Col. 222.\n\nThe British Museum Catalogue of Printed Maps. Charts and Plans (London, 1967) Vol. 7, Col. 359,\n\nMorse, H. B. The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China 1635-1834 (Oxford, 1926-29) Lists of Ships.\n\n2 Cf. Bonacker, W. Kartenmacher Aller Lander und Zeiten (Stuttgart, Hiersemann, 1966) p. 200,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206059, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 139, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH\n\nBeing a local history of the region of Hong Kong and the New Territories before the British occupation\n\nS. F. BALFOUR\n\n(Editor's Note. In recent years the Journal has reprinted selected items of enduring interest to those interested in Hong Kong and its past. The following article first appeared in the T'ien Hsia Monthly, published in Shanghai, in vols. 11-12, 1940-41, pp. 330-352, 440-464. It is reprinted with the kind permission of Mr. Balfour's widow, Mrs. William Glock. Stephen Balfour was a Cadet i.e. Administrative Officer in the Hong Kong Civil Service*. He served here from 1929 until his tragic death in an air raid on the Stanley Internment Camp during the war-time Japanese Occupation of Hong Kong,\n\nThe article is reprinted as it stands in the original, and no gloss has been attempted or additional references given to books cited or to the source of the illustrations).\n\nI. ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE REGION\n\nLocal history in China has always been considered one of the functions of the officials administering each province or district; it has thus come about that there is not a single corner of the Chinese Empire that has not at least one local history, recounting its antiquities and its aspect at the time of writing, and many places have several of these topographies, as they are called, compiled about them at different dates.\n\nThe region in which Hong Kong and the New Territories lie is described in the Topography of the San On (now Po On) District. This book, which is dated 1820, is a revised version of earlier editions stretching back to the 15th century, and it would have been interesting to consult the earlier versions, were they accessible, not so much for the information about local antiquities and traditions, for that has probably all been reproduced in the last edition, as for the details of contemporary life described by the official in charge of the district at that time. However, the topography in its later edition contains a great many valuable texts, reproduced from inscriptions or other books that have since disappeared, authentic information about the district itself and almost everything in local tradition that was considered worth printing.\n\n*See Mr. Lethbridge's article on Hong Kong Cadets, 1862-1941 elsewhere in this issue. Ed.\n\n新安縣誌", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206061, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 141, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "136 \n\nS. F. BALFOUR \n\nThe Tanka or the Tan people are the Cantonese-speaking fishing population. The word Tan is a proper name and dictionaries define it as follows: \n\n\"Tan is the name of a people. They are held to be a branch of the Man tribe. They live in boats along the coast of Fukien and Kwangtung making fishing their livelihood. They are pearl divers. Since the T'ang dynasty (A.D. 618) they have been counted by able-bodied males for purposes of taxation. In the year 1618 they were classified according to families, headmen were appointed among them and anchorages in the rivers were set apart for them. A yearly tax of fishing produce was collected.” \n\nIn 1723 an imperial edit was passed allowing them all the privileges of ordinary Chinese citizens, except the right to compete in the public examinations which they never obtained. \n\nLet us now pass to the Hoklo. The word Hok is a dialect variation of Fukien and the Hoklo are the Fukienese fishing people of our region, but there is another term for them always used in literature, Man. We have already seen that the Tanka are considered a branch of the Man tribe. The word is very ancient and is used synonymously for \"barbarian\" or \"uncouth\". From the name alone you can judge that the Hoklo were once considered by the Chinese as barbarians. \n\nThe Punti are the Cantonese-speaking peasants. The word means \"native to the country\" and it is a weak adjective of the type used by one man to describe himself in relation to a different person. It therefore gives no clue to the origin of the people bearing it. They themselves claim to be of pure Chinese stock and to have colonised the province of Kwangtung from North China, and they refer to themselves as men of T'ang, meaning the T'ang dynasty. In many cases they can trace their ancestry back to Chinese settlers of northern stock, though there is no record of any arriving in the region earlier than the Sung dynasty (A.D. 960). \n\nThe word Hakka means the \"stranger people\", it is used to describe the peasants of a different dialect to Cantonese who have \n\nIn the topographies for instance Man is used for Hok-lo.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206062, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH\n\n137\n\nsettled in the hills and along the coasts of our region. They themselves acknowledge that they are the latest comers into the region, and that they have migrated from exclusively Hakka-speaking country between Kwangtung, Fukien and Kiangsi provinces. The Hakka of those parts declare that they migrated from North China and this tradition is confirmed in every way by scholars, often Hakka themselves, who have collated separate family histories. From these studies it is possible to know that the Hakka did not migrate south of Kiangsi before the 10th century A.D. and we can infer from this that their appearance in this region was several centuries later.\n\n7\n\nFrom the evidence of their names we can begin to distinguish two kinds of inhabitants--one pure Chinese and one of non-Chinese origin. But on the other hand there is much negative evidence that could be brought forward. In the first place in customs and religion the Tanka and Hoklo seem to follow Chinese tradition; they have the same reverence for ancestors, the same surnames, they marry and bury the dead with the same ceremonies. They have an identical calendar of feast days, and their dialects, Cantonese and Fukienese, have nothing either in place-names, or vocational expressions or any other vocabulary which might contain archaisms to suggest that they ever used another language.\n\nIn the second place there is absolutely no apparent evidence that the Tanka and Hoklo are of the same extraction. They do not look alike physically and they do not intermarry nor mix freely in spite of being in close contact with one another. Indeed, the Tanka are much more akin to the Cantonese in outward appearance, and but for a difference of pronunciation it would be almost impossible to distinguish between them.\n\nIn the third place, the Hakka and Punti differ in their religious customs on one important point. The Dragon Boat Festival is celebrated by the Punti, Tanka and Hoklo on the 5th day of the 5th moon every year. The Hakka do not keep this feast. The importance of the Dragon Boat Festival as a clue to origins of culture will be described in a later section of this article.\n\nHowever there is one broad distinction which can be made. In their differences in occupation and dwellings the population divides\n\n7 For instance, Lo Hsiang Ling (#); K'o Chia Yen Chiu (3 RMX).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206065, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "140\n\nS. F. BALFOUR\n\nOn the one hand are the Tanka and Hoklo who do not know the use of stone in building, who live by fishing and who represent in fact a water culture. On the other hand is the culture of the wall-building and rice-growing Hakka and Punti, who migrated overland from parts of China unconnected with these shores.\n\nIt is not correct to say that these two cultures merge, for clearly the land culture is a much stronger force than the water culture and has already almost entirely smothered it. Such has been the fate of many ancient peoples who were pushed to the seaboard by invaders, and have finally disappeared.\n\nII. ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE\n\nOur analysis of the existing population has revealed that the order of migration into the region corresponds roughly with the height above sea level of each part of the community. The Tanka and Hoklo, who were the earliest people, live on the seacoast, the Punti who came next occupy the fertile plains and valleys, and the latest comers, the Hakka, are to be found mostly in the uplands. We must now consider traces of a still earlier culture found as it were below sea level, buried in the ground.\n\nThe principal archaeological sites are on the South coast of Lamma and Lantao islands. Evidence of primitive communities has been found buried below three to four feet of sand in dunes only a few yards from the high water mark. There are no traces of houses or of any construction. Agriculture would have been possible at some distance from the settlements but not particularly near them. The sites are not easy of access from any other place except by sea, nor are they conveniently situated as regards access to the Canton river estuary.\n\nThis must be qualified by the fact that finds have been made in other places including hillsides and islands in the Canton river estuary, but in much lesser quantities. Outside the region important excavations have been made near Swabue in the Hoifung district and this link points, in the absence of other evidence, to a distribution eastward along the coast.\n\nUnfortunately it has not been possible to find out the age of the settlements by comparing the strata of the soil, as is generally done in archaeology. Indications as to the rate of accumulation", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206067, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 147, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "142\n\nS. F. BALFOUR\n\nthrowing or shooting since they are so thin that they would break if used for stabbing. Tools of soft stone for sharpening them showing traces of use have also been found.\n\nOther polished stone artifacts found in great quantities are ornaments. These are made of shale or of carefully chosen brown or greenish basaltic rock or of quartz. They consist of rings, bracelets and of small discs or buttons, carefully shaped and polished and most of them very fragile. In some cases it is difficult to decide what part of the body they were meant to adorn. Most of the rings have a very thin section and they may have been used as earrings, the section being passed over the lobe of the ear, or alternatively they may have been belt buckles. The small discs may have been used as ear plugs. But these theories are by no means certainties. In only a few cases can we be sure of the ornament's use; for instance, a pair of identical brown shale bracelets with flanges on the inner circumference, can be slipped onto a very slender wrist. Their workmanship is remarkable, and a break in one of them had been repaired by drilling small holes on either side of the broken pieces so that they could be bound together with ligaments. The finish of many of these stone implements is very striking to people like ourselves who do not know the use of stone in our everyday life.\n\nThere are many existing populations who use stone tools and ornaments, but it is chiefly from the adze that we can derive some idea of the cultural affinities of this people. The adze is used over a wide area embracing the Indian Ocean, Polynesia and even South America. But the \"shouldered\" or \"stepped\" adze of the type found in our region is particularly found in the East Indies. A tool used in the way we have described the use of the adze is still common in those parts. It is therefore quite certain that early population of these sites had once a connection with the \"Indonesians\" or the peoples that settled in the archipelago between the Indies and Polynesia. The importance of the Hong Kong finds is that they establish beyond a doubt the presence of this people in South China.\n\nBut when we take the conjunction of these stone implements with pottery and bronze we are faced with the difficulty of determining how far these people were influenced by Chinese craftsmanship.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206068, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 148, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH \n\n143 \n\nThe pottery is of two kinds, soft and hard. The soft includes bowls, pedestals on which they were balanced, pitchers and jugs and cups like Chinese funerary vessels. There is a gradation from a very soft type, a type as crude as pottery can be, made of clay and sand, fashioned by hand and baked either in the sun or on an open fire, to a slightly harder type, fashioned with more care and marked with a primitive pattern such as the \"panier\" made probably with a basket of reeds or the \"comb\" made with a small pronged instrument. Then there is a harder type fashioned on a potter's wheel and given various patterns either whilst it is on the wheel or stamped with a prepared die. Finally there is a very hard type, faultlessly made and baked in a closed oven, with stylised patterns, sometimes glazed and sometimes unglazed and containing in the rim or under the base little signs which look like hallmarks of fabrication. All these types exist side by side. For instance, a large pot of the hardest and most finished type has been found covered with a lid of the rudest and softest material.\n\nThe largest pots have a rounded base and could contain as much as a gallon of water. They are often glazed with a very light blue or dark green pigment which has not settled very well on the surface. The chief pattern is the \"double F.\" Another type is a vase with a low pedestal, often very well proportioned, rarely glazed, and bearing a great variety of patterns. This type is sometimes provided with handles through which a string can be passed. A third type is reminiscent of Chinese funerary cups and does not appear to have a definite domestic use. These cups are from 5 to 7 centimetres high and have shallow bowls and long concave pedestals. They are frequently glazed and always seem to have hallmarks under the base such as three wavy lines or a rough upsilon.\n\nSuch are the most usual types of vessel. Of course, there are many varieties, and enormous quantities of broken pieces have been found. But from what has been observed, various conclusions can be drawn.\n\nThe type of bowl without pedestal is common to-day in the Indonesian countries, though not in China. The resemblance in shape with peasant bowls in the markets in Indo-China and Burma is very striking. The \"comb\" pattern is also used to-day in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206069, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "144\n\nS. F. BALFOUR\n\nIndonesian pottery, particularly round the rim of the vessel. The other patterns appear to have no counterparts in pottery that we know. Especially the \"double F\" is intriguing. It appears at a glance a type of stylised design derived from an animal motif such as might have come from ancient China, but it is very unsafe ground to suppose that it is so. Lastly, the glaze is of a good pigment and was certainly derived from China. The variety of pottery from the primitive soft type through the \"Indonesian\" type to the half-Chinese \"double F\" pattern shows that while much of it was imported, some was made locally.\n\nMetal implements have been found in the sites in much smaller quantities than the stone and pottery, but moulds for making them have been found in larger quantities. They are made of baked clay in two separate pieces which fitted together and into which the molten metal was poured and took its shape. These moulds were probably made locally. Therefore the people using them were not plentifully supplied with metal and they were obliged to melt and reshape old weapons when they became unserviceable, continuing to use the same pattern without any efforts to improve it. This inference neutralises any attempt to date the inhabitation of the sites by comparing the metal implements with those used in China at certain dates. It is true that the shape of the weapons originally came from China, but there is no certainty that the Chinese influence continued for long; in fact, the opposite seems the most likely.\n\nThe most typically Chinese of the bronze weapons are the ko and the small axe. The ko is the small cutting and piercing implement with a curved blade ending in a sharp point which is written with the character. It is of very ancient origin and continued to be used by Chinese soldiers in the Han dynasty and later. The small axe with a convex blade and a hollow socket for insertion of the handle is also of early Chinese origin. It was once used in a more simplified shape for money, but that the inhabitants of this region used it for killing can be proved by a piece of bone which was found adhering to an axe in one of the sites. Both these types of weapon are most ancient, in addition to them fragments of bronze swords and daggers, some of them embossed with Chinese designs, have been excavated and a small number of bronze utensils.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206070, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 150, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH\n\n145\n\nIron was also used to make arrow heads, fishing hooks, and knives and the finding of moulds for making them points again to the fact that they were made on the spot.\n\nFinally we must mention that skeletons have been found in those sites; the horn of a large deer of species unknown; and that near the Lantau site is the pattern carved on a rock. This pattern is used by the aborigines of Hainan Island for tattooing, but it would be unsafe to infer a connection on these grounds alone. It is, however, a proof of aboriginal settlement.\n\nThis brief summary of the prehistoric population of our region must suffice. In later chapters we shall try to discover what these people were and when they lived. At present, it is necessary to emphasise that they were a seaboard people who practised primitive industries of their own, but who imported a great many of their possessions either from China, Indo-China or the East Indies archipelago; in other words, they were connected up with a trade route, or were even possibly one of the links in the trade routes which in early times were used in the Far East.\n\nIII. SOUTH CHINA BEFORE THE HANS\n\nThere is all kinds of evidence as to a prehistoric migration of peoples using stone tools between India, the Far East, Polynesia and even Europe. These migrants, who are called \"Austronesians” by the prehistorians, are believed to have navigated the seas and rivers in outrigger boats and to have introduced a very early exchange of objects the prehistoric world valued, such as cowries, tortoise shells and the like.\n\nThe archaeological finds point to a survival of this culture in South China. How late it survived is not absolutely clear and unfortunately no authoritative opinion on the subject has been given. But from the position of the sites it might be supposed that the inhabitants were pushed onto the seacoast by the pressure of other peoples and their survival may have lasted well into historic times, even possibly as late as the Sung dynasty (A.D. 960), the date, as we shall see, when Chinese peasants first began to migrate into this region.\n\nThe Tanka might, in theory, be the descendants of these earlier\n\nPage 146 is missing\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206071, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 151, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "146\n\nS. F. BALFOUR\n\npeoples. They too are an ancient population living on the seaboard without any trace of their earlier habitat. But as we have seen in the first chapter they have been so overwhelmed by the force of Chinese culture that not a trace remains of their original customs. However it is proposed to show that some aspects of their life might suggest a connection with the \"Indonesians\", however far fetched the theory may be,\n\nThe Tanka boats must be of recent design, and they were probably evolved as a result of contact with foreign peoples, even as late as the Portuguese. The eyes painted on the prows of Hoklo boats may also point to earlier contacts, although it is possible that this custom evolved quite independently. What seems more likely to be the survival of an earlier boat is the “dragon boat” or huge canoe used by the Tanka, Punti and Hoklo in their yearly festival.\n\nThis festival occurs on the 5th of the 5th month when the 'dragon' constellation is highest in the sky and celebrates the death of a poet Chü Yûan who drowned himself in a river in Hunan because his King would not take his advice. But it is difficult to understand the connection between the poet and the rather war-like parade of boats accompanied by the beating of a drum and throwing of rice into the waters. In fact, the festival appears more likely to be an annual sacrifice to a fishing god, or in places where rice culture depends upon irrigation caused by floods, to an agricultural god. Its distribution (in connection with the Chü Yuan legend) is confined to South China and to Szechuan. In Fukien, besides the poet a famous general is sometimes commemorated. Remembering the tendency of all religions to adapt new gods to old customs, we may be justified in discounting Chü Yuan from the festival's origin,\n\nThe regatta is formed by a number of very long canoes paddled to the rhythm of a drum beaten in the middle of the boat by some forty to eighty half naked men. It is unlike any other Chinese feast and the canoe and style of paddling are more reminiscent of Polynesian methods than of Chinese. Similar regattas exist all over the Indonesian regions; in Pnom-penh, for instance, it is almost identical (see accompanying illustrations),* and the first mention of the feast in Chinese literature occurs in books written\n\n* Plates 17-18.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206072, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH\n\n147\n\nabout the customs of Southern peoples published during our era. Another point worth mentioning is the resemblance between the dragon boat and boats in scenes of everyday life depicted on bronze drums found in Tonkin. These drums were made by the natives under the tuition of their Chinese masters. One of them shows the picture of a long thin boat with a dragon's head being paddled by its crew with a drum in the middle.\n\nAnother possible survival of Indonesian culture might be seen in the matshed dwelling in our region. It is unnecessary to build matsheds in a place where typhoons occur so frequently and where there is an abundance of stone, and the explanation can only be given that matshed dwellers have no tradition of building in stone. The Indonesians are invariably matshed dwellers, they do not even use stone walls as protection. In many places they build houses on stilts. This however may be an independent custom on either side, although it should be noted that among some peoples of Indo-China there are identical huts on stilts akin to those of the Tanka and of the water population in the West river regions.\n\nAgain remembering the phenomenon that one religion can take on the divinities of another, we cannot ignore the possibility that the Tanka worship of Tin Hau (A1⁄2, i.e., the Heavenly Queen) their principal saint is an adaptation of an earlier aboriginal goddess. The original Tin Hau lived in Fukien and kept a lighthouse to guide sailors to port. She was officially canonised by the Chinese Board of Rites at the request of local officials but there was a much earlier goddess known among the Indonesians who could avert storms or drought. Temples to her existed in the Tonkin delta at the beginning of our era. It is not likely that the Tanka adopted the enthusiastic worship of such a late personage as Tin Hau without some tradition behind it.\n\nHowever we can never be certain that the Tanka are of Indonesian stock. Whether or not the Indonesians have left descendants, it is certain that they were the founders of maritime commerce in the Far East. Using perhaps canoes and coasting in such stages as for instance from Swabue to Lamma Island,\n\n8 續齊諧記 and 越地記, both Han dynasty books.\n\n9 V. Goloubew-Le Peuple de Dong-Son. (Hanoi.)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206073, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 153, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "148\n\nS. F. BALFOUR\n\nthey made the primitive links in the chain of commerce before the foreign traders from India and Persia arrived about the 4th century A.D. In the present state of archaeological knowledge we do not know how far east this early trade route spread. It may have linked up Japan and Korea for instance. It seems certain that it spread to the Tonkin delta, down the coast of Annam and possibly to Malaya, Java and Sumatra. Very likely, also, is the existence of the trade routes inland by the great rivers throughout South China and Tonkin. There is unfortunately no Chinese historical record of this trade.\n\nThe Chinese accounts of aboriginal life in South China are very indefinite and unsatisfactory. In very early times (in the book of Chuang Tzŭ and the Book of Rites) the South of China was called Nan Yüeh or South of the Mountain Barrier. Texts of the Han dynasty give in greater detail the geographical divisions of the coast. The South of Fukien was called Ou, Fukien Min Yüeh, Kwangtung and Kwangsi South Yüeh and the western part of Kwangsi with the Tonkin delta Lo Yüeh or Ou Lo. These divisions cannot be taken as based on any real knowledge of racial distinctions. A few texts give us a meagre description of the natives. The Han history describes the inhabitants of Min Yüeh as \"cutting the hair short, tattooing the body, possessing neither towns nor villages but living in valleys of bamboo, expert at fighting on the water but of no use on land, having neither chariots nor horses nor bows and arrows.\" We also know that in 180 B.C. Chinese traders were forbidden to sell iron to the natives of South Yüeh which indicates that they were using stone weapons. Another text of the Han history connects the people of South Yüeh with those of Lo Yüeh or Tonkin by saying that \"they are both of the Mi tribe\". It is tantalising that in spite of much account of battles and biographies of chieftains the Chinese historians have left no real description of aboriginal life. Such was their dislike of barbarians that they either ignored them completely or wrote about them as if they were pure Chinese.\n\nAccording to the San On topography the tribe of Yao, a people of Sino-Tibetan stock affiliated to the Miao, existed to the north of our region some 200 years ago. They live now in Kwangtung and Kwangsi besides other places such as Hainan Island. They tattoo their bodies and use stone implements. They", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206074, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 154, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH\n\n149\n\nalso wear headdresses and tails to resemble dogs and they have a legend about their descent from a dog. This legend, as reproduced in the later Han history, is as follows. An emperor who wished to subjugate a certain chieftain offered his youngest daughter in marriage to anyone who would bring him his head. After this proclamation one of his pet dogs brought a man's head and laid it in front of the throne. It proved to be the head of the enemy. The princess then insisted that she should be married to the dog and the Emperor was forced to comply. The princess was taken by the dog to a stone fortress in a mountain in Hunan. There she changed her mode of living, discarded her Chinese clothes and wore a strange head-dress. She bore six children. They made bark clothes which they dyed with various grass juices. They cut them with a tail behind. They lived in the mountains. Their descendants multiplied and are known as the Man I\n\nMan and I are Chinese terms for barbarians. Man, as we have seen, is applied locally to the Hoklo, but it can represent a barbarian of South China in general. It generally represents Tibetan or western barbarians. When Chao T'o, one of the chiefs of the Canton estuary, made himself independent in the Han dynasty, he called himself \"King of the Man and I\". Since the Yao have the same dog myth as the Man I, there is a likelihood that this people were partly composed of Yao and partly of Indonesian stock.\n\nIt is only possible to take such broad distinctions as the Chinese historians allow. There were in ancient South China two types. One the \"dragon myth\" peoples, primarily in Fukien, using boats with eyes painted on the bows, and designated by many names Min Man Tan and so on with the radical for serpent or dragon. The other a mountain people with a \"dog myth\" stretched from the confines of Tibet to South China and included the Yao. The former may be of Indonesian and the latter of Tibetan stock.\n\nOne problem must still be mentioned. The presence of a very early Negrito population in South China is suspected. Negrito dwarfs are still found in Cochin China, the Malay States, the Philippine Islands, and Formosa and in the history of the Liang dynasty occurs the following text:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206075, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "150 \n\nS. F. BALFOUR \n\n• \n\n\"A merchant of Ta Ts'in (Eastern Roman Empire) came to the court of the Emperor Sun Chuan of Wu (in the present Shanghai region). When Chu-Ko Ko (in A.D. 226) had subdued Tan Yang (a place in the mountains on the Anhwei-Kiangsi border) he caught some dwarfs of the 'Black' tribe. The merchant when he saw them said that such people were rarely seen in his country. The emperor gave him ten of each, male and female. \n\n** \n\nIt is very doubtful whether our region was ever populated by these dwarfs, but the fact that their present distribution is somewhat that of the Indonesians raises an additional culture problem. In any case, we can see from these texts that South China, before the Chinese colonisation, was an agglomeration of peoples whose race and movements are too obscure for us to connect them with any certainty with the existing population, \n\nIV. THE COLONIZATION OF SOUTH CHINA \n\nIt is important to distinguish between the Chinese conquest of South China and its colonisation by peasants. The conquest of our region for instance occurred in 220 B.C.; it then became a remote part of the Chinese Empire. Its colonisation by Chinese peasants did not occur until over 1,000 years later and is in fact a comparatively recent development. \n\nThe armies sent to subjugate the aborigines by the first Emperor of Ts'in in 220 B.C. started from Chang Sha in modern Hunan province and crossed the mountains by five passes descending on our region somewhere to the east of Bias Bay and to the west upon the delta somewhere in the neighbourhood of San Wui. The object of the expedition was to open trade routes for the precious objects which came from the south — pearls, coral, ivory, etc. The region was incorporated into the military governorship of Nan Hai or the \"Southern Seaboard\", and to it were sent political prisoners who died in large numbers of fever. \n\nBesides holding the Canton estuary the Chinese armies moved west to another important centre of trade, the Tonkin delta. Here they established themselves in a place they called Chiao Chih which is now Hanoi. When the short-lived Ts'in dynasty came to an end, a Chinese general who had participated in the campaign of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206076, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 156, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH\n\n151\n\nTonkin delta set up an independent kingdom comprising both the Tonkin and Canton estuaries. His capital was Pun Yü, the modern Canton, and was the first walled city to be built in Nan Hai. The connection between North China was kept up and tribute was sent regularly to the Northern capital.\n\nBy this means the routes between Kwangtung and the Yangtze were developed. An important step was the opening of a canal which made a complete water route between the Yangtze via the Tung Ting Lake to the west river at the modern Wu Chow and thence to Canton. The canal exists to this day. When the kingdom of Nan Hai was finally subdued by the Hans in 111 B.C. a Chinese river fleet descended by this route onto Pun Yü and sacked it. After this victory the Han emperors extended their direct rule over the whole of the coast line from Canton to the Tonkin delta and farther south to places in modern Annam.\n\nMin Yüeh, that is the eastern part of Kwangtung, the whole of Fukien and a part of Chekiang, continued to be governed more or less independently. There was no extensive colonization by the Hans probably because their effort was directed towards the west and their ambition to link up through India their vast empire in the North West with the conquests they had made in the South. Not being a maritime people and possessing only a river fleet they were not interested in maritime routes, and the only effort they made on the sea was the conquest of Hainan Island.\n\nFor this reason the earliest settlement of the Chinese spread west, not east, from Pun Yü, across Kwangtung and Kwangsi provinces. We can trace it in the walled cities built at that time. There were a group of them round the present site of Canton which have now been abandoned. Wu Chow or Ts'ang Wu was the point of contact on the west river, between it and Chiao Chih or Hanoi was the modern Nanning or Wu Lin. There were other towns built on the littoral such as Lim Chow and Ko Chow.\n\nThe Chinese inhabiting these cities were soldiers, political exiles and traders. There cannot have been much agricultural settlement. In the fortified centres the Han conquerors taught the natives some of their arts, the use of metals, as we have seen, was among them, and in exchange took all the produce and sent it to North China.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206077, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 157, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "152\n\nS. F. BALFOUR\n\nTheir presence in Tongkin and Annam attracted traders from the South Seas and from India. The later Han history mentions that in A.D. 132 the towns of Jih Nan farthest south in Annam, Chiu Chên and Chiao Chih were focal points of navigators. \"Cattigara\" was mentioned by Ptolemy about this time as the port of the Chinese; it has been identified with Chiao Chih or Hanoi. Traders came to it from India and from Yeh T'iao or Java. During the 3rd or 4th century these foreign traders penetrated as far as Canton.\n\nBut the Chinese did not do more than encourage the foreign traders to come. What coastal trade existed must have been carried on by the aborigines, who were practically unaffected by the Chinese conquest. These aborigines, particularly in the seas between Annam and Canton, turned themselves into pirates and harassed the early western traders to an enormous extent.\n\nAn independent centre of trade remained in Min Yüeh which was practically untouched by the Chinese until the T'ang dynasty. This centre must have been in touch with the civilised region of Wu, at the Yangtze mouth, and no doubt had contacts further with Japan. Little is known about it, but its importance must have been very great and it was lasting. Even in the Middle Ages Marco Polo referred to South China as Manzi or the Land of the Man-Tzů. In one or two ways the modern Fukienese show traces of contact with Japanese culture in their use of wooden utensils for instance. It is quite likely that the porcelain, especially the glazed type, found in our region was imported from the North East.\n\nWhen the Han dynasty broke up in A.D. 220 the empire they had founded from Canton to Indo-China was disrupted. The garrisoned towns were emptied of troops during the civil wars of the Three Kingdoms period, and right up to the T'ang dynasty the Chinese never regained their imperial hold over the South coast. The region was therefore left to the semi-tutored aborigines and to the foreign traders. There is no evidence at all of any settlement of peasants. The Cantonese language is not an archaic form of Chinese, and some of the eldest sub-dialects, for instance that of T'oi Shan district, do not point to a pre-Tang population. We must therefore recognise a break between the Han and Tang dynasties when the aborigines continued their tribal life and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206078, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 158, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH \n\n153\n\nmigrations, keeping only a semi-Chinese culture in the walled cities such as Pun Yü.\n\nEven in the Tang dynasty from the seventh to the tenth centuries it is not possible to trace any record of migration of peasants from the North. The earliest families must have died out or have been cut off so completely that they forgot their kinsmen. The settlement of peasants was accompanied by much fighting with the aborigines. At that time elephants and crocodiles existed in South China. The vegetation was tropical and the work of deforestation for agriculture was tremendous.\n\nHowever, the task was begun by soldiers. At various points garrisons were established by the T'ang emperors to protect the coastal trade and to keep the natives in order. These garrisons were known as T'un (屯) or soldiers who were settled on the land. We shall be able to give an example of the importance of these garrisons in attracting the settlement of peasants when we describe the history of Tun Mun or Castle Peak.\n\nThe colonisation of Fukien by Chinese peasants occurred much more rapidly than that of Kwangtung. There is in fact no record of any conflict between the aborigines and there is reason to believe that the Chinese were even welcomed by the inhabitants, In fact Min Yüeh became during the T'ang dynasty a Chinese colony. The Chinese settlers must have intermarried with the inhabitants. The cause of this may well have been the migration south west into Kwangtung of the early fiercer tattooing and water-fighting aborigines due to the pressure of more civilised peoples. In any case the blending of the Northern Chinese and Min Yüeh cultures had the effect of making the Chinese for the first time a maritime nation. During the Tang dynasty the Chinese began to build boats and to open a new centre of trade, Ch'üan Chow, which began to compete with the older centres of Canton and Chiao Chih.\n\nBut to return to Nan Yüeh. During the T'ang dynasty until almost the 10th century the pure Chinese population of this region must have been comparatively small. It consisted of garrisons, officials appointed to collect dues from the foreign traders, traders and exiles. In addition, there must have been a large semi-Chinese\n\n10 Li Chi-Formation of the Chinese People.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206079, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 159, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "154\n\nS. F. BALFOUR\n\npopulation who took on Chinese surnames and customs. The town of Canton itself, although parts were surrounded by walls, continued to be inhabited by a large matshed population. It was full of Arabs, Indians and Persians who were allowed to have their own administration and laws and to settle in the place without hindrance. Here is a quotation from the famous Arab book known as the Chain of Chronicles which is an account of the trade with China in the ninth century compiled by the Zaid Hassan of Siraf in Arabia. The merchant Soleyman states:\n\n\"The reason why Chinese merchandise in Baghdad is at present rare is because fires are so common in Khanfu (Canton). This town is the principal port for ships and is the entrepôt for all trade between Arabia and China. The fires which consume the merchandise break out because the houses are built of bamboo and reed. Another cause of the paucity of merchandise (in Baghdad) is the large number of shipwrecks and the fact that the ships are so often raided by pirates or are forced to remain in port for long periods during their journeys.\"\n\nAnother merchant states in the same book: \"In 878 the rebel Ban Shua (Huang Chao) besieged Khanfu (Canton). After many days the town was taken. On this occasion 120,000 Mussulmans, Jews and Christians who were established in the city perished by the sword.\"\n\nSince this event preceded a decline in the trade with the west from Canton it is as well to try and form a picture of it up to this period.\n\nThe boats used were larger than any of the native craft that are now seen on the Chinese coast. As early as 413 Fa Hsien the Buddhist pilgrim returned from Java on a boat which carried over 200 people. It drifted, he says, at the mercy of the wind without taking any particular course and \"only by observing the sun, moon and stars was it possible to go forward.\" Fa Hsien's ship was set for Canton but was blown out of its course as far as Shantung where they landed without knowing in the least where they were. In spite of the difficulty of steering without a compass the trade route was very much helped, as it has always been, by the monsoons which blow from the north in winter and from the south in summer. There is some evidence that tacking was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206080, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH\n\n155\n\nnot a general practice, it was probably due to the easiness of running before the wind that the ships could become such large hulks. Unfortunately, we do not know who built them.\n\nBy the eighth century, the boats had become huge. \"Ladders several tens of feet high had to be used to get on board.\" The trade was organised. Foreign captains had to be registered with the Office of Trading Ships, which inspected manifests and collected export and import duties. These captains had legal powers to deal with offending passengers when at sea.\n\nIn 758, the Mohammedans had so much the upper hand in Canton that they yielded to the temptation of sacking and burning the city and making to sea with the loot. However, trade continued to flourish, the principal imports being, according to Soleyman, ivory, frankincense, ingots of copper, turtle shells, and rhinoceros horns (with which the Chinese used to make girdles), and the principal exports: silk and porcelain.\n\nThe foreign ships also carried as passengers Chinese Buddhists visiting the holy places in Java and India. In the biographies of sixty pilgrims composed by I Ching,12 37 of them took the sea route to India. Some of these went from the Tonkin delta region, but the majority started from Canton or returned thither. The compass was still unknown in those days, and the first mention of its use for navigation in Chinese literature occurs at the beginning of the 12th century.\n\nV. T'UN MUN\n\nIn the preceding sections, a picture has been given of the elements which made up the population of South China up to the end of the T'ang dynasty. We now come to our region — the peninsula South East of the Canton delta, and we must do our best to piece together such fragments of historical knowledge that we can find into a sequence which will indicate how its population developed and thrived.\n\nThe first historical reference to any place in the region occurs in a list of itineraries from China to the Persian Gulf collected\n\n11 Tang Kuo Shih Pu, by Li Chan.\n\n12 義淨,大唐西行求法高僧傳", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206081, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 161, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "156\n\nS. F. BALFOUR\n\nbetween A.D. 785 and 805 by a Chinese called Chia Tan and which are published in the T'ang official history. The text concerning our region reads:\n\n\"From Canton travelling towards the South East for 200 li you reach Mount T'un Mun.\n\nThe name T'un Mun or garrisoned entrance is still given to the Castle Peak region. The landmark is in fact Castle peak itself. It must have been known centuries before the publication of the text we have cited and the foreign ships coming to and from Canton must have anchored in its neighbourhood in such numbers that a Chinese garrison was sent to control and protect them. This garrison was appointed during the Tang dynasty.\n\nThere is some difficulty in placing the locality of the anchorage. It may have been Castle Peak Bay itself, or any of the harbours between it and Fat T'ong Mun. The Arab Chain of Chronicles gives the following description of the route to Canton:\n\n\"Seven days are needed to pass through the Straits between the mountains. Then you reach fresh water and proceed to Khanfu.\n\n**\n\nThere may, of course, have been confusion in these accounts, and the area of approach to Canton also called by the Arabs \"the Gates of China\" may have been elsewhere than our region. On the other hand this description fits in with the nature of the passage from Fat T'ong Mun to T'un Mun in all respects except that it takes less than seven days to pass through. Perhaps, however, these seven days were meant to include the administrative delays which ships entering Canton were bound to encounter.\n\nThere is no local tradition or archaeological evidence of the passage of foreign traders past T'un Mun, or of the site of the garrison. One theory is that it was near Castle Peak Bay and at that period there was a channel connecting with Deep Bay which made the Castle Peak range itself an island. Amongst other things the garrison was in charge of the salt fields in the district, and it seems quite likely that at that time the salt fields covered this channel.\n\nThe mountain itself is supposed to have been visited by a Buddhist saint in 428 A.D., who journeyed across the sea in a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206082, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 162, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH\n\n157\n\nbegging bowl. However, since the first reference to Buddhist worship on the mountain occurs in 954, when an officer of the garrison called Ch'an carved a figure of Buddha which he put in a cave, we can assume that its Buddhist connotations were created by the Chinese soldiers. Before being a Buddhist hill it was made famous as a sacred spot by the visit of Han Yü, the famous Confucian scholar and one of the greatest names in Chinese literature.\n\nHan Yü was brought up in North China in the same region as Confucius, for whom he had the greatest veneration. He was a particularly intransigent type of philosopher who disliked all signs of mysticism. In 820 he attacked the Emperor for installing a relic of Buddha in the palace. \"I am not so naif as to think Your Majesty is deceived by Buddhism,\" he wrote. \"This ceremony is no more than a pageant got up to please the people, and how could your august wisdom deem it anything else?\" For these scathing remarks he was sent into exile to Chao Chou, which was then one of the most remote outposts of the T'ang Empire. On his way, whether coming or going, he passed by this region, and according to the Topography, \"ascended the mountain of T'un Mun and looked over the vast unfathomable ocean and the forests and waters and felt that it was indeed a sacred spot.” This local tradition is confirmed by a passage from one of his poems which describes a storm at sea with the lines:\n\n\"Tun Mun is a high mountain they say,\n\nBut even the waves swallow it up.\"\n\nHan Yü held an official post at Chao Chou. Although the place is outside our region it is worth while illustrating the conditions then prevailing in South China by quoting from his famous ‘Address to the Crocodiles.\" Han Yü was asked by the aborigines to drive away crocodiles by throwing charms into a river. His address to the crocodiles was thrown into the river by the chief of the garrison. Part of it reads as follows:\n\n\"If the crocodiles have any intelligence they should listen to the words of the prefect of Chao Chou. The great ocean spreads in the South. There live huge whales and monster birds, tiny shrimps and little crabs: all creatures find space and nourishment therein. If the crocodiles start in the morning they will reach the sea by nightfall. I conjure them, if they", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206083, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "158 \n\nS. F. BALFOUR \n\nwant to avoid the mandatory officer of the Emperor, to betake their horrid presence to the South within three days. If they do not do so in three days, I shall wait five days. If they do not do so in five days I shall wait a week. If they do not do so in a week it will mean that they definitely refuse to go, and therefore that they do not recognise the prefect nor obey his words. In other words, they are so stupid and bestial that although their prefect speaks to them they neither listen nor understand. Now those who disregard the words of the mandatory officer of the Son of Heaven and who refuse to go away, and those who are too stupid to listen and harm the people deserve to be put to death. Therefore I, the prefect, shall select good archers among the soldiers and people who will use their bows and poisoned arrows to shoot the crocodiles until they are all dead. And let them not complain then, for it will be too late.” \n\nA year after, Han Yü was pardoned and allowed to return to North China. His passage in these parts was remembered by the first educated Chinese immigrants and Mount T'un Mun was provided with an inscription (§4§—)13 signed with his name which still stands on a rock at the summit in commemoration of his visit. \n\nDuring the period between the T'ang and Sung dynasties our region was governed from Canton by local kings who styled themselves emperors of the Southern Han dynasty. During this period one or two facts about this region are recorded. One is that in 969 Mount T'un Mun was named as a sacred mountain. The ceremony may have been conducted by the Emperor himself performing the sacrifice. From then onwards Mount T'un Mun was called Shing Shan or \"sacred hill.\" Its modern name of Ts'ing Shan or Green Hill dates from much later. Its Buddhist name is Pu Tu Shan. \n\nFrom another source we learn for the first time that pearl fishing was carried on in this region during the Southern Han dynasty. The text is a petition from a local Chinese of the Yüan dynasty to the Government saying that pearl fishing and the enslavement of the fishers was reviving in the Taipo Sea where it had not been practised since the Southern Han dynasty, and that a repetition of \n\n13 It was written by the ancestor of the Tang clan. See the next section.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206085, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 165, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "S. F. BALFOUR\n\nto be found. In the pearl sea the local Tan and Man14 live near the oyster beds but they are more wretched and starved than the poorest people and are not allowed to get pearls for themselves.\n\nIt is not possible to locate the parts of the Taipo Sea where this fishing was done. No doubt the appellation Taipo Sea was used, just as T'un Mun, to denote a large indefinite area possibly including most of Mirs Bay. There are, nowadays, oysters on the Canton estuary side only, and these do not give pearls. This text, which can be found in the Topography, gives a picture of the conditions existing when the population of our region was composed mainly of soldiers and aborigines.\n\nNo doubt cultivation was practised in the neighbourhood of these garrisons by the soldiers themselves or by a few families of Chinese peasants, but rice cultivation on a large scale, such as exists now on all the plains, cannot have existed a thousand years ago. Much of the country must have been jungle. The presence of elephants is shewn by an inscription dated A.D. 962 at a Buddhist temple not far from the present frontier. The inscription describes the erection of a pagoda on a site where elephant bones were collected and buried in order to pacify herds of elephants which were doing great damage in the neighbourhood. A description15 of the event runs as follows:\n\nIn Ts'ư Fu Shih, a Buddhist temple in Tung Kun district, a stone pagoda was built in the 5th year of the reign of Ta Pao of the Southern Han dynasty with the intention of pacifying the elephants which at that time were doing much damage to the crops. Elephant bones were collected in a heap, and the pagoda raised over them so as to keep the elephants in control.\n\nWe have already seen that crocodiles were common in South China during the T'ang dynasty, but the presence of elephants as late as the tenth century is a remarkable testimony of the change that the region underwent during less than a thousand years. It seems likely that the nature of the region changed after a process of deforestation.\n\n14 i.e. Tanka and Hoklo.\n\n15 BRÂES, Volume I, page 12.\n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206089, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 169, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "164\n\nS. F. BALFOUR\n\nbecame too old to live in and were abandoned by the richer members of the family, who built new ones elsewhere. This alone shows how prolific the Tang family were, but it is not the only sign of their overwhelming influence in our region. In almost every fertile valley including Lantau and Hong Kong islands, there has at one time or another been a settlement of Tang peasants and the inference that I have drawn is that they undertook the deforestation of these regions.\n\nThere appears to be only one other landholding family with a record that goes back to Sung times. This is the clan of Hou17 who live near to Lung Yeuk Tau in several walled villages. Their family record shows that they came from Pun Yu or Canton in the year 1026 but gives no notice of their migration to Canton from the north. They have always been a humble family in comparison to the Tangs, although intermarriage between them has been very frequent, and their family book contains no references to any connection with government. What is striking about the early history of the Tang family is the kind of feudal power which they exercised. No doubt at the same time in other parts of South China influential families were occupying land and spreading branches in all directions. It requires a study of their family books to make a complete picture of the influx of peasant population into South China.\n\nVII. THE SUNG EMPERORS\n\nThe story of the journey of the last Sung Emperors through this region must be recounted not only for its sentimental value, but also because it really marks an epoch in the history of the population. It was owing to the pressure of the Mongols from the north that the Tang family migrated, but when the same pressure spread south right to the coast, the migration into sparsely inhabited places became even more frequent, and it is also very likely that the large armies of Sung when they were dispersed settled down as agriculturalists.\n\nThe journey of the last two kings of Sung began when the Emperor Kung Ti was taken prisoner with his court at Hangchow. The two boys who were known as Yi Wong and Wei Wong were\n\n17.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206090, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 170, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH\n\n165\n\nsaved by their uncle, a man called Yang Liang-chieh, and made their way with their mother to Foochow which they reached at the beginning of 1276. Their position was by no means hopeless. Most of Southern China was still loyal to them and they had hopes of reaching Canton before the Mongol armies and forming a line of resistance along the whole coast. With them was a famous statesman and writer Wen T'ien-chiang whose influence was very great. They had a considerable army; according to some accounts, it consisted of 170,000 regulars and was increased by 300,000 volunteers, and their court and retinue included a chief minister, Ch'en I-chung, and the general Chang Shih-chieh who recognized the eldest son as Emperor and were prepared to fight for him.\n\nAt Foochow they left behind a force under Wen T'ien-chiang and went first by sea to Chuan Chow, the port which had been a centre of foreign trade during the Sung dynasty. But here they found the local authorities hostile to them and carried on to Chao Chow. There a Mongol force appeared and tried to cut them off but they escaped in their boats and reached K'ap Tze Mun where they landed and marched inland with the idea of getting to Canton, but again they found the local authorities lukewarm and not to be trusted. They took ship and reached a place called Mui Wai in Kwangtung province.\n\nMui Wai or Lam Wai, as it is sometimes called, was undoubtedly in our region. The Topography says that the ruins of the travelling court were still to be seen there. But it has been impossible to identify it. On a map contained in the Topography it is set in the sea just opposite the Kowloon peninsula and from descriptions in texts it appears to be very near Kowloon.* It was densely wooded at that time. From what evidence there is one might suppose it was a part of Hong Kong island, or else one of the peaks to the north of Fat Tong Mun which was mistaken for an island or possibly in the neighbourhood of Mui Wo on Lantau, since the two names are euphonious. Wherever it was, the Emperors and their court appear to have settled there for one or two months, crossing several times by boat to a place on the mainland where they settled in the fourth moon of the year 1277.\n\n18 梅蔚 or 监蔚\n\n* See plate 19.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206092, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 172, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH\n\n167\n\nof Lantau as being the place where many loyal servants of Sung are buried.\n\nThe same scholar who identified the marquis Yang also states that the elder of the two kings died on Lantau. But this cannot be correct.22 The place of his death is Kong Chow and there is no reason to identify it, as he had done, with Tai Yü Shan or Lantau. After the defeat at Ts'ün Wan the movements of the fugitive court are not very clear and there are contradictions in the various accounts, but it seems that they fled as far as they could westwards from the battlefield. During their journey they met with a storm as a result of which the eldest Emperor, who was afterwards given the title of Tuan Tsung, fell sick. The texts on the subject often state that the storm they encountered was a typhoon, but commentators have been careful to point out that typhoons do not occur in winter and that it happened in the 12th moon. However, this is most unimportant.\n\nThe Mongol armies were bent on catching the Emperors since their death was to mean the end of all resistance in South China. The chief minister, Ch'en I-chung, who had accompanied the court so far, deserted them and fled to Annam, and many other desertions must have occurred at this time. Their army, which is said to have numbered 200,000, was concentrated mostly in boats and commanded by Chang Shih-chieh, somewhere west of the Canton estuary. A Mongol fleet equipped at Canton was searching for them in the estuary. Tuan Tsung died in the 4th moon of the year 1278. He was then eleven years old. His brother was declared Emperor by the chief minister Lu Hsiu-fu. He was eight years old.\n\nThe last Emperor Wei Wong or Ti Ping, to give him his posthumous title, still had a slender chance of regaining his kingdom if Wen Tien-chiang, the minister who was organising resistance on the Kiangsi-Fukienese border, had been able to gain a battle. In the 3rd moon, Wen Tien-chiang had advanced as far as Kan-chow and there was a chance of his being able to attack Canton and relieve the pressure on the Emperor's army. The new\n\n21 廣東新語\n\n22 Professor Hsu Ti-shan has, however, just published an article in which he reaffirms this theory. (See X).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206094, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 174, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH\n\n169\n\nwhich had belonged to the last Emperor and in it the seal of the dynasty which was brought back as a token of the complete extinction of Sung. At Ch'ek Wan on the peninsula called Nam Shan just north-cast of our region there is a tomb which purports to be that of Ti Ping. It bears the inscription \"Grave of the Little Emperor Hsing Hsing24 of Sung\" and it is tended by a family named Chiu which was the surname of the Sung emperors. There are graves of both Tuan Tsung and Ti Ping in other places along the coast of Kwangtung province and it is not certain that this one is genuine. Most likely it was a \"garment grave\" containing some relic of the Emperor and made to deceive his enemies as to his real burial place.\n\nMany Chinese families in the district claim to be descended either from royal blood or from ministers and soldiers of Sung. These claims may be unsubstantiated individually but the fact that they are made in the mass points to a tradition that much of the Sung army settled in South China after their defeat. It may be asked whether the Tang family helped the Emperors whose kins-men they were. Tang Shou Tsu who lived about this time was a minor officer in the Yuan armies and probably fought against Sung. The Tang family nevertheless lost its paramount influence in Tung Kun district after these events, and this may be the reason why members of the elder branch settled more permanently at Kam Tin and in other parts of the region.\n\nVIII. T'UN MUN AND THE PORTUGUESE\n\nMention has been made in a previous section of the prevalence of pirates in the South China Seas in early times. The earliest record of any piratical action within the region is as early as the 10th century when a pirate named Wu Ling Kuang attacked T'un Mun but was defeated. A later event was a revolt of the population of Lantau Island in 1278 when the Yuan government attempted to enforce a monopoly of the salt production and arrested the private salt makers. It is recorded that soldiers tried to land on the island but were prevented by means of wooden stakes placed along the coast, and that the Tanka inhabitants then sailed up the estuary and attacked Canton. The civil population fled, but the sailors defending Canton, by using incendiary arrows\n\n24 The reign title of Ti Ping.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206095, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "170 \n\nS. F. BALFOUR \n\nor jumping with great agility from one mast to another cutting down rigging and sails, managed to defeat the rebels.25 This must have happened just after the turmoil of civil war under the last Sung Emperor. During the Ming dynasty (1368 to 1644) the problem of local disturbance was still present. The Tanka were always predatory and for the first time an attempt was made to control their anchorages. Tai O and the islands stretching southwest into the sea continued to be a centre of piracy. The famous pirate Man, who gave his name to Lo Man Shan island group known to the Portuguese as the Ladrones, arose in Tai O during the Ming dynasty.\n\nThis local problem was resolved by placing garrisons along the coast. In the very first year of the Ming dynasty, as soon as Kwangtung was pacified, they began to be organised. In our region forts were built at Tai O and Fat T'ong Mun, and the foundation of Kowloon City as a small administrative centre also dates from the beginning of the Ming dynasty. It was then called Kun Fu Cheung and had little population and no fortifications; its main use was as one of the stations used to enforce the salt monopoly. More important was the military garrison at Po On which had been for generations the site of the Tung Kun commandery, under which the garrison at T'un Mun had controlled the entrance and exit of ships to the Canton estuary.*\n\nIn 1386 instructions were given to the garrisons of Kwangtung as follows: \"Walls and forts are to be built, waste land must be reclaimed, and cultivated land must be protected from the inroads of the Dwarf Robbers (Wo K'ou).\"26 This was the name given to the Japanese and Formosan pirates who were active along the entire South China coasts, making forays inland for plunder, during the entire Ming dynasty, and who made an additional problem of coast defence.\n\nForeign traders continued to live in Canton, the city still had its Mohammedan quarter and T'un Mun in our region remained an important anchorage and a place from which foreigners conducted their trading negotiations. These foreigners had been Indians, Persians, and Arabs until the beginning of the 16th century when\n\n25 讀史方語\n\n26 倭寇\n\n* See plate 20 for the local forts. Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206096, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 176, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH\n\n171\n\nthe Portuguese suddenly arrived and increased in an unexpected way the problem of the Chinese authorities in coping with local disorders and foreign traders.\n\nThe first mention of their arrival is in Portuguese in the history of the Navigators by Barros, a contemporary, who states that in 1514 Jorge Alvares reached a place called Tamao in China and put up a monument to commemorate his discovery on which he engraved the arms of Portugal. His son, who had died on the voyage, was buried in the same place at the foot of the mountain. Tamao is undoubtedly T'un Mun but some difficulty in placing the exact locality is found owing to the frequent references by Portuguese historians to an island. For instance, one contemporary states: \"The island is three leagues from the coast and the Chinese call it Tamao while we call it the Ilha de Veniaga (Island of Trade, the last word being Portuguese pidgin from Malacca). From this place none may proceed to any of the places near the coast without the permission of the Council at Canton, which is a city 18 leagues away. Even when going there the ships do not enter but stay at the outskirts and there carry on trade.\" The Portuguese received a good welcome and were impressed with the extraordinary riches of China and with the possibilities of trade. Other voyages were made and the results reported to Alburquerque who was then at Malacca. Three years later an expedition commanded by Fernando d'Andrade arrived at T'un Mun with instructions to go to Canton and open negotiations for a trading treaty with China. Fernando d'Andrade very nearly succeeded in his work. He did not return the shots which were fired at his ships by a Chinese fleet, but succeeded in obtaining the permission of the official at Nam T'au they called Pio (whose full title was \"Pei Wo Tu Chih Hui” or local officer for defence against Japanese pirates) to sail as far as Canton and after a whole year of investigation and exploration his expedition returned safely to Malacca where they made a report. The next year, 1519, Simon Andrade, brother of Fernando, was sent to carry on the negotiations but as soon as he arrived at T'un Mun he began to terrorise the whole neighbourhood.\n\nIn justice to the Portuguese it must be remembered that they were continually being attacked by the Tanka and other pirates.\n\n27 Castanheda quoted in Tien Hsia, May 1939, by J. M. Braga.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206097, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 177, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "172 \n\nS. F. BALFOUR \n\nDuarte Coelho, a captain who arrived at T'un Mun a little before Fernando d'Andrade, had had to fight no less than 35 engagements with local pirates, and his fleet was almost decimated by pirates while he was away in Canton. Besides pirates, they had to put up with a local boycott. The inhabitants had refused to help when their ships had been wrecked in a typhoon and gave them no provisions. It was natural that Simon Andrade decided to solve these problems by building a fort with forced labour and by making raids on the pirates' bases. The Chinese themselves recognised this, for one of the arguments that was put before the government for continuing trade negotiations was that the Portuguese were suppressing piracy at Lo Man Shan and other places. \n\nThe Chinese officials might in fact have tolerated the outrages committed by Simon Andrade if he and his companions had not designed to annex territory at T'un Mun and organise a trading colony under the Portuguese flag. The inscription with the arms of Portugal had been one of the signs of this intention; the fort Andrade built was another. The Chinese government, which had heretofore encouraged colonies of foreign traders, now felt that their liberality was being exploited. A Chinese text explains the situation as follows: \"Some time near the end of Ching Tê's reign (1506 to 1522) a people not recognised as tributary to China known as the Feringhis (1) together with a crowd of riff-raff filtered into the harbours between T'un Mun and Kwai Ch'ung and set up barracks and a fort, mounted many cannon to make war, captured islands, killed people, robbed ships and terrorised the population by their fierce dominion over the coast. Their ambition being to annex territory they made a survey and set up boundary stones and tried to administer the various other foreign traders within this area.\"28 \n\nIn this text Kwai Ch'ung must refer to a village of that name south-east of Tsün Wan and opposite Tsing I Island. The harbour between the mainland and Tsing I Island is one of the most sheltered in the whole region and must, I think, have been one of the main anchorages of the foreign ships. The place referred to as T'un Mun O is Castle Peak Bay itself and this was undoubtedly the place where the subsequent battle between the Portuguese and \n\n28 Chang T'ien-tse connects these boundary stones with the tablet bearing the Portuguese arms mentioned by Barros.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206099, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 179, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "174 \n\nS. F. BALFOUR \n\nand his friend Duarte Coelho. Alvares died at the beginning of the siege and was buried near the grave of his son. The siege lasted from July to September 1521 and before the final assault Duarte Coelho with three ships managed to evade the Chinese fleet in a thunderstorm and slip away. All the others perished. \n\nIn 1522 another expedition set sail from Malacca. They were met outside T'un Mun by a large Chinese fleet and although they did not at first return the fire and tried to open negotiations they were chased to the western side of the Canton estuary near San Wui district where another battle took place in which they were all killed or captured. The Portuguese historian places the site of this second battle at T'un Mun also, but since few survived it is more probable that the site at San Wui which is mentioned in the Ming history is the authentic one. The Chinese had by that time under the energetic leadership of Wang Hung learnt to make cannon after the Portuguese model and were not any more at a disadvantage in this respect. But after the last Portuguese defeat the region of T'un Mun was left alone. A Chinese fleet patrolled the estuary and the islands continually from 1523 to 1524 but the foreigners did not reappear for many years. \n\nWhen the Portuguese established themselves at Macao they still recognised in T'un Mun a better trading centre, and although they were not allowed to colonise it, they were interested in preventing any other foreigners from doing so. The Spaniards who arrived at the end of the 16th century created a temporary trading station at a place they called Pinal, twelve leagues from Canton, but it is not certain where this is. The Dutch arrived in China in 1607 and tried in vain to open negotiations with the Chinese government but they were chased away from the island of Lantao by a Portuguese fleet. Later they attacked the fort at Fa T'ong Mun but were defeated by the Chinese. The history of T'un Mun can be carried right into modern times, for a port in its neighbourhood was the aim of the English in the 18th century when Anson was sent to take soundings on the north side of Lantau and Hong Kong island. \n\nIX. THE EVACUATION OF THE COAST AND THE HAKKA IMMIGRATION \n\nThe advent of foreigners naturally made the China seas more turbulent than ever before and the history of our region during", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206100, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 180, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH \n\n175 \n\nthe Tsing dynasty (from the 17th century until modern times) continued to be bound up with coast defence. \n\nThe Tanka were still a source of disorder during the whole of this period. Their chief centres appear to have been Tai O and Tung Ch'ung on Lantao Island. One of the differences between this period and earlier ones is that in their attacks on shipping in the Canton estuary they were helped by the Hoklo boatmen whose migration to centres in the west such as Heung Shan and Hainan Island had been under way for some centuries. \n\nThe disorders, however, should not be exaggerated just because they figure large in the official history. The Tanka and Hoklo were for the most part fishermen and those who took to piracy were probably forced to do so from distress. The peasants and traders on shore were without doubt a peaceable population as they are now, whose greatest desire was to avoid trouble and to carry on their industrious occupations. \n\nBut from the very beginning of the dynasty the coastal population was looked upon by the government with extreme suspicion. They were accused of being in sympathy with the cause of the Ming dynasty which was still being kept alive in certain centres along the coast. The Manchu government was never able to muster a good enough fleet to defeat the Ming remnants. Just as at the end of the Sung dynasty the coastal shipping had been the last refuge of the defeated dynasty, the last hope of the Ming dynasty was centred in a fleet which they based at Formosa where they were entirely independent. It occurred to the Manchus that the only way to avert the danger was to move the entire population of the China coast inland and to fortify the coast more completely. This colossal undertaking was put into practice without much organisation and without a thought of the suffering it entailed. The official reason given was the danger of pirates and the necessity of protecting the population against them, but a courageous official called Wang Lai-jên pointed out in a petition that the evacuation only increased piracy: \n\n\"I have been two years in my post\", he wrote, \"and have never heard of any piracy. It has arisen only since the evacuation. If the people are allowed to return the so-called pirates will sell their swords and buy cows.\" He added “It \n\nPage 180\n\nPage 181", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206105, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nTHE J.O.P. BLAND PAPERS\n\nIntroduction\n\nOne day in September 1967, I received, quite out of the blue, a letter from my former commanding officer during the Second World War, Michael St. J. Packe, to say that he had been entrusted with J.O.P. Bland's private papers, with instructions \"to find a good home for them,\" and asking me whether I would like to have them. Before going further, let me explain that Mr. Packe is himself a historian and wrote an excellent biography of J. S. Mill.* We have kept in touch intermittently since we were demobilized from the First Airborne Division (British) at the end of the war, and I have been to visit him at his home on Alderney. This is the really fantastic part of this chain of coincidences. Here was Mr. Packe, living and writing on the little island of Alderney in the Channel Islands while a near neighbour of his was Mrs. Dolores Coombs, an old friend of the Bland family, who had often visited them at their home at Aldburgh in Suffolk. Bland himself died in 1945 and Mrs. Bland in 1953. His private papers were entrusted to his goddaughter, Miss Ailsa Cochrane, who was to act as his literary executor and to try, if possible, to complete the memoirs which he had begun before his death, and to have them published. Before she could achieve much Miss Cochrane became ill and in 1955 her brother sent these papers to Mrs. Coombs who, in turn, was to act as literary executor. Meanwhile Bland's books on China had been given to Trinity College, Dublin. However, a list of these books, preserved among his papers, shows that they amounted to a modest collection without containing anything rare.\n\nSometime in 1966 Mrs. Coombs was forced by illness to leave Alderney, and it was at this point that she entrusted her friend and neighbour, Michael Packe, with the task of finding a home for these papers. Thus for a period of over twenty years Bland's private papers disappeared from view while two successive literary executors struggled with the task of trying to complete and publish his memoirs. Bland himself, to judge from his instructions to his\n\n* The Life of John Stuart Mill (London: 1954).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206106, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 186, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n181\n\nexecutors, clearly thought that his papers were likely to be of interest to others. These papers have recently been donated to the University of Toronto by Mrs. Coombs. The following brief summary will give readers of this note some idea of their scope, though it does not show the range of Bland's correspondence with prominent politicians, diplomats, civil servants, artists, actors, scholars, social scientists and public figures in general on subjects not specifically connected with Chinese affairs.\n\nBrief Summary of Contents\n\n1. Diaries. Those for October 1883 - March 1885 and 1906 - 1910 were kept while he was in China. Bland left China in 1910.\n\n2. Typescript of chapters incorporated into his various books. These include material later discarded, as well as translations from Chinese, handwritten by Backhouse, of material used in their two books. Unfortunately, these translations do not appear to contain any references to the Chinese sources from which they were made. Also included in this section is the original version of Backhouse's translation of Ching-shan's so-called 'Diary', together with correspondence from 1920 until 1945 with various authorities concerning its authenticity. Victor Purcell, in The Boxer Uprising, 1963, devoted an interesting appendix to Ching-shan's 'Diary', stating that Backhouse's papers were burned in Peking during the Japanese occupation, and adding: “I have not, so far, been able to trace the whereabouts of any private papers of J.O.P. Bland”.\n\n3. Manuscript notebooks, essays, etc. E.g., \"In a Peking compound and around it”.\n\n4. Thirteen scrapbooks of clippings and articles by and about Bland.\n\n5. Photographs of Peking, Shanghai, etc.\n\n6. Correspondence. This comprises the most important part of the collection.\n\nOne large group of letters concerns Bland's relations with the British and Chinese Corporation Ltd., and his case against it. Also in this section are letters concerning the Mackay Treaty, the Chinese Maritime Customs Service, and the British Legation in Peking.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206107, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 187, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "182\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nAnother major group of letters consists of correspondence 'out', arranged alphabetically and by date, for the period 1907 - 1935.\n\nA third group consists of correspondence ‘in', arranged in the same way, for the period 1907 - 1945, and includes letters from specialists on Chinese affairs such as Sir Robert Hart, Alfred Hippisley, C. S. Addis, Willard Straight, G. E. Morrison, (The Times correspondent), and Sir John Jordan, as well as letters from various scholars of Chinese history and culture such as H. B. Morse, Henri Cordier, Percival Yetts, Edmund Backhouse and Arthur Waley. This group also contains letters from a variety of literary and political figures, important in their own time, but not specifically connected with China.\n\n7. Nine volumes of pamphlets on China, formerly belonging to Dr. George Jamieson, mainly dating from the period 1836-1898. (A list of titles is available in the Rare Book Department of the University of Toronto Library).\n\n8. Twelve chapters in draft of an autobiography which Bland had started to write before his death. These appear, from a brief perusal, to be somewhat disappointing, mainly social trivia, and were declined by his publishers, William Heinemann.\n\nThe Bland Papers are housed in the Rare Book Department of the University of Toronto Library. (Head of Department: Miss M. E. Brown).\n\nOne piquant twist of fate. When I was staying with Mr. and Mrs. Packe on Alderney in 1951 I apparently met Mrs. Coombs. At that time, however, she was not yet in possession of the Bland papers and I had not yet developed a special interest in modern Chinese history.\n\nUniversity of Toronto, 1969,\n\nPostscript\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG\n\nDoes anyone know of the whereabouts of the private papers of Sir Thomas Wade? I am working on his career as British minister in Peking from 1870 until 1882, but so far have failed to find any of his private, as opposed to his public, papers. Is anyone still sitting on them?", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206108, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n183\n\n24TH MAY, 1969\n\nVISIT TO OLD SHAU KEI WAN\n\nThe programme notes prepared for the visit are reproduced below.\n\nEd.\n\nThis visit is to an area soon to experience redevelopment. Within a few years, extensive reclamation and clearance of squatter structures will transform the district. Dirty and non-descript, nonetheless it has interesting relics and associations that are worthy of attention.\n\nShau Kei Wan, the name means \"Rice Basket Bay\", clearly so named because of its shape, is an old settlement probably dating back to centuries before the British occupation of Hong Kong Island in 1841. Its population was given as 1,200 persons in the first Hong Kong census of May, 1841. Then as now, the population were farmers, shopkeepers, and fishermen, scattered in various settlements round the shores of the bay, named by the British \"Aldrich Bay\" after a military engineer officer who served in Hong Kong in those first years.\n\nShau Kei Wan has for long been known locally as the 'Bay of Hungry Men'. Writing as long ago as 1858, the Rev. W. Lobscheid noted:\n\n\"This village is called by the natives Ngo-yan-wan (the harbour of the starving men). They relate that, about 150 years ago, a few junks were driven into this harbour by a hurricane. The weather continuing very rough for several days, and being in want of provisions, they went on shore in order to purchase some rice and other necessaries. But nothing could be obtained, and the unfortunate men had to leave almost in a starving condition. From that time, they called the place the harbour of the starving men', which appellation it bears up to this moment.\"\n\n[From A Few Notices on the Extent of Chinese Education and the Government Schools of Hong Kong, etc. Hong Kong, Printed at the \"China Mail\" Office, MDCCCLIX p. 38.]\n\nIn another version of the same story, given in a Chinese publication in 1947, the name is ascribed to the fact that Shau Kei Wan was a base for lawless pirates, the \"hungry people\". This account said that because of the geographical advantages", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206112, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 192, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n187 \n\nReturning to our starting point we go for tea to the Tsung Tsin School. Since the First World War under wholly Chinese management, this is the successor of the Basel Mission, a body of German Protestant missionaries who began work in China in 1847, and worked almost entirely among the Hakka population. The Basel Mission began their work at Shau Kei Wan early on, about 1860. A chapel was built there. It was clearly not a very large structure; in the 1872 Blue Book it is reported as being capable of seating 50 persons with a general attendance of 25; and the much larger building you can see today dates from 1933. There was also a Basel school which, according to official records, gave free education to 29 local boys in 1891. Today the Mission's school accommodates 1,500 children in morning and afternoon sessions. \n\nFinally, another word from Lobscheid about the Shau Kei Wan of his day. After observing that \"the inhabitants are, as in all places where the boat population preponderates, very superstitious\", he continues: \n\n\"During last summer [1856 or 1857] this village was severely visited by the cholera, which carried off many a victim. In such times the people take recourse to very foolish ceremonies, in order to expel the plague devils who appeared to be very busy in this 'harbour of the starving men.' When at last the epidemic ceased raging, they heard of the severe hurricane which had destroyed the shipping at Namoa. A weather prophet took advantage of the alarm, which this catastrophe created in the minds of the people, and boldly predicted a similar and more vehement visitation of Shau-ki-wan, which was to take place on a certain day between 9 and 11 a.m. I was unfortunate enough to visit Shau-ki-wan on that ominous day, and happened to arrive at the time when the storm, which was said should destroy all the residences and shipping, and kill all men and beasts, was tremblingly expected. Seeing the people looking rather strangely, and finding most of the doors shut, and the inhabitants dressed in better costume than they were accustomed, I inquired into the reason of this singular state. My assistant then told me, that the people were in great dread of a storm; that they had been worshipping the Queen of Heaven all the previous night, and that there were few who expected to survive the awful visitation of heaven.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206113, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 193, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "188\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nBut luckily for them and for me, the prophet's prediction proved to be an invention of his own, and nobody was injured but his own reputation.\n\nHong Kong, May 1969.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nHEMP\n\nA few years ago, I wrote about itinerant Hakka craftsmen who came regularly to some of the New Territories villages to weave locally grown hemp-flax into cloth for making clothes (see the 1968 Journal, pp. 162-165). In the course of reading and making further enquiries, more information has become available that may interest readers of my earlier note on this now relatively obscure subject.\n\nA few words of background may serve to show that the disappearance of this crop and this craft from Hong Kong in comparatively recent times signals the end of a practice that must have been followed from time immemorial in this region and elsewhere. Hemp constituted the main source of textiles in China until the introduction of cotton from the tenth or eleventh centuries A.D. According to M. Loewe's Everyday Life in Early Imperial China (London, B.T. Batsford, Ltd., 1968), the planting of hemp for the coarse raiment in which most of the population was clothed was already one of the farmer's main occupations in the Han time (202 B.C.-A.D. 200) along with another prime necessity, grain for food. Fragments of a short text on husbandry ascribed to Ts'ui Shih (c. 100-170) set out a yearly programme of activities for the farmer and his household and include instructions on the cultivation and use of hemp. Unfortunately, however, despite the use of hemp clothing by the bulk of the Han population, it is of silk fabrics that most is known today. By the late Sung period in the mid-13th century, ordinary people still wore clothes made of hempen cloth since cotton, too, was a luxury, though its use had begun to spread (see Jacques Gernet Daily Life in China on the Eve of the Mongol Invasion, 1250-1276 (London, George Allen and Unwin, 1962, p. 130).\n\nThe description of the planting, preparation, and processing of hemp that follows is taken from pp. 205-208 of Samuel...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206114, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 194, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "188\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nBut luckily for them and for me, the prophet's prediction proved to be an invention of his own, and nobody was injured but his own reputation.\n\nHong Kong, May 1969.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nHEMP\n\nA few years ago, I wrote about itinerant Hakka craftsmen who came regularly to some of the New Territories villages to weave locally grown hemp-flax into cloth for making clothes (see the 1968 Journal, pp. 162-165). In the course of reading and making further enquiries, more information has become available that may interest readers of my earlier note on this now relatively obscure subject.\n\nA few words of background may serve to show that the disappearance of this crop and this craft from Hong Kong in comparatively recent times signals the end of a practice that must have been followed from time immemorial in this region and elsewhere. Hemp constituted the main source of textiles in China until the introduction of cotton from the tenth or eleventh centuries A.D. According to M. Loewe's Everyday Life in Early Imperial China (London, B.T. Batsford, Ltd., 1968), the planting of hemp for the coarse raiment in which most of the population was clothed was already one of the farmer's main occupations in the Han time (202 B.C.-A.D. 200) along with another prime necessity, grain for food. Fragments of a short text on husbandry ascribed to Ts'ui Shih (c. 100-170) set out a yearly programme of activities for the farmer and his household and include instructions on the cultivation and use of hemp. Unfortunately, however, despite the use of hemp clothing by the bulk of the Han population, it is of silk fabrics that most is known today. By the late Sung period in the mid-13th century, ordinary people still wore clothes made of hempen cloth since cotton, too, was a luxury, though its use had begun to spread (see Jacques Gernet Daily Life in China on the Eve of the Mongol Invasion, 1250-1276 (London, George Allen and Unwin, 1962, p. 130).\n\nThe description of the planting, preparation, and processing of hemp that follows is taken from pp. 205-208 of Samuel", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206115, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 195, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n189 \n\nMossman's China, A Brief Account of the Country, its Inhabitants, and their Institutions, published by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, London about 1867 (no date is given on the frontispiece but the contents date it to this period, see e.g. p. 60). It is the first I have come across that provides any detail, though E. Watson's The Principal Articles of Chinese Commerce (Import and Export), published at the Inspectorate-General of Customs, Shanghai 1930, deals with the various types of Hemp and Ramie under the general head of Ma (麻) between pp. 50 - 59. \n\n\"Hemp, or, more properly speaking, fibres analogous to those of the plant which we know by that name, are extracted from several indigenous plants in China: these no doubt formed the first textile fabrics worn by the Chinese, as they did of other ancient civilized races. Since the introduction of cotton, however, the cultivation and manufacture of these fibres is limited to the finer sorts, called by the English grass-cloth. This is principally made from a plant belonging to the Urtica, or nettle family, named ma by the Chinese. In cultivating it, great care is taken in the selection of the seeds, and in preparing the soil. The former when gathered are packed in jars with sand or dry earth. A loose dry soil is selected; the ground is well ploughed, manured, and divided into beds, about eight yards long and one wide, whereon the seed is thrown broadcast, and earth is swept over it with a broom. Before it sprouts, a framework with matting is laid over the beds, to protect them from the fierce heat of the sun in June. When three inches high they are transplanted. Being perennial they are carefully tended during the winter and spring; and in the third or fourth year are ready for cutting. The plant is also propagated by roots, and yields three crops annually, the first in June, when the blades are comparatively short; but in a month or two they are seven or eight feet high, when the second cutting takes place. The latest crop is cut in September or October, from which the finest cloth is made; the first being inferior, coarse and hard. On being cut the leaves are soaked in water for an hour, and the fibre stripped by breaking in the middle; whilst the operator, generally a woman or a child, separates the filaments skilfully from one end to the other with the finger-nails. The next process is scraping the hemp with a knife by drawing the strips over the blade from within outwards, taking off all the mucilaginous parts; then it is rolled up into bundles, exposed for a day \n\nPage 195\n\nPage 196", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206116, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 196, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "190\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nin the sun, then assorted, and the whitest selected for fine cloth. A partial bleaching is effected on the fibres before they undergo further division, sometimes by boiling, and at others by pounding on a plank with a mallet. When the cloth is finished it undergoes a process of glazing, which is done by a rude machine most effectually. A sort of bed or tray is laid down firmly in the ground, the inside curved or scalloped, and made very smooth. Upon this the cloth is carefully spread; a small cylinder is laid above, and upon that a stone with a smooth face, having the ends turned upwards. A man mounts this stone, and places one foot on each end, giving it a see-saw motion working the cylinder backwards and forwards with great power, and imparting a fine glaze to the cloth, equal to hot-pressing in European factories.\n\nIt is not known to what part of China this description refers. For details of the plant species and practice in West China and Chekiang see A. Hosie, Three years in West China (London, George Philip and son, 2nd Edn., 1897) pp. 73-74.\n\nHong Kong, 1970.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nCOACH TOUR OF EASTERN HONG KONG ISLAND\n\n18TH OCTOBER, 1969\n\nColonial Cemetery, Happy Valley\n\nThis is the oldest of the several old cemeteries at Happy Valley. It was opened on 1st February, 1844, covers 23.75 acres and contains 11,680 graves.* There are many old graves and monuments dating from the mid-19th century, some of them scarcely legible. Military and naval graves and monuments, some of them very large, are much in evidence. They record the deaths of officers and men while stationed in Hong Kong or in Far Eastern waters, and on active service during the China Wars of 1856-1860. Unfortunately, there is no register of prominent burials for easy reference, so we shall just have to look around.\n\n* Information provided by the Urban Services Department.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206117, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 197, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "190\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nin the sun, then assorted, and the whitest selected for fine cloth. A partial bleaching is effected on the fibres before they undergo further division, sometimes by boiling, and at others by pounding on a plank with a mallet. When the cloth is finished it undergoes a process of glazing, which is done by a rude machine most effectually. A sort of bed or tray is laid down firmly in the ground, the inside curved or scalloped, and made very smooth. Upon this the cloth is carefully spread; a small cylinder is laid above, and upon that a stone with a smooth face, having the ends turned upwards. A man mounts this stone, and places one foot on each end, giving it a see-saw motion working the cylinder backwards and forwards with great power, and imparting a fine glaze to the cloth, equal to hot-pressing in European factories.\n\nIt is not known to what part of China this description refers. For details of the plant species and practice in West China and Chekiang see A. Hosie, Three years in West China (London, George Philip and son, 2nd Edn., 1897) pp. 73-74.\n\nHong Kong, 1970.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nCOACH TOUR OF EASTERN HONG KONG ISLAND\n\n18TH OCTOBER, 1969\n\nColonial Cemetery, Happy Valley\n\nThis is the oldest of the several old cemeteries at Happy Valley. It was opened on 1st February, 1844, covers 23.75 acres and contains 11,680 graves.* There are many old graves and monuments dating from the mid-19th century, some of them scarcely legible. Military and naval graves and monuments, some of them very large, are much in evidence. They record the deaths of officers and men while stationed in Hong Kong or in Far Eastern waters, and on active service during the China Wars of 1856-1860. Unfortunately, there is no register of prominent burials for easy reference, so we shall just have to look around.\n\n* Information provided by the Urban Services Department.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206118, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 198, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n191 \n\nThe caretaker, Mr. Liu Wai-tong deserves special mention. Born in the caretaker's quarter, he is the third generation of his family to fill this post, as he says his father and grandfather before him held it also. \n\nOld Tai Hang \n\nNot much to look at, but the object is to see the old houses. Tai Hang was one of the old villages of Hong Kong Island. There are about 15-20 houses of the former village still standing, mostly in one row with a few others scattered among new buildings, and all built more or less to the same pattern.* They are situated in New Village Street (*†††) although an old resident tells me that this is a misnomer because they represent the old village known as Tai Hang Lo Wai (★★) which has always stood on this spot. The population of Tai Hang at the 1911 Census was already 1,574 persons. Formerly situated not far from the shore, reclamation began there in the 1880s by which time the area was already known as Causeway Bay - and ended with the development of reclaimed land for Victoria Park in the early post-war period. \n\n▬▬ \n\nThe village was a multi-clan one settled by the Hakka families of Wong (*), Cheung (3), Lee (†), Chu (*) and Ip (#). The first three are said to be the oldest families. A Wong now aged 45 is in the fourth generation which means that these families probably arrived in the area about the time that the British took over Hong Kong in 1841. Old residents say that besides some farming and fishing, the inhabitants kept some of the first dairy farms on the Island, long before the Dairy Farm started in 1886, and also engaged in laundry work. The name of the main street of present day Tai Hang, Wun Sha Street (r), which means 'washing cloth', refers to this early line of business. \n\nOne of the most interesting aspects of Tai Hang is its fantastic sports record. For unknown reasons, the old Tai Hang families produced a great many star soccer players before the war. I have been told that on five occasions at the pre-war Far East games the China Football Team were the winners, and that 90% of the team came from Tai Hang: again, that nine out of the \n\n*See plates 23-24,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206119, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 199, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "192\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\neleven players representing China at the Berlin Olympic Games in 1936 were Tai Hang men, including the team captain.\n\nNear Tai Hang is the Lin Fa Kung (E), a temple of unusual shape which is unique in Hong Kong and the New Territories. This temple, formerly like Tai Hang situated on the seashore, is over one hundred years old in its present form.\n\nThe construction date over the entrance is the mid winter months of the second year of the Tung Chi reign i.e. 11 December 1863-8 January 1864.\n\nOld Main Street, Shau Kei Wan (*****)\n\nFor this section of the visit a shortened version of the extended programme notes now at pp. 183-188 was provided. It is not repeated here.\n\nChai Wan Military Cemetery\n\nOpened in 1947, this cemetery, which is managed by the Imperial War Graves Commission, contains 1,558 graves, mainly those of officers and men killed during the Defence of Hong Kong against the Japanese in 1941.* Set high on a once remote hillside in rural surroundings, it now overlooks a heavily populated resettlement estate and industrial area. Nearby is the New Military Cemetery and the Chinese Permanent Cemetery, Cape Collinson, with its 8,027 graves set in 20.5 acres of hillside administered by a Board of Management: also the new Crematorium.\n\nStanley Fort\n\nThis peninsula was set aside for military use in the 1930s and the barracks date from then. The parade ground was formerly the site of the village of Wong Ma Kok (⇓⇓) from which the peninsula takes its Chinese name. The inhabitants were removed to Stanley Village where a row of red-brick houses (still standing) was built for them by the Hong Kong Government. This village was the scene of the spectacular murder of two British officers in 1849 (see John Luff's book The Hong Kong Story (Hong Kong, South China Morning Post, 1959) chapter 8).\n\n* Information provided by the Urban Services Department,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206121, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 201, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "194\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nThe map was clearly of potential value for any persons travelling in or having business with the District, and Colonial Office documents now in the Public Record Office, London show that it was, in fact, used by British diplomats and administrators during the important negotiations following the Convention of Peking of 6 June 1898, which leased the present New Territories to Great Britain, and before the take-over of the leased area in March-April 1899.\n\nOn 10 February 1899 the Governor of Hong Kong, Sir Henry Blake, sent a telegram to Sir Claude Macdonald, the British Minister at Peking urging him to secure the important market town of Shum Chun, just north of the leased area (an afterthought on the part of local Hong Kong officials) and advising that it could be located on the Missionary map of 1866'. This is clearly a reference to Mgr. Volontieri's map, which includes the date (May 1866) in the descriptive lettering.\n\nAgain, when Governor Blake wired to the British Secretary of State for the Colonies, Chamberlain, on 10 March 1899 he advised, in an accompanying 'Memorandum regarding the proposed survey of the Territory in Kwang Tung Province leased by Great Britain from China' (being Enclosure 1 to telegram No. 53): 'There is available a fairly correct map of the country, on a scale of an inch to the mile, prepared by the Jesuit missionary (sic). It shows the coast line correctly; the position of all villages, streams, roads, etc., approximately'. This memorandum was drawn up by the Director of Public Works in Hong Kong with the assistance of Colonel Elsdale, R.E.\n\nThese passages make it fairly clear that Mgr. Volontieri's map-making efforts in the early 1860s were of considerable assistance to British officials nearly forty years later.\n\nThe documents quoted above are in CO129/290 in the Public Record Office, London.\n\nHong Kong, 1970.\n\nPostscript\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nThe notice that follows came to my attention recently. It appeared in the Hongkong Government Gazette, 26th May 1866 and is an interesting and valuable addition to our knowledge of this subject, being the original announcement of the project to the Hong Kong public.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206123, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 203, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "196\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nBut in a local and a directly utilitarian point of view, the author is encouraged to believe that his work should not be placed as a candle under a bushel. This wealthy and most important Colony stands in the midst of the Sun-on District, and it seems to betoken a feeling in rear of the age, that the topography of the immediate neighbourhood should be a matter of perfect indifference. To the naturalist, the traveller, the sportsman, and the Missionary, the information should be acceptable, to say nothing of its political value. Besides, for police purposes in dealing with the all prevailing evil of piracy, when the subtlety of the Mandarin is considered, the author cannot doubt the value of his work to the British authorities.\n\nHe therefore calls attention to his Map, and solicits the favor of subscriptions to enable him to publish it.\n\nREVD. S. VOLONTIERI, Mission, Apost.\n\nHongkong, 10 May, 1866.\n\nA CASUALTY OF THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION\n\nBefore the New Territories were leased to Britain in 1898 the villagers on the British side of what became the new border area at the market village of Sha Tau Kok were accustomed to worship in the Man Mo temple (X) there. After 1898 this temple was located on the Chinese side of the Border, but this apparently made little difference to the religious practice of local people thereafter, even after the Communist take-over in 1949.\n\nOne of the images in the temple was that of Tin Hau (A), the Queen of Heaven who is a popular goddess among boat people and villagers near the seashore in the Hong Kong area. The people of three Hakka villages on the British side of Sha Tau Kok, namely Tan Shui Hang, Tong To and Sha Tsui which in 1961 had a total population of around 1,000 persons, were particularly accustomed to visiting the Man Mo temple to worship Tin Hau. When the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution developed in China in 1966 Red Guards singled out temples for particular attention, and it seems that iconoclastic activities also", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206125, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 205, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "198\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nknown geologist and archaeologist. A few notes and articles from his pen on Hong Kong subjects appeared in Vols. 8 and 9 (1968 and 1969) of this Journal.\n\nThese pile houses are the habitation of Tanka,(4) the boat people of South China, and Tai O has long been a considerable fishing port and market town, indeed the principal and only one of any size on Lantau Island. At the 1911 census of the Colony the land population was 2248 persons and was probably outnumbered by the floating population which stood at 5413 for the whole of Lantau. The pile huts were probably there long before the British took over the New Territories in 1899 following the Convention of Peking, 9th June, 1898. One of the early administrative reports of the District Officer, South (1911) mentions taking over responsibility from the Harbour Office for issuing licences to pile dwellers at Tai O Creek, when 221 new matshed permits were issued at $1 p.a., and in 1916 it was stated that there were still as many as 350 matsheds there.\n\nFires were always a hazard to these dwellings of wood and palm leaves. A big fire was noted in the 1916 report and it is no surprise to read in a later report of a really big one in 1926 when 300 matsheds were destroyed. Fortunately there was no loss of life, due, it was related, to it being high tide at the time of the fire.\n\nTyphoons, too, were a constant menace to these frail structures and in 1927, the year after the big fire, the District Officer notes that a typhoon caused great damage to the matsheds.\n\nThe photographs at plates 26 to 29 are by Mr. Schofield, and the plans at Figs. 1 and 2 are re-drawn from his notebook. I am greatly indebted to Mrs. Katherine M. Schofield for permission to reproduce her husband's valuable notes. The italicised sentences are my additions. The aerial view of Tai O Creek at plate 25 is by courtesy of the Hong Kong Government.\n\nMr. Schofield's Text\n\nThe accompanying plan (Fig. 1) is of a typical shed at Yee Chung (二涌) Second Creek, Tai O. It measures 9′ in width and 29′ 2′′ in depth (32′ 5′′ including the 1 metre deep veranda) and is 7′ high. It is 8′ above the waters of the creek at mid", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206128, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 208, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\nOBSERVATION ON BIRDS IN NORTH EASTERN CHINA ESPECIALLY THE MIGRATION AT PEI-TAI-HO BEACH, Axel M. Hemmingsen and J. A. Guildal, Spolia Zoologica Musei Hauniensis, Copenhagen, Volumes 11 (1951) and 28 (1968) In Two Parts: General Part, pp. 227: Special Part, pp. 326, Sales Agents: Vetch and Lee, Hong Kong. HK$130.00.\n\nDr. Hemmingsen was stranded in China after the attack on Pearl Harbour in December 1941; as a Dane, he was not interned, and was able to spend the rest of the war years in a concentrated study of the birds at Peitaiho, on the coast of Hopei in North China. This area was already well known for migration studies from the work of Wilder, Hubbard, and others. The results of Dr. Hemmingsen's studies published here, form the most detailed study of a coastal area of China yet published, and therefore provide information on the migration down the China coast which is unobtainable elsewhere,\n\nThe publication of the notes was made in two parts; the first, published in 1951, containing a number of articles based on the author's observations; and the second, published in 1968, containing a systematic list of all birds recorded from the area. There are few breeding species at Peitaiho, and therefore most of the general articles are concerned with migration.\n\nParticular attention is paid to the migrations of cranes and geese, which, being both large and noisy, are less liable to be overlooked than other migrants. These migrations are studied in great detail, in relation to temperature, wind-strength, time of day, etc., in an attempt to work out the reasons for the timing of their migrations. Conclusions based on one series of observations cannot, of course, be accepted as proved, and the author makes it quite clear that his conclusions should only be taken as theories. This caution is welcome, and it increases the value of the book to students of the Eastern Palaearctic migrations. The purpose of the author is stated as follows:\n\n'It is thus not with any idea of finality, but with the purpose of suggesting a wide field of enquiry . . . . .'.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206129, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 209, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "202\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nThe second part contains the data on which the theories of the first section were based. Due to financial problems, publication of this section had to be delayed, and it was reduced considerably in size by the co-author, Mr. Guildal. The final result is an extremely painstaking and valuable Checklist of the birds of Hopei Province, including not only the Peitaiho records, but also records from previous literature covering the whole province. The value of this material to ornithologists can be gauged by the fact that no investigation in such detail has been carried out anywhere else on the coast of China. It is regrettable that the avifauna of Hong Kong, the only place where comparable studies could be carried out, is dwindling, and unless stern conservation measures are taken very soon, the obvious possibilities here will have been destroyed for ever. It is a pathetic commentary on the values current in Hong Kong that it should be necessary to say this.\n\nIn one important aspect, the delay in publication of the second part has produced a situation which makes the book difficult to use. Dr. Hemmingsen has based his systematics and nomenclature on Hartert, Die Vögel der paläarktischen Fauna (1903-23), which is now out of date, and was in fact already out of date when the first part was published. To achieve consistency, the same nomenclature has been used in the second part. As the first part has been reprinted in this volume, it is a great pity that the opportunity of updating this aspect was missed. A further legacy of the same era is the emphasis on subspecific identification; while this can be useful for specimen identification, it is very rarely practicable in the field. To do the author justice, however, he is extremely cautious on field identification, and, unlike many ornithologists, he is always ready to admit where he is uncertain of an identification. I would have preferred to see more field notes, and less attempts to describe callnotes and songs, as the latter are always subjective and therefore less useful to later observers.\n\nThe study of bird migration in this part of the world has advanced considerably in the past few years due to the work of a few groups of enthusiasts, backed by the Migratory Animals Pathological Survey. Over six million birds have been ringed under these schemes, and much information has been gathered", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206137, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 217, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "210\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nby prolonged contact with the urban environment. Excellent material for comparison with the Plover Cove situation exists in the Tai Lam Chung (1956) and Shek Pik (1960) removals. Like the Plover Cove villages, they were agricultural villages which were removed to urban Tsuen Wan to allow the construction of reservoirs. They have been resettled for a number of years, however, and a brief survey of their religious practices would provide the Christian Study Centre with a most interesting supplement to its information on the Plover Cove villages.\n\nHong Kong, 1970.\n\nELIZABETH L. JOHNSON\n\nNOTES\n\n1 p. vii of the book under review.\n\n2 More information on this village removal can be found in M. I. Berkowitz, \"Plover Cove to Tai Po Market: A Study in Forced Migration.\" Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. Volume 8, 1968, pp. 96-108.\n\n3 p. 142.\n\n* V. R. Burkhardt, Chinese Creeds and Customs. 3 vols. Hong Kong: South China Morning Post, 1955, and Wolfram Eberhard, Chinese Festivals. New York: Henry Shuman, 1952.\n\n3 p. 100.\n\n6 Ibid.\n\n7 Ibid.\n\n8 Ibid.\n\n9 See, for example, pp. 14-15, 116-117.\n\nTRADITIONAL CHINESE PLAYS, translated, described and annotated by A.C. Scott, Ssu Lang visits his mother, Ssu Lang T’an Mu, The Butterfly Dream, Hu Tieh Meng, The University of Wisconsin Press, 1967, Madison, Milwaukee, and London, pp. ix, 165, 13 photos hors-texte.\n\nA. C. Scott, the best Western specialist of Chinese and Japanese theatre, here gives us a translation of two Peking operas. The first, Ssu Lang visits his mother, is a tragedy which takes place in the second half of the tenth century, under the reign of the Sung. The son of a famous general has been taken prisoner by the barbarians, but, because of his fine looks, he is married", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206139, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 219, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "212\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nTRADITIONAL CHINESE PLAYS, Volume 2, translated, described, annotated and illustrated by A. C. Scott, Longing for the worldly Pleasures, Ssu Fan, Fifteen Strings of Cash, Shih wu kuan, University of Wisconsin Press, Madison, Milwaukee and London, 1969, pp. X, 156.\n\nThe second volume is translated with all the same accompaniments that we find in the first one. But the two plays chosen are not Peking operas. They belong to another kind of opera which was predominant in China from the end of the XVIth century to the end of the XVIIIth. The music was softer than in Peking opera and the main instrument for accompanying the singing was the flute. As in more ancient forms, the sung parts were written on different types of melodies, with verses of unequal lengths. The literary character of these verses made them difficult for a popular audience to understand. And this type of opera, created at K'un-shan, near Suchow, was later overcome by the success of the genre elaborated at the capital and favoured by the court.\n\nBut this K'un-ch'ü, as it is called, remained for years part of the training of a good Peking opera actor. The famous actor Mei Lan-fang tried to revive it around 1915-16 and again later in 1933 with the great actor Yü Chen-fei. After 1949 a new troupe of K'un-ch'ü was formed, which put on Fifteen Strings of Cash in 1956, with the actor Wang Ch'uan-song as the clown, Lou the Rat.\n\nLonging for worldly Pleasures comes from a Buddhist story: a nun, put in a monastery, escapes to find her paramour. Fifteen Strings of Cash is a detective story from storytellers' repertoires: Lou the Rat commits a murder to steal and puts the blame on the stepdaughter of the murdered man. But a good judge, disguised as a fortune-teller, confounds him.\n\nThe interest of these books lies not so much in the translation of four librettos as in all the information about costumes, make-up, and the movements made by the actors at each moment. Consequently, the work is not just one more translation, but, first and foremost, a handbook; and a good one for anyone wanting to put on and adapt Chinese plays for a foreign audience, instead of being interested in Chinese opera as a museum piece or as an...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206141, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 221, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "214\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nhopes 'that it will also serve as a reference book for permanent residents, not only those whose interest in local history will be satisfied with what they read in its pages, but those desirous of going back to its sources and judging their value' which they are enabled to do through the bibliography and frequent allusions to other works in the text.\n\nThere can be no doubt that the author has succeeded in his purpose. This is a book that can be recommended with complete confidence to old residents, new arrivals, and casual visitors alike as being far in advance of anything else of its kind, in or out of print. So much rubbish has been written about Hong Kong that it is a delight to pick up a reference work which is as full and as accurate as wide reading and careful work can make it, and one too which is lively, intelligent, sane, and stimulating. Besides the usual run of information essential to the tourist and useful to the resident, and the descriptive material on the various districts and places of interest, there are interesting general historical sketches of the development and character of Hong Kong and Macau, and brief summaries of the relations of each place with China. Mr. Jones is to be congratulated on such a worthwhile addition to the literature.\n\nMembers of the Branch will feel gratified that the author has made extensive use of the contents of the Journal since its first number was published in 1961 and that in the bibliography he has commented that the articles on local subjects 'collectively represent an outstanding contribution to knowledge of the history, natural history, ethnology, etc. of the region'. If our efforts assist towards the appearance of guides like this, they represent time well spent in Hong Kong's interests.\n\nHong Kong, 1970.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nTHE CHINESE FESTIVE BOARD Corinne Lamb, 153 pp. illus. Hong Kong, Vetch & Lee, 1970.\n\nThis reprint of The Chinese Festive Board by Corinne Lamb is readable and informative. She gives a short insight into those pre-war days when living was more leisurely for all classes and food was one of the important things in life.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206142, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 222, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n215\n\nPart One describes some of the daily meals and is true of North China. The chapter on Etiquette is lightly written, and within limitations accurate. I like the explicit instructions to a novice in the art of using chopsticks (k'uai tzu) which are clearly illustrated with line drawings by John Kirk Sewall.\n\nThe description of an informal dinner party gives the easy atmosphere of those days and Mr. Lan's party is believable. \"The Life of the Party\" describes some of the drinking games. The sing-song rhythm and the common code for matching fingers gives an idea of the wit and quickness of mind needed by the players. The possible origin of Chinese wine is given and many varieties are listed.\n\nDescriptions of the kitchens--mostly in Peking restaurants surprise me because of the utensils described. I have found cooks with well-defined ideas on utensils, and the round-bottomed pan is best for steaming, sautéing and frying.\n\nPart Two has an index to 50 recipes, mostly of Northern origin. Miss Lamb lists lard in most, but the best cooking oil from walnuts, peanuts or other vegetable sources are all from that region and are regarded as the best cooking medium. When black pepper is mentioned as a condiment the author means spiced rock salt for use with deep-fried dishes.\n\nPeople with a knack for cooking could follow these recipes and produce good results. They should experiment with local produce if the given Chinese ingredients are not available. Dishes on the menu are varied and the simpler ones are described in the recipes. It is helpful that the English-Chinese list of foodstuffs has also Chinese characters for the various ingredients.\n\nMessrs. Vetch and Lee Ltd. have reprinted this paperback which sells at H.K.$25.\n\nHong Kong, 1970,\n\nADA LUM", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206157, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 237, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "230\n\nSERSALE, Miss S. M.\n\nSHANNON, Capt. J. M.\n\nSHEPHARD, A. J.\n\nSHING, David -\n\nSHOEMAKER, J. F.\n\nSHU, Dr. H. T.\n\n+\n\nSIEGEL, H. W. -\n\nSINFIELD, G. H. C. -\n\nSKELSON, Mrs. R. E.\n\nSLEVIN, B. F.\n\nSMALL, Dr. D. H.\n\nSMITH, L.*\n\nSMYTH, Miss L.\n\nSO, Dr. Chak-lam\n\nSPANKIE, D. R. A.\n\nSPERRY, H. M.*\n\nSPOONER, M. G.\n\n+\n\nSTANLEY, Major H. F. -\n\nSTANTON, W. T.*\n\nSTEVENS, Major K. G.*\n\nSTEWART, Miss E. M.\n\nSTOKES, J.\n\nSTONE, G. S.\n\nL\n\n11-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K.\n\nc/o M.O.D. Chinese Language School, Lyemun Barracks, B.F.P.O.1, H.K.\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\nFlorida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K.\n\n73 Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon.\n\n70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K.\n\nc/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K.\n\nApt. No. 406, 1061 Don Mills Road, Don Mills, Ontario, Canada.\n\nA3 Magazine Heights, 17 Magazine Gap Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K.\n\nc/o Messrs. Glyn Mills & Co., Kirkland House, Whitehall, London, S.W.1, England.\n\nFlat 10-B, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Physiotherapy Dept., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nc/o Economic Survey Section, British Trade Commission, Room 704 Shell House, H.K.\n\nAllied Bank International, St. George's Building, 10th Floor, H.K.\n\nc/o The Registry, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nc/o H.K. Tourist Association, Realty Building, H.K.\n\nDina House, Duddell Street, H.K.\n\nG. Sy Hq. FARELF, Singapore.\n\nP\n\nFlat 4, 180 Argyle Street, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Queen's College, Causeway Bay, H.K.\n\nFlat 1, \"Ravencourt\", 24 Mount Austin Rd., H.K.\n\n*Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206158, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 238, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "231\n\nSTONEY, Mrs. G. S.\n\nSTOWE, C. -\n\n+\n\nAs above.\n\nUnknown.\n\nSTRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd.,\n\nSU, Dr. Chung-jen*\n\nSU, Ming-hsuan\n\nSU, Samon\n\n+\n\nSULLIVAN, Rev. J. G.\n\nSWIRE, A. C.* -\n\nSYKES, Major A. E,\n\nTALBOT, H. D. B.\n\nTAN, Khek-seng*\n\nTANG, Mrs. Jack C. -\n\nTANG, Sir Shiu-kin'\n\nTANNER, R. F.\n\nTARARIN, P. A.*\n\nTHOMAS, L. F.\n\n-\n\nTHROWER, Prof. L. B.\n\nTILL, Very Rev. B.*\n\nTISDALL, B. -\n\nTOMLIN, Mrs. Ian\n\nTOOGOOD, C. W. -\n\nTORRIBLE, G. R.*\n\nTOWNER, J. A.\n\nTRISTRAM, M. P. W.\n\nTSEUNG, Dr. F. I.\n\nTUCK, Miss Jean\n\n-\n\n-\n\nT\n\nUnion House, H.K.\n\n155, Blue Pool Road, Flat A, 1/F, H.K.\n\n45 Hankow Road, 9th Floor, Flat \"C\", Kowloon\n\nc/o Shanghai Commercial Bank Ltd., 12 Queen's Road, Central, H.K.\n\nMaryknoll Fathers, Stanley, H.K.\n\nc/o John Swire & Sons, Ltd., 66 Cannon Street, London, E.C.4, England.\n\nc/o M.O.D. Chinese Language School, Lyemun Barracks, B.F.P.O.1, H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of Geography, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nA1, 7th floor, Villa Monte Rosa, 41A Stubbs Road, H.K.\n\n7C Bowen Road, Bowen Mansions, Apt. 402, H.K.\n\nRoom 1701, Central Building, H.K.\n\n27 Macdonnell Road, Room 32, H.K.\n\n623 N. Harper Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif. 90048, U.S.A.\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\n6-B, Alberose, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Morley College, 61 Westminster Bridge Road, London S.E.1., England.\n\n1 Garden Terrace, G/F, H.K.\n\n41D, Shouson Hill Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Oxford University Press, 5th floor, News Building, 633 King's Road, H.K.\n\nc/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K.\n\n57 Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K.\n\nRating & Valuation Dept., Murray House, Garden Road, H.K.\n\nChina Building, 4th floor, H.K.\n\nThe Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hang, Aberdeen, H.K.\n\nLife Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206160, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 240, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "233 \n\nWILLIAMS, R. A. \n\nWILLIAMS, W. D. F. \n\n- \n\nc/o Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, \n\nUniversity of Hong Kong, H.K. \n\nKing Fung Villa, 101 Miles, Castle Peak \n\nRoad, N.T. \n\nWILLIAMS, Mrs. W. D. F. As above. \n\nWILSON, Mrs. A. W.- \n\nWILSON, B. D. · \n\n+ \n\nWILSON, Miss E. M. - \n\nWINKLER, E. \n\nWONG, Kwok-long \n\nWONG, \n\nMrs. Margaret Homan \n\nWONG, Peng-cheong* - \n\nWONG, Shing-tsang \n\nWONG, Miss S. - \n\nWOO, Dr. Pak-foo \n\nWRIGHT, Miss B. R. \n\n- \n\nWRIGHT, D. A. L. \n\nWRIGHT, Dr. L. R. \n\nWU, Hei-tak \n\n- \n\nYAO, Miss Joyce T. Y.- \n\nYEUNG, Walter, W. T.- \n\nYOUNG, Miss P. \n\nZIGAL, Mrs. I. . \n\nZIMMERN, W. A. \n\n- \n\n2 University Drive, H.K. \n\n3-C Homestead Road, The Peak, H.K. \n\nFlat 104, The Hermitage, 75 MacDonnell \n\nRoad. H.K. \n\nFlat 402, 12 May Road, H.K. \n\n92-A, Pokfulum Road, 1st floor, H.K. \n\n39 Mody Road, 10th floor, Front, Kowloon. \n\nCho Wong, Tan & Co., \n\nChartered Accountants, Room 732/735, Alexandra House, H.K. \n\n16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st floor, H.K. \n\nG. P. O. Box 497, H.K. \n\nRoom 204 China Building, H.K. \n\nDept. of Education, University of Hong \n\nKong, H.K. \n\nc/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. \n\nc/o Dept. of History, University of \n\nHong Kong, H.K. \n\nc/o The Registry, The Chinese University \n\nof Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. \n\n38 Kotewall Court, Kotewall Road, \n\n6th Floor, H.K. \n\n60-B Conduit Road, Ground floor, H.K. \n\nc/o Peak School, Plunketts Road, H.K. \n\nc/o Triangle Motors Ltd., Morrison Hill \n\nRoad, H.K. \n\nc/o Wheelock Marden & Co., Ltd., Room \n\n1234, Union House, H.K. \n\nThe Hon. Secretary (P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform him of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses, \n\nPage 240\n\nPage 241", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206169, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 249, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "OBAY\n\nkingpint\n\nMIN-CAN-ÍÍIEN\n\nAVTIN\n\nLand\n\n• Gratin and I44\n\nLake Chemu je\n\nSCALE OF ORIGINAL CHART\n\n333,475\n\nJuantor Thay\n\n*** ISLAND\n\nH\n\nSun Miles\n\n^ONG KONG\n\nIsland Vighing\n\nH\n\nHook\n\nA. Prado or\n\nLA MAN\n\n+\n\nng Xuan Bur-Oinou\n\nStatute\n\nWang Launy\n\norang kep\n\n3'\n\n5\n\n♫\n\n3\n\nMet Bay\n\n14\n\n#4\n\n#\n\nPlate 15 A chart of the China Sea from the Island of Sancian to Pedra Branca with the course of the River Tigris from Canton to Macao from a Portuguese draught communicated by Captain Hayter and compared with the Chinese Chart of the Macao Pilots. 29th November, 1780.\n\n(From the Map Library of the Department of Geography and Geology, University of Hong Kong)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206182, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 262, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "Plate 30.\n\nThe new Tin Hau Temple at Kong Ha Village, Sha Tau Kok, as viewed from the Fan Ling - Sha Tau Kok Road,\n\nPlate 31.\n\nThe Tin Hau image brought back from China, now placed in the new building shown in Plate 30.\n\n(Plates 30-31 are by courtesy of the District Officer, Tai Po, New Territories Administration).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206187, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 4, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal.\n\nA brochure containing a short history of the Hong Kong Branch, together with a list of lectures given before the Society since its revival, can be obtained by prospective members from the Hon. Secretary, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong.\n\nThe Council welcomes contributions from non-members as well as from members. Articles, notes and queries, and other material dealing with such subjects as the history, languages, literature, art, social customs, and natural history of Hong Kong and adjacent areas will be considered for publication.\n\nContributors are requested to follow closely the style sheet of the Journal, obtainable from the Editor. Contributions of over 20,000 words will not normally be accepted for publication in the Journal. They may, however, be submitted for consideration as monographs.\n\nAll communications intended for publication should be type-written in double spacing on one side of the paper only, leaving adequate margins. They should be sent to the Hon. Editor, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong.\n\nResponsibility for opinions expressed in articles published in this Journal rests with the individual contributors and not with the Council.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206188, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 5, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CONTENTS\n\nPage\n\n1\n\n1\n\n1\n\n1\n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1970\n\nHON. TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1970\n\nTHE LIBRARY 1970-71\n\n9\n\n13\n\nARTICLES CONTRIBUTED:\n\nThe Taipings at Ningpo: The Significance of a Forgotten Event STEPHEN UHALLEY, JNR.\n\n17\n\n33\n\nThe Debate on National Salvation: Ho Kai Versus Tseng Chi-tse-CHIU LING-YEONG\n\n52\n\nLetters from China 1835-36-HON. EDITOR\n\nChinese Voluntary Associations in Southeast Asian Cities and the Kaifongs in Hong Kong-ALINE K. WONG\n\n62\n\nThe Emergence of a Chinese Elite in Hong Kong-CARL T. Smith\n\nThe District Watch Committee: \"The Chinese Executive Council of Hong Kong'-H. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nA Brief Report on Sung-Type Pottery Finds in Hong Kong-J. C. Y. WATT\n\nA Short History of Military Volunteers in Hong Kong-JAMES HAYES\n\n74\n\n116\n\n142\n\n151\n\nArticles Reprinted:\n\nThe Colony of Hong Kong-Rev. James LEGGE\n\n172\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nVisit to the Tung Lin Kok Yuen, and other places on Hong Kong Island\n\n194\n\nRope-making and Dyeing/Calendering on Ap Lei Chau, Hong Kong\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\n198\n\nCharcoal Burning in Hong Kong\n\n199\n\nWhat Inspired Sir John Bowring's Hymn?-J. M. BRAGA\n\n203\n\nCeremonies of Propitiation Carried Out in connection with Road Works in the New Territories in 1960\n\nG. C. W. GROUT & HON. Editor\n\n204\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nList of MEMBERS\n\n210\n\n226", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206191, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 8, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "gramme of lectures, seminars and excursions and I should like to record our grateful thanks to those both members and visitors who contributed so willingly and so successfully to this fundamental part of our activities. Of these I should like to draw particular attention to the excursions. It takes not a little time and trouble to organize these, and a special word of thanks is due to those members who so willingly undertake these duties for us.\n\nThe following is the full list of our activities arranged during the year:\n\n12 January Professor S. Y. Teng \"Hung Jen-kan, Prime Minister of the Tai-ping Kingdom and his Reform Plans.\"\n\n16 March Commander F. Warrington-Strong, DSC, RN (Ret'd). \"Porcelain Manufacture in 18th Century China.\" (An Illustrated Talk)\n\n22 March All day excursion Visit to Tsun Wan Temples and Monasteries.\n\n24 March Captain Roger Pineau, USNR \"The Japan Expedition 1852-1855 of Commodore Matthew Calbraith Perry.\" (An Illustrated Lecture)\n\n6 April Mr. Frank Chippindale \"The Influence of Chinese Art and Furniture on Chippendale's Design.\" (An Illustrated Talk)\n\n18-19 April A week-end Symposium arranged by Professor L. B. Thrower of the Department of Botany, University of Hong Kong.\n\n3 May Mr. Roland W. K. Chow \"The Vegetation of Hong Kong: Its Structure and Change.\" (Demonstration and Talk, illustrated by slides) Peking Opera", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206192, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "ترا \n\n11 May \n\n22 June \n\nDr. Hu Shiu-ying \n\n\"Flowering Plants of Hong Kong.” \n\nDr. Chiu Ling-yeong \n\n+4 \n\nTwo Views on the Modernization of \n\nChina.\" \n\n21 September Mr. Kwok On \n\n7 November \n\n12 December \n\n(Talk, Demonstration and Performances) \"Puppet Show.\" \n\nMr. James Hayes (Organiser) \n\nExcursion to Tung Lin Kok Yuen, the Tam Kung Temple, Happy Valley and the Tin Hau Temple, Causeway Bay, \n\nMr. David Gilkes (Organiser) \n\nExcursion to Tao Fong Shan, Shatin. (The Christian Mission to Buddhists). \n\nTaking into consideration the variation in the popularity of subjects and in the availability of lecturers, the lectures last year were on the whole as well attended as could be expected, and this raises two points of special interest to our Society. One is the availability of suitable halls at the times we want them, and the other the choice of subjects. \n\nRegarding the former, it is becoming more difficult to make short-notice bookings of lecture halls in Hong Kong and this is due partly to the increasing demand and partly to long-term block booking by some organizations. This is going to remain a permanent difficulty, and an increasing one too, and the only answer I can see to it is the ultimate acquisition of our own premises, which incidentally would solve one of our library problems as well. \n\nRegarding the choice of subjects, popularity of the subject is not the only point taken into consideration by your Committee when arranging the lecture programmes. Our chief aim is to cater during each year for as many tastes among our members as possible, and hence variety of subjects, rather than popularity, is the main criterion. A glance at the above list will, I think, convince you that that is what we are achieving. Your Committee would therefore welcome suggestions or requests from members", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206196, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 13, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "TEXT OF A LETTER SENT TO THE HON. THE COLONIAL SECRETARY ON THE SUBJECT OF A NEW CITY MUSEUM FOR HONG KONG.\n\n24th May, 1971.\n\nDear Sir,\n\nA NEW CITY MUSEUM\n\nAt a meeting of the Council of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society held earlier this year, the question was raised as to whether we, as the executive committee of a Hong Kong learned society, could, with advantage to all concerned, formulate our views on the above-mentioned subject which is exercising the minds of many residents of this Colony at the present moment.\n\nThe members of the committee were unanimously of the opinion that we should do this, firstly because the main purpose in founding our Society as long ago as 1847 was to foster the preservation, and to encourage the study, of all matters concerning the history of this part of Asia; and secondly and more specifically because in the inaugural address of our first President, Governor Sir John Davis, he urged the adoption by the young Society of two practical aims in addition to the lecture and discussion programmes usually adopted by learned societies. His suggested aims were the establishment in Hong Kong (a) of Botanic Gardens, and (b) of a City Museum. A brief statement concerning what was accomplished towards achieving these aims about a century and a quarter ago was recently made by Dr. J. R. Jones, the past President of this Branch of the Society, in his letter published in the South China Morning Post on Friday, 18th December, 1970, under the title of \"Sir John Davis, and Hong Kong's First Museum\".\n\nAfter some discussion which was purposely confined to generalities, and did not extend to the consideration of details, it was unanimously decided that we should support the proposal that the present museum should be re-organized and that the opportunity should then be taken of re-housing it in a new and specially designed building situated on a site chosen for its suitability and adaptability rather than for reasons of expediency.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206200, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 17, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "1969 \n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY \n\nINCOME AND EXPENDITURE ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR ENDED 31ST DECEMBER, 1970 \n\nEXPENDITURE \n\nHK$10,743 Journal Expenses \n\n1,020 Symposium Expenses \n\nPeking Opera \n\n- - - \n\n175 Purchase of Books \n\n2,391 Sundry Expenses \n\n5,691 \n\nHK$20,020 \n\nJ \n\n(printing, stationery, postage, lecture expenses) \n\nBalance being surplus of income over expenditure transferred to accumulated funds \n\nHK$20,350 \n\n2,637 \n\n2,576 \n\n219 \n\n2,933 \n\n1969 \n\n90 \n\nINCOME \n\nHK$ 410 Life Memberships 1970 \n\n10,559 Annual Memberships 1970 \n\nAnnual Memberships 1971 paid in 1970 \n\n3,728 Sale of Publications \n\n1,082 Symposium Receipts \n\n1,075 Bank Interest Received \n\n2,865 Dividends Received \n\n211 Sundry Receipts \n\nBalance being deficit of expenditure over income transferred to accumulated funds \n\nHK$ 500 \n\n10,853 \n\n240 \n\n3,509 \n\n2,699 \n\n685 \n\n3,350 \n\n350 \n\n6,529 \n\nHK$28,715 \n\nHK$28,715 \n\nHK$20,020 \n\n \n\nQUOTED INVESTMENTS HELD at 31ST DECEMBER, 1970 \n\n£700 Stock 6% Commonwealth of Australia 1977/80 \n\n333 Shares China Light and Power Co. Ltd. \n\n800 Shares Hong Kong Electric Co. Ltd. \n\n900 Shares Lane Crawford Ltd. \n\nCost \n\nHK$11,488 \n\nMarket Value \n\nHK$ 7,661 \n\n4,030 \n\n12,487 \n\n11,738 \n\n19,600 \n\n15,549 \n\n25,110 \n\nHK$43,554 \n\nHK$64,109 \n\n11", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206203, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 20, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "14 issues of The Hong Kong Naturalist to complete our set, we received from two London booksellers a total of two complete volumes (VIII and IX) and three other issues (I no. 2 and II nos. 1 & 2). This was arranged through the kindness of Sir John Galvin, and we are extremely grateful to him for this generous gift, which has greatly enhanced our collection. However, we still lack a number of issues of this important set, and anyone locating any parts of The Hong Kong Naturalist, either for sale or exchange, is invited to contact the Hon. Librarian as soon as possible.\n\nAs in previous years, the main problems facing the library are (i) how to encourage members to make more use of it, and (ii) shortage of space. Until the Branch has its own premises in which the whole library may be housed it seems that this will be an annual plaint. Meanwhile, we have to thank both the British Council and the University of Hong Kong for providing space for the collection, and for making it available to members on request.\n\nHong Kong, 26th April, 1970.\n\nH. A. RYDINGS\n\nHon. Librarian,\n\nADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY, 1970-1971\n\n(Books and pamphlets)\n\nBERKOWITZ, M. I., and others.\n\nFolk religion in an urban setting: a study of Hakka villages in transition, Hong Kong, Christian Study Centre, 1969.\n\nBOK, pseud.\n\nPiracies Ltd. London, Jenkins, 1938.\n\nVampires of the China coast. London, Jenkins, 1932.\n\nCLARK, A. D. and CLARK, D. N.\n\nSeoul, past and present: a guide to Yi T'aejo's capital. Seoul, R. A. S., Korea Branch, 1969. (Its guidebook series, no. 1)\n\nCRANE, P. S.\n\nKorean patterns. 2nd ed. Seoul, Hollym Corp., 1968 reprinted 1969. (R. A. S. Korea Branch. Handbook series, no. 1)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206204, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 21, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "15\n\nDRAGE, C.\n\nTaikoo London, Constable, 1970.\n\nEGERTON, H. E.\n\nSir Stamford Raffles. London, Unwin, 1900.\n\nFITZGERALD, C. P.\n\nA concise history of East Asia, London, Heinemann, 1966.\n\nHEMMINGSEN, A. M., and GUILDAL, J. A.\n\nObservations on birds in northeastern China, especially the migration at Pei-tai-ho Beach. Hong Kong, Vetch & Lee, 1969.\n\nLAING, E. J.\n\nChinese paintings in Chinese publications, 1956-1968: annotated bibliography and an index to the paintings. Ann Arbor, 1969 (Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies, no. 6)\n\nLAL, K.\n\nMiracle of Konark, New York, Castle Books, 1968.\n\nLAU, S. M. Joseph\n\nTs'au Yüan. Hong Kong University Press, 1970.\n\nLI, Chi, and JOHNSON, D.\n\nTwo studies in Chinese literature. Ann Arbor, 1968. (Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies, no. 3)\n\nMURPHEY, R.\n\nThe treaty ports and China's modernization: what went wrong? Ann Arbor, 1970. (Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies, no. 7)\n\nOKSENBERG, M., and others.\n\nThe cultural revolution, 1967, in review. Ann Arbor, 1968. (Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies, no. 2)\n\nRUTT, R.\n\nKorean works and days: notes from the diary of a country priest. Seoul, R. A. S., Korea Branch, 1964.\n\nSPEISER, W.\n\nChina: spirit and society. London, Methuen, 1960. (Art of the world, 4)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206205, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 22, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "16\n\nSULESKI, R. S., and BAYS, D. H.\n\nEarly communist China; two studies. Ann Arbor, 1969.\n\n(Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies, no. 4)\n\nTOWNSEND, W. J.\n\nRobert Morrison, pioneer of missions to China. London, Pickering & Inglis, n.d.\n\n何炳棣\n\n黄土與中國農業的起源。香港,香港中文大學, 1969.\n\n(HO, P. T. The loess environment and the origins of Chinese agriculture)\n\n張德昌\n\n清末一個京官的生活。香港,香港中文大學,1970.\n\n(CHANG, T. C, Life of a court official in the late Ching dynasty)\n\n趙聰\n\n中國大陸的戲曲改革,1942-1967. 香港,香港中文大學,1969.\n\n(CHAO, T. Drama reform in mainland China, 1942-67)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206206, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 23, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE TAIPINGS AT NINGPO:\n\nTHE SIGNIFICANCE OF A FORGOTTEN EVENT\n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR.*\n\nThe occupation of the important treaty-port city of Ningpo in Chekiang province by Taiping revolutionaries from December 1861 to May 1862 constitutes a fascinating and significant page of history. That it has been by and large overlooked in Western historical memory of the Taiping period by no means detracts from this assertion. Rather, such neglect is merely additional testimony to a faulty historiographical tradition. For a curiosity about the event is natural, and the significance of the occupation is self-evident. There are three main reasons for this. First of all, the occupation enabled the largely land-locked Taipings to realize at last their ambition of gaining access to the sea, an especially urgent matter after they had been denied this objective by the British and French at Shanghai. Secondly, the occasion gave the revolutionaries an opportunity to demonstrate in practice what they had long proclaimed verbally, that foreigners had no reason to fear Taiping political authority in an area where foreign lives and interests were exposed. Finally, despite obvious indications of Taiping success on both of these points the entire experience seems only to have helped galvanize foreign opposition to the Taiping movement. This too would seem to call for a closer look at the event.\n\nThe Taipings had been in possession of much of the Chekiang hinterland for many months. When they finally decided to take Ningpo in late 1861, they did so with surprising swiftness, and painlessly. To the disappointment of the British, who had helped in making plans for the defense of the city against the Taipings, there was in fact no military opposition. British Admiral James\n\n*The author, a former editor of and contributor to this journal, is a Senior Specialist at the East-West Center and Visiting Associate Professor of History in the Asian Studies Program at the University of Hawaii for 1970-71. This article is based upon a paper delivered at the 28th International Congress of Orientalists in Canberra, Australia on January 9, 1971 and on material from a forthcoming book, Revolutionary Taiping China and the West. The author acknowledges with gratitude the suggestions made by Professor Jen Yu-wen for improving the original paper.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206209, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 26, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "20\n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR.\n\ngenerals were invited to dinner. And horror was expressed at instances of foreign mistreatment of the Taipings. As late as May 1862, for example, The China Mail carried an article expressing wonder how the Taiping chief at Ningpo managed to keep such good control over his men, especially when they had been abused by foreigners. The account described, among other examples, how one foreigner had cut off the finger of a Taiping in order to rob the unfortunate man of his ring.\n\nMuch of the favorable attitude on the part of foreigners may be attributed to the Taiping policy on trade. Soon after taking the city, the new administration began making arrangements conducive to trade. They established a customhouse and appropriate regulations at Ningpo, in order to organize and encourage orderly commercial intercourse. It is said that the Taipings' tariff rivaled in minuteness that of the old English customs tariffs.10 Reflecting the success of these efforts, the China Overland Trade Report of February 28, 1862, reported:\n\nSince the capture of Ningpo the Taipings have conducted themselves there in a very exemplary manner; so much so as to gain the confidence of the people, who are returning in numbers. The trade of the port is reviving, and there seems a fair probability of its entirely recovering itself.11 There is other strong evidence to corroborate this view on the Taiping support of trade at Ningpo. For example, there is the diary of a European agent of the firm of W. and G. M. Hart of Ningpo, which records a silk-purchasing trip he made in areas under Taiping control.12 The company made the diary public apparently as a protest against the intervention policy.\n\nThe diary discloses that the agent left Ningpo on March 18, which was then under Taiping authority. He wandered about the province, with cash on his person, until April 14, a total of twenty-seven days. On the 16th he arrived back at Ningpo with his silk. On the 19th he again left Ningpo with more money to purchase additional silk. On the 23rd he reported: \"Purchased a large quantity of silk, and more expected. The country about here looks most beautiful, and the crops in a very flourishing condition. There are a few rebels stationed here; they have visited me and are very friendly, offering us assistance if we require.\" On May 15 the agent learned that the Taipings had been driven out of Ningpo. His entry on this date is significant: \"Determined on going to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206210, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 27, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "The Taipings at Ningpo\n\n21\n\nShanghae, as we consider it quite unsafe to proceed to Ningpo through the pirate fleet, though we shall be quite safe in going to Shanghae, although it will be a long and tedious journey.” The agent and his companions did make their way to Shanghai, with their silk, and were everywhere treated in a friendly manner by the Taipings. Another writer reported to the North China Herald that he had been given a pass in order to conduct trade in the environs of Ningpo, and transmitted the assurances of a Taiping officer in charge of the district through which he passed that \"he would do his best to protect traders and he hoped before long to regain the confidence of the population, and see business again restored...\"13 As it turned out this particular reporter did run into some difficulties in the course of his business trip, but in the end received “adequate apology\", and another pass to travel again later on.\n\nYet despite such a positive record, the Taiping achievement at Ningpo marks a watershed in their relations with the foreign powers. Far from viewing the Taiping occupation as an experiment to determine their governmental capacity, the British only awaited an appropriate opportunity to retake the city on behalf of the Ch'ing government. And except for the initial candidly favorable appraisals of Taiping behavior, most subsequent reports were calculated to portray a negative image of the insurgents. Thus, despite the surprise of the rapid Taiping conquest and signs of Taiping reasonableness in dealing with foreigners and their promotion of the all-important trade, it seems evident that the British very early began to make preparations for the inevitable showdown. But first they were preoccupied elsewhere. A few days after the fall of Ningpo, for example, Admiral Hope again visited the Taiping capital at Nanking where he sought a renewal of the agreement for the Taipings to respect the thirty-mile limit in the environs of Shanghai. The Taipings refused to comply, primarily because of their concern that the Ch'ing forces were using Shanghai as a base of operations in the civil war. The correspondence between the Taipings and the British on the occasion of this visit to Nanking is further evidence that the latter were simply provoking the Taipings. And although the Taipings remained anxious to avoid an armed confrontation or to give rise to any pretext for one, they still firmly sought to protect their interests with dignity.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206211, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 28, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "22\n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR.\n\nIn Ningpo itself, the preparations were underway. British officials persuaded all missionaries of British nationality to withdraw from the city, a step which Consul Harvey indicated would \"simplify considerably our future relations with the Taipings at Ningpo.\"14 British naval Captain Corbett concurred, reasoning that in the event of any difficulty with the Taipings the missionaries would otherwise \"prove a source of great embarrassment to us.\"15 It is a matter of record that many of the missionaries who did comply and therefore lived apart from the Taipings during the duration of their occupation did come to share the negative or hostile attitude toward the insurgents.16\n\nAs the British intervention policy developed, an anti-Taiping propaganda campaign mounted. One of the most interesting and telling samples of this effort was the reporting of Consul Harvey. His dispatch of March 20, 1862, is perhaps the best example.17 Completely in contradiction to the report of the already noted China Overland Trade Report of less than a month earlier, Harvey declared that although three months had elapsed since the Taiping takeover they had still to take a single step in the direction of good government. Curiously, he repeatedly stressed his lack of bias and dispassionate judgment. He even conceded that “personally I have received every mark of courtesy and proper regard from the Tae-ping Chiefs; and further, I have found in official dealings with them a rough and blunt sort of honesty quite unexpected and surprising, after years of public intercourse with the Imperial mandarins.” But despite such lack of bias, repeatedly emphasized, and such acknowledgment of Taiping honesty and courtesy, Harvey went on to say: \"Nevertheless, the Taepings with their frank demeanour and bluff energy have a fume of blood and a look of carnage about them, from which I, for one, recoil with horror.\" Harvey noted that the occupation of the Taipings, termed an \"experiment\", had produced \"exactly what was expected - ruin, desolation, and the annihilation of every vital principle in all that surrounds the presence, or lies under the bane, of the Taepings.\" Still underlining, undoubtedly, his lack of bias, Harvey noted: \"I now, therefore, take the liberty of declaring, once for all (and for ten years I have fairly adhered to and been consistent in this opinion), that the Taeping rebellion is the greatest delusion, as a political or popular movement, and the Taeping doctrines the most gigantic blasphemous imposition...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206217, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "28\n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR.\n\nand justify their active support of the attack on the city. This then is what happened on the morning of May 10th. According to the Ch'ing official, Hsü Yao-kuang, the provocative shots were fired at a foreign vessel and actually killed two foreigners.36 Dew jumped to the conclusion or feigned to believe that it was the Taipings who had done the firing, and immediately joined in the fight. Dew's own account is nonchalant, noting merely that the Taiping guns were silenced and that he then went to dinner at noon. At 2 p.m. storming parties mounted the walls, and at 5 p.m., after all opposition had ceased, the \"Governor” (probably the tao-t'ai) and Ch'ing soldiers landed from their junks. Dew turned the city over to the Manchu official and withdrew his men.37 The disposition of the Ch'ing troops during this attack is implicit in this report, but another unofficial source was more explicit, reporting that the Chinese allies could not be made to move toward the walls, so that in the end, even the actual breaching of them had to be undertaken by foreign troops.38 Obviously, under the circumstances of such an attack by Ch'ing forces, the Taipings had little alternative but to return fire toward foreign vessels which were interspersed among or in close proximity to the pirate fleet, both as the action began and as it continued.\n\nAfter a determined resistance, and after both of their generals, Huang and Fan, had been badly wounded, the Taipings retired from the city. The contrast between what happened during the retaking of the city at this point and the record of the Taiping seizure of the city several months earlier is interesting. It will be recalled how universal had been the favorable comments regarding the bloodless Taiping takeover. As for this latest occupation, the report of the correspondent for the China Mail speaks eloquently: \"The rebels retreated through the west gate; the pirates then entered the city and began the work of destruction, and in a few hours did more damage than the rebels did in the whole of the five months that they had possession.\" The same account goes on to speak of the executions and the tortures that were perpetrated over the next couple of days, and notes specifically that the British Consul's Chinese servant was \"one of the principal murderers and torturers of the poor fellows found in the city.\"39 Cheng A-fu was subsequently given the status of a petty official in Ningpo, as a reward for his service.40", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206219, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "30\n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR.\n\ncounter.\"'48 But, of course, this act cannot be laid exclusively to Captain Dew. Another contemporary source charged perhaps more penetratingly that the Taiping possession of Ningpo was \"peculiarly adapted\" to thwart British Minister Frederick Bruce's \"schemes for aiding and abetting\" the Ch'ing side in China's civil war. The source noted that Taiping possession of the seaport would enable them to deprive Shanghai of the greater proportion of the customs duties, which not only might now be diverted into their own exchequer, but would frustrate the object of Mr. Horatio Lay's mission to London where he was seeking to put together an Anglo-Chinese flotilla to be used against the Taipings, and \"destroy the main stay of the Imperial cause.\" The Taipings would also be able to obtain needed war munitions. Finally, they would have the opportunity to dispel \"the illusion of their being inimical to foreign trade.\" This source concluded that from \"such cogent reasons\" Admiral Hope came to agree with the Minister's views, and \"resolved on the recapture of the place by fair means or foul.\"49\n\nSmall wonder that the story of the Taiping occupation of Ningpo has received little subsequent attention in Western historical accounts of the Taiping period. When it has, it has too often been sadly distorted. It is not a happy episode to think about. But however that may be, it is an historical experience that is well worth reflection upon. It was a passing moment of history which, in a telescoped span of time, rather accurately reflected a larger contemporary story. It demonstrated that Chinese revolutionaries of the early 1860s had the capacity to achieve major objectives against a weak established government, including the conquest of much of the territory of the richest provinces in the lower Yangtze River basin and the seizure of a principal seaport. It also demonstrated that the Taipings did treat foreigners respectably well and promoted trade, which was, after all, the matter of greatest importance to foreigners. It also proved that neither the apparent military nor the civil capabilities of the revolutionaries made much difference to those key foreign officials who were determined to assist the weak established government. Finally, it showed that the intervention of foreign powers made a great deal of difference in the ultimate outcome of the civil war in China. At the most, the experience at Ningpo from December 1861 to May 1862 suggests the story in microcosm", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206220, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE TAIPINGS AT NINGPO\n\n31\n\nof the entire Taiping Revolution from 1853 to 1864 as it related to foreign powers. At the least, it suggests once again a need for renewed consideration both of the Taiping period in itself and of the historical tradition which transmitted our understanding of it.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Romaine to Hammond, No. 34, Admiralty, February 17, 1862, Inclosure 1, Hope to Admiralty, Shanghai, December 22, 1861, Blue Books, pp. 90-91.\n\n2 Harvey to Hammond, No. 32, Ningpo, December 7, 1861, Inclosure 1, Ibid., p. 85.\n\n3 The letters to both Taiping generals are translated as Inclosures 3 and 4 in Harvey to Hammond, No. 32, Ibid., pp. 86-88.\n\n4 Harvey to Hammond, No. 33, December 18, 1861, Ibid., p. 89.\n\n5 Romaine to Hammond, Admiralty, February 17, 1862, Inclosure 3, Ibid., p. 95.\n\n6 Ibid.\n\n7 Frederick Wells Williams, The Life and Letters of Samuel Wells Williams, LL.D., New York, 1889, p. 336.\n\n8 W. H. Sykes, The Taiping Rebellion in China, London, 1863, p. 34.\n\n9 The China Mail, Hong Kong, May 8, 1862, reprinted from the Shanghae Commercial News, May 2, 1862.\n\n10 Sykes, p. 19.\n\n11 Ibid.\n\n12 Ibid., pp. 49-53.\n\n13 G. E..., \"Rebels in the Ningpo District,\" North China Herald, No. 615, May 10, 1862.\n\n14 Harvey to Hammond, No. 36, January 3, 1862, Inclosure 1, \"Correspondence respecting....\" Blue Books, p. 107.\n\n15 Romaine to Hammond, No. 34, Inclosure 5, Corbett to Hope, Ningpo, December 20, 1861, Blue Books, p. 97.\n\n16 This seems evident, for example, in the writings of A. E. Moule obtainable at the Church Missionary Society archives in London, and in his undated Personal Reminiscences at the Essex Institute Library.\n\n17 Harvey to Hammond, No. 3, Ningpo, March 20, 1862, Inclosure 4, \"Further Papers....\" pp. 12-16.\n\n18 In this dispatch, Bruce makes another unwarranted generalization about foreign views of the Taipings: \"The experience of several years and the testimony of all foreigners who have been among them, show that they are unable to govern.\" Bruce to Russell, No. 14, Peking, April 10, 1862, Ibid., pp. 18-20.\n\n19 Bruce to Russell, No. 15, Peking, April 8, 1862, Ibid., p. 21.\n\n20 Admiralty to Hammond, No. 32, July 28, 1862, Inclosure 4, \"Further Papers relating to....\" Blue Books, p. 44.\n\n21 Inclosure 9 in No. 32, Ibid., p. 48.\n\n22 Inclosure 6 in No. 32, Ibid., p. 45.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206221, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "ADV \n\n: \n\n32 \n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR. \n\n23 Inclosure 7 in No. 32, Ibid., p. 46. \n\n24 Inclosure 8 in No. 32, Ibid., pp. 46-47. \n\n25 Inclosure 12 in No. 32, Ibid., p. 49. \n\n26 Inclosure 13 in No. 32, Ibid. \n\n27 Harvey to Hammond, No. 27, Ningpo, May 16, 1862, Inclosure 2, Ibid., p. 38. \n\n28 Dew to Hope, Ningpo, May 7, 1862, No. 32, Inclosure 15, Ibid., p. 50. \n\n29 Inclosure 16 in No. 32, Ibid., p. 51. \n\n30 Harvey to Hammond, No. 27, Ningpo, May 16, 1862, Inclosure 1, Harvey to Bruce, Ningpo, May 9, 1862, Ibid., p. 36. \n\n31 Dew, \"Proceedings of Encounter at Ningpo detailing the events which led to the capture of that city on May 10th, 1862,” Gordon Papers, Vol. VII, British Museum 52392, p. 22. Intriguingly, there is in this handwritten account a following sentence which says that Hope replied to Dew asking the latter to keep the peace until he could get there with sufficient force. This sentence was crossed out in the manuscript. \n\n32 Inclosure 17 in No. 32, \"Further Papers relating to...\" p. 51. \n\n33 Inclosure 19 in No. 32, Ibid., p. 52. \n\n34 Hsiang Ta, et al, eds., T'ai-ping Tien-kuo, Chinese Modern History Collection, Shanghai, 1952, Vol. 6, p. 602. \n\n35 Inclosure 1 in No. 27, \"Further Papers relating to....,” pp. 36-37. \n\n36 T'ai-ping T'ien-Kuo, Vol. 6, p. 604. \n\n37 Admiralty to Hammond, July 14, 1862, Inclosure 2, Dew to Hope, Ningpo, May 10, 1862, Ibid., p. 30. \n\n38 Green to Jardine Matheson & Co. (Hong Kong), Ningpo, May 15, 1862, No. 592, Local Correspondence Section, Ningpo (1858-62), B2/132, Jardine Matheson Archives, Cambridge University Library, \n\n39 Cited in A. F. Lindley, Ti-Ping Tien-Kwoh: The History of the Ti-Ping Revolution, London, 1866, II, 536. \n\n40 Jen Yu-wen, T'ai-p'ing T'ien-Kuo tien-chih t'ung-kao, II, Hong Kong, 1957, p. 1059. \n\n41 Captain D. Patridge to Jardine Matheson & Co. (Hong Kong) via Shanghai, Ningpo, July 28, 1860, Local Correspondence Section, Ningpo (1858-62) B2/132, JMA, \n\n42 Green to Jardine Matheson & Co. (Hong Kong), Ningpo, August 1, 1862, No. 602, Ibid. \n\n43 Green to Jardine Matheson & Co. (Hong Kong), Ningpo, November 5, 1862, No. 613, Ibid. \n\n44 Green to Jardine Matheson & Co. (Hong Kong), Ningpo, January 20, 1863, No. 622, Ibid. \n\n45 Inclosure 3, Harvey to Bruce, Ningpo, May 16, 1862, in No. 27, p. 39. \n\n46 Russell to Bruce, No. 28, July 22, 1862, \"Further Papers relating to...\" \n\n47 Alexander Mitchie, The Englishman in China, I, Edinburgh & London, 1900, p. 380. \n\n48 Cited in Lindley, II, 538 \n\n49 Ibid., 537.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206222, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 39, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "DEBATE ON NATIONAL SALVATION: \n\nHO KAI VERSUS TSENG CHI-TSE \n\nCHIU LING-YEONG* \n\n(A lecture delivered to the Branch on 22nd June, 1970) \n\nIn July 1886, Tseng Chi-tse the retiring Chinese Minister to Russia and Great Britain wrote a most controversial article which appeared in the January 1887 issue of the Asiatic Quarterly Review in London under the title 'China, the Sleep and the Awakening'. This was before he left London for China.1 It is believed that this article was written under the guidance of Sir Halliday Macartney, Tseng's interpreter and political adviser. \n\n2 \n\nIn his article, Tseng tried to explain that the weakness of China at that time was due to her sleepiness and had nothing to do with her old age or physical deficiency. Tseng began by quoting contemporary China Hands' opinion concerning the Ch'ing Empire: \n\nThere are times in the life of nations when they would appear to have exhausted their forces by the magnitude of efforts they had made to maintain their position in the endless struggle for existence; and from this, some have endeavoured to deduce the law that nations, like men, have each of them its infancy, its manhood, decline, and death. Melancholy and discouraging would be this doctrine could it be shown to be founded on any natural or inevitable law. Fortunately, however, there is no reason to believe it is. Nations have fallen from their high estate, some of them to disappear suddenly and altogether from the list of political entities, others to vanish after a more or less prolonged existence of impaired and ever-lessening vitality. Among the latter, until lately, it has been customary with Europeans to include China. Pointing to her magnificent system of canals silted up, the splendid fragments of now forgotten arts, the disparity between \n\n* Dr. Chiu is Lecturer in the Department of Chinese, University of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206223, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "34\n\nCHIU LING-YEONG\n\nher seeming weakness and the record of her ancient greatness, they thought that, having become effete, the 19th century air would prove too much for her aged lungs. Here is the opinion of a distinguished diplomatic agent writing of China in 1849:- 'With a fair seeming of immunity from invasion, sedition or revolt, leave is taken to regard this vast empire as surely, though it may be slowly, decaying.'\n\nTseng pointed out that this was the opinion of a writer whose knowledge of China was slight. China was asleep but not about to die, he said. Further, China had failed to make her way with the foreign powers because for centuries she had been contented with her brilliant achievements in the past. He went on:\n\nPerhaps she thought she had done enough, had sat down and fallen asleep in that contemplation which, if not always fatal is at least always dangerous, the contemplation of her own greatness. What wonder if she had done so? Everything predisposed her to such an attitude of mind. The fumes of the incense brought by many embassies from far off lands, the inferiority of the subject races that looked up to her, the perfect freedom from the outer din ensured to her by the remoteness of her ample bournes all predisposed her to repose and neglect to take note of what was passing in the outer world. Towards the end of the reign of Tao Kwang, however, the sleeper became aware that her situation scarcely justified the sense of security in which she had been reposing. Influences were at work, and forces were sweeping along the coast very different from those to which China had been accustomed. Pirates and visitations of Japanese free-booters had occasionally disturbed the tranquillity of certain places on the seaboard; but the men who now began to alarm the authorities were soon found to be much more redoubtable than these. Wherever they came they wished to stay. Submissive at first, they engaged in trade with our people, and tempted them with strange merchandise. It was not long before troubles arose which showed that the white trader could fight as well as buy and sell. The", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206224, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE DEBATE ON NATIONAL SALVATION \n\n35 \n\ntreaty of Nanking, in 1842, which was the result of these troubles, opened four more doors in the wall of exclusiveness with which China had surrounded herself. Amoy, Foochow, Ning Po and Shanghai were added to Canton, thus making five points of touch between China and the West. This did something to rouse China from the Saturnian dreams in which she had been so long indulging; but more was wanting to make her wide awake. It required the fire of the Summer Palace to singe her eyebrows, the advance of the Russian in Kuldja and the Frenchman in Tong-King, to enable her to realise the situation in which she was being placed by the ever-contracting circle that was being drawn around her by the Europeans. By the light of the burning palace which had been the pride and the delight of her Emperors she commenced to see that she had been asleep whilst all the world was up and doing; that she had been sleeping in the vacuous vortex of the storm of forces wildly whirling around her. \n\nIn such moment China might have been excused had she done something desperate, for there is apt to be a good deal of beating about and wild floundering on such a sudden awakening; but there was none in the case of China. A wise and prudent prince counselled China to pay the price of her mistakes, whilst the great Chinese statesman who is now in power, and who, since 1860, has rendered such incalculable services to his country, began that series of preparations which would now make it difficult to repeat the history of that, for China, eventful year. It is not a moribund nation that can so quietly accept its reverses, and gather in courage from them, set about throwing overboard the wreckage and make a fair wind of the retiring cyclone. The Summer Palace, with all its wealth of art, was a high price to pay for the lesson we there received, but not too high if it has taught us how to repair and triple fortify our battered armour; and it has done this. China is no longer what she was even five years ago. Each encounter and especially the last has, in teaching China her weakness, also discovered to her her strength.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206225, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "36\n\nCHIU LING-YEONG\n\nAfter giving his reader a vivid picture of China in her sleep, Tseng then urged the public to watch closely for China in her awakening. The awakened China, he said, would not be aggressive or dangerous to any of her neighbouring countries. China, after all, was not a land-hungry nation. Hungering for land was only the affair of the European powers. China was under no necessity of finding in other lands outlets for her surplus population. A considerable number of Chinese had, at different times, been forced to leave their homes and try their fortunes in Cuba, Peru, the United States and the British colonies, on account of the Taiping Rebellion. The Chinese emigrated to these countries of their own free will, and their movement and activities had nothing to do with the Chinese Government. The Chinese in these countries, however, unlike the Europeans who had settled in the East, had no political nor territorial ambitions.\n\nReturning to the internal affairs of the awakened China, Tseng stressed:\n\n• Great efforts are being made to fortify her coast and create a strong and efficient navy. China will proceed with her coast defences and the organisation and development of her army and navy, without, for the present, directing her attention whether to the introduction of railways or to any of the subjects of internal economy; the changes which may have to be made when China comes to set her house in order can only profitably be discussed when she feels she has thoroughly overhauled and can rely on the bolts and bars she is now applying to her doors. The general line of China's foreign Policy will be directed to extending and improving her relations with the Treaty Powers, to the amelioration of the condition of her subjects residing in foreign parts, to the placing on a less equivocal footing of the position of her feudatories, as regards the suzerain power, to the revision of the treaties, in a sense more in accordance with the place which China holds as a great Asiatic power\" \"China has decided on exercising a more effective supervision on the acts of her vassal princes and of accepting a hostile movement against these countries or any interference with their affairs will be viewed at Peking as a declaration", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206226, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE DEBATE ON NATIONAL SALVATION\n\n37\n\non the part of the Power committing it of a desire to discontinue its friendly relations with the Chinese government.\n\n\"In the alienation of Sovereign dominion over that part of her territory comprised in foreign settlements at the treaty ports, as well as in some other respects, China feels that the treaties impose on her a condition of things which, in order to avoid the evil they have led to in other countries, will oblige her to denounce these treaties on the expiry of the present decennial period. China intends the establishment of manufactories, the opening of mines, and the introduction of railways.\n\nThe publication of Tseng's article immediately attracted the attention of those who were interested in Far Eastern affairs. It was soon translated into German and French and was immediately published in leading papers of these two countries. Moreover, this article was simultaneously reprinted in several English newspapers in Hong Kong, Shanghai, and Tientsin.3 Immediately after the publication of this article in London, a Chinese translation was swiftly made available to the Chinese public. Reactions to this article, however, were not all favourable. The North China Herald in Shanghai, in its editorials on 16 February and 2 March 1887, stressed that Tseng's opinion on the Chinese Navy and Army was of no significance. The writer even quoted the comment of the French Premier, Jules F. C. Ferry, that \"China is a great country, but in spite of her greatness, her existence can just be ignored.\" He further said that China was not only continuing her sleep, but, as a matter of fact, she was on the verge of death. Tseng Chi-tse's article was nothing but boasting.\" Criticism also came from The Spectator in London:\n\nIn fact, what Marquis Tseng announces in his article is not true..... to purchase battleships from Great Britain or Germany can hardly make China become a Naval power. What China needs at the moment is to have a crew of well-trained naval officers to man the battleships. Without them, the battleships can easily be captured or go aground. It is impossible to bring all these naval officers to have confidence to manage such complicated and difficult courses in one or two years' time. As for the army, China has a very good background to increase her military", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206227, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "38\n\nCHIU LING-YEONG\n\npower. However, she lacks a capable general to command this gigantic military force. To rely upon a tremendous number of soldiers without a brilliant commander is, in fact, unreliable...\n\n+\n\nThe most authoritative comment on Tseng's article was from Sir Rutherford Alcock, the former British Minister to China. He gave his opinion in the April issue of the Asiatic Quarterly Review, that China was not already awake, as Tseng had described in his work. He emphasized that the army and navy built up by Li Hung-chang could hardly be the equal of those of European powers. Alcock suggested that China must launch immediate political and financial reforms before she could quickly build up a strong and efficient army or navy.\n\nAfter the publication of Tseng's article, Charles Denby, United States' Minister to China, in his dispatch to the State Secretary, Thomas F. Bayard, included a copy of Tseng's article together with his personal comments. Denby thought all the points listed in Tseng's article had to wait for quite a long time before they could be smoothly carried out. Denby believed that China had to work very hard for centuries before she could win a decisive battle against any of the European powers. As long as China could not build her own railways, it was beyond her ability to do anything further; for Denby thought that railways were the most important thing, if China wanted to carry out political, economical and military reforms.\n\nOf all the comments and criticisms, none were as constructive and concrete as Ho Kai's. After Ho Kai read Tseng's work, which appeared in the China Mail in Hong Kong on 8 February 1887, he immediately wrote a lengthy article and had it published in the same paper on 16 February 1887. In his letter addressed to the editor, he said:\n\nI read with great interest in your issue of the 8th instant, a remarkable article on ‘China — the Sleep and Awakening' purporting to have been written by the Marquis Tseng, which will (as was there stated) 'appear in the forthcoming number of the Asiatic Quarterly Review.' I do not intend to write exactly a critical review of this truly 'remarkable' article, but I am resolved to take this early opportunity to offer a few humble words in season to the noble Marquis", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206228, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE DEBATE ON NATIONAL SALVATION \n\n39 \n\nand those who think with him. I have watched over the condition of China with much hope and anxiety. I have long looked forward to her awakening from her lethargic slumber of centuries with eager earnestness. Consequently the remarks I am about to make are the result of years of study, and with sincerity they are now offered. What heed will be paid to them by those most concerned I know not much I do not even dare to hope for; but surely the time had come for someone, however insignificant, to attempt the rousing of the all-but-eternal dreamer into activity and to wean her from her chronic state of drowsy oblivion. The task I have set myself is a gigantic one. My poor efforts will prove but drops into the ocean. That may be, none the less I wish to raise my voice with no uncertain sound, and, when opportunity occurs, put my shoulder to the wheel along with those who are more highly gifted than I am. \n\nHo Kai then questioned whether the sleeper was really awake. He reviewed Tseng's opinion on preparations for building a strong and efficient navy and army, procedures for political and financial reforms and the general line of China's foreign policy. Ho Kai was of the opinion that China could not be deemed wide-awake even if she had achieved the goal Tseng predicted. What Tseng advocated, Ho Kai stressed, was but a dream. What China needed was basic political, educational and economic reforms. If Tseng's plan were to be carried out, it would be to put the cart before the horse. The result would certainly not be progressive but retrogressive. He said: \n\nNone will dispute the vast resources of the Chinese Empire, nor is there anyone who doubts the unceasing industry and latent strength of her teeming millions. All the materials essential to the building up of a mighty nation are there and in abundance. At the commencement, however, she requires some wise articles and the laying of a firm and lasting foundation. What that foundation is or ought to be one has not to go far to seek. It has been, is, and ever shall be the true foundation of every truly great nation. It may be summed up in a sentence, viz, equitable rule and right government. China can never \n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206230, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE DEBATE ON NATIONAL SALVATION\n\n41\n\nThe homage and the tribute presented by submissive nations is something signifying the imperial dignity and the people do not obtain any good from it. Subduing foreigners is also not the way to rule. International commerce and overseas trade are advantageous to all and are indeed of no harm to the people. Thereupon, where does the secret of ruling lie? Confidence is the answer.\n\nWith regard to confidence, Ho Kai did not refer to a theoretical attempt but to a practical pursuit. A government must provide significant evidence in its administration before it could secure the confidence of the people. Confidence, however, could not be enforced; it could only be obtained by directing the people to such a feeling of reliance. If everyone was forced to obey and follow the rule or policy as decreed, the sort of confidence thus secured arose from awe and could never be depended upon. If people had no confidence in their country, it was really unimportant whether this country was asleep or awake. On this point, Ho Kai's opinion was indeed a heavy blow at Tseng's proposals.\n\nAccording to Ho Kai, the people in China of the late nineteenth century were not striving for progress, and there was no united strength. However, those in high positions often informed their superior (the Emperor) that the people had a regard for progress, that their strength was significant, and that the Chinese enjoyed a state of good government. This, however, was dishonest talk.\n\nAs for the Sino-French war, Tseng Chi-tse in his article said that 'China laughed to scorn the demands of France for an indemnity, exacted the restoration of her invaded territory, and made peace in the hour of China's victory.' Tseng continued to explain that China accepted the French demand without conditions because China did not want to exhibit her success to her people for fear that such a result would intoxicate the Chinese. As a result of this battle, according to Tseng, China was completely triumphant, even though Tong-king was ceded to France. Tseng was sharply criticised for trying to prevent the people from knowing the truth. Ho Kai said that the disunity and weakness of China had been brought to the surface during the Sino-French war. He pointed out that the people of China were not...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206231, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "42 \n\nCHIU LING-YEONG \n\nintoxicated, but the government, and her few high officials who blindly and ignorantly thought that China had gained victory over France, were in a state of intoxication. One could not deny that China had to have a series of urgent internal reforms and the method and procedure were not so simple as Tseng put forward in his article.\n\nThe welfare of a nation, Ho Kai emphasized, especially where absolute monarchy obtained, was very much in the hands of the officials who were entrusted by its sovereign to rule over his subjects. On these depended in a large measure the happiness, unity and strength of the people under their sway. By their exalted positions, Ho Kai further stressed, they were capable of doing good or evil to those around them. In ancient time, responsible persons were selected to help administer the Empire. The Emperor and those in authority always opened their ears and cast their eyes over the Empire. When a person was found renowned for virtue, talent, learning, ability and experience, he was immediately invited to take office, high or low according to his capacity. The invitation was always cordial and sincere. In the case of a person of extraordinary merit, it was always the highest authority who went in person to tender the invitation. However, in late 19th century China, this mode of behaviour had long since gone out of fashion. It had been buried with the sages who had ruled over China so successfully. There were only two ways of entering officialdom, either by literary examination or by purchase, Ho Kai pointed out. He rejected Tseng's statement that Chinese officials were carefully selected from those who possessed varied talents.\n\nTo secure an official position by purchase was indeed vile. Those who obtained their official positions in this way usually got back their investment with a handsome profit after a brief period. The first method of entering officialdom, that is, by the literary examination, appeared to be very reasonable and to conform with modern ideas; but anyone who took the trouble to enquire, would see at once that these examinations were entirely worthless as a test of real ability and talent. Success in these examinations involved no knowledge of modern sciences or arts. It certainly required a good memory for or knowledge of the precepts and sayings of China's ancient sages. Unfortunately, very few people honestly succeeded in their examinations in this", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206232, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE DEBATE ON NATIONAL SALVATION \n\n43 \n\nway. Money played an important part and so did favouritism. Ho Kai pointed out that some candidates even provided themselves with substitutes who wrote the examination papers for them for a substantial consideration; others took large collections of old essays into the examination hall to copy; while others again ensured their success by valuable presents. Ho Kai strongly believed that officials selected in this way were bound to jeopardize the governmental administration. \n\nHo Kai challenged Tseng on this point by referring to the Foochow fleet.13 He asked: \n\nHas not the Foochow naval engagement which the Marquis alludes to distinctly proved that it is not? Was not the commander-in-chief of the Foochow fleet a literate of the first water, and was not his knowledge of the Chinese classics intimate, and was he not a scholar who had passed his third literary examination with flying colours and finally been admitted a member of the Imperial College? But the defeat was not his fault. He could no more help it than, to use a common phrase, could the man in the moon. Where had he been trained in naval warfare, and where had he got his knowledge of naval engagements? \n\nHo Kai lamented that no one could tell what would be the consequence of this illiberal policy, but he was certain that China had deprived herself in this way of many good and faithful servants who otherwise would have served her with loyalty and distinction. \n\nTseng had expressed his confidence that under the leadership and guidance of (Sir) Sherrard Osborn, the British officer who had been seconded to China, a strong and really efficient Navy could be created. Ho Kai, however, strongly criticised Tseng's lack of insight. He wrote: \n\nThere is scarcely a civilized country in the world which needs a really efficient and strong fortification along her coast more than China. But there is something which she is in greater need of, that is, competent hands to man her forts and attend to and fight her ships. Big guns and forts are all very well in their way, but they are utterly", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206233, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "44\n\nCHIU LING-YEONG\n\nuseless against a foe unless they are worked and guarded with intelligence, precision and judgment. Fast sailing cruisers, powerful ironclads and swift torpedo-boats are excellent weapons of defence as well as offence, but they are only tools and demand much skill, bravery, knowledge and experience in their handling. In the hands of the uninitiated and ignorant, they are clumsy and expensive toys fit only to be sunk or captured by an enemy after a brief resistance. Where will China find all the hands for her navy without going abroad for them? I am aware that the present order of things is to hire foreign instructors and establish naval schools. Indeed, the Naval College at Foochow was established many years ago, and has from time to time turned out a large number of students, and, I will add, some promising ones too. But were all the students treated properly and all promises made them kept? Were their salaries liberal, and were they punctually paid; and did their salaries suffer much diminution or become beautifully less ere they reached the several recipients' pockets? When the students were qualified, did they get all they deserved, or what had been promised to them? Were they not put under the same official despotism as the other ordinary officers? Have they not been placed absolutely at the command of and obliged to take directions from ignorant officers who have never been to sea and whose only merit consists in being high mandarins or the relations of such? Have there not been cases of desertion on account of bad treatment received, and have there been no frequent and loud complaints? Here more than anywhere internal reforms are required to induce promising young men to devote their time to necessary courses of study and training, and, when qualified, to risk their lives and all in the loyal defence of their dear country upon the raging billows. Get an efficient navy by all means, but before all get reform. Take timely warning by the naval encounter at Foochow, where so many of China's ships of war, though outnumbering the French fleet and carrying heavy ordinance, were sunk within the space of barely half an hour. Such a record should make a nation weep and repent in sackcloth and ashes.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206234, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE DEBATE ON NATIONAL SALVATION\n\n45\n\nHo Kai's judgment was keen indeed. China voluntarily and in an humiliating fashion concluded the Sino-Franco War on the verge of victory. The tragic end of the Foochow fleet, however, was due to the ill-judgment and incapacity of her commander-in-chief, Admiral Ho Ju-chang, which gave the French the chance to destroy the whole fleet in half-an-hour.14\n\nThe situation of the Chinese army, in the eyes of Ho Kai, was no better than that of the navy. He said:\n\nThe Chinese make fine soldiers if properly disciplined and armed, and placed under brave leaders. Let their salaries be paid regularly and adequately according to law, and not cut down and kept in arrears for months together, let their drills be conducted regularly. Does China wish to have an army worthy of the name? Let her then first reform her internal administration in this department. One point I wish to impress especially upon those who have the guidance of affairs is, that the efficiency of an army does not so much depend upon the number of soldiers composing it as on their collective and individual proficiency. I cannot leave the topic without recalling to mind the achievements of the Ever Victorious Army when under the distinguished leadership of that renowned chief, the late lamented General C. G. Gordon,\n\nAs to China's relations with foreign powers, Ho Kai admitted that she had much cause for complaint. China was bound down by treaties to do much that was incompatible with her rights and dignity as an independent sovereign state. She was often sharply pulled up and rebuked for the least semblance of a breach of an article in such treaties, while some foreign nations were not very careful in observing their part of the agreements and extremely tardy in rendering justice to her claims. The Chinese, as a matter of fact, had not always received the respect and consideration which they deserved, and in some places they were even treated as if they were more devils than men. The only way to save China from this injustice and maltreatment was to make immediate reforms. High officials must find the true cause of their country's degradation and then apply the proper remedy. The army and navy were not the key to the problem of China's weakness. The real weakness of China was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206235, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 52, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "46\n\nCHIU LING-YEONG\n\nher loose morality and evil habits, both social and political. A good government depended much on her stability and righteousness. This was the backbone of a nation's foundation of strength. Unfortunately, in the eyes of the Europeans who resided in China she was not a stable and righteous country.\n\nHo Kai cited an example to support his argument:\n\nWhat makes the several Foreign Powers insist upon the violation of the Sovereign rights of China to bring every foreign resident within her territory, except the various Ambassadors, and their suits, under their law, and to try such offenders in their own courts and mete out punishment in their own way? The Marquis Tseng would say that it is because China had not a formidable army and navy; but I would rather suggest that it was owing to the distrust with which Europeans universally regard the Chinese system of law and especially its administration. They hate the very idea of extorting evidence from prisoners and witnesses by infliction of corporal pain; they detest bribery and unfair dealings; they abhor the filthy prisons in which the condemned or even remanded are kept; they shudder at the sound of ling-chi and almost faint at the various tortures usually resorted to in a Chinese Court. Does anyone think that any Foreign, especially European Government will be insane and submissive enough to place their subjects at the mercy of China's Mandarins where such things exist? Never, were China twenty times as strong as she is or stronger. If China wishes to have diplomatic relations with other countries upon an equal footing, and desires foreign powers to respect her sovereignty and rights, she must do a great deal more than simply get strong.\n\nIn addition to the above criticism, Ho Kai questioned where China was to find funds to pay for increased armaments, to work her mines, to run the railways and to establish and maintain her factories. Ho Kai thought that China's credit was good on the foreign market, but that there was a limit and that limit would soon be reached. When the revenue derivable from the Imperial Customs became fully pledged, foreigners would not so", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206236, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 53, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE DEBATE ON NATIONAL SALVATION\n\n47\n\nreadily lend except on condition that they should have some voice in the control or management of the enterprise for which the money was to be loaned. Ho Kai was of the opinion that China would scarcely relish such a condition. China would prefer to raise a loan among her own people. This was indeed a better way. He suggested:\n\nNearly every European nation has a national debt in which her people freely invest in spite of the low rate of interest. Why should China not have a national debt also in which her own people can also invest? No reason at all except that before borrowing from her subjects she has first to establish her credit with them, and win their confidence and trust. But does China possess the confidence of her people regarding money matters? I am afraid not. Witness the recent failure in the attempt to raise a small loan by the Canton authorities. One can hardly wonder at this, seeing the great reputation Chinese mandarins have acquired of knowing too well the value of money, and therefore hard to be made to part with any when once placed in their possession. Some Chinese go so far as to fear that if once they deposit their hard-earned capital with the Government, they will never see it again, much less the interest. This is a pity, for I believe there are many wealthy Chinese who could afford to leave with the Government handsome sums on loan at moderate interest.\n\nShould the Government have much difficulty in securing sufficient funds to carry out all the contemplated improvements, they might be forced to leave much to be done by private enterprise. This after all is the best way, as has long ago been found out in other countries. But private enterprise will not be undertaken without much encouragement from and confidence in the Government. The least suspicion of injustice, the remotest fear of underhand dealings and undue interference on the part of the Government, such as the levying of blackmail, the imposition of heavy taxes and the assumption of certain injurious prerogatives, would prove fatal to such undertakings. Will the Chinese Government give us some assurance beforehand?", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206237, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 54, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "48\n\nCHIU LING-YEONG\n\nThe opinion of Tseng Chi-tse expressed in his article was thoroughly criticized by Ho Kai, as shown above, on the basis of his personal judgment and also his knowledge of the Western world acquired during his residence in Hong Kong and stay in England. Ho Kai's article was, indeed, an important proclamation on China's reforms, and his criticism was very logical and sincere. In his conclusion he said that every word in his article had been uttered with sincerity and without the slightest malice or ill-feeling. Ho Kai also reminded Tseng Chi-tse that it was no use to hide China's defects and to defer the remedy. He hoped Tseng would realize that if a man wore a sword and put on a coat of armour it did not prove that he was a knight. In conclusion, Ho Kai urged Tseng Chi-tse to read a passage which he extracted from the work of Mencius and Analects as a guide of his policy.\n\n「王如施仁政於民,省刑罰,薄稅斂,可使制梃,以撻秦楚之堅甲利兵。」...... 「上下交征利,而國危矣。」...... 「苟為後義而先利,不奪不餍。」... 「保民而王,莫之能禦也。」...... 「足食足兵,民信之矣。自古皆有死,民無信不立。」...... 「羿善射,奡盪舟,俱不得其死然禹稷躬稼而有天下。」\n\nThese passages may be rendered as follows; after Legge's translation:\n\n \n If your Majesty will indeed dispense a benevolent government to the people, being sparing in the use of punishments and fines, and making the taxes and levies light, you will then have a people who can be employed, with sticks which they have prepared, to oppose the strong mail and sharp weapons of the troops of Ts'in (#) and Ch’ü (#).\n \n \n Superiors and inferiors will try to snatch the profit one from the other, and the kingdom will be endangered.\n \n \n If righteousness be put last, and profit be put first, they will not be satisfied without snatching all.\n \n \n The love and protection of the people; with this there is no power which can prevent a ruler from attaining it.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206238, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 55, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE DEBATE ON NATIONAL SALVATION\n\n49\n\nThat there be sufficiency of food, sufficiency of military equipment, and the confidence of the people in their ruler from of old, death has been the lot of all men; but if the people have no faith in their rulers, there is no standing for the state.\n\nI (4) was skilful at archery, and Ao (R) could move a boat along upon the land, but neither of them died a natural death. Yu (§) and Chi () personally wrought at the toils of husbandry, and they became possessors of the kingdom.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 For Tseng Chi-tse, see Arthur W. Hummel, Eminent Chinese of Ching Period Vol. II, pp. 746-747; Lee En-han, Tseng Chi-tse ti wai-chiao, Taipei, 1966.\n\n曾紀澤的外交\n\n2 Cf. Boulger D. C., The Life of Sir Halliday Macartney. London 1908.\n\n3 Boulger D. C., op. cit., pp. 433-435. Papers which published Tseng's work include the China Mail in Hong Kong, the North China Herald in Shanghai and the China Times in Tientsin. In Hong Kong, Tseng's article appeared in the China Mail only. However, many historians have mistaken the Daily Press of Hong Kong for the China Mail. This confusion first appeared in Ko Kung-chen's Chung-kuo pao-hsüen shih, Shanghai, 1927, Ch. III, p. 20. Recent Japanese scholars in the field of modern Chinese Studies have followed Ko Kung-chen's mistake. Cf. Onogawa Hidemi - \"Kai Kei Ko Reien no 'Shinsei Rongi'\" Oriental Studies in honour of Juntaro Ishihama on the occasion of his seventieth birthday, Kansai University, Osaka, 1958 pp. 121-133; Watanabe Tetsuhiro, \"Kai Kei Ko Reien no 'Shinsei Rongi'\" Ritsumeikan bungaku, Journal of the Ritsumeikan University, Kyoto (1961) pp. 59-75.\n\n4 Tseng's work was translated into Chinese by Yen Yung-ching and Yüan Chu-i. Both were graduates of the Peking Tung-Wen Kuan. The title of the Chinese version is Tseng-hou Chung-kuo hsien-shui how-hsing lun; cf. Hsin-Cheng chen-chüan ch'u-pien; Tseng-lun shu-hou fulu; Huang-chao hawi wen-pien, chuan i, pp. 32-37; North China Herald, Vol. 38, No. 1021, Feb. 16, 1887, p. 181; Dispatches From U.S. Ministers to China, Microcopy No. 92, The National Archives of the United States, Roll 80, No. 340, Denby to the Secretary of State, March 21, 1887.\n\n5 North China Herald, Vol. 38, No. 1023, March 2, 1887 p. 229.\n\n6 Ibid. Vol. 38, May 27, 1887, p. 569,\n\n7 Foreign Relations of the United States, 1887, No. 158, Denby to Bayard, March 8, 1887, pp. 196-197. Dispatches from U.S. Ministers to China, Microcopy No. 92, Roll 80, No. 328, Denby to Bayard, March 8, 1887. Denby further pointed out that Tseng purposely ignored the importance of the evangelical missions in China in his article. Denby believed that Christian activities were directly supported by foreign powers in China. The priests were always acted as the mediators between the Western Powers", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206239, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "50\n\nCHIU LING-YEONG\n\nand the Chinese authorities. However the State Secretary, Thomas F. Bayard, was very pleased with Tseng's friendly attitude to the United States in his article. Cf. Foreign Relations of the United States, 1887, No. 168, Bayard to Denby, May 7, 1887.\n\n* Ho Kai (Ho Ch'i) was born on 12 March, 1859, the fifth son of the Rev. Ho Jun-yang. Ho Kai obtained his Bachelor of Medicine and Master of Surgery degrees from the University of Aberdeen in Scotland, 1879, and was admitted to Lincoln's Inn on 29 April, 1879. He was called to the Bar on 25 January 1882. Ho Kai was admitted to practice as a barrister in the Supreme Court on 29 March, 1882 after he returned to Hong Kong. From 1882 onward, Ho Kai appeared to be an educationalist, reformist, revolutionary etc. Ho died in September 1914. At the time of his death he was a Member of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong and had been knighted for his public services in 1912. See the account given at pp. 12-16 of T. C. Cheng's \"Chinese Unofficial Members of the Legislative and Executive Council in Hong Kong up to 1941” in JHKBRAS Vol. 9 (1969). After Ho's article was published in the China Mail on 16 February, 1887, it was translated into Chinese entitled \"Shu Tseng Hsi-hou Chung-kuo sheng-shui hou-hsing lun-hou\" by his friend Hu Li-yüan (1848-1916) and was published in the Hua Tsu Jih Pao on 11 May, 1887. Most of Ho Kai's writings like Hsin-cheng chen chian was written in English and was translated into Chinese by Hu. For Ho Kai, see Chiu Ling-yeong, The Life and Thought of Sir Ho Kai, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Sydney, March, 1968; Onogawa Hidemi, op. cit.; Watanabe Tetsuhiro, op. cit.; Fang Hao, \"Ch'ing-mo wei-hsin cheng-lun-chia Ho Ch'i yü Hu Li-yüan”清末維新政論家何啟與胡禮垣, Hsin Shih-tai 新時代, Taipei III, 12 (1963) 20-25; Hsiang-Kang yali-shih Ho Miao-ling Na-ta-su i yüân ch'i-shih chou-nien ki nien, 1887-1967, Lo Hsiang-lin, Kuo-fu ti kao-ming kuang-ta, Taiwan, 1965, pp. 115-132, Kuo-fu chih 1a-hsüeh shih-tai, Taiwan, 1954, pp. 5-13; B. Harrison, (Ed): The First 50 Years, University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1962 pp. 5-23; Llyod E. Eastman, \"Political Reformism in China before the Sino-Japanese War\", Journal of Asian Studies, Volume XXVII, No. 4, August 1968, pp. 695-710. André Chih: L'occident Chretien vu par les Chinois vers la fin du XIX siécle (1870-1900), presses universitaires de France, Paris, 1962, pp. 42 and 47. Hu Pin, Chung-kuo chin-tai kai-liang chu-i ssu-hsiang, Peking, 1964. pp. 82-84, pp. 173-182. Jen Chi-yü, “Ho Chi Hu Li-huan ti kai-liang chu-i ssu-hsiang” in Chung-kuo chin-tai ssu-hsiang shih lun-wen, Shanghai, 1958, pp. 75-91.\n\n中國近代思想史論文集 Liu Yü-sheng, Shih-tsai tang tsa-i, Peking, 1960, pp. 163-164. Immanuel C. Y. Hsü: The Rise of Modern China, New York, Oxford University Press, 1970, pp. 425 and 543. Harold Z. Schiffrin, in his book entitled Sun Yat-sen and the Origins of Chinese Revolution, University of California Press. Berkeley, 1968, also has a lengthy chapter dealing with Ho Kai's relations with Sun Yat-sen,\n\n9 Chung-kuo chin-tai ssu-hsiang shih ts'an-k'ao tzu-liao chien-pien, Peking, San-lien Shu-tien, 1957, pp. 174-175.\n\n10 Cf. Chung-Fa Chan-cheng, Chung-kuo shih-hsüeh hui Comp., Shanghai 1955, Vol. I; Ah Ying (Ed); Chung-Fa chan-cheng wen hsieh chi, Chung hua Shu tien, Shanghai, 1957, pp. 3-6.\n\nLi Ting-yi, Chung-Kuo chin-tai shih, Taiwan, 1959, pp. 153-162; Liu Feihua, Chung keo Chin-tại Chiến-shih, Peking, 1954, pp. 117-125.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206240, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE DEBATE ON NATIONAL SALVATION \n\n51 \n\n12 In June, 1885, Li Hung-chang signed an agreement with the French minister to China, Jules Patenotre, in Peking. The outline of the agreement was as follows: \n\n1. Annam was to become a French protectorate; \n\n2. The ports Lao-kay and Lang-son were to be opened for international trade; \n\n3. The French were to withdraw from Kee-lung and Peng-hu ; \n\n4. The French were to be the sole builders of all railways in Annam. An additional agreement was also signed in 1887. By this agreement Long-Chou and Mong-tzu were to be opened as trading ports, the prohibition of opium-smoking was to be revoked and the French were to have all privileges in South-east China. Cf. Liu Pei-hua, op. cit. \n\n13 Cf. Kung Kuang-te (Compl), P'u-tien chung-fen chi Foochow Machiang chan-shih ta-luch ching-hsing, Vol. 2, 22a; T'sai-chiao Shan-jen, \"Chung-Fa Ma-chiang chan-i chih hui-yi” also Chung-Fa Chan-cheng, Vol. 3, pp. 115-140. \n\n14 Liu Pei-hua, op. cit., pp. 121-122.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206241, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 58, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "LETTERS FROM CHINA 1835-36\n\nEditor's note. The extracts that follow from three of the surviving letters of James Calder Stewart are reproduced here with the kind permission of Mrs. Christopher Shorland of Warfield, Berks., through the kind offices of Mrs. David Dunkerley of Hong Kong. Both these ladies are descendants of the Herschel side of the family.\n\nIt has not been possible with the limited research aids available in Hong Kong to ascertain the writer's dates of birth and death or more details of his life. These will have to await my next leave in Britain and will, I hope, form the subject of a later Note.\n\nJames Calder Stewart was the son of Alexander Stewart, D.D., Minister of the Canongate Church, Edinburgh, and his wife, Emilia Calder, daughter of the Revd. Charles Calder of Urquhart. Mrs. Shorland advises that reference to other family letters produces little information about James Stewart. Before going to Canton, where he was apparently in business, he seems to have been in India; a letter written to Sir John Herschel dated L'Epéronnière, 13 October 1837, speaks of his being “still invited to return to India”. According to Mrs. Shorland, an uncle, James Calder, had a business in Calcutta, and it may be presumed that James Stewart found a position with him there. James' brother, Duncan, was also connected with the firm in some capacity. It is likely that Stewart's Canton post was obtained through the Calder connection, or was an extension of the Calder business. Mrs. Shorland states that after his return from China, he was appointed Assistant to the Commissioner of the New Poor Law Bill under Professor Jones 'at not less than £500 per annum'. He married later and had three children.\n\nThe \"Herschel\" mentioned in the letters is Sir John Frederick William Herschel (1791 - 1871), the astronomer, 1st baronet, and only child of Sir William Herschel (1738 - 1832), also famous as an astronomer. Sir John was married to Stewart's sister, Margaret Brodie Stewart (1810-1884). In 1835-36, when the letters were written, and between 1834-1838, Herschel was at the Cape of Good Hope, to which he had gone on a private project to survey the heavens of the Southern Hemisphere.\n\nThe prime interest of the extracts taken from these few letters is the view they give of the life and mind of one of the British merchants resident in Canton and Macau and the restrictions", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206242, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "LETTERS FROM CHINA 1835-36\n\n53\n\nwhich were imposed upon their movement by the Chinese authorities. Their effect upon a sensitive person are readily apparent from the letters. The literary interests and charitable works of the writer and his relatives are also of interest, and the mentions of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge in China and the Medical Missionary Society remind us of the starting difficulties that surrounded the first of these ventures.\n\nBoth societies were inaugurated at meetings held among foreign residents at Canton. The Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge in China originated at a meeting of residents on 29th November, 1834. The Medical Missionary Society originated at a public meeting held in Canton in 1838 and, according to Samuel Couling, was \"the first society of the kind in existence\" in China. The Society was formed to develop and finance Dr. Peter Parker's ophthalmic hospital in Canton which had started in Singapore in 1834 and been moved to Canton the following year. (See Samuel Couling, The Encyclopaedia Sinica, Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1917, pp. 345, 520 for further details. An account of the inaugural meeting of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge in China is given in The Chinese Repository, volume 3, page 378).\n\nWith the kind assistance of Mr. H. A. Rydings, Librarian of the University of Hong Kong and Honorary Librarian of this Branch, it has been possible to trace the reference in the letter written from the ship Asia to the Compendium of General History printed at Singapore, being the first work of the Society for Diffusing Useful Knowledge in China. This is Koò kin wàn kwo kang kéén or Universal History, 244 leaves, Singapore 1838. This appears as No. 34 on page 60 of (Alexander Wylie's) Memorials of the Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, Shanghae, American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1867. Item 17 on page 58 is also relevant. Unfortunately, the mention of the Japanese Encyclopaedia, also in the long letter written on board the Asia, is too vague to allow for any identification.\n\nIt may be of interest to readers that in Volume 4 of this Journal (1964) we printed with Introduction and Useful Notes a recently discovered M.S. Journal of Occurrences at Canton during the Cessation of Trade at Canton 1839 which is considered to have been by W. C. Hunter, a resident of Canton and Macau contemporary with Stewart. Hunter published his reminiscences", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206243, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 60, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "HON EDITOR \n\nof the period in later life in two well-known books entitled The 'Fan Kwae' at Canton before Treaty Days 1825-1844 (Kelly & Walsh, 1882 and 2nd edition 1911) and Bits of Old China, also published by Messrs. Kelly & Walsh at the same dates. C. Toogood Downing's The Fan-Qui in China (three volumes, London, Henry Colburn, 1838) is another well-known contemporary account.\n\nExtracts from the Letters * \n\nTO HIS SISTER, DATED CANTON, 12TH DECEMBER, 1835 \n\nMy time here is fully occupied, I am glad to say. If sometimes rather too much so there's no great harm done; I assure you I have supped too full of the horrors of idleness in time gone by, to fret at hard work now. There are several circumstances in Canton life which agree with me very well—and these are just enhanced by contrast with its disadvantages. There is some interest too in the strange faces, browned and weather-beaten, of the ship-captains from Liverpool and London etc. who are lodged and boarded of necessity in our Hong here all the time their Ships are in the Port, so that Covers are laid every day for an indefinite number, and the whole Domestic Establishment in short is a Boarding-House with a Table d'hôte at 7 p.m. The comfort of this evil, is the sanctity with which folks' private-rooms are regarded—seeing that there is no privacy whatever elsewhere; and in my bedroom accordingly, I enjoy greater security and deeper seclusion than if I were a stranger in an Inn with boots and chambermaids and postboys to interrupt me whether I have business with them or no. Sundry persons who dislike the strict imprisonment of a Canton-life, venture out, of evenings, on the river, in wherries. As there is a barrier, a break-water, of some thousands of boats and river-crafts of the most unutterable forms and still more unmentionable characters, to break, bruise and burst through, before ten square feet of dirty water can be won free, this is not an amusement I have taken to; and fond as I used to be of it, I think I shall become more and more averse to experiments on the Canton River the longer I remain in China. Three Europeans have been drowned by accident since my arrival here, which is just an \n\n* \n\n* The text has been left in the writer's style. Additions and queries in square brackets are the Editor's.\n\nPage 60\n\nPage 61", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206244, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 61, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "LETTERS FROM CHINA 1835-36 \n\n55 \n\naverage of one in a fortnight! Moreover, I can't swim a stroke. Thus, the house-top is my esplanade and Champ-de-Mars every morning and evening; and seriously, the view from it is very interesting at least to an eye not palled by long repetition of it. All Canton, the City, and the Suburbs (far more extensive than it) stretches away below you on the north, with its strange curved roofs and gables, such as you always see painted in China tea-cups; and now and then the pinnacles of a joss-house, or temple, with tall flag-staffs; until the eye takes in a most beautiful hill some 2 to 3,000 feet high, and perhaps three miles away from you in a straight line. There stands an enormous Pagoda at the foot of this hill, towering prodigiously many stories above all the trees and houses around it, and with a tree (which looks a merest shrub) growing on its summit. That hill is the finest thing here; I wander over it—I mean in spirit—every morning that day breaks on it drawing out all the tints of the scene; there are half a dozen fissures in one part, which I look on as thunder-rifts; and a delicate whitish line creeps up one shoulder, which I take to be a path-way for those happy, happy, thrice-enviable and most-favored Chinamen who can walk thereon without being bamboo'd to death for the offence! The river opposite the Factories joins another great branch only a few yards higher up, and the remote shores of the united stream above, show yellow with harvest, and painfully rural to the poor bird in the cage. The country there stretches away into hills too, but perhaps 15 or 20 miles away, a long and very high range—several indeed—which break the horizon nearly half its circuit. Down the River, i.e., to the S.E., the stream curves like an S, and thereby, from your point of view, a forest of masts, of all heights and sizes ever used in boats, is visible in one coup-d'oeil, such as I never saw before. I should not say boats, though; for most of them are the masts (single sticks!) of junks from 2 to 600 Tons Burden. Their number is perfectly prodigious. You see the horizon beyond and near this, striped with one or two delicate lines of alternate land and water from the windings of the noble river, the last line of all being perhaps ten miles off. It is over there the sun rises to you, else you could not see that tiny thread of water inlaying the meadows. Not a single European ship is in sight here, and only a few sailing boats and wherries. All the European ships are down at Whampoa reach, some 12 or 13 miles away.\n\n—\n\n—\n\n—", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206246, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 63, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "LETTERS FROM China 1835-36\n\n57\n\nof subjects that will one day avenge themselves on all of us if neglected. This is almost a more painful sight than the ignorance of the poor Chinese around us; it is being regularly \"blinded by the god of this world\" in spite of the light of day; in the other case, day has not yet dawned on the benighted souls.....\n\nI am more chagrined than I can tell you, at being unable as the time draws nigh, to give Herschel any hopes of meteorological observations here on the 21st Inst. Instruments cannot be borrowed from the Ships at Whampoa, and I cannot leave Canton for two days at this over-busy season to go to the instruments, and I have tried to move one or two Ships' Officers residing there in vain. My old Partner G.I. Gordon (whom you may know by my report of old, for a man of uncommon talents and most cultivated mind, as well as amiable and honorable feelings) is at Macao now, with Herschel's brochure in his hands, endeavoring something: he may be up here in a few days and then I shall know the worst. I look forward to disappointment on this 21st Decr as now fixed. But if I live till 21st March, I shall have better hopes of doing something, however little that something be, because for one thing I shall not be so excessively busy in office at that period as at present. So my regret though great is not altogether despair; and I wish you would give H. [Herschel] my warm love with the assurance of the hearty zeal I take in this matter, and which I shall yet evince I hope more practically than in all this bow-wowing.\n\nI am sending under the care of Lieutenant P. Nicolson by this opportunity, a small parcel to H's [Herschel's] address containing what I daresay will be a great curiosity to you both – genuine Chinese Map of China, and eke of both hemispheres. The latter (the Old World at least) you will make out immediately. But the New World will be new to most Geographers who look at it. I am sorry I have not time to search for some translation of the Chinese characters on it, but perhaps I may supply the want yet. Accompanying this map, is a Prospectus of a most excellent Institution lately set agoing here, for the success of which I feel a deep interest - a Diffusion of Useful Knowledge Society in China! Is not the idea good? Simple elementary Treatises on all useful subjects to be translated by it and diffused as much as possible, over the Empire, and into the Imperial Palace itself if", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206248, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "LETTERS FROM CHINA 1835-36\n\n59\n\nup for three months and a half, reduced to a skeleton and with no strength left to stand the doctors' treatment. Ed.\n\n-\n\nO a sick-room\n\n+\n\nI\n\n+\n\nas\n\nis a dismal doleful prison. Such was mine for weeks at Macao-only two gruff Chinese Servants in the house with me, who skulked continually; and who, if my death had threatened then, would have fled the house, such being their only way of saving their own lives their monstrous Government (incredible as it may seem) would exact at least one of these same lives, if they were found beside a corpse!.... I am sadly grieved at my departure before receiving his [Herschel's] communication on Language and Orthography [for the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge in China mentioned in his letter of 12th December 1835]; the opportunity of applying practically some of the truths and instructions to be expected, seemed a very happy one, and I fear will now be lost. There are numerous languages however in the Indian Archipelago, not one of which has yet a written character, but which from the astonishing zeal already displayed both by English and American missionaries, are likely to be acquired ere long, and in the preparation of Grammar for these, there will be a fine field for applying every orthographical hint that can be given.\n\n[December] 8th The \"Society for Diffusing Useful Knowledge in China\" which I wrote you about, and which you have authorized my Subscribing £5 to, finds the work it has proposed to itself too heavy, I fear, for the one or two hands who are all that can engage in it. This is ten thousand pities particularly as its slow, and I may say unsatisfactory, progress, will dishearten many supporters. Its first work A Compendium of General History is now in the Press (at Singapore, for no Chinese printing is allowed, or practicable, in China itself), and will appear presently; at least so it is said. But whether any other work be in preparation or not, I cannot say. The missionaries who have the chief part of the labour to perform, as Chinese Scholars seem unfortunately to differ as to the style or dialect that ought to be used in the works, and also are not much agreed as to the manner in which these works are to convey knowledge. The dialect that is vulgar in one province, is classical (it seems) in another; and vice versa. There are difficulties of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206249, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "60\n\nHON EDITOR\n\n-\n\nother kinds too, which no third parties ignorant of Chinese manners, feelings and prejudices, can settle and which occasion embarrassment and delay beyond what was at all anticipated, I imagine, when the Society was first started. On the whole, I suspect the design will fail from being premature: we have not Chinese Scholars enough to carry it on; and the Chinese Scholars we want must be also highly educated and able men, capable of administering Knowledge in new forms adapted to the new and very peculiar circumstances of the minds to which it is to be addressed, not men of rudiments and the mere A B C of a common school education. For these reasons, I have abstained from putting down your Subscription to this particular Society, although I continue my own. I have much better hopes of the usefulness of the already-tried — and — found-successful labors proposed in a little brochure which accompanies this, entitled \"Suggestions for the formation of a Medical Missionary Society\". This design is merely an extension, in the form of a Society, of labors that have been already carried on by individuals to a great extent, and with infinite advantage in many ways. It is therefore no new experiment. Let me know what you think of the \"Suggestions\", and unless China (as I hope not) has lost interest for you, I would recommend this direction for your above-named act of Charity, in preference, now, to the \"Diffusion etc. Society\". Say that I put your name down, with my own, as Subscribers each at the yearly rate proposed in the Prospectus, viz. 15 dollars — about £3.15.-? If you approve of this, you can write me home, and I shall do the needful there. Or if you like to have a choice of charitable works here is the Japanese Ms. containing a little precis of the Christian religion, and which I mean to get lithographed at home by private Subscription if I can. I am no longer able to bear the cost entirely myself, or I would. You may contribute to this good work, if you prefer it to the other; or you may contribute to both, if you particularly desire! I confess I feel some personal interest in this Japanese work — as it is the very first attempt of the sort, and a beginning is the great thing in most undertakings. It is a beautiful character — and I have also an alphabet of it, I believe the first ever drawn up, which I wish to have lithographed, and will send a copy to H. [Herschel] if I do.\n\n―\n\nDo you know the Japanese have the most extraordinary talent", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206250, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "LETTERS FROM CHINA 1835-36\n\n61\n\nfor drawing quite a genius for it, as the Japanese have for music. I saw a Japanese book at Macao—their Encyclopaedia, a work in many volumes, full as it could hold of the most exquisite wood-cuts, about the size of this page [8′′ × 10′′]. And it is quite impossible that Art could excel the spirit, grace and truth to Nature, with which these pictures of birds, trees, flowers, animals, etc. were represented. The pictures of the beasts reminded me of the Antique (the drawings in the Museum at Naples) in the exquisite ease with which the creatures are exhibited in all their own natural attitudes; the nicest distinctions of species are observed, with wonderful accuracy and the execution is\n\nas spirited as any lithograph I ever saw. I particularly admired the disregard of mere finish in their work, but nothing could be more useful than the adherence to everything that constitutes life and character. The botanical drawings surpass description; the true love of beauty is to be seen in the charming simplicity and fidelity of these things. They cannot combine groups apparently. Nor were their attempts at landscape at all to be compared to their other drawings. But the real Genius of Art was there as obvious as in any work that ever came from pencil or chisel. The book was a great rarity—and not to be replaced. What a pity that no nation but the indolent and incurious Dutch should be allowed to visit Japan—and that even their intercourse should be so restricted and trammelled as it is!\n\nI am unfortunate in being shipped off from China as I am direct from my sick-room. There are many things I should wish to have enquired about before going home, and I should like to have taken home some of their books and works of\n\nart....\n\n•\n\n+\n\n77", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206255, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "66\n\nALINE K. WONG\n\nKong stands apart from the Chinese communities in Southeast Asia, or elsewhere, in the United States, England, or New Zealand. The reasons are these:\n\n1. Unlike the Chinese communities in Asia or elsewhere in the world, the Chinese in Hong Kong are not a minority people in the numerical sense. On the contrary, the Chinese make up 99% of the local population.\n\n2. The Nationalist and the Communist governments in China have never regarded the residents of Hong Kong (and Macau) as \"overseas Chinese\" in the same way as they look at the Chinese in other parts of the world. Residents in Hong Kong are considered by both governments as Chinese citizens per se, and not as people with dual nationality, as were so many Chinese in Southeast Asia before the Communist government took a firmer stand on the question of nationality status, beginning in 1954.\n\n3. The dominant culture in Hong Kong is the Chinese culture. If it is true that many overseas Chinese in other parts of the world still consider themselves as \"Chinese\" irrespective of their actual nationality, it is more true of the beliefs and attitudes of the Hong Kong Chinese. The organization and cultural content of their social life is unmistakably Chinese, although Hong Kong seems to be very westernized in certain aspects, such as in the styles of dress, food habits and recreational life.\n\n4. A large number of people in the Colony are political refugees from China. According to the 1955 United Nations Report on the Problem of Chinese Refugees in Hong Kong, at least 385,000 people could be considered as political refugees at the time.11 As such, these people demand a special kind of status and require some special policy treatment. The problem of the refugees is not just a problem of cultural assimilation, but is one calling for political solutions.\n\nFor the above reasons, I do not think that Hong Kong should be considered as one of the \"overseas\" Chinese communities. It is a city with a unique society of its own in which social life bears an unmistakable Chinese stamp. It is within this context\n\n11 E. Hambro, The Problem of Chinese Refugees in Hong Kong. Report submitted to the United Nations High Commissioner of Refugees, 1955, p. 125.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206263, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "The Emergence of a Chinese Elite in Hong Kong\n\nCarl T. Smith*\n\n(A lecture delivered to the Branch on 15 March 1971)\n\nINTRODUCTION\n\nThe opening of Tung Wah Hospital (1872)† marks the terminal date for this study of the emergence of a Chinese élite in Hong Kong. We are concerned, therefore, with the first thirty years of the colony's history, 1841-72.\n\nThe first decade was characterized by economic and social problems partially created by a shifting and generally irresponsible population. During this period, there was, however, a small number of settlers who were establishing themselves and their families with the purpose of making Hong Kong their permanent home, of acquiring capital, and of investing in real estate. As the Colony entered into the 1850s, this group increasingly assumed a position of leadership. It was recruited from a few successful contractors and builders, several government servants, compradores of foreign firms, and Chinese Christians attached to missionary groups.\n\nThe second decade of Hong Kong's history was marked by an influx of population and capital caused by disturbed conditions in South China created by the Taiping Rebellion. This influx turned into an exodus when hostilities began between the British and Chinese in 1857. But war brought more compradores to Hong Kong as foreign firms moved down from Canton.\n\nIn the third decade, there was a revival of trade, and a growing merchant class provided its share of élite. By the end of the\n\n* Rev. Carl Smith is Lecturer in the Theology Division in the Department of Philosophy and Religion, Chung Chi College, The Chinese University of Hong Kong and has been associated with the College since 1962.\n\n† It is difficult to know what date to give to the origin of Tung Wah Hospital. In 1869, a committee of concerned Chinese was organized. In 1870 (the usual date given for the foundation of the Hospital), the Tung Wah Hospital Ordinance was passed and the foundation stone was laid by the Governor. The Hospital was formally opened by the Governor on 14 February 1872.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206264, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\n75\n\nBy the 1860s a clearly defined élite group had established itself, providing leadership for the Chinese community.\n\nThe purpose of this paper is to document the conditions from which an identifiable élite group arose in Hong Kong and to illustrate this emergence by biographies of some of its members.\n\nSOURCES FOR THE STUDY\n\nWhat sources were used to determine the Chinese élite for the period covered by this study? The most important are the names given on memorials, petitions, and subscription lists. The repetition of a name on subsequent lists, the amount of the contributions, and the position of the name on the document serve to suggest the relative status of an individual. Proprietorship of land also suggests potential élite status.\n\n(1) The earliest such document used is a list of land owners dated 19 February, 1848, in which they petition for the remission of what they considered excessive crown rent charges. There are twenty-seven signatures of the principal Chinese landowners. This document is in the Colonial Office Records, Series CO129/23.\n\n(2) In September 1852, The China Mail published the subscription list for the Chinese Hospital proposed by Dr. Hirschberg of the London Missionary Society. This also contains twenty-seven names. Of these, ten were compradores, seven shopkeepers, three merchants, three contractors, and one \"gentleman\". Only three names that were on the 1848 list appear on this list: Loo Aqui, gentleman, Tam Achoy, building contractor, and Chow Aqui, merchant.\n\n(3) On 4 November 1856, a memorial concerning a recent piece of legislation was presented to Government. It contained both European and Chinese names. Nineteen Chinese signed. It is in the Colonial Office Records, Series CO131/3.\n\n(4) In 1859 the Government Gazette published a \"List of Chinese Voluntary Contributions to a Fund for purchasing books, etc., for the Government Schools in the Colony\". Most of the contributions were made in the name of business firms, but all of the largest amounts were contributed by individuals. The two largest contributors were both contractors; Tang Luk gave $60,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206265, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "76\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nTam Tso (Achoy) gave $50. Then there are thirteen contributions of $10 each. Of these six are from compradores, and an equal number from merchants. The remaining contributor in this particular group was a government servant, the overseer of the coolie gangs of the Surveyor General's Department.\n\n(5) In April, 1861, The Friend of China published a list entitled, \"A Public Declaration of the Shop Keepers of Hong Kong, stating that when Mr. Caldwell managed the Proprietorship of the Chinese here, the people of Hong Kong were at rest, but he resigned his office. They now present their petition to the Governor asking him to retain Mr. Caldwell\". It has sixteen names of firms as the chief petitioners. Beside seven of them are given the names of the head of the firm. Five of these are found on the 1859 list.\n\n(6) In January, 1868, The Hong Kong Daily Press published forty-two names of individuals and firms who submitted a petition to the House of Commons against the imposition of a Military Contribution upon Hong Kong.\n\n(7) In 1872, The Chinese Chronicle and Directory gives the names of the eleven members of the Kai Fong or \"Joss House Committee, as well as the thirteen members of the Tung Wah Hospital Committee. This was the organizing committee of 1869 which remained in office until the Hospital was formally opened in 1872, when a new committee was elected. The Directory also lists a General Committee for the Hospital. This too had thirteen members.\n\n(8) On 1 April, 1871, a memorial presented to Henry Charles Caldwell upon his departure from the Colony by the Chinese community, which was published in the Chinese section of The China Mail and signed by thirty-two of the most prominent Chinese, serves as a check against the Tung Wah and Kai Fong Directors.\n\n(9) In May, 1872, The China Mail contains the names of thirty Chinese who called upon the Governor on behalf of the Chinese community. This delegation was composed of seven compradores, fourteen merchants, two journalists, one contractor and two government servants.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206267, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "78\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nfor the surname is, but the English in Hong Kong spelled it Tso, while the Portuguese in Macao used Chow. Thus in Hong Kong records a name is likely to appear spelled one way and in Macao yet another. For the period covered in this study, there was no officially approved system of Romanization in Hong Kong. Romanization was also influenced by the dialectal variations in the Chinese language itself: the spelling of a name might vary according to the place of origin of the individual, whether Hakka, Tiuchau, Fukienese or Cantonese. The sources often have a number of variations in the Romanized form of a name. I have used the form that occurs most commonly. The Chinese characters have been given wherever they are available, but they are not given on all source documents or other records.\n\nGOVERNMENT AND THE ÉLITE\n\nIn China there was traditionally a close connection between the government and the élite group. With the introduction of the imperial examination system the élite or gentry were recruited from the ranks of the scholars. Success in the examinations, appointment to government office, and the accumulation of capital and economic power were usually concomitants.\n\nObviously this relationship could not be duplicated in Hong Kong. In the years following the establishment of the Colony, there was a radical hiatus between the Chinese population and the colonial government. Their points of contact were few. As long as the Chinese did not create trouble, the Government was content to let the Chinese community manage its own affairs: the hope being, of course, that the management would be in the hands of responsible leaders. However, the social and economic conditions within the community, both before and after British seizure of the Island, mitigated against control being exercised by responsible individuals.\n\nOfficial government structures on the local level were at a minimum before the arrival of the British. Hong Kong was one of many \"barren rocks\" on the edge of San On (later called Po On) District, one of the least important in the Kwang Chau Prefecture. Originally San On had been a part of the Tung Kwun District but it had been separated in 1573. The separation left it small and insignificant. The limited exercise of government", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206272, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\nxenophobia and inbred loyalty to China as the motherland.\n\n83\n\nDescriptions of the type of Chinese settler are found in numerous reports Government officials submitted to London. In 1844 the Colonial Treasurer writes,\n\nIt is literally true that after three years and a half's uninterrupted settlement there is not one respectable Chinese inhabitant on the island.... The policy of the mandarins on the adjacent coast being to prevent all respectable Chinese from settling at Hong Kong; and in consequence of the hold they possess on their families and relatives this can be done most effectually. At the same time, I believe that they encourage and promote the deportation of every thief, pirate and idle or worthless vagabond from the mainland to Hong Kong.... No Chinese of humbler class will ever bring their wives and children to the colony. The shopkeepers do not remain more than a few months on the island, when another set take their place; there is, in fact, a continual shifting of a Bedouin sort of population, whose migratory, predatory, gambling, and dissolute habits utterly unfit them for continuous industry, and render them not only useless, but highly injurious subjects, in the attempt to form a colony.11\n\nIn establishing British government at Hong Kong, it was hoped that Hong Kong could lure away from Macao and Canton the larger part of the junk trade and thus make Hong Kong a centre of trade for the whole coast of Kwang Tung Province. Though a small beginning was made, this trade soon languished. Remarking on the absence of a substantial local trade with Canton, Gutzlaff states that this is because\n\nthere are no Chinese large firms at Victoria to receive goods in charge, and sell them as soon as there is a demand. Attempts to found such establishments have also been made, but have not succeeded from want of encouragement or on account of considerable individual loss. At the present moment (April, 1845) there remains unfortunately not one single large merchant from Canton in the settlement who is able to promote by his capital and influence such a desirable state. The whole business is", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206274, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\n85\n\nsome of his property was sold at Sheriff's sale in 1847. Akow and Company sold its Queen's Road property in 1850, though Kam Cheong remained in Hong Kong. In 1852 he contributed five dollars to Dr. Hirschberg's Hospital. His last recorded activity in Hong Kong is the sale of two lots in 1855. At this time Akow and Company was operating a hotel for foreigners in Canton.\n\nAfter the death of Chinam the government still had hopes of attracting substantial merchants. A group of Fukienese inquired regarding conditions for settlement. For several generations a number of these merchants had operated large Hongs in Macao and the Hong Kong Government would have liked to induce them to move to Hong Kong. The Government therefore welcomed application from Fukien merchants for land grants. In the light of the ancient rivalry between Cantonese and Fukienese, it was felt that the allocation of land to this group needed to be handled with care. The Governor explains in his report to England that,\n\nThese people constitute a very peculiar race, being far more commercial, migratory, and maritime in their habits than any other natives of China. Their spoken language is altogether unintelligible to the people of Canton, between whom and themselves a species of irreconcilable feud has existed from time immemorial. Hence they cannot inhabit the same neighbourhood without quarrels, and occasionally bloody conflicts. If land is put up by auction the Fokien (or Chinchew men) would in competition with the Cantonese either be excluded altogether, or mingled with the Cantonese be to the prejudice of general peace and order. It is important to secure the settlement of this class of people (in the present instance men of substance). The Council agreed with me to grant them a special location... placed much to their satisfaction in the neighbourhood of East Point, and they have commenced building on five contiguous lots,\n\n15\n\nThis report was dated July 1845. However, in the Surveyor General's return of registered allotments as of 24 June 1846 he reports that the lots granted to the Chinchew merchants had been thrown up by them. So again the prospect of the settlement", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206277, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 94, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "88\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\none of the leading brokers and charterers of emigrant ships. In front of his lots he erected a wharf which he leased to the Hong Kong, Canton and Macao Steamboat Company after its organization in 1865. In 1860, he appeared in the Courts on the charge of piracy. In response to a request of the Mandarin of his home district in Hoi Ping for assistance in suppressing some Hakka bandits, Achoy had chartered the vessel Jamsetjee Jeejeebhoy from Kwok Acheong, the P. and O. Company's compradore. Engaging some Europeans in the Colony he took them up to Hoi Ping where they attacked some Hakka villages. Achoy pleaded that he had not realized that this would be against British law and therefore threw himself upon the mercy of the court.19 He again assisted his home district in 1865 by supplying the local militia with western-made armaments. This earned him official recognition and a biographical notice in the Hoi Ping Gazetteer. In later years his constitution was affected by habitual opium smoking and he did not participate actively in public affairs. He died in 1871, leaving a large fortune.20 In 1857, the editor of The Friend of China described him as being \"no doubt the most creditable Chinese in the Colony\".\n\nTang Aluk, another contractor, though not as much of a community leader as Tam Achoy, was a generous benefactor of worthy projects. He was the largest contributor to the Chinese school book fund of 1859, contributing sixty dollars; Tam Achoy contributed fifty dollars and Kwok Acheong, the P. and O. compradore contributed twenty dollars; all other contributions ranged from ten dollars to fifty cents. The fact that Tang Aluk's name was that of \"Number Six\" indicates he was of humble origin. He began as a stone cutter. Most of them were Hakka, and it is probable that Aluk was of this group. In time he built up a successful contracting business. At his death in 1887 he left a large estate, much of which was in landed property. The administration of his estate involved many lawsuits among his heirs. A newspaper commentator observed that the estate was a gold mine for the legal profession as suits and appeals dragged through the courts for several decades after his death.2\n\nTHE MERCHANTS GROUP\n\n21\n\nHong Kong had difficulty in attracting merchants with capital. We have mentioned the abortive efforts of Chinam and several", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206278, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\n89\n\nFukienese merchants to settle in Hong Kong. Several other merchants appear on the earliest of the élite lists indicating their presence in the first decade of the Colony's history.\n\nIn 1852 \"Cun-wo A Kwi, merchant\" contributed five dollars to Dr. Hirschberg's Hospital. This is Chow Aki* of the firm Cong-wo, which had been established in the Lower Bazaar in 1842, having a branch at Canton. In 1849 he bought the lease of the Central Market, holding it until 1857. He became a large investor in real estate, but sold out most of his property in 1866 and retired to Macao.\n\nA merchant who survived the pitfalls of commerce in early Hong Kong was Wong Ping1. He is named as a silk merchant on the land-owners' petition of 1848, but he was one of Hong Kong's first industrialists in that he owned a rope walk beyond the western end of the Lower Bazaar. He was one of three trustees to hold Inland Lot 361 in Taipingshan on behalf of the Chinese community. The lot was granted in 1851 and upon it was built a temple \"for the reception of Tablets to the memory of... deceased countrymen\".22 The building was used, however, not only for memorial tablets but also as a depository for those who were about to die, following established Chinese custom. When this use came to the notice of the European community it was shocked. The reaction and public discussion which followed resulted in Government allocating a grant from the revenues of the gambling monopoly to the Chinese community for the erection of a suitable hospital to be known as Tung Wah. Wong Ping was not a member of the Organizing Committee of the Hospital, though he was on the Kai Fong Committee for 1872. He died in 1887. Wong Yue Yee alias Wong Yick Bun, of the Chun Cheong Wing Nam Pak Hong, a Director of the Tung Wah in 1872, may have been a relative as Wong Ping is mentioned in 1881 as a managing partner of the Chun Cheung Hong for some twenty years. He also was associated with the Tsui Shing firm and the Tuck Mee Hong.\n\nIn the 1850s the Taiping Rebellion upset the social and economic structures of China. The changes in China were reflected in changes in Hong Kong. The Taiping threat upon Canton created a refugee group which sought in Hong Kong more stable conditions. Some were wealthy and brought their", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206281, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "92\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nwhen tensions developed between the western powers and the Imperial Government of China. If they had not cut themselves off entirely from their place of origin but tried to keep up their relations with clan and family, they exposed themselves and their family to the charge of playing traitor to Chinese interests. However, their financial connections with foreigners pulled them to identify with the foreign cause. They usually tried to have it both ways, walking the thin line, but in periods of crisis they were forced into accommodation with the foreigners if they were to protect their financial investments.\n\nLi Leong, one of the brothers, died in 1864, leaving his property in a family trust, which was later divided into five shares. The leadership of the clan then devolved upon Li Sing, although many other members of the family are in the Hong Kong records — so many, in fact, that it is a difficult task to establish exact relationships. But it is the name of Li Sing which appears in the various lists until his death in 1900. He was one of three trustees who held title to the Queen's Road Temple in Wanchai in 1869. The same year he was one of the organizing members of the Tung Wah Hospital. Other members of the family have continued the tradition of Li Sing as community leader down to the present day.\n\nOne of the organizing directors of Tung Wah Hospital was Ng Yik Wan alias Ng Chan Yeung of the Fuk Lung opium firm. The founder of the family in Hong Kong was Ng Yü who first appears on the records in 1858 when the Fuk Lung opium shop was the successful bidder for the opium monopoly. He was secured by Loo Aqui who had held the monopoly in an earlier period. The Fuk Lung firm was made up of five members, all from the Tung Kwun District of Kwangtung. One of them was Shi Sing Kai, one of four named in a petition to Government in 1878 which resulted in the organization of the Po Leung Kuk. Ng Yü, the head of the Fuk Lung firm, died in 1870 leaving his property under the management of his son Ng Kai Kwong alias Ng Pat Shan alias Ng Po Leung who was the sole beneficiary of his father's estate. Ng Kai Kwong died in 1884 leaving three minor sons to inherit his property.\n\nAnother of the founding Directors of Tung Wah was the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206282, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 99, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\nTiuchau merchant, Ko Mun Wo\n\n93\n\nalias Ko Cho Heung\n\nof the Yuen Fat Hong. He was the founder of the firm which established itself in Hong Kong about 1858 and developed an extensive business in the importation of rice from Siam. It soon became one of the wealthiest Chinese firms. In 1881, Ko Mun Wo was the sixteenth highest rate payer, and when he died the year following, the value of his estate was estimated at $163,000. After his death the business was continued by his four sons.\n\nTang Pak Yeung\n\n16\n\nalias Tang Kam Chi was the youngest member of the first Tung Wah Hospital Committee. He was a merchant in the chartering firm of Kwong Lei Yuen. He had received an English language education. He was not a large property owner, nor does his name appear in other lists of the elite.\n\nTHE COMPRADORES GROUP\n\nThe compradores were an important new class which arose in the nineteenth century in the port cities of China. A recent study by Yen-p'ing Hao entitled The Comprador in Nineteenth Century China, Bridge between East and West (Cambridge, Mass., 1970) shows how influential this group became in providing capital for the introduction of modern forms of communication, industry, mining, banking and journalism in the late Ch'ing Dynasty. The origin of the compradore system is in the Co-Hong organization through which China channelled all trade with foreigners before the opening of the Treaty ports in 1843. The compradores were recruited from the Canton and Macao area. A large majority of the most influential compradore families were from the Heung Shan District near Macao. When the foreign firms came to Hong Kong they brought with them their compradores. As trade increased on the China coast, the compradores were provided with an opportunity to accumulate considerable capital. This they invested in real estate and in Chinese commercial firms.\n\nThe late Ch'ing Dynasty was often in financial difficulties. One method of raising income was through the sale of official degrees. The compradores and merchants of the port cities, who formed a newly-created bourgeois nouveau riche group within", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206284, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 101, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\n95\n\ntwo European partners of the firm, with the intention of building Chinese houses of a better type to accommodate the wives and families of the growing class of well-to-do compradores. Previously the compradores had not brought their families to Hong Kong but they remained in their home village or in Canton. The editor of The China Mail comments that \"Messrs. Dent and Company have shown both wisdom and kindness in disposing of their land for such purposes.\n\nChiu Wing Tsun (†), one of the purchasers, and his elder brother, Yuk Ting (†), had both been compradores in Dent and Company. Their nephew Chiu Yee Chee () was compradore at Shanghai and became one of the organizers of the China Merchants Steam Navigation Company in 1872. Chiu Wing Tsun died at Macao in 1873, leaving property in Hong Kong estimated at $111,000.27 Yeong Lan Ko (☎), the other Chinese purchaser of the Dent property, had succeeded his relative Yeong Atai (*) alias Yeong Chun Kum, to the position of first compradore of Dents at Hong Kong upon the latter's death in 1870. Yeong Lan Ko alias Yeong Sun Yow (), and also known as Asam (), was one of Hong Kong's largest landowners. In 1876 he was the nineteenth largest rate-payer and in 1881 had risen to fifth position. He died in 1884 at Pak Shan, the family village in Heung Shan District.\n\nBefore Dents sold their property, the few substantial Chinese who had family residences in Hong Kong were located at the former Middle Bazaar site. When the inhabitants of the Middle Bazaar had been relocated at Tai Ping Shan, the Government replotted the area and laid off new lots which were meant to be bought principally by Europeans for their residences or business houses.28 Two of the more substantial Chinese bought lots at the sale in 1844: Ying Wing Kee (*) alias Ng Wing Kee (**), a compradore and merchant who died in 1849, and Tong Kam Sing, a contractor who died in 1845. Other Chinese of this class soon bought lots from European owners, that they might establish family houses in a better part of town. These included Wei Akwong, compradore of Bowra and Company and later of the Chartered Mercantile Bank; Ho Sek, compradore of Lyall, Still and Company; Lee Kip Tye, a Fukien broker who began his Hong Kong career as a Government interpreter;", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206291, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 108, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "102\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nto Hong Kong, practiced law, was a member of the Legislative Council from 1929 to 1937.\n\nAnother Government employee—although his family was not as distinguished as that of Tso Aon, but who does appear on a number of our elite lists was the Overseer of Coolies in the Surveyor General's Department. Cheong Assow\n\nwas appointed to this office in September, 1844. He also invested in real estate, which upon his death in 1897 was divided among his seven sons. In 1848 the Surveyor General suggested that Assow was underpaid, as he found him an invaluable man in his department:\n\n+\n\nThe headman Assow I cannot speak too highly of, he is intelligent, honest, and careful, and displays great zeal for the Department. He understands English perfectly, and I can trust him to make measurements for me upon lines that are clearly defined, which he performs with great accuracy. His wages are very small for a man of his usefulness, and I should wish much that they were raised as he is one of the most deserving Chinamen I ever met. His education under me (for he has now been in the Department nearly five years) has progressed so satisfactorily that he is of more service than many of the English overseers I have employed, whose wages are never less than $30 per mensem.36\n\nTHE GROUP EMPLOYED BY MISSIONS\n\nAnother group which identified itself with Hong Kong was a small number of Christians who came here from Malacca, Singapore and Macao under the patronage of missionaries. As Christian converts they had renounced the traditional practices connected with the veneration of ancestors and thus had cut themselves off from participation in the ritual observances which bound the Chinese family together. There seemed little chance that they could expect to be welcomed back to their home villages. In a sense they were as marginal to the social structure of China as were those who had had to flee China because of criminal activities. Unlike the tradesmen and small merchants they did not view Hong Kong as an opportunity to make a quick fortune which they could take back to their home village", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206293, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "104\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nimposture and contemptible impudence\". He later was part of Chan Lai Tau's ambassadorial staff at Washington, and upon his return to China in 1882, he promoted the organization of the Canton and Hong Kong Telegraph Company.38\n\nAssociated with Ho Shan Chee in the Telegraph Company was a kinsman, Ho Kwan Shan (何崑珊) alias Ho Amei (何阿美),†Œ4 the Secretary of the On Tai Insurance Company in Hong Kong. Ho Kwan Shan had been educated at Dr. Legge's Anglo-Chinese College in Hong Kong, being a schoolmate of the sons of Ho Asun. Upon completing his education, Ho Kwan Shan joined his elder brother, Ho Low Yuk (何陸玉) in Australia in 1858. From Australia in 1865 he went to New Zealand to arrange for the importation of the first Chinese laborers to New Zealand. Returning to Australia, he served for a time as interpreter at Ballarat, Victoria. In 1868 he came back to Hong Kong. Here he became a clerk in the Registrar General's Office. Later he became interested in developing mines on Lan Tau Island as well as at other places in Kwang Tung Province.39\n\nThe most prominent of the Ho clan, however, was the family of Ho Tsun Shin (何遵善) or as he was better known in Christian circles, Ho Fuk Tong (何福堂).† His father had been a block cutter for the press of the Anglo-Chinese College at Malacca. Ho Fuk Tong joined him there and became a student at the College. He showed scholastic aptitude and for a time accompanied the son of the senior missionary at the Malacca Station to India for advanced study. Upon the arrival of the Rev. James Legge at the Mission, a close bond was established between the two young men. Ho Fuk Tong was his junior by three years. When Legge removed to Hong Kong in 1843, Ho Fuk Tong accompanied him and was ordained as the Chinese pastor of the London Missionary Society congregation in 1846. He continued as a faithful minister of the congregation (now Hop Yat Church) until his death in 1871. He was conscientious and faithful in his service to the church, but he was also very successful as a financier. After his death there were numerous Court suits over the interpretation of his will and the administration of his estate. Some of the difficulties arose because Ho Fuk Tong held his property under various aliases. In one of the cases a barrister gives his opinion why Ho Fuk Tong followed this procedure:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206296, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\n107\n\nHowever with the financial assistance of his wife's share in the estate of Ho Fuk Tong, he was able to study law in England. He returned to Hong Kong to practice law and in time was appointed a Magistrate. In 1880, Governor Hennessy appointed him as the first Chinese member of the Legislative Council. He served for two years, but then resigned to join the staff of Viceroy Li Hung Chung at Tientsin. In 1897 he was appointed the Chinese Ambassador to the United States and continued serving his country in other posts of responsibility until his death in 1922.\n\nA classmate and good friend of Wu Ting Fang, named Chan Ayin (陳海亭) alias Chan Oi Ting was one of thirty representatives of the Chinese community to call on Governor Sir Arthur Kennedy to welcome him to Hong Kong in 1872. He is also named among fourteen who, dressed in their official robes as mandarins, welcomed the Governor on his visit to Tung Wah Hospital in 1878. He was baptized while a student at St. Paul's College and, like most of the others whose career we are considering in this section, after completing his education he entered Government service. He was connected with the Magistrate's Court, but in 1871 he left to become a reporter for the China Mail. When the Mail began publishing the Wah Tsz Yat Po in 1872, he was head of this department. In 1877 he surrendered his lease of the paper but continued with The China Mail for a short period after. He then gave up his career in journalism to join the staff of the newly appointed Chinese Ambassador to the United States. As a member of the staff, he was appointed Consul-General in Havana, Cuba. He continued to serve in the Chinese diplomatic service for ten years, but then returned to China where he became director of the Chinese Engineering and Mining Company and of the Shanghai-Nanking Railway Administration. He died at Shanghai in 1905.44\n\nWhile editor of the Wah Tsz Yat Po, Chan Oi Ting was also instrumental in organizing and managing the Chinese Printing and Publishing Company which bought the press and type of the London Mission Press in 1872. This company began publishing the Tsun Wan Yat Po (Universal Circulating Herald) in February 1874. It advertised itself as the \"first daily newspaper ever issued under purely native auspices\". The paper was registered under the name of Wong Tao (£), a scholar of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206297, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 114, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "108\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nthe Chinese Classics. Few Chinese in Hong Kong at this period were noted for their literary or scholarly ability. Ho Fuk Tong was a good scholar, but in the area of Christian thought; having mastered Greek and Hebrew, he translated and edited Biblical Commentaries in Chinese. Though acquainted with the Chinese Classics, he was not an outstanding Chinese scholar. Wong T'ao, who like Ho Fuk Tong was closely associated with Rev. James Legge, was generally recognized as a competent Chinese literati. He was a baptized Christian and had come to Hong Kong from Shanghai because of suspected connections with the Tai Ping movement. He was recommended to Legge by the missionaries in Shanghai. Legge, who was involved in translating the Chinese Classics, found Wong T'ao to be an invaluable assistant and paid him the following tribute: \"This scholar, far exceeding in classical (knowledge) more than any of his countrymen whom the author had previously known, came to Hong Kong in the end of 1863, and placed at his disposal all the treasures of a large well-selected library. At the same time entering with spirit into his labours, now explaining, now arguing, as the case might be, he has not only helped but enlivened many days of toil\"45 Wong T'ao continued as editor of the Tsun Wan Yat Po until he left Hong Kong to return to Shanghai in 1884. He was largely responsible for the prestige the paper achieved, fulfilling in some measure the hopes of the prospectus for the paper that it \"would eventually become in China what the London Times is in England\"46. As a mark of his position in the community, his name appears on several memorials and deputations of representatives of the Chinese in Hong Kong in the 1880s.\n\nStill another Christian associated with the introduction of western style journalism in China was Wong Shing alias 黃勝 Wong Pin Po. Like Ho Fuk Tong and Wong T'ao, he was closely associated with Dr. Legge for a number of years.\n\nWong Shing was a native of Heung Shan District near Macao and was in the first class of the Morrison Educational Society School. The school's principal, the Rev. Samuel Robbins Brown, took Wong Shing with three other students for advanced study in the United States in 1846. Wong Shing's health broke down and he had to return to Hong Kong after two years in America.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206298, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\n109\n\nWhile abroad he had been baptized and on his return he became a member of the Chinese congregation of the London Missionary Society. One of his benefactors had been Andrew Shortrede, owner and publisher of the China Mail, and for about two years after his return from America he worked for the China Mail. In 1864 mention is made of a Chinese publication known as Assing's Daily General Price Current. This was probably a journalistic venture of Wong Shing. He also served as an interpreter for the Government. In 1853 he was placed in charge of the printing establishment of the Anglo-Chinese College operated by the London Mission. He continued as manager for some ten years, when he left to join the staff of the Chinese Government School being established at Shanghai to teach foreign languages to Chinese students. However, he did not find the work there satisfactory, and after a short time returned to Hong Kong and resumed management of the Mission press. In 1872 he went to Peking to set up a printing office with moveable type for the Tsung Li Yamen. From there he went to the United States with the second group of students in Yung Wing's Educational Mission scheme. In 1858 his was the first Chinese name to appear on the roll of Jurors in Hong Kong. He was a member of the organizing Committee for Tung Wah Hospital. In 1884 he was the second Chinese to be appointed to the Legislative Council, serving until 1890. He died in 1902. His obituary mentioned his frugality and his lack of parsimony: \"His family was poor and he was taught to be frugal. He could save about $1,000 and bought land in Hong Kong... before Hong Kong business flourished....It increased ten times in value. He had the opportunity to raise rent, but he did not do so. Those who had property and could earn more ridiculed him. He had a family of children, and his expenditures increased, so that his income did not take care of his expenditures, but he still held to his idea.\"48 Realizing the advantages he had derived from a foreign education, he was among the first Chinese to privately finance the education of his children abroad.\n\nWhen the Rev. Elijah Bridgman, a missionary of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, moved to Hong Kong from Macao in 1842, he had under his patronage two young men who had been his students. They had also been sponsored by the Morrison Education Society as students at the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206299, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "110\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nBoarding School at Singapore of the American Board. One was Leung Tsun Tak (梁遵德) who was employed as an interpreter at the Hong Kong Magistracy. He was a son of Leung Afat (梁亞佛) an ordained evangelist of the London Missionary Society,49 The other lad was Wei Akwong (韋阿光) whom Bridgman had picked up sick and starving on the streets of Macao some years previous. Akwong, unlike the other Chinese we have been mentioning, never received baptism. At first he assisted Bridgman in his missionary work in Hong Kong, but when Bridgman moved to Canton in 1845 Akwong remained in Hong Kong. He became compradore for the ship chandlers and storekeepers Bowra and Company, but in 1855 was appointed Supreme Court Interpreter in Chinese and Malay. In 1857 when the Mercantile Bank of India, London and China opened its Hong Kong office, Wei Akwong became the bank's compradore. He retained this office until his death in 1878 and was succeeded by his son Wei Ayuk (韋亞玉) alias Wei Bo Shan (韋寶臣). Wei Akwong was a recognized leader of the Chinese community, and his name appears on numerous petitions and memorials. Like Wong Shing he sent his sons abroad to study. His eldest son Wei Yuk married a daughter of Wong Shing, and followed in the footsteps of his father-in-law by serving on the Legislative Council from 1896 to 1917.50 He was knighted in 1919 and died in 1922.\n\nThe Bishop of Victoria had under his patronage upon his arrival in Hong Kong in 1850, a young Chinese whom he had met in England. Chan Tai Kwong (陳大光) was a native of Pun Yu District of Kwang Tung, but he turned up in England in 1845 as a young man aged eighteen. How he got to England and what he was doing there, I have not been able to determine, but in 1849 the newly appointed Bishop of Victoria met him and took him under his patronage, with the hope that he could be trained as an evangelist among the Chinese. Soon after coming to Hong Kong, Tai Kwong was sent to Singapore to marry Gay Eng, also known as Sarah Hughes, a pupil in the school for Chinese girls conducted by Miss Grant. Upon his return to Hong Kong he was placed on three years' probation before ordination, but the Bishop did license him to preach to the prisoners in the Victoria Gaol. Chan Tai Kwong, however, had difficulties in adjusting to his new position. His experience in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206302, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\n113\n\ncorporated as a more integral part of government, and its members may be regarded in many ways as the élite of the élite. But these developments are beyond the time limit set for this particular study.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 See the studies by Chung-li Chang, The Income of the Chinese Gentry (Seattle, 1926) and The Chinese Gentry: Studies in their Role in Nineteenth Century Chinese Society (Seattle, 1955) and by Ping-ti Ho, The Ladder of Success in Imperial China (New York, 1964).\n\n2 The South China Morning Post, 12 July 1933, in column \"Old Hong Kong\".\n\n3 Colonial Office Records (hereafter given as C.O.), Series 129-12.\n\n4 The Friend of China, 6 Nov. 1861.\n\n5 George Smith, The Consular Cities of China (London, 1847), p. 82.\n\n6 Yen-p'ing Hao, The Compradore in Nineteenth Century China (Cambridge, Mass., 1970), p. 195. I have not been able to check the sources he cites.\n\n7 These were Loo King A owner of I.L. 99, LL.102, I.L. 103; Lo Lye or Alloy A owner of M.L. 16 C., M.L. 19; Loo Foon owner of M.L. 16 D.; Loo Sing A owner of M.L. 17 C.; Loo Chuen alias Loo Chew alias Young Aqui alias Loo Choo Tung owner of M.L. 16 A., M.L. 28 A., M.L. 35 A. The family lived in Aqui's Lane, or as it is now known Kwai Wa Lane† running from Hillier to Cleverly Street and lying between Queens Road and Jervois Street. Here in 1872 lived Loo Wan Kew, Loo Yum Shing, compradore of D. Sassoon, Sons and Co., and Loo Achew.\n\n8 The China Review, Vol. 1 (1872), p. 333, \"The Districts of Hong Kong and the Name Kwan-Tai-Lo\". This source also confirms the deleterious effect of Aqui's activities in Hong Kong: \"In 1843, when there were but few merchants or shop keepers, one Sz-man-king, unto whom those who were in distress, in debt, or discontented, resorted, opened a place for gambling along Chung Wan to which all among the fishing-boat people, who loved gambling, came.\"\n\n9 Quoted by R. M. Martin in his report, 24 July 1844, in G. B. Endacott, An Eastern Entrepot (London, 1964), p. 97.\n\n10 E. J. Eitel, Europe in China (Hong Kong, 1895), pp. 168-169.\n\n11 Endacott, op. cit., pp. 96-98.\n\n12 Ibid., p. 107.\n\n13 Ibid., p. 96.\n\n14 A Singapore house was a pre-cut timber house ready for assembling imported from Singapore. At the time of the gold-rush in California, a similar type house was shipped from Hong Kong to San Francisco in large numbers. The trade enriched a number of Hong Kong carpenters.\n\n15 C.O. Series 129-12, No. 97, 10 July, 1845.\n\n16 C.O. Series 129-7, 23 July, 1844.\n\n17 C.O. Series 129-3, Treasurer's Report 1847.\n\n18 The Friend of China, 5 Jan., 1856.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206303, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "114\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\n19 C.O. Series 129-78, No. 113, 24 Aug., 1860.\n\n20 Tam Achoy was survived by five sons: Tam Kung Ping alias Tam Ping Kai, died 1887 at Canton, Tam Mo Seen, Tam Yun Yeen, Tam Kee Chun, and Tam Lin Tai. The latter had been adopted by Achoy's fourth wife in 1865.\n\n21 Tang Aluk was survived by a daughter, the wife of Hu Yu Chan; a son Tang Tung Shang alias Tang Pak Shan, died 1899; and a grandson Tang Yeung Mau, the only son of Tang Shau Shan alias Tang Kau Chun. Some of the court suits revolved around whether the deceased son Tang Shay Shan was a natural or an adopted son of Tang Aluk. The family retained much of its real estate holdings up to the present.\n\n22 C.O. Series 131-2.\n\n23 The China Review, Vol. 1 (1872) p. 171.\n\n24 K. G. Tregonning, Under Chartered Company Rule (Borneo 1881-1946) (Singapore, 1958) Chap. 1.\n\n25 The China Mail, 23 July, 1891.\n\n26 Ibid., 17 Oct., 1861.\n\n27 For details on the Chiu (Hsü) family see: Hsü Jun, (Chronological Autobiography of Hsü Jun), #M. #****†# (1927).\n\n28 See my article \"The Chinese Settlement of British Hong Kong\", Chung Chi Bulletin, No. 48 (May, 1970), pp. 30-31.\n\n29 For notice of Cheung Achew see Chung Chí Bulletin, No. 45 (Dec., 1968) p. 11.\n\n30 The China Mail, 9 Dec., 1858.\n\n31 Ibid., 19 Dec., 1871; 7 Feb., 1872.\n\n32 The Daily Press, 4 Nov., 1868.\n\n33 Li Chin-wei, editor (A History of Hong Kong, 1848-1948) £34. điều (Hong Kong, 1949), p. 271.\n\n34 The Daily Press, 23 April, 1880.\n\n35 Archives of the London Missionary Society, London, South China, Box 8, 23 Sept., 1876.\n\n36 C.O. Series 133-5.\n\n37 The name of Ho Tsin Shin does appear on a list of contributors to the Berlin Missionary Society Chinese Vernacular School Fund in 1868 and 1869,\n\n38 For reference to these various aspects of the career of Ho Shan Chee see The Daily Press 24 July, 1868, 20 Sept., 1878, The China Mail 28 Feb., 1882.\n\n39 For details of the career of Ho Kwan Shan see The Daily Press 4 Oct., 1871.\n\n40 The China Mail, 28 Aug., 1891.\n\n41 A biographical sketch of Ho Kai is found in Wu Hsing-lien, (The Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong) AA, SEP^S^ (Hong Kong, 1937).\n\n42 The Hong Kong Telegraph, 3 Sept., 1891.\n\n43 The information on the family of Wu Ting Fang is from the Archives of Presbyterian Missionary Society, New York. The exact relationship is deduced from probable evidence rather than having been directly stated in the sources, At the marriage of Ng Achoy and Ho Amooy, 14 Jan.,\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206306, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 123, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "A\n\n# THE DISTRICT WATCH COMMITTEE\n\n117\n\nquarrymen a lawless and potentially dangerous class of people. But Chinese on Hong Kong Island, like their fellow countrymen in Hsin-an hsien (a county which then comprised the future British Kowloon Peninsula and New Territories) formed a socially well-organised community, knit together by ties of family and kinship and involved, apart from the boat people, in wider forms of social organisation such as the clan and the lineage3. They were constrained by the type of in-built social controls found typically in any rural Chinese community. On the other hand, immigrant Chinese arriving after 1842, who came mostly from Canton and the delta counties, formed a purely urban population, lacking roots and sentiments of belonging: they had necessarily few attachments at first to their new area of residence. Congregated in the mushrooming city of Victoria and soon outnumbering the old, established Chinese population of the island, they were not subject to any in-built system of social control. The new population of urban Chinese from Kwangtung Province, like newly arrived Europeans, were faced with the problem of maintaining public order and protecting their families and properties. The better-off Chinese merchants and traders were soon compelled to employ their own guards and some householders and shopkeepers engaged their own street watchmen, either paid for by the individual householder or collectively by subscription.\n\nBy the 1850s Hong Kong Chinese had developed not only their own associations, such as Kaifong, but even a rudimentary system of self-government, if the evidence is to be believed. A note in the China Review claims, for example, that in 1851 the shopkeepers of Sheung Wan (i.e., the area of the Chinese 'Bazaar', west of the European central district) 'repaired the Man-mo Temple, elected a Committee, and therein afterwards decided all cases of any public interest5'. The same writer also claims that in 1857 'the U-lan-shing-ui (a sworn mutual aid association) united Tai-ping-shan, Sai-ying-pun, Sheung-wan and Chung-wan under one public committee, and these four districts were called the Sz-wan or four circuits'. Eitel states (but cites no authority) that around 1851 the Committee of the Man Mo Temple 'now rose into eminence as a sort of unrecognised and unofficial local-government board (principally made up by Nampak-hong or export merchants). This Committee secretly controlled native affairs, acted as commercial arbitrators, arranged for the due", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206314, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 131, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "The District Watch Committee\n\n125\n\nChinese Affairs, spent most of its time in session discussing social and economic problems. In 1913, for example, among subjects discussed at its deliberations were the regulation of Chinese theatres, the prohibition of the circulation of foreign notes and silver, and means for the more effective regulation of Chinese householders; in 1914 the prohibition of all new Chinese restaurants in the Central District, the licensing of singing girls, and the classification of boarding houses (emigration houses and hotels); and in 1915 the restriction on the numbers of clubs and societies, the appointment of midwives, the question of payment of wine and spirit licenses, and the question of new legislation for money loan associations33. It is not surprising, then, that the Secretary for Chinese Affairs was pleased to write in 1918 that 'the loyal advice and assistance of this important Committee (which deals with every kind of question affecting the Chinese community) continues to be of the greatest value to Government'. The stabilising role of the Committee is also made clear by its activity during periods of intense crisis in the Colony. Thus the Committee was extremely active during the period of ebullition following from the 1911 Revolution in China; it also helped to prevent violence during the short time when diplomatic relations between China and Japan were strained in 1915; it played a part in bringing to an end the bitter seamen's strike of 1922 and the strike and boycott of 1925-192634. It was a Committee, as Lockhart probably intuited it would become, that allowed the Chinese to 'regulate' themselves within the fairly broad limits set by government,\n\nThe committees of the Tung Wah Hospital, the Po Leung Kuk, the District Watch Force, together with those of some other associations such as the Lok Sin Tong and the Chung Sing Benevolent Society35, formed a system. The system was, in terms, of prestige, influence and power, an hierarchical one. The Tung Wah Board of Directors was usually recruited from ex-committeemen of the Po Leung Kuk; and the District Watch Committee always contained a very large number of former members of the Po Leung Kuk and the Tung Wah Hospital. The District Watch Committee thus formed the apex of a pyramidal and hierarchical structure, at the base of which were local-based associations such as Kaifong, and also district and clansmen associations, and guilds of employers36. But the prestige", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206316, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "The District Watch Committee\n\n127\n\ncame from a few clearly defined areas in Kwangtung Province, because the great majority of the Chinese congregated in the urban areas spoke Cantonese4. Lennox Mills compares this situation in Hong Kong, which made government relatively easy, with pre-war Malaya. This homogeneity, he argues, ‘makes it possible to control them through the District Watch Committee. (On the other hand) the Chinese in Malaya are drawn from various provinces and are divided by provincial hostilities of long standing. The wealthy and educated Chinese in some districts come from a different province from the majority of coolies; and, in addition, the interests of the recent immigrants often differ from those of the Straits Chinese who are permanently settled in Malaya. A committee representing the Chinese of Malaya would necessarily reproduce the various schisms which divide them, and the members would in some cases have no influence over the coolies in their districts'4. In Hong Kong, however, the Chinese were not divided to any great extent by dialect or provincial hostilities, only by differences in wealth and status. The members of the District Watch Committee originated from a small number of hsien (counties) in the Canton delta, from districts and towns close to the Pearl River, the main channel of communication between Canton and Hong Kong before the completion of the Kowloon-Canton Railway in 1912. A high percentage of the committeemen were born in, or originated from, Tung Kwun (Tung-kuan hsien) and Heung Shan (Hsiang-shan hsien)42; and the merchants from these areas had their own district associations in Hong Kong.\n\nClearly, the members of the District Watch Committee had much in common: they spoke mostly the same dialect, they came from the same district or closely related districts in China and they were, if not merchants, then involved in some type of commercial pursuit—land speculation, owning and managing property, banking and insurance, finance, compradoring43. All in all, they formed a remarkably homogeneous group, united by many ties; and it would seem, rarely divided for long by political differences. Not surprisingly, some of them were inter-related through ties of blood and kinship44. There were few family dynasties in Hong Kong but a small number had children who served later on the Committee45. In the nature of things, members must have disagreed about some of the issues raised at the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206317, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "128\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nmonthly meetings, but it is clear that consensus was usually arrived at and the Registrar General/Secretary for Chinese Affairs given sound advice on important local matters for it was politically unwise for the Committee to be deadlocked or sharply split for long. If that had occurred too frequently, the utility of the Committee as the chief consultative body would have declined46,\n\nIt would be wrong, however, to think of the Committee as being, in modern parlance, a purely 'Establishment' body. Certainly its members had very close links with European businessmen in the Colony. At the beginning of this century over half its members were compradores to European firms and banks. On the other hand it is clear the Committee did succeed in expressing what we can only call a Chinese point of view”. There are a number of reasons for this. Most committeemen had contacts of one sort or another with the commercial world of Canton and some were involved in the politics of Kwangtung Province and one in particular, Ho Kai, with Sun Yat-sen's revolutionary movement47. Many owned property and land in Kwangtung and were interested in the economic development of that area48. And nearly all sent their male children back to China for education49. Thus the members of the District Watch Committee were involved in two sets of interests: those of Hong Kong and those of Kwangtung.\n\nYet when they spoke up about an issue they represented principally the interests of the compradore bourgeoisie, suggesting a narrower but perhaps more complex set of interests than would be conveyed by the use of the word 'Chinese'. Even the highly westernised Ho Kai, a Chinese who had studied Western medicine at Edinburgh University, dispensed with the queue and wore London suits, who married an Englishwoman and wrote better English than Chinese50 was still able to represent the generalised opinions of the Chinese community and, more importantly, the point of view of a segment of Hong Kong's Chinese community, that of the Chinese businessman and speculator. The advice given by the Committee to government must be seen then as a distillation of all these complex sets of interests.\n\nThere were, as I have already emphasised, several reasons why the Committee became so important as a key advisory body.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206321, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 138, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "132 \n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE \n\nand workers. In one case, a District Watch Inspector arrested a member of the Secret Strike Party (the so-called Labour Commission) carrying illegal dispatches to union members, a fact duly noted in the Secretary for Chinese Affairs' report for 1925. \n\nIt is difficult to see how the Hong Kong government could have coped as well as it did with periods of economic recession after 1918, with years of labour unrest, with the rising tide of nationalism emanating from Nationalist China, without the strong support of the Committee, whose members between them sat on most of the ten other official Chinese committees and boards. The members of the District Watch Committee were strongly entrenched in the Chinese Chamber of Commerce and the Chinese Clubs and they played a significant role in the Chinese Manufacturers' Association. They also occupied important positions in district associations, benevolent societies, guilds of employers and business associations. The power and influence of the Committee ramified down through such associations, so that the few were able to exercise political control over the many62. Thus the power of the Committee was diffused through many associations, helping to maintain what no doubt the government would call 'sensible attitudes' among the Hong Kong-born Chinese, the group that formed the vertebra of the Colony. \n\nThe District Watch Committee was re-established after the return of the British administration in 1945, the Committee containing the same names as in 1941. No further nominations were ever made. A hundred and one District Watchmen reported for duty in 1945-6 and carried on with their normal duties: patrolling streets, conducting enquiries in connection with boarding houses, guilds, and the protection of women and girls, and making general investigations on behalf of the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs. In addition, the force assisted the rice controller in checking black marketing in government supplies; they were also put on static guard duties at various premises requisitioned by government. But the pre-war system of soliciting private subscriptions for the upkeep of the force was abandoned in 1945: henceforth it was financed entirely by the government; and government soon decided that the strength of the force should gradually be reduced to about fifty men, which would be sufficient to deal with the special requirements of the Secretariat for Chinese", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206323, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "134\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nof its history64. The Hong Kong government utilised a number of Chinese associations that had developed independently, gave official status to a few and drew them for the convenience of administration into its orbit. In doing so, to some degree it had to forego total control over the Chinese population and share such control with a small number of Chinese notables. Both benefited from the arrangement. This system has been called one of 'indirect rule' but I feel the phrase conceals more than it reveals, for a committee such as the District Watch could on occasion shape government policy. Government had to play along with a number of Chinese committees for without their support the regulation of the Chinese masses would have been at best an uncertain matter. The heaping of honours on a small number of Chinese notables was, surely, a recognition of the key part they played in promoting stability rather than prizes given for their alienation from Chinese society. Such prominent Chinese, as I have suggested, were as much watchdogs for the Chinese community, and especially the Chinese bourgeoisie, as barking dogs for the colonial government.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Lennox A. Mills, British Rule in Eastern Asia, London, Oxford University Press, 1942, p. 398.\n\n2 i.e., Sir Shouson Chow, Sir Robert Kotewall, Lo Man-kam, Dr. Li Shu-fan, and William Ngartsee Thomas Tam.\n\n3 S. F. Balfour states that Hong Kong Island was owned originally by the Tang (Têng) clan of the New Territories: 'Hong Kong Before the British', Tien Hsia Monthly, vol. xi, 1941, p. 464. A translation of a Chinese notice printed in the Friend of China, 24 July 1858, reads: Tung Wing-Fook-Tong (sic) of the Sun-on district, was formerly sole proprietor of the Island of Hong Kong, and of the hills and coast of the North Side of the Harbour under the general name of Tsin Shat-Choy.... Lately Tung Wing-Fook-Tong petitioned the Magistrate of Sun-on to examine Tung's claim to Tsin Shat-Choy and the Magistrate issued a proclamation declaring that Tung Wing-Fook-Tong is the real owner of the Property. The editor asseverated 'as to his having been a Lord of this Isle, as well as of Tsim-shat-choy, —in a word, we do not believe a word of it'. Barbara Ward writes of fishermen that for reasons probably mainly connected with their spatial mobility and the lack of land, these fishermen do not have a developed lineage system nor any real concept of one'. See Barbara Ward, 'Chinese Fishermen in Hong Kong: Their Post-peasant economy', in Maurice Freedman, ed., Social Organisation: Essays Presented to Raymond Firth, London, Frank Cass, 1967, p. 278.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206324, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 141, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE DISTRICT WATCH COMMITTEE\n\n135\n\n4 The first census of the Island in 1841 gave a population of 5,650. In 1844 the population was given as 19,009. See Historical and Statistical Abstract of the Colony of Hong Kong, 1841-1931, Hong Kong, Noronha, 1932. The validity of the first census has been questioned by G. R. Sayer in his Hong Kong: Birth, Adolescence, and Coming of Age, London, Oxford University Press, 1937, p. 104.\n\n5 The China Review, vol. 1, 1872/73, p. 333.\n\n6 Ibid., p. 334.\n\n7 E. J. Eitel, Europe in China, The History of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Kelly and Walsh, 1895, p. 282. The Man Mo Temple stands at the western end of Hollywood Road. It was originally a shrine patronised mostly by fishermen before 1841. For a description of the temple see Charles J. H. Halcombe, The Mystic Flowery Land, London, Luzac and Co., 1896, ch. xxvii. The temple was run by a committee appointed by the Five Districts and the committee used to hold an annual ceremony at Mount Davis for the dead... in celebration of the gods of literature and war: see the Hongkong Government Gazette (henceforth cited as the Gazette), 12 February 1879, p. 52. The properties of the Man Mo Temple were transferred to the Tung Wah Hospital by the Man Mo Temple Ordinance, No. 10 of 1908. Before the committee of the Tung Wah Hospital was organized, the Man Mo Temple Committee appears to have been recognised as representing the opinions of respectable Chinese.\n\n9 J. W. Norton Kyshe, History of the Laws and Courts of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., 1898, vol. 2, p. 86. See also the reports of the Registrar General for 1866 and 1867 in the Gazette.\n\n9 Ibid., p. 86.\n\n10 In 1867 the police force consisted of 89 Europeans, 377 Indians (chiefly Bombay sepoys) and 132 Chinese, many of whom were employed as marine police. See Eitel, op. cit., pp. 445-6.\n\nAs late as 1893 there were only two European policemen who could act as proper interpreters and only five who could speak some Chinese. See the Report of the Commission on the Po Leung Kuk, Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., 1893, p. 81.\n\n12 Correspondence on Hong Kong Gambling Houses, London, H.M.S.O., 1869, p. 21.\n\n13 Eitel, op. cit., p. 447.\n\n14 Gazette, 6 January 1872. The Police Commission set up by MacDonnell was not unanimous: broadly it agreed to recommend an Anglo-Chinese police force. The recruitment of Chinese police had been strongly advocated by Dr. Legge, as most likely to bring good understanding between the government and respectable Chinese', G. B. Endacott, History of Hong Kong, London, Oxford University Press, 1958, p. 160.\n\n13 Osbert Chadwick, Reports on the Sanitary Conditions of Hong Kong, London, H.M.S.O., 1882, p. 42.\n\n16 'Registration of Chinese Partners', Hong Kong Sessional Papers (henceforth cited as Sessional Papers), No. 43 of 1901, p. 22. The text reads: 'Head and District Watchmen employed to patrol the streets by day and by night, are to be recommended by the Chinese themselves, because they know whether they are trustworthy or not. If these men, however, should fail to maintain their good character and should be found to be unfit for the post by the Chinese residents of the district to which they belong, they should be dismissed at any time, in order that they may have something to fear'. The translation is clearly a bad one.\n\n17 In 1883, the Registrar General, Frederick Stewart, used the district watchmen to conduct an enquiry into all Hong Kong schools. In the 1897", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206325, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "136 \n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE \n\ncensus 13 of the 76 Chinese enumerators were district watchmen; in the 1901 census 5 out of 107 were. In the 1906 census the 120 enumerators were shown round the blocks (census sub-divisions) by district watchmen. They also gave help in the 1911 census, and in the 1921 one the bulk of the force was placed at the disposal of the commissioner of census, who wrote 'each Chinese watchman engaged was in charge of two sections; they helped clear up misunderstandings and kept a check on enumerators'. The Committee was thanked on many occasions by government for its public service; it was praised for the help it rendered to the police during the riots which occurred in 1894 during the great epidemic of plague. The Committee did all it could to help its sister organizations the Tung Wah Hospital and Po Leung Kuk. Thus district watchmen were always employed on special duties at the Tung Wah Hospital during outbreaks of plague and the Chinese Public Dispensary Committee used Watchmen to prevent the dumping of bodies in the streets. The Po Leung Kuk's two principal detectives were serving district watchmen at the turn of the century. Co-operation was easy because most members of the District Watch Committee had served or were serving on the committees of the Tung Wah Hospital and Po Leung Kuk. In 1895 head district watchmen were paid $240 a year, assistant head district watchmen $180 and watchmen from $84 to $96. \n\n18 For examples of police corruption in nineteenth century Hong Kong see numerous references in Norton-Kyshe, op. cit. \n\n19 After a distinguished academic career at Edinburgh University, J. H. Stewart Lockhart became a Hong Kong Cadet in 1878; Registrar General in 1887; Colonial Secretary in 1895. In 1902 he was appointed first Civil Commissioner of Weihaiwei and retired from this post in 1921. Among his numerous publications there are several of sinological value. See particularly: 'Contributions to the Folklore of China', China Review, vol. 14, no. 6, pp. 352-353 and vol. 15, no. 1, pp. 37-39; also 'Some Chinese Folk-lore', Folk-lore, vol. 14, 1903, pp. 292-298. Lockhart was local secretary in Hong Kong of the International Folk-lore Society. \n\n20 In 1892 new rules were drawn up under Ordinance No. 13 of 1888, with the advice of the Committee, for the regulation and guidance of the watchmen. 'Copies of these rules have been distributed among the contributors of the District Watchmen's Fund, by whom more interest seems to be evinced in and more assistance asked from the force than formerly': See Report of the Registrar General for 1892. Lockhart also persuaded two Chinese newspapers—the Tsun Wan Yat Po and the Wai San Yat Po—to publish weekly lists of cases brought before the magistrate by the District watchmen for the information of subscribers to the District Watchmen's Fund. Lockhart realised that publicity was good for the Committee: he saw that they got it. The report of the Registrar General/Secretary for Chinese Affairs always contained a section on the District Watch and news about members was given: deaths, resignations, appointments, etc. \n\n21 Wei Yuk (1849-1921) was the son of Wei Kwong, compradore to the Chartered Mercantile Bank of India, London and China. He was educated at the Government Central School in Hong Kong and in 1867, at the age of 18, became a pupil at the Leicester Stoneygate School and in 1868 of the Dollar Institution, Scotland. He returned to Hong Kong in 1872 to become assistant compradore in the Chartered Mercantile Bank. He succeeded his father on the latter's death in 1879. Wei Yuk married the eldest daughter of Wong Shing (Huang Shêng). He was the fourth Chinese to be appointed to the Legislative Council, the other three being Ng Choy (Wu Ting-fang), Wong Shing and Ho Kai. He was knighted in 1919. During his public career he served on all the commissions appointed by government to inquire into matters affecting the Chinese. Ho Fook (1863-1926) was the younger half-brother of Sir Robert Ho Tung, reputed", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206326, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "The District Watch Committee\n\n137\n\nto be the richest man in Hong Kong. When Ho Tung retired as chief compradore to Jardine, Matheson's in 1900, Ho Fook succeeded him. Ho Fook's assistant was Ho Kom Tong, another of Ho Tung's brothers. The members of the District Watch Committee were members of a small circle of businessmen, often related through ties of blood or marriage. When the Tai Yau Bank was established in 1914 with a paid-up capital of $6,000,000, the proprietors were named as Lau Chu Pak, Ho Fook, Ho Kom Tong, Lo Chung Shiu and Chan Kai Ming. Lau Chu Pak was compradore to A. S. Watson and Co., chairman of the Po On Commercial Association and chairman of the Chinese General Chamber of Commerce; Chan Kai Ming was manager of the Opium Farm; and Lo Chung Shiu, assistant compradore to Jardine, Matheson and Co., was Ho Fook's brother-in-law. All were or became members of the District Watch Committee.\n\n22 T. C. Cheng writes that Wei Yuk 'was very much concerned about law and order among the Chinese masses because in those early days riff-raff and political refugees from South China continued to come into Hong Kong. Thus it was at his suggestion that the District Watch Force was founded in 1888. Mr. Cheng appears to be mistaken about the date and is no doubt referring to the ordinance of that year, no. 13 of 1888 rather than to its proper date of origin. Wright and Cartright, Feldwick, and Professor Woo all state that the Committee was formed on Wei Yuk's suggestion. See: T. C. Cheng, 'Chinese Unofficial Members of the Legislative and Executive Councils of Hong Kong up to 1941', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 9, 1969, pp. 17-18; Arnold Wright and H. A. Cartright, Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong Kong, Shanghai and other Treaty Ports, London, Lloyd's Greater Britain Publishing Co., 1908, p. 109; W. Feldwick, ed., Present Day Impressions of the Far East and Prominent Chinese at Home and Abroad, London Globe Encyclopedia Co., 1917, p. 576; Professor Woo Sing Lim, The Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Five Continents Book Company, 1939, p. 4.\n\n23 Unfortunately all the records in the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs were destroyed or lost during the Japanese occupation and hence anyone trying to reconstruct the history of the District Watch must work mostly from scraps of information found in government publications, newspapers, books.\n\n24 My guess is that a large number were traditional Chinese merchants from the Five Districts operating on a relatively small scale. The Committee after 1891 represented the views of a more westernised and modernised elite with a knowledge of modern business techniques and modern financial manipulations. Dr. Ho Kai, for example, played the stock exchange with great success and speculated in many fields, particularly land development. He was, properly speaking, a financier although his occupation is often given tout court as lawyer. He had also qualified in medicine at Edinburgh but gave up the practice of medicine soon after his return to Hong Kong in 1882 because of Chinese resistance to western medicine.\n\n25 In 1903, for example, the Committee opposed the re-introduction of the night-pass system but suggested other remedial measures (see Index to Correspondence (General Register) 1894-1904, Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., 1909, p. 100). In 1909 'at the request of the District Watchmen Committee, children who are hawking without a licence are on their first offence sent to the Registrar General who cautions their guardians. This procedure seems to have proved effective in each case' wrote the Registrar General in 1909. It is worth noting that both Registrar General and Committee wanted to end the night-pass system and were opposed by the Captain Superintendent of Police, who was unsuccessful. As for hawkers, very few Chinese regarded them as a serious menace although colonial administrators", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206328, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE DISTRICT WATCH COMMITTEE\n\n139\n\n36 In 1917 there were 31 guilds for employers only (in trades such as silk, sandalwood, wicker furniture and copper), 35 skilled craftsmen guilds (sandalwood workers, masons, tinsmiths, etc.) and 5 guilds with mixed membership (employers and workers). There were also 17 district societies, such as the Heung Shan (Hsiang-shan) resident merchants association and the General Commercial Association of the Tung Kun (Tung-kuan) merchants resident in Hong Kong. See the list of exempted and registered societies in the Gazette, 27 April 1917.\n\n37 Wei Yuk was appointed in 1891 and served until his death in 1929. He resigned several times in order to allow a newcomer to join the Committee but was soon re-appointed. Lau Chu-pak was appointed in 1902 and served until his death in 1922. Sir Shouson Chow was appointed in 1917 and was still a member in 1949, the year of the demise of the Committee.\n\n38 During the years 1929 to 1931 and in 1936 the Committee met four times a year at Government House. Lennox Mills states that members had the right to a guard of the District Watch Force on the occasion of weddings and other festivities'. The Secretary for Chinese Affairs tells us in his report for 1936 that through the kindness of His Excellency the Committee was able to meet the members of the Mui Tsai Commission on the occasion of their first visit to the Colony, 'All members attended and there was a valuable discussion with frank interchange of views'. When the Governor, Sir Henry Blake, left the Colony in 1903 on the day of his departure he inspected the District Watchmen. Clearly, everything was done by the government to give prestige and éclat to the Committee and the force.\n\n19 T. C. Cheng, op. cit., p. 18.\n\n40 Of the Chinese land population in the 1901 census 227,615 returned themselves as natives of Kwangtung Province, 179,296 of this number belonging to the Kwong Chau Prefecture, 28,844 came from Tung-kuan hsien, 28,587 from P'an-yü hsien, and 27,221 from Nan-hai hsien. The situation was substantially the same in the censuses of 1911, 1921 and 1931. In 1911, for example, 311,992 out of 350,418 Chinese in Hong Kong, exclusive of the New Territories, spoke Cantonese,\n\n41 Op. cit., pp. 399-400.\n\n42 Heung Shan, present-day Chung Shan, is the arid county on the west side of the Pearl River, stretching down to Macau. It was the Heung Ha, the Cantonese term for the province, district or village from which each person derives his ancestry, of many prominent Chinese, including Ng Choy (Wu Ting-fang), Yung Wing (Yung Hung), Wong Shing (Huang Shêng), and Sun Yat-sen. Many Chinese merchants in Hong Kong came from this county; for example, Wei Yuk, Ma Ying-piu (founder of the Sincere Company), M. Y. San (before 1941 the largest biscuit manufacturer in China), Tsang Foo, Look Poong-shan (founder of the Bank of Canton). Su Chao-cheng, organiser and leader of the Seamen' Strike in 1922, came from this county; in 1928 Su was elected to the Central Political Bureau of the Chinese Communist Party. The anarchist, Liu Ssu-fu, was also born there. In 1938 the Chung Shan Commercial Association had a membership of over 4,000 in Hong Kong.\n\n43 In 1905, for example, at least seven members of the Committee were compradores to important western firms; one was manager of a native bank; another of a prosperous pawnshop; a third ran a large export firm. Ho Kai was primarily a financier rather than an entrepreneur. See on this point the Chinese speculator Marie-Claire Bergère, \"The Role of the Bourgeoisie' in M. C. Wright, ed., China in Revolution: The First Phase 1900-1913, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1968, p. 236.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206329, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "140\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\n44 Sir Robert Ho Tung was never a member of the District Watch Committee although he was at one time chairman of the Tung Wah Hospital Committee. Sir Robert's brothers—Ho Fook and Ho Kom Tong—and other relatives became members of the Committee.\n\n45 Sir Chau Tsun-nin, who served on the Committee, was the son of Chau Siu-ki, a prominent financier and member of the Committee until his death. Chau Siu-ki (1863-1925) was killed in the collapse of a house during an abnormally heavy rainstorm.\n\n46 I think one may conclude that by the time the Committee met the Registrar General most of the problems to be discussed had been thrashed over previously, most likely at the Chinese General Chamber of Commerce or at the Chinese Club, both located in Connaught Road. There was also a Compradores' Club.\n\n47 For an account of Ho Kai's involvement in Chinese politics see Harold Z. Schiffrin, \"The Enigma of Sun Yat-sen\", in M. C. Wright, ed., op. cit., pp. 246 ff.\n\n48 The Hong Kong Chinese General Chamber of Commerce was in close touch with the Canton Chamber of Commerce and members flitted between one and the other. Many members of the District Watch Committee had offices and businesses in Canton and invested heavily in Kwangtung enterprises. Many bought land.\n\n49 Ho Kai, however, believed in the 'Open Door' policy in China, which he thought would be beneficial to both China, Hong Kong and the West. See the letter sent to Lord Charles Beresford in Beresford's book, The Break-up of China, London, Harper and Brothers, 1899, pp. 216-233.\n\n50 This is made clear, I feel, by a perusal of the commissions of enquiry into the workings of the Po Leung Kuk and the Tung Wah Hospital. In both cases Ho Kai worked in concert with Lockhart to protect the interests of the Chinese community. Ho Kai was no yes-man. On the other hand, he did use his inside knowledge of government activities to line his own pockets. Endacott states that Ho Kai and his cronies were suspected of spreading rumours about British intentions in the New Territories before the takeover in order to reduce land prices. Endacott, op. cit., p. 263. See also Despatches and other papers relating to the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong, Sessional Papers, No. 32 of 1899, p. 20.\n\n51 For example, Ho Fook, Chau Siu-ki and Wei Yuk all died in office.\n\n52 This board was set up to oversee the working of the managing committee and to see that continuity in policy was maintained.\n\n53 See note 52. An important function of the Advisory Board was to see that money was spent wisely.\n\n54 The Committee controlled fee-paying cemeteries at Aberdeen and Tsun Wan. Burial was reserved for Chinese who had been permanently resident in the Colony.\n\n55 This Committee, like the others listed above, was under the chairmanship of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs. Chinese temples were controlled, in accordance with Ordinance No. 7 of 1928, by this Committee.\n\n56 The Chinese Recreation Ground was an open space situated off Hollywood Road. Funds derived from the rents of stalls in both Hollywood Road and the Yaumati Public Square in Kowloon.\n\n57 Before 1941 there were 9 Chinese Public Dispensaries controlled and maintained by a committee under the chairmanship of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs. They were originally established to help combat plague.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206330, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 147, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE DISTRICT WATCH COMMITTEE\n\n141\n\nin the Colony. In 1948 they were taken over by the Medical and Health Department.\n\n58 G. W. Skinner, Leadership and Power in the Chinese Community of Thailand, Ithaca, New York, Yale University Press, 1958, p. 79.\n\n59 James Michie wrote: \"The means taken to conciliate the Chinese (in Hong Kong) must be deemed on the whole to have been successful. There was first police supervision, then official protection under a succession of qualified officers, then representation in the Colony Legislature and on the Commission of the Peace. The colonial executive has wisely left to the Chinese a large measure of a kind of self-government which is more effective than anything that could find its expression in votes of the Legislature. The administration of purely Chinese affairs by native committees, with a firm ruling hand over their proceedings, seems to fulfil every purpose of government.\" The Englishman in China during the Victorian Era, Edinburgh and London, William Blackwood, 1900, vol. 1, pp. 280-1.\n\n60 The Labour Advisory Board was established in 1937 and consisted of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs, the Secretary and Cashier of His Majesty's Naval Yard, the Assistant Director of Supply and Transport of the China Command, a representative of the Public Works Department, the Manager of the Taikoo Sugar Refinery, the manager of the Hong Kong Electric Company, and the manager of the Taikoo Dockyard. The members consisted entirely of representatives of large government departments and employers of labour. The board rarely functioned.\n\n61 The Chinese General Chamber of Commerce was founded in 1896 principally by Ho Kai and Wei Yuk. It was called at first the Chinese Merchants Bureau. In 1913, after a period of decline, a new building costing $40,000 was erected in Connaught Road. After 1913 the Chamber became one of the most influential bodies in Hong Kong, and many members of the District Watch Committee served at one time or another on its executive committee. The Chinese Club was founded in 1899 by Sir Robert Ho Tung and modelled on the European Hong Kong Club. A description of the Club's premises is to be found in Mrs. Archibald Little, The Land of the Blue Gown, London, T. Fisher Unwin, 1902, p. 323: \"We were taken by the Committee into an upper room, where European comforts of curtains and cushioned arm-chairs were judiciously intermingled with Cantonese elegances of black carved wood and landscape marble.\" Mrs. Little was a member of the Anti-Footbinding League or Natural Feet Society.\n\n62 See G. William Skinner for a detailed analysis of Chinese associations. See especially ch. 6 of his Leadership and Power in the Chinese Community of Thailand.\n\n63 For Overseas Chinese associations, see important works by the following: Maurice Freedman, \"Immigrants and Associations: Chinese in Nineteenth Century Singapore,\" Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 3, no. 1, 1960, and Chinese Family and Marriage in Singapore, London, H.M.S.O., 1957; G. W. Skinner, Chinese Society in Thailand: An Analytical History, Ithaca, New York, Cornell University Press, 1957, and Leadership and Power in the Chinese Community of Thailand, Ithaca, New York, Cornell University Press, 1958; William E. Willmott, The Political Structure of the Chinese Community in Cambodia, London, The Athlone Press, 1970; and Edgar Wickberg, The Chinese in Philippine Life 1850-1898, New Haven, Conn., Yale University Press, 1965.\n\n64 See Wilfred Blythe, The Impact of Chinese Secret Societies in Malaya, London, Oxford University Press, 1969.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206331, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 148, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "A BRIEF REPORT ON SUNG-TYPE POTTERY FINDS IN HONG KONG\n\nJ. C. Y. WATT*\n\nTHE SITES\n\nOver the past thirty years various pottery finds attributed to the Sung period have been made in many parts of Hong Kong. For the purpose of this paper, two representative sites will be described and the finds discussed. The sites are: the area of Kowloon City near the present Kai Tak Airport, and Nim Shu Wan on the eastern coast of Lantau Island, the largest of the islands of Hong Kong.\n\nKowloon City, formerly called Kuan-fu Chai, was the administrative centre of the salt-pans on the north coast of Kowloon Bay. These salt-pans were one of the chief official centres of production of salt in south China during the Southern Sung period2. The existence of the Kuan-fu salt-pans, which we know from historical records, is confirmed by an inscription written by one of the salt-officers, Yen I-chang, in 1274 and carved on a rock which still stands today. The rock is situated behind a Tien-hou temple in Joss House Bay. Kuan-fu Chai was also one of the stopping places of the fleeing court of the last princes of the Sung dynasty3.\n\nIt is not surprising that a site with so much connection with Sung history should yield archaeological finds of the Sung period. The first group of finds made in this area, which are still partially available for inspection and have a fair claim to be Sung, were unearthed intermittently from a small hill which used to be known as the Sacred Hill. This hill, on which stood the Sung Wang T'ai, the Sung Princes' Rock, was levelled during the Japanese occupation in the Second World War when the airfield was extended. When the hill was demolished a large quantity of pottery was unearthed, which consisted of celadons, green glazed\n\n*Mr. Watt is Assistant Curator, City Museum and Art Gallery, Hong Kong. His note \"A Pair of Pottery Covered Jars found at Shek Pik, Lantau Island\" appeared in Vol. 9 (1969) of this Journal, pp. 161-163. This article is based on a paper presented by the author at the Manila Trade Pottery Seminar held in March, 1968.\n\nPlates 1-10 illustrate this article.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206335, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "146\n\nJ. C. Y. WATT\n\nindicates that they are highly localised and probably all come from the kilns of Fu-shan, the area which produce the famous Shih-wan (Shek-wan) wares of a later period. The most common type found in Nim Shu Wan is one that has been attributed to the late T'ang period (Plate 1 and note1). The stoneware and porcelain finds consist almost exclusively of various greenish glazed wares, the detailed description of which is beyond the scope of this paper. However, discussion in very general terms may not be out of place.\n\nThe great majority of these greenish wares consist of bowls and dishes of various sizes. The most common shapes and style of potting are similar to the bowls found in Puerto Galero, Mindoro, (see L. & C. Locsin, Plates 118 and 119). These bowls are usually decorated either on the inside or outside, or both, with a comb-like instrument used with great boldness and flourish. (Plate 7). The inside designs are usually some kind of floral pattern and the designs on the outside are either of the type described as \"chrysanthemum petals\" (closely spaced slanting lines radiating from the base of the bowl), or the type which is generally described as \"lotus petals\". The chrysanthemum petals as well as the floral designs which are woven into \"scrolls” in either a coherent or a \"dissolved\" manner are very similar to those found at the Hsi-ts'un kilns in Canton2, as well as some Fukien kilns, and show common features with certain designs found on celadon wares of the north, especially the Yao-yao varieties; while the \"lotus petals \" (Plate 8) seem to have directly descended from a class of decoration commonly found on Han earthenwares of Kwangtung13 and on the early Yueh wares. The Han potter, in his turn, probably derived his design from the decoration found on some Han bronzes. If this is the case, then this kind of \"lotus petals\" had nothing to do with the lotus plant in its beginnings. However, it is quite conceivable that the Wu and the Yuch people turned this pattern into a variety of the lotus design during the Six Dynasties when the lotus was greatly sung in the Yueh-fu ballads of South China origin because it punned with the word for “love” or “sympathy\". Thus this design can claim to be one of the chief characteristics of wares from South China from the Han to at least the Sung period.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206346, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "SUNG-TYPE POTTERY FINDS IN HONG KONG\n\n147\n\nApart from general similarities in shape and style of potting, the bowls display a marked divergence in colour and quality of the glazes which range from a clear and very pale greyish green to an almost matt dark olive green. Crazing occurs with some of the glazes, usually the clear light coloured ones. Perhaps the most attractive of these glazes is one which is thick, unctuous and pale greyish green in colour and is found usually on bowls with flat unglazed bottoms and in one instance of a \"turned-down\" mouth rim of a vase. The styles of potting and decoration suggest similarities with certain wares of Chekiang.\n\nGENERAL PROBLEMS OF DATING\n\nIn connection with the dating of these pieces, it must be pointed out that none of the finds have been recovered as a result of systematic and controlled excavation, and all attempts at dating have been made by the criteria of traditional classifications or by comparison with finds reported from kiln sites in China. The accuracy of the latter method is largely determined by the standard of the reports and the correctness of the dating of the kilns by the excavators. If the judgment of the excavators of the kilns is influenced by traditional concepts and classification, which is not only possible but likely in some cases, then the value of their reports is greatly reduced as references for dating pieces found away from the place of manufacture. There is as yet very little evidence to prove conclusively that pieces regarded as \"Southern Sung\" could not have been produced in the later decades of the 13th century and, conversely, that \"Yuan\" pieces were not in production before the 14th century.\n\nThe discovery of coins with pottery finds is very much of a mixed blessing. While coins do provide an upper limit for dating they are of comparatively little use in precise dating. The extensive and continued circulation of Sung coins into later periods of Chinese history, especially in Kwangtung, is the source of much argument in the archaeology of Kwangtung in the later historical periods. To quote a notorious example, in 1955 there appeared a report14 of a \"Sung tomb\" in Canton which produced several blue-and-white jars. The strongest evidence adduced by the excavators for giving the tomb a Sung date was that all the numerous coins found in the tomb were Northern Sung. It took nearly two years and a great deal of...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206348, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 165, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "SUNG-TYPE POTTERY FINDS IN HONG KONG\n\n149\n\namong the sites, will at least be an important step towards an understanding of the overall pattern of early cultural and trade relations between China and South-east Asia over a period of several centuries. This comparative study will, of course, become more meaningful still when the pottery traditions of South China are better known,\n\nNOTES\n\n1 A report of the finds at Shek Pik by Hayes and Watt appeared in the Journal of the Hong Kong Archaeological Society, Vol. I, 1968, pp. 19-23.\n\n2 Jao Tsung-i: Kowloon in Historical Records of Sung Period, Hong Kong 1959.\n\n3 Lo Hsiang-lin: Hong Kong and Its External Communications before 1842, Chapter on “Last of the Sungs\", Hong Kong 1963.\n\n4 According to the survey sheets and land ownership schedules kept in the District Office, Islands, New Territories Administration.\n\n5 WW 1963.1, pp. 27-35.\n\n6 WWTKTL 1958.2, pp. 34-37 and WW 1959.6, pp. 62-71.\n\n7 WWTKTL 1958.2, p. 37.\n\n8 L. and C. Locsin: Oriental Ceramics discovered in the Philippines, Tuttle, 1968.\n\n9 Ku-Kung Po-wu-yuan Yuan-k'an, No. 2, 1960, pp. 121-123.\n\n10 WW 1965.2, pp. 26-31.\n\n11 UKK 1965.6, pp. 287-288.\n\n12 Kuang-chou Hsi-ts'un Ka-yao I-tzu, 1958.9, Wen Wu Press.\n\n13 See, for example, Plate V, KKTH 1956.4. Also Plate XVI (2) in J. C. Y. Watt: A Han Tomb in Lei Cheng Uk, Hong Kong, City Museum Handbook, 1970.\n\n14 WWTKTL 1955.10.\n\n15 See notes on pp. 161-3 JHKBRAS Vol. 9, 1969.\n\n16 KK 1962.8 pp. 414-415 and KK 1964.4 pp. 196-199.\n\nWWTKTL = Wen-wu-ts'an-k'ao-tzu-liao\n\nWW = Wen-wu\n\nKKTH = K'ao-ku-t'ung-hsün\n\nKK = K'ao-ku\n\nChinese Names and Terms\n\nNim Shu Wan 稔樹灣 Kai Tak 啟德\n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206351, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "152\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nin 1859 and spread outwards through the self-governing and other territories of what became the Commonwealth and Empire. It extended to Britain's Eastern Colonies and to the foreign communities of the treaty ports of China and Japan where, from time to time, various alarms and excursions added self-preservation to the list of factors motivating the continuance or periodic resuscitation of volunteer corps.\n\nIn Hong Kong the Laws of the Colony early provided for their existence as a constitutional force. A succession of Ordinances established volunteers on a proper basis. The earliest of these was No. 2 of 1862, which was repeated with slight variation in No. 18 of 1882. An important re-modelling was carried out by No. 6 of 1893. This was followed by a Volunteer Reserve Ordinance No. 25 of 1910. Both these Ordinances were replaced by a further Volunteer Ordinance No. 2 of 1920, still modelled largely on the important 1893 Ordinance.\n\nVolunteer forces were the rule in the various foreign concessions in China, though save in the larger ones local volunteer forces tended to be formed and reformed whenever events seemed to warrant it. For example, the Shameen Defence Corps was formed after a serious riot in 1884 and was reformed from time to time, e.g. in May 1911 due to the unsettled state of affairs in Canton (see Diary of Events and the Progress on Shameen 1859-1938 compiled by H.S.S. and privately printed about 1938, pp. 19-26).\n\nThe largest of the China volunteer units was, in time, the Shanghai Volunteer Corps. This originated at two public meetings held in April 1853 and its early doings are described in Chapter XXXV of Lanning and Couling's The History of Shanghai, Part I (Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1921).\n\nInteresting details of its development are given here and there in Brigadier J. V. Davidson-Houston's Yellow Creek, The Story of Shanghai (London, Putnam, 1962). As in Hong Kong, the passing of the first emergency resulted in the demise of the Corps. \"Enthusiasm for the Volunteer Corps sank to a low ebb, members neglected to turn up for training and it was soon practically defunct\" (p. 58). The Corps was again raised in August 1860 with the onset of the Taiping rebels, when 107 volunteers came forward for enrolment (p. 65). However, after the successful operations against the rebels the Corps \"wilted and died\" and was wound up in 1867 to \"pay for its debtor's balance by selling its rifles\" although the rifle club continued to function (p. 90). The Corps was again formed in 1870 following the Tientsin massacre and continued in being thereafter, its numbers fluctuating between 250-350 for the rest of the 19th century (pp. 92-93). It then continued to grow in size, like the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps, to meet the difficulties of the troubled 1920s and the war with Japan.\n\nThe number of foreign residents in China is relevant to the size and location of Volunteer Corps. Some figures are given at pp. 292-295 of J. Dyer Ball's Things Chinese or Notes Connected with China, 4th edition, Hongkong, Kelly and Walsh 1903. There were, for instance, 4,424 foreigners in Shanghai (exclusive of those living in the French Settlement) in 1895 and 6774 in 1900. The Hong Kong Census of 1891 listed 10,446 British and foreign residents.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206352, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 169, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "HISTORY OF MILITARY VOLUNTEERS IN H.K.\n\n153\n\nway to the Volunteer Ordinance No. 10 of 1933 which was replaced, in its turn, by Ordinance No. 63 of 1948. The present Force is constituted under the Royal Hong Kong Defence Force Ordinance Chapter 199 of the Laws of Hong Kong, Ordinance No. 25 of 1951, modified by subsequent amendments.3 Besides being established by law, all volunteers have also been subject to rules and regulations provided for in the main Ordinances,\n\nBesides serving as a reminder to the present day volunteer that he and his predecessors have always operated within the laws of the Colony, these Ordinances and Regulations are a valuable source of information about volunteering over the past century and more. They are milestones in the growth and development of the Hong Kong Volunteers and provide the essential framework of accurate facts on to which information from other sources can be fitted.4 These include annual inspection reports for part of the period, personal reminiscences, newspaper reports, old photographs and memorials and the wide range of material included in the pages of the pre-war Year Book of the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps, 1934-40 and of the post-war Royal Hong Kong Defence Force magazine, The Volunteer. The latter has appeared every year since 1950, with a special edition in 1954 to commemorate the centenary of volunteering in Hong Kong. The war period 1941-45 has been covered in Major Evan Stewart's account which has been supplemented by other publications dealing with the fall of Hong Kong. Material from these different sources has been used in writing this brief\n\n3 Since this article was prepared the Royal Hong Kong Defence Force Ordinance has been repealed and replaced by the Royal Hong Kong Regiment Ordinance and Regulations. Legal Supplements No. 1 of 18th December, 1970 and No. 2 of 24th December, 1970 in the Hong Kong Government Gazette refer.\n\n4 They are to be found in the various editions of the Laws of Hong Kong and of the Government Gazette.\n\n5 Only those for the years 1893-1907 are available in Hong Kong, printed in Sessional Papers 1894-1908. None of the earlier or later reports are available in the Colony.\n\n6 A Record of the Actions of the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps in the Battle for Hong Kong, December 1941, Hong Kong, Ye Olde Printerie, Ltd. Other sources include the official History of the Second World War - The War against Japan, Volume I edited by Major-General S. Woodburn Kirby (London, H.M.S.O. 1957), John Luff's The Hidden Years (Hong Kong, South China Morning Post, Ltd., 1967) and Tim Carew's The Fall of Hong Kong (London, Anthony Blond, Ltd., 1961).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206355, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 172, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "156\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nthe regular army and militia during the South African War 1899-1902 and was reorganised as the Territorial Force (TA) in the Army Reforms of 1908. This movement influenced events in many colonies, and in the future Dominions of Canada and Australia. Hong Kong was thus no exception to the rule, particularly as, in her case, there were recurrent times of insecurity and uncertainty in the years to come.\n\n—\n\nAnother factor in the emergence of Hong Kong Volunteers at various times, and especially in its continuous manifestation from 1893 onwards, was the concern shown for Imperial Defence. Besides being an important port for the trade of and with China, Hong Kong was a naval base for coaling and refitting warships and was considered to be a vital link in the defence and maintenance of communications with the eastern parts of Britain's far-flung empire. In the 1880s there was much talk of its security which led first to the construction and arming of new batteries for coast defence at much cost—the Lei Yue Mun Fort dates from this time—and in the late 1890s the demand for the lease of the New Territories was made partly on defence grounds. This concern is reflected in the 1893 Volunteer Ordinance which made provision for two different bodies, the ordinary Volunteers—already well known to Hong Kong—and the Coast Defence Volunteers, who are here mentioned for the first time. (This Act also made the Hong Kong Volunteers subject to the Army Act whilst on active service in the same way as the Volunteers in England, and placed the Corps under the supervision of the Military Authorities).12 Imperial Defence was also later responsible, in 1902, for the conversion of the Corps, then comprising a field battery, machine gun and infantry companies, into garrison artillery which led to dissatisfaction among members and some resignations.13\n\nThe final stimulus at the end of the century was the enthusiasm and inspiration derived from being part of the British Empire which reached its emotional and material zenith in the decade between Queen Victoria's Silver and Diamond Jubilees in 1887 and 1897. An echo of this time remains in the Great Queen's\n\n11 S.P., 1884-85, p. 83.\n\n12 Section 18 of No. 6 of 1893 and Han., 1893, p. 70,\n\n13 Twentieth Century Impressions, p. 277.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206358, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "HISTORY OF MILITARY VOLUNTEERS IN H.K.\n\n159\n\npay certain sums into the Corps Funds. These variations to the old Ordinance are important as no fixed period under penalty had been enjoined in it, and no special duties other than active military service had been envisaged for the force.\n\nThe reasons for these changes must again be sought in the changing nature of the times. The educated youth and the industrial labour of China had entered into a period of unrest and discontent brought about by their country's weakness. China had entered the war as an ally of the Western powers in 1917 but despite this they refused to give up tariff privileges and treaty ports (the European concessions) or to make their other Eastern ally, Japan, relinquish her territorial encroachments on China. The 1920s were a time of growing internal strife in China coupled with increased resentment of the West. Hong Kong was not excluded from the impact of ideological struggle. The Seaman's Strike of 1922 and the General Strike of 1925-26 crippled the port and damaged the economy of the Colony. An emergency situation existed, and thus a fresh impetus was given to the Volunteer Corps whose services were again needed for humdrum but essential work. Colonel H. Owen Hughes recalls being called out for six weeks in 1925, and combining office work by day with duty by night patrolling the streets and guarding hospitals and vulnerable points.20 Whoever decided that a new Ordinance was needed in 1920 was a man of prescience and discernment. Other amendments were made to the Volunteer Ordinance in 1926 and 1927 (No. 15 of 1926 and No. 27 of 1927) in the light of contemporary requirements.\n\nBy the late thirties hostilities were again threatening in Western Europe and Japan's gradual encroachments in China led to actual war in 1937 and the occupation of Canton the following year. The danger which these events might bring to Hong Kong had already been anticipated. The Corps grew in size during this period and the Year Books between 1934 and 1940 make interesting reading. In the first issues we see that, following the Ordinance of 1933, the Volunteer Defence Corps consisted of one battery of artillery, a machine gun battalion that included three machine gun companies, corps infantry (largely Portuguese) and corps engineers and signals and armoured cars with a reserve company.\n\n20 Vol, 1964, p. 42.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206381, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 198, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE COLONY OF HONG KONG\n\nFrom a lecture by the Rev. JAMES LEGGE, D.D., LL.D., on reminiscences of a long residence in the east, delivered in the City Hall, November 5, 1872.\n\nEditor's note. The following article is reprinted from the pages of The China Review, Vol. III, (1874) pp. 163–176. Its subject, and its distinguished author, (1815-97, appointed first Professor of Chinese at Oxford, 1876) are of equal interest and require no introduction from me.\n\n[The lecturer, having stated that his main object would be to interest his hearers by a review of the progress of the Colony, almost from its commencement down to nearly the present time, and by some references to the changes which during that period have taken place in the relations of China and Japan with the Christian nations of the West, the old nations of Europe and the young nation of the United States, proceeded to say that wherever he might interject views of his own in the course of his historical survey, he claimed perfect freedom in doing so, and was ready to accord the same to others in estimating the value of his opinions. He then sketched briefly his arrival in the East in 1839, and a residence in Malacca of nearly three years and a half, which brought him to his removal to Hong Kong in 1843. From this point, he shall speak in his own person.]\n\nIn the month of May, 1843, I reached Macao, and, a few days after, came over with my family to this place. Our passage was made in a small cutter, chartered for the occasion, and I have not forgotten the sensations of delight with which, when we had passed Green Island, I contemplated the ranges of hills on the north and the south, embosoming, between them the tranquil waters of the bay. I seemed to feel that I had found at last the home for which I had left Scotland; and here has been my abode, with intervals occupied by visits to the fatherland, for nearly thirty years.\n\nThe hill-sides now occupied by the graceful terraces of our city then presented a very different appearance. But the small and rude beginnings would not have been what they were in the middle of 1843, if they had not dated from before the treaty of Nanking. The island had been ceded to Great Britain in January 1841, by", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206387, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 204, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "178\n\nREV. JAMES LEGGE\n\nI once witnessed from my house in D'Aguilar Street an engagement between nearly a hundred Chinese coolies on each side, on the ground now occupied by the Club-house. Bamboo on bamboo, and bamboo on skull, resounded pretty equally, until the parties were obliged to give up from exhaustion. I thought that nothing wilder or better-sustained had ever been seen at Donnybrook Fair.\n\nTaking occasion to speak here on the subject of violent crime in the Colony, and affecting it, I would distinguish two eras;— that of violent burglary, and that of piracy. Not that there were not piracies in the earlier time, and burglaries in the later; but the one and the other preponderated in the two eras, and may be considered to characterize them. The former may be said to have continued down to the beginning of 1856, when a daring attack was made on several native shops at East Point. For several years, however, before that, it had been declining, owing mainly to the increasing numbers and greater vigour of the police force.\n\nThese robberies were at first conducted with an astonishing audacity. In January, 1844, to give only one instance, what is now Mr. De Souza's printing office was occupied by Mrs. White, the wife of one of the present members for Brighton, who was himself in Shanghai at the time. He was one of the early notabilities of the Colony, and founded the Friend of China, which was published here and in Shanghai for many years by very different hands. Well on the night of the 23rd January, the bungalow was attacked by an armed band of about 30 individuals. Their object was plunder; and without attempting any violence to Mrs. White or a young lady who was staying with her, they proceeded systematically to accomplish their purpose.\n\nA little down the hill were the head-quarters of a Madras regiment of which I have spoken. The young lady tripped down, and gave the alarm there, and soon a party of sepoys was led up to the scene by an officer; but the brigands stood one discharge of their muskets, and, it was said, did not flee till the ramrods were ringing in the barrels for a second, one of their number being left bleeding to death on the floor.\n\nWhen burglary on this scale could no longer be attempted with success or safety, bands of robbers attempted to carry out their attempts by tunneling from the large drains under the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206390, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 207, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE COLONY OF HONG KONG\n\n181\n\nfreely with all the men under his command; cultivating, moreover, the confidence of them all, and seeing that distinguished fidelity and efficiency are liberally rewarded; who shall be proud of his position, and feel that his own happiness and honour are identified with his success;-give me such a superintendent and such a force, and I will undertake that in a few years crime shall be as rare as in any city at home, while the expense of the department will be very considerably reduced.\n\n—\n\nIt is thought, I know, by many that my views on this subject are visionary and Utopian derived from my acquaintance with Chinese literature more than from acquaintance with the Chinese people. I will only say that during many years of my long residence here, my intercourse was quite as much with the people as with their books. Several hours of every day were spent in visiting them from house to house, and shop to shop, conversing with them on all subjects, and trying to get them to converse with me on one subject. When I went home in 1867, I could say that, excepting the brothels, there was hardly a house in Victoria and the villages in which I had not repeatedly been, and where I was not known as a friend. I am confident of this, that, keep away the calamity of another war with China, my views as to the constitution of the police force will be the prevailing views of the Colony, and acted on by its Government.\n\nHaving said thus much about the police force, let me say further that I think that that department is at present, in 1872, in a better and more efficient state than it ever was. Let me give expression also to a protest against the doctrine which I have sometimes heard and read, that our laws are too lenient for the Chinese population which we try to govern by them. By all means let the treatment of crime be deterrent; but that we must institute a new code of penalties taken from Chinese or other barbarous practice is an outrageous suggestion, the birth of reckless thoughtlessness, or of minds soured from their own distemperature. But the laws of the Colony should be fully made known to the Chinese population. This is a work that yet remains to be done, the preparation of a clear, distinct, intelligible translation of most of our statutes, purchasable by the inhabitants at a small price.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206391, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 208, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "182\n\nREV. JAMES LEGGE\n\nI have drawn, you probably think, sufficiently long on your attention and patience already, and yet, that we may get a sufficient view of the growth of the Colony, I must ask you to go back with me to the time at which I had arrived when the unhealthiness of 1843 led me away into all these digressions. I will try, however, to be brief in what I have further to say.\n\nSir Henry Pottinger, I observed, was governor of the Colony when I came to it, and I was surprised to find that he was not by any means popular. He was a good man, people said, to conquer China, and a bad man to rule Hong Kong. The impression which I received from my intercourse with him was of a man condensed, reticent, powerful, who would have his own way, and was able to force it. Mr. Davis, afterwards Sir John Davis, arrived and relieved him in May, 1844; and his coming was hailed with eager expectation. He had been in China before in the East India Company's time, was a Chinese scholar, and had written a book on China, which is still the most readable and entertaining work on the country up to the time to which he was able to bring it down. He, it was thought, was just the man for the place. How it came about, I hardly know; but of all our governors he left his office under the greatest cloud of popular dissatisfaction. In his time, however, the Colony made very considerable advances. The arrival of Judge Hulme was almost contemporaneous with that of Sir John Davis, and a Court of Supreme judicature was constituted. Mr. May, whom we all know, arrived in March, 1843, and the police force began to take shape. Not long after, the tax on house property was proposed, and never was there a greater clamour in the place. It was argued that it was unconstitutional, an imperilling of that palladium of English liberty that taxation must go hand in hand with representation; and the revolt of the American Colonies in the last century was alluded to. It was not my lot, however, to be in Hong Kong during the greater part of Sir John Davis's administration. I was laid down with Hong Kong fever in the autumn of 1844, which returned with other complications in the following year, till I was carried on board ship on the 18th November, to make the passage round the Cape, my friends all supposing that Hong Kong had seen the last of me.\n\nTwo days after I had left, Ke-ying, the Chinese statesman, paid a visit to the Colony, and gave a grand entertainment to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206392, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 209, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE COLONY OF HONG KONG\n\n183\n\nthe Governor, and many members of the community, in what was long afterwards called, in commemoration of the affair, K'e-ying house. His visit, no doubt, had reference to the evacuation of Choosan by our troops, and the opening of Canton city, for at that time the Governor of Hongkong was also superintendent of trade in all China;—an unfortunate arrangement, which continued till provision was made for the residence of an ambassador in Peking by the treaty of Teen-tsin in June, 1858. The wily Manchoo was more than a match for Sir John Davis. Choosan was evacuated, but Canton was not opened. K'e-ying had promised that it should be opened on the 31st March, 1847, and that not being done, as well as to avenge other injuries, Sir John made his famous raid upon the city, and on the 5th April dictated a convention, stipulating among other things, that Canton should be opened: --not immediately, but in two years, on the 1st April, 1849. It was an unhappy concession; but Sir John Davis somehow wanted \"the stalk of carl-hemp.\" Speaking after the manner of men, the refusal to open Canton was a sufficient casus belli, and I could wish that our second war with China had been fought upon it, rather than on the affair of the lorcha Arrow, nearly ten years later. The Cantonese, from the Viceroy of the Kwang provinces downwards, were encouraged in their insolent contempt for foreigners, and various outrages were perpetrated in consequence.\n\nI may mention that in 1846 a little steamer called the Corsair began to run between Hongkong and Canton, people being doubtful whether the enterprise would pay. The foundation of the Cathedral, then a church merely, was laid in January, 1847. The old Union Church had been opened in 1845.\n\nI returned to Hongkong in the summer of 1848, and found that Sir John Davis had resigned the government of the Colony, and that his successor was Sir George Bonham, whom I had known as governor of the Straits' settlements, when I was in Malacca. I remember, as he was about to proceed in the spring of 1849 to an interview with the governor of Canton at the Bogue, asking him whether he was going to insist on the opening of the city on the 1st April. He replied, \"How can I? My instructions are to keep the peace, and by no means bring on another war with China.\" He did keep the peace,—kept it with China, and kept it among the members of the government of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206393, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 210, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "184 \n\nREV. JAMES LEGGE\n\nthe Colony, which his predecessor had not done, and which his successor was still less able to do. During all his time the Colony was in a dead-alive state. What trade had sprung up during its first years had rather decreased under Sir John Davis, and it was not till about 1854 that it received a fresh impulse. I remember walking, in 1849, one afternoon with old Mr. Holliday—so we should call him now with his stalwart sons among us—and having a gloomy conversation with him on the state and prospects of the place. Taking our stand at a point a little beyond what is now St. Paul's College, where we had a good view of the harbour, we counted 28 square-rigged vessels in it, storeships and all, with hardly a steamer among them. \"After all,” said Mr. Holliday, \"there must be some trade, else those vessels would not come to the place.\" By and by came the emigration to California, and afterwards that to Australia, but though these produced some excitement, they did little to the furtherance of trade. In 1850 the T'ae-p'ing rebellion began to be talked of, and, Sir George Bonham going on a visit to England, Dr. Bowring came down from his consulate in Canton to take his place, which finally became his own, when the other vacated his office in 1854, leaving his name in the Bonham Strand.\n\nAbout this time Yeh, whose name ere long became notorious all over the world, and who had for some time been governor of Canton province, was appointed viceroy of the two Kwang. The T'ae-p'ing rebels made themselves masters of Nanking, and the south and seaboard of China began to heave with rebellion. One body made itself master of Fat-shan, and Canton was threatened. Yeh, however, maintained himself there, keeping his executioners busy. The numbers put to death in 1852 and 1853 were very many every month, and they greatly multiplied, as the insurgents were gradually got under. It has always seemed to me that this was the turning point in the progress of Hongkong. As Canton was threatened, the families of means hastened to leave it, and many of them flocked to this Colony. Houses were in demand; rents rose; the streets that had been comparatively deserted assumed a crowded appearance; new commercial Chinese firms were founded; the native trade received an impetus which it had not lost till it was arrested by the superfluous vigour of some of Sir Richard MacDonnell's early ordinances.\n\nPage 210\nPage 211", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206394, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 211, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE COLONY OF HONG KONG\n\n185\n\nI hurry on to the month of October, 1856, when there occurred the affair of the lorcha Arrow at Canton, which grew out of the practice of granting sailing letters to native craft, adopted, I think in the previous year, by Sir John Bowring, and which was rendered necessary to save the holders of them from capture by the insurgent fleets in the neighbourhood of Whampoa. A more unfortunate occasion of hostilities could not have presented itself; it was almost as bad as the opium complications which brought on our former war. It was felt to be so by Sir Michael Seymour, into whose hands the management of the thing soon passed from those of the Governor, and he tried to shift the quarrel to the old question of throwing open the gates of the city. The sense of many at home was sufficiently declared by the decision of Parliament against going to war about the matter, and under any other prime minister than Lord Palmerston the adverse vote would have been final. He appealed from it, however, to the country, which supported his policy, and Lord Elgin was called to proceed to China, and square up all the accounts between it and Great Britain.\n\nBefore that, however, on the morning of the 15th January, 1857, occurred the diabolical attempt to poison a large number of the inhabitants of the Colony by means of bread supplied from the bakery of A-lum. I was one of those who partook of the poison. I did so twice; early in the morning, and again at breakfast time; soon getting rid, however, of all the noxious matter through violent paroxysms of sickness. Never was such a day of excitement in the Colony; and had A-lum been caught at once, he would have been lynched beyond a doubt; but he had gone off with all his family by the early steamer to Macao. Being pursued thither, and brought back, he was subsequently brought to trial and acquitted, the guilt of the deed being thrown by him on his foreman and another man, who had made their escape. He was subsequently kept in gaol at large for some time, and there I made his acquaintance. He was a tall, imposing-looking man for a Chinese, and had been well educated. The respect and deference shown to him by all the prisoners were wonderful. On the Sundays, when I went to conduct a religious service with them, he quite took me under his patronage, had the books ready, and maintained perfect order among all who attended.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206395, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 212, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "186\n\nREV. JAMES LEGGE\n\nOn the 2nd July of that year, I was walking out on Caine's Road in the afternoon with a friend, when we saw a steamer coming through Sulphur Channel. At first we thought it must be the mail, but it proved to be the Shannon, with Lord Elgin on board. As she steamed into the harbour, and she and the Admiral saluted each other, and the thunder of their guns reverberated along the sides of the mountain, which were then all fringed with mist, I said to my companion, \"There is the knell of the past of China. It can do nothing against these leviathans.\" And so it was. I need not try to tell you how Lord Elgin's measures were delayed in a manner that contributed much, through his prompt and magnanimous decision, to the preservation of our Indian empire. All this and his subsequent proceedings in China may be seen in brief in the memoir of his Life published during the present year. It is only when he is gone that the public at large have the means of knowing what a good and great man Lord Elgin was,—bold, prudent, far-seeing, conscientious. I hope all my hearers, if they have not already read, will soon take the opportunity to read, that memoir, and especially the chapters relating to his two missions to China.\n\nThe Government at home was equal to the exigencies of the occasion as well as Lord Elgin. Fresh troops were sent out. He went to Calcutta, but was back from it in September. The war at Canton was brought to an end by the capture of the city on the 29th of that month, and Yeh was taken prisoner a few days after. The surprise and disgust of the Chinese in general were great, because he did not seal his loyalty to the dragon throne by at once committing suicide.\n\nIn January, 1858, I made a visit to Canton, and had the satisfaction of walking all over it, and on a Sunday opened the first house, that was set apart in it to that purpose, for the preaching of the gospel. My sermon was followed by one from a relative of the T'ae-ping king, who came subsequently to be well known himself at Nanking as the Shield King. Poor man! He had been connected with the London Mission here for several years, and was the most genial and versatile Chinese I have ever known, and of whom I can never think but with esteem and regret. Had he taken my advice, he would have remained quietly in Hongkong as a preacher, and might have been living with his head on him to the present day.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206397, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 214, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "188 \n\nREV. JAMES LEGGE\n\nthe Ta-koo forts; and there were expectations of a second expedition to secure the fulfilment of that treaty.\n\nSir John Bowring left his name in Bowrington, and the Bowring Praya. He was the most learned of our governors, and I had sincerely wished that he might prove himself as mighty in deeds as in words.\n\nSir Hercules Robinson was a different man, as slow to speak as the other was ready, though he could speak well enough when moved. He began his administration under favourable auspices. The treaty of Tëentsin had given a considerable impulse to trade, and soon the concentration in the Colony of the large force for the second expedition to the North produced a great circulation of money, and increased the demand for house accommodation. Building went on rapidly; the value of ground rose immensely; fortunes were realized by many. Most of this, however, was merely a temporary and factitious prosperity, though Sir Hercules seemed to think, as many others did, that it was real, and that tomorrow would be as this day and much more abundant.\n\nMany important measures were carried through in his time. In 1860, the Chinese schools, supported by Government throughout the island, were entirely re-arranged, and I may claim to myself the merit of having pressed on successive governors the adoption of the present system, which Sir Hercules was the first to take up heartily, and give effect to. We were very fortunate in obtaining such a master to inaugurate it, and carry it out with untiring devotion, as Mr. Stewart. He has been doing a great work of education with hundreds of pupils, the benefits of which will be increasingly felt by the Colony and by China itself.\n\nSir Hercules adopted another scheme, which I had in vain recommended to one governor and another. My idea from 1844 was that the administration of the Colony would not be thoroughly satisfactory, till many of the offices in it were filled by men having a practical knowledge of the Chinese language, and a sympathy with the people. To secure the former, I advised the bringing out of young gentlemen as student-cadets, hoping that they would gradually acquire the latter also. I venture to think that the idea was sound; and it has not been fruitless by any means.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206399, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 216, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "190 \n\nREV. JAMES LEGGE\n\nthe excitement and activity. Then came the close of the war in America, which had produced a feverish activity in the cotton market, ultimately disastrous to many. There followed, in 1866, the commercial disasters consequent on the fall of Overend and Gurney, and the panic at home, with the crashing of banks and the downfall of Houses which had been supposed to be firm as the foundations of the mountain behind us. It was a time of trouble and darkness. Sir Hercules came to the Colony when the tide was rising, and he had it at the flood for the greater part of his time. There remains the Robinson Road to perpetuate his name. When he went away, Mr. Mercer took his place as acting governor, an able man and accomplished, who would have done better for himself had he ventured to assume more responsibility. Then came Sir Richard MacDonnell to the helm at a time of great difficulty; but here I must bring my reminiscences of Hongkong to a close. The events of Sir Richard's incumbency are fresh in the memory of most of you, fresher, indeed, than in my own, for I was absent from the Colony during his administration for three whole years. There are none of us but would rejoice to hear of the reinvigoration of his health. In these recent years the capabilities of the telegraph wire and of the Suez Canal have come fully into play. Their effects on the Colony have already been great, and they will yet be greater.\n\nAnd now, as I draw to a conclusion, permit me to observe that the more than thirty years of my residence in the East have witnessed events of almost unparalleled magnitude and change all over the world. What wars and revolutions have taken place in Europe! in America! in India! in Africa! But great as they have been, they have not been greater than those which have taken place, here in the Far East. When I think of China opened as it has been, and of Japan pursuing with much more willing and rapid steps the career of progress, I can scarcely realize the contrast between the state of things in 1839 and 1872. We sometimes doubt if China be really moving, but moving it is; and if I sometimes fret at the slowness of its advance, and wish that there were more in it of the mobility of its neighbour, yet in the end that slowness tends to increase my respect for the country and its people. There must be a great future yet for the country. In Great Britain there is an area of 12,000 miles of coal fields,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206400, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 217, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE COLONY OF HONG KONG\n\n191\n\nbut the area of those in China, so far as already ascertained, amounts, it has been said, to 400,000 square miles. All that will yet come in for the benefit of the world at large, and I hope in the first place for the benefit of the nation itself. If the movement of its Government seems to be thus far mainly in the way of military preparation, can we blame it? It would all be found but a very feeble affair in another struggle with ourselves; but I like to see the manifestation of a purpose in China to try and hold its own:-she is the gnarled oak, the growth of four millenniums, which will not bend to us as the sapling of Japan is doing.\n\nAnd we have given the Japanese little reason to do anything but love us, while we have given China much reason to fear us and hate us. I am not here to-night to express my views on the opium traffic, but I may surely ask, without giving offence to any one, whether, if we had forced that traffic on Japan as we have done on China, the relations between Japan and foreign nations would be what they are to-day. If there be a man here who thinks that there does not glow in me as true a British patriotism as in himself, I only say he does not know me; but I thank God that the United States preceded us in the opening of the Japanese Empire. Their treaty of the 29th July, 1858, recognizes the prohibition of the importation of opium, and that made by Lord Elgin, on the 27th of the following month, does the same, and with a very stringent addition. Thus one thing which has embittered and fettered our intercourse with China, and will continue to do so, so long as it exists, has had no place in our intercourse with Japan; and the result has been accordingly. It is in the evidence of Sir Rutherford Alcock before a parliamentary commission, that again and again Prince Kung declared to him that take away opium and Christian Missions, and there was no concession which the Government was not prepared to make to further the extension of legitimate commerce. We are suffering at this day in Hongkong from the opium traffic, as from nothing else. The Custom houses at the two entrances to our harbour do the greatest injury, I am persuaded, to the development of a healthy and extensive trade with all the seaboard of the south. They were founded on the ground of the smuggling of opium from the Colony. Take that away, and there is no locus standi left for their continuance.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206401, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 218, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "192\n\nREV. JAMES LEGGE\n\nI had intended to say something on the coolie traffic, though Great Britain happily is not chargeable with its enormities, as another thing which is disgraceful to the Christianity of the West, and happily has not extended to Japan;-forming another great element of difference in our relations with it and with China, and going far to account for the different way in which foreigners are regarded by the people of the two countries. I have trespassed, however, so long on your time, that I content myself with this brief reference to it.\n\nAnd there is only one other subject which I shall mention. A little ago I quoted from Sir Rutherford Alcock the words of Prince Kung, asking that we should take away from China our opium and our Christian Missions. Are these two things then to be placed in the same category? It is enough to say that Missions are expressly commanded by God, and that it is not in the province of human governments to interfere with them. If there be abuses indeed in the conduct of any religious missions in China, let them be proved, punished, and forbidden. The one thing that in the circle of my experience has been a great blessing to China has been the missionary enterprise. Our Protestant missions may not have come anywhere in it with much observation, but in the little more than five and twenty years that they have been at work, they have made constant progress, and have on the whole been greatly successful. There is much misconception on this subject,—misconception in some to be pitied, in some to be blamed. I would gladly say more upon it, and I think I could prove more than what I have affirmed to the satisfaction of you all. But I must have done; I could not, having been for the best part of my life a missionary, have satisfied my conscience if I had not said thus much on this occasion.\n\nWell; what is to be the future of Hongkong? \"Things are on the turn,\" one and another have said to me, \"and we shall soon be having as good times as in the best days of Sir Hercules Robinson.\" Not so soon, say I, unless we have war again, which may God forbid! The first thing must be to get back and foster the junk trade. Then when I try to pierce into the future, I see a railway from Kowloong to Canton. I see a trunk line from Han-k'ow to Canton, and branch lines connecting with it from the great provinces of the west, and from Cheh-këang and Fuh-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206403, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 220, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nVISIT TO THE TUNG LIN KOK YUEN, TAM KUNG TEMPLE, HAPPY VALLEY, AND TIN HAU TEMPLE, CAUSEWAY BAY, SATURDAY, 7TH NOVEMBER 1970\n\nTung Lin Kok Yuen\n\nThe Tung Lin Kok Yuen(t) is a Buddhist nunnery situated at Shan Kwong Road, Happy Valley, not far from the Royal Hong Kong Jockey Club stables. It was founded by the late Lady Hotung (1878-1938), wife of that well-known Hong Kong figure, Sir Robert Hotung. The Yuen comprises a Buddhist temple and the Po Kok Vocational Middle School. The main building was completed in mid-1935 when two other institutions founded by Lady Hotung, the Po Kok Free School in Percival Street and a Buddhist seminary in Castle Peak were moved to it. The Yuen is said to be the only place in the Colony which provides a seminary for Buddhist nuns, and the study of Buddhism forms a major part of the curriculum. A new school building was opened in November, 1951 and an extension for teachers' quarters in 1954.\n\nAlthough the Yuen is not very old, it is of special interest in that the religious images, furniture and other fittings survived the Japanese occupation when so much else in the Colony was dispersed or destroyed, so that we can see today, more or less, how the Yuen looked when it was completed in 1935. Readers of Mrs. Jean Gittins' recently published book Eastern Windows Western Skies (Hong Kong, South China Morning Post Ltd., 1969) pp. 106-7, will recall how many of the internal fittings for the Yuen were carried out by Shanghainese craftsmen in Sir Robert Hotung's house on the Peak.\n\nOf particular interest are two halls devoted to the maintenance of memorial tablets for the dead. One of these, named after one of Sir Robert Hotung's sons who died early, there is a painting of him in the hall is part of the original building, whilst an extension was added about 10 years ago. The persons depositing memorial tablets in these halls are said to pay a once-for-all donation to the Yuen. Besides memorial tablets kept under glass-fronted altars, there are also lists of names written on pink paper.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206408, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 225, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "bination with rattan\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n199\n\n() for net frames only. The ropes were usually up to 20-28 in length and could be even 30+ ★, in which case the rope was turned round and carried part of the way back the rope road. Mr. Yue recalled that the first type of rope had been used by trawlers up to and through the Japanese Occupation but had stopped shortly after the Liberation. The second type had been made and used in local fishing craft up to his brother's death some 7-8 years ago.\n\nThe ropes were twisted from three strands, so that there were three stands with handles at one end of the rope road and a single one at the other. Up to ten persons were employed in the work. Unlike dyeing, this business had been in the Yue family for several generations as both Yue's father and grandfather are reported to have engaged in this work.\n\nThere were several pools at Ta Lam Lo filled with sea water and lime in which the ... was soaked for 10 days to soften it and preserve it. If fresh water was used salt had to be added.\n\nThere is still some rope-making on Ap Lei Chau at a place beyond the Kwun Yum temple but the material used is nylon and wire. This place had also been used to manufacture the other kinds of rope in the earlier period and was known locally as Lam Lo Mei (44), being subsidiary to the main area.\n\nA short description of the calendering process is given at p. 190 of the 1970 Journal. This dates from the 1860s, and probably relates to Central China,\n\nHong Kong, April 1971.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nCHARCOAL BURNING IN HONG KONG\n\nIn his compendious work on China published in 1878 Archdeacon Gray of Canton wrote:\n\n\"As coal is not used for domestic purposes, charcoal is in great demand, and charcoal-burners are to be seen daily on the hills. The hillsides of Pun-yu, Fa-yune, and Tsung-fa -districts of Kwun Tung- are studded with their fires; and on the slopes of the Lew-Shan range of mount-\n\nPage 225\n\nPage 226", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206419, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 236, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\nEARLY MING WARES OF CHINGTECHEN. A. D. Brankston. 106 pp. 45 plates (1 coloured), 18 text-illus. Re-issue 1970. Vetch and Lee, Hong Kong $60; Lund Humphries, London, £5.\n\nThe appearance of a reissue of A. D. Brankston's book Early Ming Wares of Chingtechen will be welcomed by the collector, connoisseur and dealer alike and will fill a long-awaited need to possess this classic in the field of Chinese ceramics. The original edition, published by Mr. Henri Vetch in Peking in 1938 was limited to 650 copies and has been, until now, virtually unobtainable to the layman, despite the fact that it is frequently referred to by writers on Chinese Porcelain and freely quoted from in sales catalogues. The present edition has been faithfully reproduced on the off-set press and Mr. Vetch is to be congratulated for turning out a most pleasing volume which retains much of the charm of the original.\n\nArchibald Brankston was born in Shanghai in 1909. He followed his father's profession as a civil engineer and, after schooling in England, came to Hong Kong to work on the Shing Mun Valley Water Scheme. Being obliged to return to England due to ill health, he was fortunate to be employed in the setting-up of the International Exhibition of Chinese Art in London in 1935. This led to his appointment as a travelling student by the Universities China Committee in London and he was thereby enabled to journey into the interior of China and visited the kiln sites around Chingtechen from which he recovered a variety of samples which now form part of the British Museum study collection. He was also fortunate in being acquainted with well-known Chinese collectors of that time, including Mr. Wu Lai-hsi and others. Back in England, he was employed in the Department of Oriental Antiquities of the British Museum for two years until he had to return to the Far East on behalf of the Ministry of Information. He died in Hong Kong in 1941 at the early age of 31.\n\nThe book deals mainly with blue and white wares of the 15th Century covering the reigns of Yung Lo, Hsüan-Tê, Ch'êng Hua and Hung Chih and also includes some information on the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206421, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 238, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "212\n\n \nBOOK REVIEWS\n\n \nin China.\" As events have turned out, this work is of more use to us now, during the renaissance of interest in the study of the law of the mainland of China than it was in the education of practising lawyers. It came at an interesting period in Chinese legal history, at a time when the lawyers and politicians of the Republic were busy throwing off the shackles of the old imperial law and searching for new, modern concepts and a viable way in which to express them. Jamieson's work may, therefore, be viewed to a certain extent in the same light as the great pioneering textbooks on Anglo-American law of the nineteenth century in that the mode of classification and presentation might have influenced the thinking of generations of lawyers. But the history of China in the years following publication of his book excluded that possibility and we now approach it, not as a work of reference, but as a source of information on historical attitudes towards the modernisation of Chinese Law during the nineteenth century and on the fruits of the cultural interchange between Chinese and western law which occurred in Shanghai.\n\n \nGeorge Jamieson's career followed a well-known late nineteenth century pattern and his educational and intellectual limitations are apparent in his approach to his subject. Chinese Family and Commercial Law is, to our eyes, old-fashioned and didactic. He was a \"scholar\" of the old school and, though he acquired his knowledge and experience of Chinese law from the 'inside' in his involvement in dispute-settling processes, he followed the convention of nineteenth century jurisprudential thought in that he cast his work in a pre-conceived mould. Since the great Maine himself showed great skill in analysing legal systems in terms of concepts which enabled him to demonstrate similarities between those systems rather than to build up a set of concepts which worked adequately within any one system, we can scarcely criticise Jamieson when, in his introductory chapter, he sets out to discover to which legal system familiar in the west is the Chinese legal system most similar. That he should inevitably draw comparisons with the Roman legal system is both a commentary on the extent to which formal Legal education in the past depended overly on Roman Law and on the extent to which our approach to the comparative study of law has changed. Thus, by trying to be \"scholarly,\" he appears to have eschewed the practicality which must have been familiar to him after a lifetime of activity in China. In consequence,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206423, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 240, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "214\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\ninto a modern system of law. No less important is the way in which this book tells us much of western attitudes towards Chinese law and of the ways in which the westerners attempted to come to terms with a system which was so unlike their own. Though we might today criticise Jamieson's comparative law approach and his defective anthropology, his book was a creature of its own time and of his own intellectual experience, and as such it must take a place on the sinologists' bookshelves.\n\nNotes\n\n1. A. M. Kotenev, Shanghai: its Mixed Court and Council, (Shanghai: North China Daily News and Herald Ltd, 1925; now reprinted by Ch'eng Wen Publishing Company, Taipei, 1968).\n\n2. But see now Hao, The Comprador in Nineteenth Century China, Cambridge (Harvard U.P.), 1970.\n\n3. pp. 124-126.\n\nHong Kong, 1971.\n\nDAFYDD EVANS\n\nCHINNERY AND CHINA COAST PAINTINGS, Henry and Sidney Berry-Hill, 64 pages text, 144 photographs, F. W. Lewis. Publishers, Ltd., England 1970, U.S.$30.00.\n\nThe writers operate a picture gallery in New York City. In 1963 they published George Chinnery 1774-1852, Artist of the China Coast, which was reviewed in this Journal, Vol. 4, 1964, pp. 128-132.\n\nIn spite of severe criticism of their previous efforts, the authors, in another volume under the present title, persist in claiming that Chinese Port Scenes painted in Cantonese style were influenced by Chinnery and therefore are \"Chinnery School\". Even though there are numerous pictured examples in both books that Chinese Port Scenes before, during, and after Chinnery do not change and bear no resemblance to English painting, the authors plod on with their futile theory. For some 26 illustrations in the List of Plates marked \"Chinnery School\", substitute “Chinese artist\".\n\nObviously this book is written for the inexperienced collector. It lacks bibliography, an index, and a comprehensive table of contents. The text is largely a lyrical history of China from Macartney through the Arrow War. It positively oozes opium and frequently lacks accuracy.\n\nPage 240\n\nPage 241", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206424, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 241, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n215\n\nThe opium trade of Shanghai may have taken place \"on the busy Bund\", but not until after 1858. The authors apparently never have heard of Woosung and its hulks.\n\nThe authors, intent on opium, assert an oil painting of an island with a British flag on a pole on the shore is \"Lintin”. In the background, with top masts housed, are ships. It is painted and signed \"C. Cramer 1803\", obviously an European artist. Evidently the authors do not realize that opium trading in 1803 was conducted at Whampoa and only reached Lintin in 1821. They also err when they state Jardine Matheson & Co. “diverted their ships to Lintin Island and other independents followed suit”. In 1803 Jardine Matheson & Co. was not in existence. They maintain the ships in the background are \"Scandinavian flag-ships”. Of course there is no such thing as a Scandinavian flag, and a look at the poor photograph shows a white field and a dark cross on a flag, more indicative of the St. George ensign than either a Danish or Swedish flag with its dark field and light cross. You will find this Scandinavian error repeated 5 other times. To cap it all, one finds a British sailor rolling a barrel along the shore, surely an impossibility in 19th century China. Can the scene be somewhere in the Mediterranean where there are islands and mountains and British warships in 1803?\n\nThe authors manage to insert a most extraordinary amount of misinformation into their nautical writings. In plate 37, correct to a French \"bark”, not a “schooner\". The liner Empress of Japan is identified correctly in plate 44, but why date the picture \"circa 1880\" when the steamer begins service in 1891? The painting is on the \"stern\" of the Chinese Merchant Junk, plate 63, not the \"prow\", as the rudder shows clearly just below. For the English \"clipper\" dated 1866, substitute \"bark\". Evidently they know nothing of monsoons or they would revise \"the cumbersome East Indiamen which could only make two round sailings each season between India and China”. Of course the answer is one sailing per season. The numerous islands between Macao and the China Sea \"make a landfall at Macao\" almost prohibitively difficult.\n\nSome of the identifications of Port Scenes are ludicrous. Any person who locates \"the Praya Grande bordering the bay of the inner harbor” at Macao or \"the Governor's Palace at the northern", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206425, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 242, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "216\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\ncusp of the crescent\" (of the Praya Grande), deserves the derision of every collector.\n\nTheir description of \"the ambroidered (sic) phoenix plastron” conclusively proves the authors know nothing of the eight privileged classes in China. With this lack of knowledge they are in no position to comment on any portrait of a mandarin or hong merchant. To suggest that Gou Qua, a hong merchant, would take to the street as a fortune teller is quite impossible as he would lose face by such an act and never would paint himself in this situation.\n\nThe authors really know very little about Chinnery. They state \"Chinnery's forte was for portraits and these comprise the greater part of his oeuvre\". Pages later they quote him \"I have about 6,000 sketches of Eastern Scenery already - an invaluable collection, I assure you; but you see I am constantly accumulating”. They produce the completely unproven slur that one of the portraits he painted was of “a man of great wealth, an important qualification in the artist's philosophy as he was at his best when a generous fee had been agreed\". They also attempt, again with no proof, to attribute to him “occasional bouts of opium smoking”.\n\nIt is an error to say \"Russell & Co..... in turn came under control of Low Brothers of Salem\". W. H. Low, Senior was a partner 1830-1833. His nephew, A. A. Low, was a clerk 1833-1837, partner 1837-1840. W. H. Low 2nd worked as a clerk but never was a partner. The famous firm of A. A. Low and Bros. of New York, please, not Salem - was founded in 1841 by A. A. Low after he had retired from Russell & Co. It is a solecism to call the firm \"Russells\". It makes a good story only to the authors that \"W. C. Hunter\", later a partner in Russell & Co., “grasped sufficient of the local dialect to act as interpreter\". It is common knowledge that he specifically was sent to Singapore and Malacca to study Chinese.\n\nIt is inaccurate to state that Harriet Low, in her Diary, mentions seeing the double portrait of Dr. & Mrs. Colledge, plate 79, in London at Daniells' on 19 July 1834. She \"saw pictures of Mr. & Mrs. Colledge, not a single picture. Let us read further in the Diary: \"Ayok\" (the Low Chinese servant) \"burst into quite an hysterical laugh when he saw his father's face in Mr. Colledge's picture\". This is an obvious reference to the Chinnery portrait", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206426, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 243, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n217\n\nof Dr. Colledge in his Opthalmic Infirmary with his Chinese assistant, which was engraved and published in London 25 November 1834. Harriet Low continues \"The pictures\" (not picture) \"were unfortunately all too late for the Exhibition\". To attempt to substitute the double portrait in the place of two separate portraits seen is unethical.\n\n1\n\nAs art experts the authors are careless. The medium in plate not given is watercolor and the \"Chinese Military\" scene was \"later\" engraved not \"lithographed\". It is also poor geography to say that Lord Macartney's Embassy entered the Yangtse, when it was the Peiho River. In the Introduction, they produce two alibis: “Paintings illustrated in the sequence and not otherwise designated are attributed to him\" [Chinnery], “except for portraits of Hong Merchants which are referred to in general terms” and \"Events are necessarily telescoped without rigid regard for precise chronology\". What a multitude of sins one can try to cover up with statements like these.\n\nIs it really necessary to include Richard Henry Dana's \"Two Years Before the Mast\"? The voyage was along the California coast not to the Far East. Bryant & Sturgis, the owners, were of Boston as stated, but never had an office in Canton. Their China Trade business in Canton was handled by J. P. Sturgis & Co.\n\nThere are illustrated 20 paintings by Lt. J. S. Rundle, R. N. of Opium War scenes, also a pen and ink sketch. The medium is not given. All midshipmen in European Navies in the 19th century were taught to sketch and paint watercolors, so presumably these are in watercolor. The authors surmise that Chinnery met Rundle and \"probably saw some of the action paintings actually illustrated in this work\", but offer no factual proof that any meeting took place. No mention is made of W. A. Knell, the marine artist, whose work, of course, is much better known.\n\nIn fact, the authors give a very warped view of China Coast painting. No mention of Webber nor Huggins, nor Borget. The Daniells not to be confused with the Daniells of later date are mentioned, but the one Daniell illustration shown is Indian, inappropriate to a book on China Coast Paintings. Chinnery had European pupils - five at least but apparently they are unknown to the authors.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206427, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 244, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "218\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nIn answer to the review in the Journal of the previous book, one of the authors wrote \"I am impelled to emphasize that we wrote avowedly as dealers. Our objective has been achieved and the work has brought us a substantial volume of business\". Where desire for success prevails over truth, accuracy and scholarship, one gets only gallery patter. The present volume has all the bad points of its predecessor.\n\nPeabody Museum\n\nSalem, Massachusetts, U.S.A., 1971.\n\nF. B. LOTHROP\n\nJ\n\nFAMILY AND KINSHIP IN CHINESE SOCIETY, edited by Maurice Freedman. Stanford, California, Stanford University Press, 1970., pp. XV, 269.\n\nStudents of Chinese society are not able at present to undertake field studies in the Chinese homeland, the People's Republic of China. The last major social investigation was carried out in the vicinity of Canton by Professor C.K. Yang over twenty years ago. Despite this formidable obstacle - the fact that China is closed to direct sociological observation - the study of Chinese domestic institutions by Western and other scholars has quickened rather than slackened. A small group of dedicated social scientists have been active since 1949 in Hong Kong, Taiwan, and other areas of Overseas Chinese settlement. Paradoxically, since 1949 much data have been collected, some important hypotheses formulated, and some parts of theory tested. As this volume makes clear, we have learned much about Chinese society since 1949 - at least about the older China now being transformed by political, social and economic developments.\n\nIt is natural, I feel, that the editor of this volume should be Professor Maurice Freedman, whose two major studies of this area - Lineage Organization in Southeastern China (1958) and Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien and Kwangtung (1966) — have deeply influenced many other researchers in the same field. Professor Freedman, as the bibliographies appended to his works amply\n\n* A Chinese Village in Early Communist Transition and The Chinese Family in the Communist Revolution (both M.LT., 1959),", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206428, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 245, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n219\n\ntestify, long ago revealed the theoretical relevance of much of the earlier literature on China: it is pleasing to note, therefore, that some of the contributors to this volume are now combining field research with an extensive use of the available documentation on China. This has led to a much more sophisticated treatment of theoretical problems and has, I feel, made such works much more interesting to read and more intellectually attractive for people in other disciplines.\n\nThe essays in this volume, apart from one by Professor Arthur P. Wolf, were in their original form papers written for, and discussed at, a conference on Kinship in Chinese society, held in New York in 1966 and sponsored by the American Council of Learned Societies and the Social Science Research Council (New York). As it is not possible for a workaday sociologist to discuss every paper meaningfully and in detail in a short review, I shall comment on only a few of the papers, not because they are necessarily the best or the more significant but simply because I have some comments on them.\n\nThe first essay is by Professor Myron L. Cohen, who discusses a key problem: the structure of the Chinese family. Professor Cohen argues that the relevant components of the chia (family) can be reduced to three: the chia estate, the chia group, and the chia economy, and that the connection between the three components can assume a variety of forms or types. As he writes, 'the Chinese family has by and large been described in terms involving or assuming the existence of a chia in which the estate is concentrated, the group is concentrated, and the economy is inclusive'. Much of his essay is taken up by a rigorous discussion of chia variations, such as that an inclusive economy can be found in association with a dispersed estate and, of necessity, a dispersed group. Professor Cohen concludes that 'the possibility arises that a good deal of the movement of persons in Chinese society, movement connected with \"horizontal\" or \"vertical\" social and economic mobility, or with efforts to achieve such mobility, in fact occurred within a chia framework'. The points he makes are important and crucial: they illuminate basic concepts used to understand Chinese society; and I am persuaded by his claim 'that there may be more to domestic units than meets the demographer's eye'. There is certainly some evidence from nineteenth century Hong Kong to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206430, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 247, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n221\n\nProfessor Jack M. Potter's essay on land and lineage in traditional China draws heavily on the data collected for his Hong Kong study, Capitalism and the Chinese Peasant (1968). He sets himself the problem of trying to account for differences in the distribution of strong lineage organization in various parts of China, of lineage structure Type Z, as described and formulated by Professor Freedman. The hypothesised factors favourable to the development of a strong lineage are given by Professor Potter as a rich agricultural environment, frontier conditions, the absence of strong governmental control, and commercial development; all present, he concludes, in the New Territories of Hong Kong, where the Ping Shan Tang lineage flourished. He also argues that in all areas lineage organization would tend to be weaker under strong dynasties and stronger in inter-regnal periods or under weak dynasties. Professor Potter affirms that the four variables 'can form a set of inter-related hypotheses that, if validated by further research, would allow us to predict when and where strong lineage organization tended to appear in Traditional China'. But I should also think that strong lineages must depend very much on the quality of the personnel contained within them; for some human groups do seem to produce a more adroit leadership for a longer period of time than others. An institutionalization of virtue, as it were, may take place in some groups (lineages) more readily than in others.* And the task of plotting the frequency of powerful lineages in China has scarcely begun, so far as I know.\n\nThe study of Chinese society by Western scholars has been mainly androcentric in its selection of problems, thus reflecting Chinese views of their own social universe; but both Professor Freedman and Professor Arthur P. Wolf in their respective papers pay attention to the ambivalent and ambiguous status held by women in Chinese society. Professor Freedman's essay on ritual aspects of Chinese kinship and marriage discusses, among other matters, the problem of 'how is a woman to reconcile her duties as wife and daughter-in-law with those she has as sister and daughter?' The rites of marriage, he argues, \"are not to be taken as simple statements capable of being given clear and unambiguous meanings by those who participate in them. Rites, as symbolic\n\n* Dialect groupings may constitute another variable that has not yet been examined.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206432, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 249, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n223\n\nJohn Pelzel compares Japanese and Chinese Kinship. As Professor Freedman sums up in his introduction to the volume, 'it seems that the perduring units of kinship structure are in Japan the ie and in China the lineage, the “lineage” in Japan and the chia in China are passing phenomena.'\n\nThis volume of essays does not form a textbook on Chinese kinship and family; rather it summarises contemporary thinking on and research about family and kinship in China and discloses, I feel, some likely future developments. More attention needs to be given to the study of matrilateral relationships, a topic hardly explored in any major research project or study. There is also a need to explore relationships that do not depend on kinship. Chinese, after all, do become members of guilds and trade unions and other associations; and some of the non-kin relationships they enter into are as meaningful and sociologically significant as those connected with family and kinship; and, after reading Professor Cohen's essay, it seems clear that somebody should take a very close look at the Chinese firm or business, at the Chinese business-man in his economic habitat. Lastly, there is a need for a more comparative approach. Professor Freedman states, 'China, we are discovering more and more, can be profitably studied within the context of the group of societies with which it shares a classical tradition.' He refers to Japan, Korea and Vietnam. Most scholars would concur: sinologues tend to be obsessively preoccupied with China.\n\nAlthough there are some ideas in this volume which would be obscure for the non-sinologue or non-anthropologist, there is precious little obscurity of expression. This is an important book, elegantly written, and should interest historians, students of comparative institutions, and the educated common reader.\n\nHong Kong, June 1971.\n\nHENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE\n\nTAIKOO: Charles Drage, London, Constable, 1970, pp. 298, appendices, illus, £2.25.\n\nThis book is a tapestry woven around the office and private lives of the Eastern Staff of Butterfield & Swire. It is set against", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206433, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 250, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "224\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nthe familiar background of the disasters — natural and man-made which afflicted China from the second half of the nineteenth century onwards.\n\nThe author, a retired Naval Officer, himself with a first-hand knowledge of the China Station and with some apparent experience of the military and political intelligence work supporting the diplomatic moves described in this book, weaves his story from the letter books of the Great and Ancient House, Taikoo. The period covered by these extracts and quotations is from the Sino-French war of 1883-5 through to the so-called Great Boycott of 1925. There are appended a number of short notes, some by the author, others contributed to the book, on topics ranging from \"The origin of Tribute Rice and of Lao mei\" to \"Treaty Port Racing\". Several of these are probably not to be taken as serious studies of these subjects; for example, the two devoted to \"Opium\" and \"The Eunuchs of the Empress\" are mere fragments not embodied in the main text.\n\nThere is undoubtedly a wealth — even an overflowing — of rich historical material in this volume; so much so, that the author, unwilling to sacrifice any scraps of illustrative comment from these business records, ends up by creating a confused picture of events. The significant fact throwing particular light on the business activities on the China Coast, is circumscribed by coils of superfluous trivia. From a naval writer, one might have expected a direct, economical style of exposition; and of course, the impact on the reader would have been much more effective. It is, indeed, painfully obvious throughout the book that despite the authorship of a considerable number of publications, the writer is an amateur. The book is written in a mixture of styles compounded from the Boys' Own and official memoranda; it is ridden with clichés and undigested wedges of administrative gobbledy-gook.\n\nFor the historian who would like to use this book as a compilation of source material, there are also the difficulties that the extracts are frequently not dated nor ascribed to a writer or only vaguely so. For example, there is the telegram from the Admiralty to the Commodore Hong Kong — one wonders how this came to be with the B & S records, if in fact it is extracted from them. The exercise would have been much more useful if the range of extracts had been more carefully selected, given full documentation, and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206434, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 251, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n225\n\narranged either according to the historical episodes treated in this book, or according to the range of business problems they illustrate.\n\nWhilst this book is an attempt to be rather more than the conventional volume of personal reminiscence of the old China Hand, it is yet likely to be a disappointment to the historian of Modern China.\n\nHong Kong, 1971.\n\nALAN BIRCH", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206449, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 266, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "240 \n\nSALMON, Mrs. P. A. - \n\nSAUNDERS, J. A. H. \n\nSCHNEIDER, H. \n\nSCHWARZ, Miss M. D.* \n\nSCOTT, J. M. \n\nSELLERS, David S. \n\nSELLETT, G.* \n\nSERSALE, Miss S. M. \n\nSHANNON, Capt. J. M. - \n\nSHEPHARD, A. J. \n\nSHING, David \n\nSHOEMAKER, J. F. \n\nSHU, Dr. H. T. \n\nSIEGEL, H. W. \n\n+ \n\nSINFIELD, G. H. C.* \n\nSJOHOLM, Gunnar A. \n\n- \n\nP \n\nSKELSON, Mrs. R. E. \n\nSLEVIN, B. F. \n\n· \n\nSMITH, L.* \n\nSMYTH, Miss L. \n\nSO, Dr. Chak-lam \n\n- \n\nSOO, Dr. Hoy-Mun \n\nSPERRY, H. M.* \n\nSPOONER, M. G. - \n\nT \n\n■ \n\n· \n\n+ \n\n40 Plantation Road, The Peak, H.K. \n\nc/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. \n\nc/o Jebsen & Co., P.O. Box 97, H.K. \n\nc/o Mrs. R. L. Smyth, 1635 Green Street, San Francisco, California, U.S.A. \n\nc/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. \n\nc/o H.K. Govt. Office, 54 Pall Mall, London, S.W.1. England. \n\n\"Pinecrest\", N.K.I.L. 3543, Tai Po Road, Kowloon \n\n11-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. \n\nB-4, Garden Mansions, Repulse Bay, H.K. \n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. \n\nFlorida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K. \n\n73 Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon \n\n70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. \n\nc/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K. \n\nUnknown. \n\nTao Fong Shan Christian Institute, Shatin, N.T. \n\nA3 Magazine Heights, 17 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. \n\nc/o Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. \n\nFlat 10-B, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K. \n\nUnknown \n\nc/o Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. \n\n249, Jalan Pekeliling, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. \n\nAllied Bank International, St. George's Building, 10th Floor, H.K. \n\nc/o The Registry, University of Hong Kong, H.K. \n\n* Life Member \n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206451, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 268, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "242\n\nTOOGOOD, C. W. -\n\nTORRENS, Dr. Paul R..\n\nTORRENS, Mrs. Paul R.\n\nTORRIBLE, G. R.*\n\nTOWNER, J. A.\n\nTRISTRAM, M. P. W.\n\nTSEUNG, Dr. F. I.\n\nTUCK, Miss Jean\n\nTURNER, Sir Michael*\n\nUHALLEY, Dr. S., Jr.\n\nVALE, Miss M. VARNEY, Dr. C. B.\n\nVETCH, H.\n\nVETCH, Mrs. H.\n\nVIÒ, Dr. E. G.\n\nVISICK, Mrs. M.\n\nVOSS, Dr. A.\n\nc/o Oxford University Press, 5th floor, News Building, 633 King's Road, H.K.\n\n59A Nga Tsin Wai Road, A2, Kowloon,\n\nAs above.\n\nc/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K.\n\nUnknown.\n\nRating & Valuation Dept., Murray House, Garden Road, H.K.\n\nChina Building, 4th floor, H.K.\n\nUnknown.\n\n'Whispers', Riversdale, Bourne End, Bucks, England.\n\nc/o Dept. of History, Duke University, Durham, N. Carolina, U.S.A,\n\n49 Talbot Road, London, W.2. England. c/o Dept. of Geography, United College, C.U.H.K., 9A, Bonham Road, H.K. Belmont Court 10A, 10 Kotewall Road, H.K.\n\nAs above.\n\n315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. Dept. of English, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\n27, Babington Path, H.K.\n\nWAINWRIGHT, Mrs. J. A. 5, Goldsmith Road, Jardines Lookout, H.K.\n\nWALDEN, J. C. C.\n\nWARD, Miss J. E. A.*\n\nWATERS, D. D.\n\nWATSON, James L.\n\nWATSON, K. A.\n\nWATT, James C. Y.\n\nWEBSTER, J. L. H.\n\nWEI, Dr. Tat\n\nWEINREBE, H. M.\n\nWELCH, Holmes, H.*\n\nc/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\nc/o National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, North Devon, England.\n\nMorrison Hill Technical Institute, 6 Oi Kwan Road, Morrison Hill, Wan Chai, H.K.\n\nDept. of Anthropology, University of Houston, Houston, Texas 77004, U.S.A. c/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K. c/o The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T.\n\nc/o The British Council, P.K. 15, Sisli, Istanbul, Turkey,\n\n3, Fontana Gardens, 5th Floor, Causeway Hill, H.K.\n\nc/o Weinrebe & Pennell Ltd., Room 805 The Bank of Canton Building, H.K.\n\n4 Holden Lane, Concord, Mass., U.S.A.\n\n*Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206452, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 269, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "WESLEY SMITH, Peter\n\nWHITE, Robert N. - WHITELEGGE, D. S.* WILLIAMS, B. V.\n\n+\n\nWILLIAMS, P. B.\n\nWILLIAMS, R. A.\n\nWILLIAMS, W. D. F.\n\n-\n\n-\n\n-\n\n14 Pokfield Road, 4th Floor, H.K.\n\n12 Pokfield Road, 1st floor, H.K.\n\n58 Mt. Nicholson Gap, H.K.\n\nc/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\n10, The Albany, H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\n243 King Fung Villa, 104 Miles, Castle Peak Road, N.T.\n\nWILLIAMS, Mrs. W. D. F. As above.\n\n-\n\nWILSON, B. D. · WILSON, Miss E. M.\n\nWINKLER, E.\n\n-\n\nWONG, Kwok-fong\n\nWONG,\n\n-\n\nMrs. Margaret Homan.\n\nWONG, Peng-cheong*\n\nWONG, Shing-tsang\n\nWONG, Miss S. WOO, Dr. Pak-foo\n\nWRIGHT, Miss B. R.\n\nWRIGHT, D. A. L. WRIGHT, Dr. L. R.\n\nWU, Hei-tak\n\n-\n\n-\n\nYAO, Miss Joyce T, Y.-\n\nYEUNG, Walter, W. T. · YOUNG, Miss P.\n\nZIGAL, Mrs. I.\n\n+\n\nZIMMERN, W. A.\n\n+\n\n+\n\n-\n\n·\n\n3-C Homestead Road, The Peak, H.K.\n\nFlat 104, The Hermitage, 75 MacDonnell Road, H.K.\n\nFlat 402, 12 May Road, H.K.\n\n92-A, Pokfulum Road, 1st floor, H.K.\n\n39 Mody Road, 10th floor, Front, Kowloon, c/o Wong, Tan & Co., Chartered Accountants, Room 732/735, Alexandra House, H.K.\n\n16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st floor, H.K.\n\nG. P. O. Box 497, H.K.\n\nRoom 204 China Building, H.K.\n\nDept. of Education, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nc/o Hong Kong Club, H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nc/o The Registry, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T.\n\n38 Kotewall Court, Kotewall Road, 6th Floor, H.K.\n\n-\n\n·\n\n60-B Conduit Road, Ground floor, H.K.\n\nc/o Peak School, Plunketts Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Triangle Motors Ltd., Morrison Hill Road, H.K.\n\nCity Hotels (Development) Ltd., Executive Offices, 2nd Floor, Mandarin Hotel, H.K.\n\nThe Hon. Secretary (P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform him of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206456, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 4, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal.\n\nA brochure containing a short history of the Hong Kong Branch, together with a list of lectures given before the Society since its revival, can be obtained by prospective members from the Hon. Secretary, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong.\n\nThe Council welcomes contributions from non-members as well as from members. Articles, notes and queries, and other material dealing with such subjects as the history, languages, literature, art, social customs, and natural history of Hong Kong and adjacent areas will be considered for publication.\n\nContributors are requested to follow closely the style sheet of the Journal, obtainable from the Editor. Contributions of over 20,000 words will not normally be accepted for publication in the Journal. They may, however, be submitted for consideration as monographs.\n\nAll communications intended for publication should be type-written in double spacing on one side of the paper only, leaving adequate margins. They should be sent to the Hon. Editor, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong.\n\nResponsibility for opinions expressed in articles published in this Journal rests with the individual contributors and not with the Council.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206457, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 5, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "CONTENTS\n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1971 ·\n\nHON. TREASURER's ReporT FOR 1971 -\n\nTHE LIBRARY, 1971 -\n\n-\n\nTRANSACTIONS OF THE BRANCH\n\nChinese Medicine and its Contribution to Modern Medical Science (A Lecture given on 16th November, 1971) DR. F. I. TSEUNG\n\n-\n\nSome Nineteenth Century Water Colours of Canton and the Far East (A Lecture given on 15th December, 1971) P. H. COLLIN -\n\nRaja James Brooke and Sarawak: An Anomaly in the 19th Century British Colonial Scene (A Lecture given on 18th January 1972) -DR. L. R. WRIGHT\n\nARTICLES:\n\nThe Establishment of the Tsungli Yamen: A Translation of the Memorial and Edict of 1861 — J. L. CRANMER-BYNG\n\nSir James Haldane Stewart Lockhart: Colonial Civil Servant and Scholar- HENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE\n\nA Historical Review of Housing Conditions in Hong Kong DR. E. G. PRYOR\n\nTraditional Chinese Regional Architecture: Chinese Houses LINDA F. SULLIVAN\n\n·\n\n-\n\nPage\n\n1\n\n6\n\n9\n\n12\n\n20\n\n29\n\n41\n\n-\n\n-\n\n55\n\n89\n\n130\n\nThe Origins of Hong Kong's Central Market and the Tarrant Affair Dafydd Emrys Evans\n\nArchaeology in Hong Kong and South China (1938) — W. SCHOFIELD\n\n―\n\nThree Chinese Deities: Variations on a Theme KEITH STEVENS\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n-\n\nWho Hoisted the Union Jack? DR. J. R. JONES\n\nChina's Earliest Printing—a Note a Note L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\n-\n\n-\n\nUnusual Trees in Hong Kong: the Canton Water Pine SHEN DZE-CHIA\n\nA Note on Agricultural Change in Hong Kong AIJMER\n\n-\n\nLetting Go the Wooden Goose JAMES HAYES\n\n150\n\n-\n\n· 161\n\n169\n\n196\n\n-\n\n197\n\n-\n\n198\n\nGORAN\n\n-\n\n201\n\n207\n\n-\n\n207\n\n-\n\n213\n\nProgramme Notes for the Visit to Pokfulam, Hong Kong Island, 29th July, 1972 - JAMES HAYES -\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\n-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206460, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 8, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "the help they have rendered to the Society in its learned and cultural activities:\n\n20th January\n\n15th February\n\n15th March\n\n27th April\n\n19th May\n\n18th October\n\n17th November\n\n15th December\n\nProfessor L. Carrington Goodrich\n\n\"The Ming Biographical Project\"\n\nMr. James Hayes\n\nAn informal talk on the scope and activities of the 28th International Congress of Orientalists held in Canberra in January 1971 (illustrated with slides).\n\nThe Rev. Carl T. Smith\n\n\"The Emergence of a Chinese Elite in Hong Kong”.\n\nDr. Hui-Ching Lu\n\n\"T'ai Chi Chuang: Its Principles and Practice\", (illustrated by a 15 minute film show).\n\nProfessor Woodbridge Bingham\n\n\"The People of T'ang China as we know them today\".\n\nDr. F. I. Tseung\n\n\"Chinese Medicine and its contribution to Modern Medical Science\".\n\nMr. M. J. Smithies\n\n\"Village Mons of Bangkok Province\" or \"The Survival of Good and Bad Ghosts Beyond the Traffic Jams\", (illustrated with slides).\n\nMr. P. H. Collin\n\n\"A British Officer in China, 1857-58\", (illustrated with slides).\n\nCouncil: During the period under review your Council met nine times and, naturally, much of the business dealt with was of a routine nature. There were however in addition a few important matters of general interest which called for the consideration and action of your executive body and these are now mentioned separately here.\n\nHon. Secretary. On the departure of Mr. J. L. H. Webster from the Colony (as foreshadowed in my last Report), Miss E. M. Bellord, also a member of the staff of the local British", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206463, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 11, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "The Council therefore unanimously decided that we should emulate the example set by our first President in 1847, by affording our moral support to the modern proposals of 1971 concerning a New City Museum. It was therefore further decided that letters should be sent to the Hon. the Colonial Secretary and to the Chairman of the Select Committee of the Urban Council on Museum and Art Galleries, pledging our support to\n\n\"the proposal that the present museum should be re-organized and that the opportunity should then be taken of re-housing it in a new and specially designed building situated on a site chosen for its suitability and adaptability rather than for reasons of expediency.\"\n\nIn these letters, we were careful to point out that this expression of opinion was that of the Council and not necessarily that of the Society as a whole, but I suggest that if you see fit to accept this Report at this meeting, your incoming Council will be justified in assuming that the general line of action taken last year has your approval.\n\nIf any member should wish to have further information about the achievements of the Society concerning the original aims of a century and a quarter ago, they will find a brief statement of these from the pen of Dr. J. R. Jones, the past-President of this Branch of the Society, in his letter published in the South China Morning Post on Friday, 18th December, 1970, under the title \"Sir John Davis, and Hong Kong's First Museum\".\n\nThanks:\n\nIt now remains for me but to put on record my thanks to the members of the Society in general for their generous support of the Society's activities during the year under review, and my hope that you will continue to afford the same measure of support to the Council you are about to elect to look after your affairs throughout the forthcoming year. In one respect, however, I must particularise, and that is to thank the British Council and its staff members who continue so willingly to render us invaluable service and assistance.\n\n27th March, 1972.\n\nL. T. RIDE", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206465, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 13, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "1970 LIABILITIES Accumulated Funds\n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\nHONG KONG BRANCH\n\nBALANCE SHEET AS AT 31ST DECEMBER, 1971\n\n1970 ASSETS\n\nHK$43,554 Quoted Investments (see below)... HK$43,516\n\nHK$64,321\n\n(6,529)\n\nBalance as at 1st January 1971 HK$57,792\n\nSundry Debtors 38\n\nDeduct: Deficit of Expenditure over Income in 1971 13,415\n\nBalance at Banks 15,520\n\nFixed Deposit 2,303\n\nDeposit at Call 12,479\n\nCurrent Account 4,430\n\n31,046\n\n57,792\n\n31st December 1971 ... 57,000\n\nSundry Creditors - Printing Charges 17,000\n\n17,600\n\nHK$74,792\n\nHK$74,600\n\nHK$74,792\n\nHK$74,600\n\nNote: QUOTED INVESTMENTS HELD AT 31ST DECEMBER, 1971\n\n£700 Stock Commonwealth of Australia 1977/80\n\n465 Shares China Light and Power Co., Ltd. (including 33 unpaid Rights)\n\n800 Shares Hong Kong Electric Co., Ltd.\n\n900 Shares Lane Crawford Ltd.\n\nMarket Value HK$9,166 Cost HK$11,488\n\n3,992 12,487\n\n17,205 33,200\n\n15,549 28,575\n\nHK$43,516 HK$88,146", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206468, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 16, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "# ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY, 1971-72 (Books and pamphlets)\n\nGifts from the Chinese University of Hong Kong (review copies):\n\nFEHL, N. E.\n\nLi (†): rites and propriety in literature and life . . . 1971.\n\nFEHL, N. E.\n\nSir Herbert Butterfield, Cho Yun Hsu and William H. McNeill on Chinese and history. . . 1971,\n\n香港中文大學\n\n中國語文教學研討會報告書1970\n\nExchange from Dankook University, Seoul:\n\n崔世珍\n\n訓蒙字會1971.\n\nGifts from Heinemann Educational Books (Asia) Ltd.:\n\nCHESNEAUX, J.\n\nSecret societies in China in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Transl. by Gillian Nettle, 1971.\n\nWAUNG, W. S. K.\n\nRevolution and liberation: a short history of China from 1900-1970. 1971.\n\nGift from Oxford University Press:\n\nMITCHISON, L.\n\nChina in the twentieth century. 1970.\n\nGifts from Sir Lindsay Ride:\n\nLOPEZ MEMORIAL MUSEUM, Manila.\n\nCatalogue of the Filipiniana materials.\n\n4 vols. 1962-69.\n\nGift from the Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch:\n\nGORE, M. E. J., and WON, Pyong-Oh.\n\nThe birds of Korea. 1971.\n\nGift from H. A. Rydings:\n\nKOREA. Ministry of Culture and Information.\n\nFacts about Korea. 1971.\n\nGift from the Tao Teh Benevolent Association, Hong Kong:\n\nWEI, Tat.\n\nAn exposition of the I-ching. 1970.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206469, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 17, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "Gifts from the University of Hong Kong Centre of Asian Studies:\n\nTOPLEY, M.\n\nA conference on religion and ritual in Chinese society. 1971. TOPLEY, M.\n\nTowards the comparative study of Asian medical systems: Burg Wartenstein symposium no. 53. 1971.\n\nWONG, Shiu-hon.\n\n粵劇關漢卿硏究 (A study of the Cantonese opera Kuan Han-ching), 1970.\n\nGifts from the University of Hong Kong Library:\n\nCHEN, Cheng.\n\nLand reform in Taiwan. 1961.\n\nLETHBRIDGE, H. J.\n\nChina's urban communes. 1961.\n\nUNION RESEARCH INSTITUTE.\n\nCommunist China, 1960. 1962. 2 vols.\n\nExchanges from the University of Michigan Center for Chinese Studies:\n\nCHENG, C. Y.\n\nThe economy of communist China, 1949-1969. 1971. MAEDA, R. J.\n\nTwo twelfth century texts on Chinese painting. 1970.\n\nSINGER, M.\n\nEducated youth and the cultural revolution in China. 1971.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206470, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 18, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "CHINESE MEDICINE AND ITS CONTRIBUTION TO MODERN MEDICAL SCIENCE\n\nDR. F. I. TSEUNG, O.B.E., J.P., K.ST.J., LL.D.*\n\n(The text of a lecture to the Branch given on 16th November, 1971)\n\nMany people seem to despise Chinese medicine thinking that it is only of legendary or historical interest and that it has no scientific value. Being a scientifically trained medical man, I will not believe theories of a superstitious nature; but to say that Chinese medicine is of no use at all would be too bold a statement to make.\n\nRealising that China and her people have existed long before the introduction of scientific medicine, there must be some good in it, although we may not yet know its intrinsic value. I therefore venture to relate some salient points of China's contribution to the medical world. It is my hope that this may create an interest to explore further the scientific value of Chinese medicine.\n\nTo begin with, the Chinese character I (yi) has a very significant origin. This character consists of a radical Fang (fang), meaning a cavity, with a radical Chi or Shih (chi/shi), meaning an arrow inside it. The radical Shu (shu) means some knife or instrument, and the radical Yau or Yu (yau/yu) means alcohol. The whole character then signifies that an arrow has entered the cavity (thus creating a wound) and that it is necessary to use some knife or instrument to extract it and then apply alcohol to treat it. To a modern medical mind, this seems very scientific.\n\nAlthough there is no denying the fact that superstitions are prevalent in China, it has to be pointed out that the regular Chinese doctor is one who treats diseases according to certain rules and standards, and that he has a clear conception of his noble calling. In spite of the varied speculations and sometimes absurd theories as to the causation of diseases, there is yet a rational, semi-scientific and dignified practice which is based on the accumulated knowledge\n\n* Dr. Tseung, who was born in Hong Kong in 1903, is a distinguished member of the medical profession here. He is a past president of the Hong Kong Chinese Medical Association, was Commissioner of the St. John Ambulance Brigade and has also been active in community and educational activities for many years, including four years as President of United College, now part of the Chinese University of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206471, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 19, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "CHINESE MEDICINE\n\n13\n\nof centuries, and which represents the observations and experiences of many bright minds.\n\nThe most glorious epoch in Chinese medical history was the Han (漢) dynasty, 206 B.C.-264 A.D. This is sometimes referred to as the Age of Science in Chinese medical history. Great stress was laid on direct observation during this period. It was in this period that we had the greatest medical Trio in Chinese history, namely Tsang Kung (倉公), Chang Chung-ching (張仲景), the Hippocrates of China, and Hua To (華佗).\n\nTsang Kung was the first medical man in China to introduce clinical case taking.\n\nChang Chung-ching is well-known for his Essay on Typhoid (傷寒論) which is regarded as a classic in Chinese medicine. It was he who advocated the use of enema, and also hydrotherapy, for treating fever. He contributed much to the medical world, especially in his own period.\n\nHua To was the most celebrated surgeon in the Three Kingdoms period (221-264 A.D.). It is usual to associate anaesthetics with him. According to the Later Han Annals (後漢書), Hua To caused the patient to take an effervescing powder in wine which rendered him completely unconscious. He then opened the abdomen, washed and cut the diseased portion. He sutured the parts together and applied a salve to the wound which cleared up in four or five days, the patient completely recovering within a month. The surgical skill of Hua To is highly commended by all Chinese medical men.\n\nDuring the Tsin (晉) dynasty (265-419 A.D.) two noteworthy features were the Classic on Pulse (脈經) by Wang Shuo-ho (王叔和) and the first authentic description of small-pox in the publication of Chou Hou Pei Chi Fang (肘後備急方) or Handbook of Prescriptions for Emergencies by Ko Hung (葛洪).\n\nAs is probably known, the most characteristic and typical Chinese method of diagnosing diseases is the feeling of the pulse. Space does not permit a long account of this art. Suffice it to say the native doctor, having no other means, either instrumental, chemical or biological at his disposal, has developed the sense of touch to such a degree as to be able to tell what is wrong from the pulse better than the modern doctor whose faculties of observation have been dulled for want of practice.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206472, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 20, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "14\n\nDR. F. I. TSEUNG\n\nHowever, scientific medicine has made such rapid progress that the art of feeling the pulse as a diagnostic method has lost much of its practical value. At the present time, it can only be regarded as an interesting fact in medical history, one of China's contributions to medicine in the past.\n\nIn his handbook Prescriptions for Emergencies, Ko Hung described small-pox in the following words:\n\nRecently there are persons suffering from epidemic sores which attack the head, face and trunk. In a short time they spread all over the body. The sores have the appearance of hot boils containing some white matter. While some of these pustules are drying up, a fresh crop appears. Patients who recover are disfigured with purplish scars which do not fade until after a year. The people say that it was introduced in the reign of Chien Wu (£) when the king was fighting the Huns () at Nan-yang ($). The name 'Hunpox' (✓) was given to it.\n\nBefore the Han dynasty, the Chinese healing art was entirely indigenous. In the Tang dynasty, following close on the heels of the introduction of Buddhism into China, came Indian ideas and therapeutic measures. The Taoists also exercised influence by inventing a system of charms for curing diseases. In this dynasty there were two very outstanding medical men, namely Sun Szu-mo (EL) and Wong Tao (£) who published two important works called Thousand Gold Remedies (Chien Chin Fang ✓✓) and the Medical Secrets of an Official (Wei Tai Pi Yao ✓✓✓✓). These two famous medical works sum up the advances and medical thought of all the previous dynasties.\n\nThus, in the Thousand Gold Remedies, it was pointed out that cholera was caused by eating food which was contaminated and was not due to the evil influences of demons as generally believed by the public at that time. In the same book is mentioned the use of catheterisation for retention of urine. It is significant to note that the Medical Secrets of an Official as well as the Thousand Gold Remedies recommend the use of thyroid gland for the treatment of goitre.\n\nOrganotherapy, formerly much ridiculed by foreigners, but now hailed as a valuable modern discovery, has been known to every Chinese house-wife. The common practice of administering kidney for backache, lungs for consumption and cough, brain for nervous", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206473, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 21, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "CHINESE MEDICINE\n\n15\n\nweakness, etc., may be too far fetched, but the basic idea of endocrinology exists. In recent years a great variety of glandular substance has been used in medicine. Of these the thyroid, pituitary, suprarenals, pancreas, liver and the placenta, have been found to be of therapeutic value. It is remarkable that many of them have been used and incorporated in Chinese pharmacopoeia for ages past.\n\nThe Ming dynasty is the most glorious in the history of the pharmacopoeia of China. The most important contribution is the Pen Tsao Kang Mu (†1), the National Pharmacopoeia of China, compiled by Li Shi-chen. This is one of the most popular works on Chinese medicine, and is considered a great classic. It consists of some 52 comprehensive volumes divided into the vegetable kingdom, the animal kingdom, the mineral kingdom and others, with a description of 1,892 kinds of different substances.\n\nIt contains many drugs which are common in both the East and the West. It took Li Shi-chen, the city magistrate, almost thirty years of hard work to complete this commendable piece of good work. This book is extremely rich in remedies, especially those of the vegetable origin, and offers a rich field for scientific research. Considerable attention has been directed to it by foreign writers, notably Du Halde who translated part of it into French in 1735 and Porter Smith in 1871.\n\nIn 1911, Stuart extensively revised Smith's work and published the Chinese Materia Medica, the vegetable kingdom. Works on the mineral kingdom and the avian kingdom were published by Bernard Read in recent years. An attempt was started by the Chinese Government to carry out scientific research on the drugs contained in the Chinese Materia Medica, but the war with Japan aborted the work.\n\nPerhaps, the earliest Chinese drug that has won its way abroad is China root, the so-called Chinese sarsaparilla, once reputed as a remedy for syphilis. Its fame spread as far as to India, Persia and Turkestan in the 16th century, and in Indian literature it was mentioned that syphilis came from Europe but China root could cure it. Eumenol, a liquid extract of tang kuei (†14), was introduced into Europe by the Germans in 1899, and is said to be effective in menstrual disorders.\n\nMacanin, a preparation from a Chinese seaweed, has been put on the market by the Japanese and vigorously advertised as a sub-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206474, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 22, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "16\n\nDR. F. I. TSEUNG\n\nstitute for santonin for the treatment of round worms. The treatment of leprosy with Chaulmoogra is an old-time remedy of China, and only in recent years was brought to light by western-trained doctors.\n\nThe now famous Ephedrine, which took Europe and America literally by storm, is derived from ma huang (**), a Chinese herb which has been used in China for treating asthma for more than four thousand years. It was first brought to the notice of the western world by Dr. K. K. Chen in 1926 and has since been extensively used everywhere.\n\nThere are still many other drugs which are still unknown to the outside world and which require scientific investigation. Such investigation would undoubtedly result in many remedies of great value being found. It is interesting to note that the Chinese people pay great attention to food and nutrition. An analysis of Chinese foods shows that they are rich in vitamins and other nutritional elements.\n\nAcupuncture (+), consists of puncturing certain points of the body with needles of all kinds. 367 such points are described, each having its own name and supposed relationship with internal organs. In the Sung dynasty a copper model of the human body was made which was pierced with holes at the proper places for puncturing. The figure was covered with paper, pasted on, and the student was required to learn where to drive the needle. Acupuncture spread to Japan very early. It was introduced into Europe by Ten-Rhyne, a Dutch surgeon, at the end of the 17th century and was much extolled in France early in the 19th century. Recently Sir James Cantlie and others tried it on sprains and chronic rheumatism and reported very favourably on it. Owing to the ignorance of asepsis by native doctors more harm than good is done by its practice. But sometimes miraculous results are witnessed and with further scientific investigation it might, no doubt, prove a valuable addition to our armamenta.\n\nMassage has been practised from time immemorial. Its value was fully recognized, and in the Tang dynasty it was elevated as a science, forming one of the seven departments of medicine. A special chair was established with a professor in charge. After the Sung dynasty it degenerated and at the present day it is mostly in the hands of the barbers and the blind. Massage was first brought to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206475, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 23, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "CHINESE MEDICINE\n\n17\n\nEuropean notice in the last century through the publications of the Jesuit fathers.\n\nPreventive medicine was only stressed in recent years by scientific medical men, but in China the idea that \"Prevention is better than cure\" has been advocated long ago. I quote the following passages from different writers in support:\n\nIn the Su Wen (†), The Basis of Chinese Medicine, supposed to be edited by Emperor Huang Ti (†), it is said: “The sage does not treat those who are ill but those who are well.\" Huai Nan-tzu (††) said: \"The good doctor pays constant attention to keeping people well so that there will be no sickness.” In the Difficult Classic (##) (Nan Ching), it is said: \"The skilful doctor treats those who are well but the inferior doctor treats those who are ill.\" In the Nei Ching (#) Canon of Medicine, it is said: \"The good physician first cures the disease of the nation, then human ailments.\"\n\nHygiene and Public Health were also in an advanced state during the Chou (B) dynasty. The writings of Confucius (R), Huai Nan-tzu (†), Kuan Chung (4) and others contain numerous references to them. Thus, as regards food and drink, Confucius advised one to abstain from rice which had been injured by heat, moisture and turned sour; fish and meat that was stale; what was discoloured; what was of bad flavour; anything that was not in season, etc. The relation between contaminated food and disease was recognized. The Confucian Analects (3) said: “Diseases enter by the mouth.\" \"Eat nothing that is improperly cooked.\" \"Meat and wine bought from the street stands must not be taken.”\n\nMany of the so-called \"new\" methods can be traced back to China. Take for instance Fletcherism; that is, thorough mastication of food. It was first advocated by an American, named Fletcher; hence the term. Mr. Gladstone, the Grand Old Man of England, who lived to be 85, was so convinced of its benefits that he chewed every mouthful of food 36 times before swallowing it. Strange to say, Ho Yang-heng long ago described: \"Rice (i.e. food) should be chewed into pulp before swallowing. It nourishes the heart and abdomen. It tastes better and is more nutritious.\n\nAgain, health advocators teach that the teeth should be brushed twice a day. It is interesting to note that Sun Szu-mo (R) of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206477, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 25, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "CHINESE MEDICINE\n\n19\n\ncompetitive examinations. Thus, it appears that the medical services of this period were quite well organized. The Tai I Yuan (太醫院) had special charge of medical education, the Han Lin I Kuan Yuan (翰林醫官院), of general administration and the Yu Yao Yuan (御藥院), of the medical needs of the Imperial Household.\n\nSuch is a brief summary of the contributions of Chinese medicine. It will be seen from the above that whilst the Chinese have acquired a lot of experience, accumulated a mass of information, collected a great variety of facts, formulated some fundamental principles, anticipated many discoveries, invented some useful methods, some of which have been brought to a high degree of excellence, yet they have never pursued a single subject in a way calculated to lead them to final success.\n\nIt is a bad tradition that the leading medical men in China seldom passed on their knowledge to others, including sometimes even their own sons; and even if they did pass on, they did not impart a full hundred per cent of their knowledge, accumulated experiences and technique. Most of them know what it is, but cannot explain the whys and wherefores. It is due to this that most of the things hinted at have remained barren of results until centuries later, when modern science stepped in and secured the prize.\n\nIt is a matter much to be regretted, that in spite of a good start, the native doctors never seem to have pushed their investigations further, but, on the contrary, have lost many of the valuable clues left them by their ancestors.* I am sure that if, in joint co-operation with our foreign medical colleagues, preferably through the medium of the World Health Organization, we put our heads together, forget our prejudices and work persistently on it, we shall succeed in bringing out much more from this old historical art.\n\n*This echoes the words used by S. W. Williams in 1848 in the first edition of his classic, The Middle Kingdom, vol. II, p. 192:-\n\nOn the whole it may be said that, in all departments of learning, the Chinese are unscientific, and, that while they have collected a few facts, invented many arts, and brought a few to a high degree of excellence, they have never pursued a single subject in a way calculated to lead them to a right understanding of it, and proper classification of the information they possessed relating to it.\n\nEditor.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206478, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 26, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "SOME NINETEENTH CENTURY WATER-COLOURS OF CANTON AND THE FAR EAST\n\nP. H. COLLIN*\n\n(The text of a lecture to the Branch given on 15th December 1971)\n\nA small collection of mid-nineteenth century water-colours of the Far East recently came to light in a London dealer's. The paintings are mainly of China, in particular Canton, with inscriptions and dates in pencil or paint; at some later date, they have been numbered in Roman numerals in ink on the reverse.\n\nThe list of the paintings is as follows, showing the number on the reverse, the inscription on the face of the painting (in italics), and a brief description by the author. The spelling and punctuations are as in the originals.\n\nII Sumatra Straits of Sunda Nov. 14 57\n\nA view of islands, with a native dhow.\n\nIII After heavy rain. Straits of Sunda\n\nA sailing vessel.\n\nIV China Sea the green clouds are from nature\n\nSmall junk against the sunset.\n\nV North Wantong|Id. Bocca Tigris Decr 16th 57\n\nA fort with a red-coated soldier on guard and mountains seen on the far side of the channel.\n\nVII Canton Feb 58\n\nA view looking across roof-tops towards a pagoda and the west gate.\n\nXI Febry 58 Canton Bamboo grove beyond White Cloud Mountains The Jingal pic-nic Feb 20th 58\n\nSome soldiers and Chinese sitting by bamboos, looking across paddy fields to a clump of bamboo where a group of figures are visible. Mountains in the distance.\n\nXIII Canton 58\n\nThree horses and riders with, beyond rolling country, the pagodas of Canton.\n\n* Mr. Collin was formerly Lecturer in English at the University of Hong Kong and is now a publisher in London.\n\nPlates 32-33 illustrate this article.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206480, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 28, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "22\n\nP. H. COLLIN\n\nof the time. The painting of the praya at Macao (No. XVII) is a scene which is found in many nineteenth-century illustrated books;* the picture of the East walls of Canton (No. XXXV) is virtually the same as that of the frontispiece of Fisher's Three Years' Service in China, that of Howqua's garden (No. XLV) closely resembles the frontispiece of Albert Smith's pamphlet To China and Back. The dealer from whom the paintings were acquired was unable to identify their origin, nor the artist whose initials G.A.S. appear on numbers XXXIII and XLV. Nor was it possible to find any clues as to the whereabouts of the missing paintings, which, to go by the Roman numbers on the reverse, must be at least twenty-five in number.\n\nTo discover the identity of the artist, there are certain clues in the paintings themselves. In view of their dates, it seems certain that he must have come to the Far East in connection with the \"Arrow\" war and the capture of Canton in December 1857. Reinforcements for this campaign were requested by Admiral Seymour in the summer of 1857 and arrived in China waters during the autumn of that year. The first to arrive were the steam-transports Imperador and Imperatrix, which reached Hong Kong on 28th October and 6th November respectively. Some time after them came the Adelaide, also a steamer, which, although leaving England at the same time as others (the Imperador left Plymouth on August 10th, the Imperatrix on 12th August, the Adelaide on 17th August), only arrived in Hong Kong on December 1st. Wingrove Cooke, in his despatches to \"The Times\", reveals the impatience of the Hong Kong garrison with what he calls \"this lagging log, the Adelaide.\" In a later report, he states that \"the long-expected Adelaide made her appearance on the 1st, having on board twenty officers and 507 rank and file\". Judging from the date on the first painting, the artist we are concerned with must have been aboard the Adelaide: perhaps he devoted himself to painting to relieve the tedium of the excessively long voyage.\n\nThere were, of course, people in Hong Kong at the time who might have painted the pictures. Albert Smith mentions meeting on 24th August 1858 the son-in-law of the P. and O. agent, a “Mr.\n\n* As, for example, in James Orange, The Chater Collection, Pictures relating to China, Hong Kong, Macao 1655-1830 (1924).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206481, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 29, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "Scarth3 \n\nNINETEENTH CENTURY WATER-COLOURS OF CANTON \n\nT \n\n- \n\n23 \n\nan excellent artist by the way (who) told me he once saw 150 people beheaded on the execution ground at Canton”.4 The Bishop of Victoria, the Rev. George Smith has almost the right initials, but neither he nor Scarth were on the Adelaide. None of the artists in the Catalogue of the Chater Collection has the initials G.A.S. \n\nAmong the passengers arriving on the Adelaide, the \"Friend of China\" of December 2nd notes the twenty officers by name, among them Lieutenants Schomberg and Short. \"The Hongkong Shipping List\" of the same date, refers to Major Schomberg, R.A., and Lieut. Short. The artist of the paintings must have been subsequently sent from Hong Kong up the Pearl River to the Bogue before December 16th, to join the troops which had arrived earlier on the Imperador and Imperatrix who had been sent on to the Bogue immediately after their arrival. Indeed the Adelaide, with her troops on board, moved up the river from Hong Kong on December 2nd. The artist presumably was present at the capture of Canton on 29th December, and at any rate was in the city in February 1858. He took part in what he calls the \"Jingal pic-nic\" on the 20th of that month. \n\nThis curious inscription (a jingal being a sort of portable Chinese field-gun hardly conducive to a picnic atmosphere) is explained further, and at some length in Col Fisher's Three Years' Service in China, Col. Fisher relates: \"On the 20th February a pic-nic party went out to see a little of the country and of the people; and as we did not know what sort of reception we should meet with, we made rather a strong muster. There were nine officers and twenty-four men, with a couple of ponies to carry the luncheon. We started before seven o'clock, going out through the north-east gate of the city. \n\n+ \n\n\"After walking for about three hours, we rested in a very pretty spot under some fine trees, and one of the party shot a woodcock, which was hailed as a great event; and we determined to devote some little attention to so good a cause. We did not wish to return by the same road by which we had come out. The valley in which we were, we knew to be divided from the great north plain, by the White Cloud Mountains, a range familiar to our eyes from Canton. We hoped to reach that plain by some pass through the hills, and so return to Canton by way of the North Gate.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206486, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "28\n\nP. H. COLLIN\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Wingrove Cooke, China, London, 1858. p. 254.\n\n2 Ibid., p. 279.\n\n3 This was J. Scarth, who in 1860 published Twelve Years in China, illustrated from his own sketches. In this work Scarth has little to say of the events in Canton during the Arrow War, pointing out that the subject had been fully treated by Wingrove Cooke.\n\n4 Albert Smith, To China and Back, London, 1859, p. 27.\n\n5 J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese, 1900 edition, p. 38, gives the following description. \"Gingals, or Jingals, are long tapering guns, six to fourteen feet in length, borne on the shoulders of two men and fired by a third. They have a stand, or tripod, resembling one of a telescope”.\n\n6 Lt. Col. Fisher, Three Years' Service in China, London, 1863 p. 25.\n\n7 Ibid., p. 72.\n\n8 E. Fraser & L. G. Carr-Laughton, The Royal Marine Artillery. 1804-1923, London, 1930, p. 459. I am indebted to Miss J. S. Crockett of the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, for drawing my attention to this work.\n\n9 Ibid., p. 462.\n\n10 Cooke, op. cit., p. 329.\n\n11 Fisher, op. cit., p. 4.\n\n12 Parliamentary papers on Lord Elgin's mission to China.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206492, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "34\n\n!\n\nLEIGH R. WRIGHT\n\nThe issue of Brooke's status revolved around, firstly, the question of whether or not a subject of the Queen could hold the position as a sovereign prince of a foreign state; and, secondly, whether Brooke was in fact an independent ruler or a vassal of the Sultan of Brunei.\n\nThe issue, however, was not a burning one in the ministries of Whitehall. Despite the fact that Borneo was of concern to Britain as the guardian of the eastern flank of the South China Sea route to the China coast, and was to assume, gradually, more strategic value as first France and later Germany began colonial operations in the area, at mid-century Britain possessed a colony and naval station at Labuan and a (“good strong”) consular treaty with Brunei which gave her a certain measure of control, if she chose to indulge it, in Brunei's relations with foreign states. Most of the Colonial and Foreign Secretaries in London, until the 1870s were not very interested in defining precisely Raja Brooke's status,\n\nFor the most part, Whitehall grudgingly approved of Brooke's “civilizing influence\" in Borneo. Lord Palmerston, Foreign Secretary in 1846, offered naval support for the suppression of piracy, and during a later term of office gave standing orders to the Eastern squadron to visit Sarawak at regular intervals. But the Foreign Office generally held to the view that \"it is not the policy of Her Majesty's Government that British subjects should possess territory on the mainland of Borneo\".\n\nLord Clarendon, when Foreign Secretary in the mid-1850s, came close to disavowing Brooke's position in Sarawak. In 1853 the Raja took issue with a Foreign Office statement that seemed to assume that Brooke was a vassal of Brunei. Clarendon minuted,\n\nIt seems to me that the various documents tend to prove how cautiously the government abstained from recognizing his (Brooke's) independence although in various ways the anomalous character of his position has been admitted.\n\nBut Clarendon did not leave it at that. When in 1855 Spencer St. John succeeded Brooke as Consul in Brunei he suggested to the Foreign Office that he also be accredited to Sarawak as an independent state. The Raja agreed and insisted that the new consul must receive his exequatur from him. This act would render the desired\n\n6 FO to Admiralty, 24 July 1846, FO 12/4.\n\n7 Clarendon minute upon Brooke to FO, 27 September 1853, FO 12/13.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206494, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "36\n\nLEIGH R. WRIGHT\n\nSarawak. Was Brooke an independent sovereign prince, or was Sarawak a vassal state under the suzerainty of the Sultan of Brunei? And if a vassal, was it quite proper for a subject of the Queen to occupy such a position?\n\nThe Raja was anxious to make Sarawak over to Britain as a colony or a protectorate and so ensure the continued political stability of his state and the progress of his people. Very much in the tradition of Raffles in his Java period from 1811 to 1816, Brooke sought the extension of British interests in Southeast Asia, not merely for the sake of commerce and trade, but for the civilizing effect that the presence of British rule of law entailed. Like Raffles he found little to admire in Dutch colonial rule either in Java or Borneo. He wrote,10\n\nIf the British public be indifferent to the sufferings of this unhappy race, now for the first time made known to them they are not what I believe them to be, and what they profess themselves.\n\nIt was necessary to establish \"a proper British influence\" in Borneo.\n\nI conceive that policy dictates these measures at the present time, because in case of any delay it will no longer be in our power. From the distractions of Borneo, some European state must very shortly interfere in their concerns, and the supremacy of the Dutch government would be the knell of the British trade which now is carried on, and effectually stop all measures of improvement.\n\nAnd later, to tempt British strategists, he added,\n\nWe shall have a post in time of war highly advantageous as commanding a favourable position relative to China—we shall extend our commerce—suppress piracy and prevent the present and prospective advantages falling into other hands—and we shall do this at a small expense.\n\nWhen ministers in London answered with a cold \"no\" to all of Brooke's requests for a colony or a protectorate the Raja became angry and bitter. He threatened to sell Sarawak to Belgium or\n\n10 James Brooke, A Letter from Borneo, (pamphlet published by L. and S. Sealy, London, 1842), copy in FO12/1.\n\n11 James Brooke, Memorandum on piracy, 31 March 1845, FO12/3.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206498, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "40\n\nLEIGH R. WRIGHT\n\ngoverns it so well and cheaply for them, they will do nothing for him or Sarawak.\n\nWhen first France and then the United States and Germany showed signs of intruding into Borneo, or when they came close to a potentially threatening position over the important British lines of empire north and south through the South China Sea, or when the Foreign and Colonial Offices in London felt the hot breath of imperial competition, it was then that the offshore colony of Labuan and a by now weak little consular treaty with Brunei were found to be inadequate to justify, in the international arena, Britain's position in Borneo. Sarawak along with North Borneo and Brunei were incorporated into the British empire as protected states. Still for many years Britain assumed no responsibility for the internal administration of Sarawak, and adamantly refused any expenditure of imperial grants for the privilege of colouring these areas pink on the imperial maps of the world.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206499, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "The Establishment of the Tsungli Yamen: A Translation of the Memorial and Edict of 1861.\n\nJ. L. Cranmer-Byng*.\n\nThe steps which led to the setting up of an office for the general management of the affairs of the various countries (tsung-li ko-kuo shih-wu ya-men) have been studied by Masataka Banno in his scholarly monograph, China and the West, 1851-1861: the Origins of the Tsungli Yamen. However, no complete translation into English of the important memorial and six-point memorandum submitted by Prince Kung, Kuei-liang and Wen-hsiang advocating the establishment of the Tsungli Yamen appears to exist, though a translation of the memorandum by T. F. Wade (later Sir Thomas Wade), made from a version of the text printed in the Peking Gazette, can be found in the Public Record Office, London. Short translated passages from the memorial and memorandum can be found in China's Response to the West, while Banno has supplied a brief analysis of their contents (with a few sentences translated) in chapter seven of his monograph. S. M. Meng, in his study of the Tsungli Yamen, refers to them but without offering any translation. Therefore a complete translation of the memorial and the memorandum, together with footnotes, is here offered in the belief that a detailed study of the whole document is valuable for a proper understanding of the reasons for the establishment of the Tsungli Yamen. The memorial was received at the travelling headquarters (hsing ying) of the Hsien-feng emperor at Jehol on 13 January 1861.\n\nThe memorial is a careful piece of reasoning, written in dignified Chinese, and aimed at persuading the war party at court of the necessity of setting up the Tsungli Yamen in order to have a more permanent method for discussing problems arising with the western-ocean countries now having treaties with China. The line of argument taken by Prince Kung and his co-memorialists is that because of the Taiping and Nien rebels China is now too weak to oppose Russia, Britain, France and America by force of arms.\n\n* Professor Cranmer-Byng, now of the University of Toronto, was formerly on the teaching staff at the University of Hong Kong. He was first Editor of this Journal in 1960, and again in 1962-63.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206500, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "42 \n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG \n\nHaving signed treaties with these countries the best policy is for China to keep the barbarians very strictly to the clauses of these treaties so that outwardly Chinese officials show \"sincerity and friendship\" while covertly carrying out a \"loose rein\" (chi-mi) policy. Six regulations are attached for deliberation. These are: 1) Regulations for establishing the Tsungli Yamen. It is envisaged as a temporary body. \"As soon as military operations come to an end and affairs concerning the various countries become more simple it will be abolished, and its functions will revert to the Grand Council as before so as to tally with the old system.\" 2) Separate posts for superintendents of trade for the southern and northern ports be established. 3) Regulations for the collection of revenue at all the newly opened treaty ports. 4) Instructions to be sent to the great officials in each province where foreign affairs are dealt with that they should keep each other informed of what they are doing, so as to produce uniformity of action. 5) The authorities at Canton and Shanghai respectively are to send two persons who understand written and spoken foreign languages to the capital for translation purposes. 6) Monthly reports are to be sent to the Tsungli Yamen on Chinese and foreign trade as well as copies of foreign newspapers, so that the Yamen shall be kept properly informed on matters of trade, and China's situation vis-a-vis the foreign countries. The memorial received the emperor's vermillion endorsement to the effect that Prince Hui and others were to deliberate on it and memorialize. Here follows the memorial and memorandum.\n\nWe venture to observe that the imperiousness of the barbarian nature burst forth during the reign of Chia-ch'ing. By the time the Treaty of Nanking was exchanged they were acting more arrogantly and in the present year they penetrated right into the capital and acted with outrageous and compelling force, and the barbarian scourge reached its violent climax. Critics citing barbarian calamities in former dynasties as a warning advocate the use of force alone. From of old there has certainly been no other plan than this for warding off the barbarians.\n\nHowever, your servants, in the light of all the circumstances, consider that of the various barbarians the English are tenacious and arrogant, the Russians are treacherous and the French and Americans secretly adhere to them. We observe that before the defeat at Taku we could either use force or resort to pacification,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206505, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 53, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE TSUNGLI YAMEN\n\n47\n\nreach far enough' but also that he may not be able to be well acquainted with barbarian affairs. The acting imperial commissioner and governor Hsueh Huan, ought to continue to be responsible for managing affairs properly. As regards Tientsin and Shanghai, whoever manages all the business ought to copy the practice of the provinces in sending separate reports, and through these great officials keep the Tsungli Yamen regularly informed in order to avoid discrepancies. As regards Kirin and Heilungkiang, Russians have in the past crossed our boundaries and occupied our territory. Successive military governors have concealed this information and not reported it with the result that after a lapse of time we can no longer prevent it. We wish to request that instructions be sent to these military governors truthfully to report on the situation along the frontiers and not allow them to gloss over the facts in the slightest.\n\nFor matters involving China and foreign countries everything must be reported monthly to the Tsungli office for examination. Furthermore, in the particular port of Tientsin, in future trade will only be in the import of goods and there will be no large-scale export of goods. If, after a certain length of time, trade does not prosper the foreigners will decide to leave in disappointment. We propose that when the right time comes the situation should be reviewed in case we can abolish the trade superintendency and so discharge redundant officials.\n\n3. As regards the customs revenue of the newly added ports, we request that separate instructions be sent to the provinces that they choose upright and honest local officials and put them in charge in order to increase the revenue. We observe that hitherto in levying duties on foreign commodities the practice was that the full amount should be remitted to the capital. The customs officials looked on this as a source of self-enrichment. Embezzlement and smuggling and a hundred malpractices flourished, and were a great hindrance in the collection of customs revenue. Now, since twenty per cent of the duty on foreign commodities is to be withheld it is all the more necessary to clear off the account as soon as possible so as to avoid complications arising.\n\n[Note: The rest of point 3 is concerned with detailed regulations about the administration of the new ports opened to foreign trade. Anyone doing research into the origins of the offices of Superin-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206510, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 58, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "52 \n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG \n\ngeneral and governors to send monthly to the Tsungli Yamen foreign newspapers, both those printed in Chinese and in foreign languages, so that we can have at our finger-tips knowledge of the situation between China and foreign countries, and so that we can become more fully acquainted with the way to reform abuses and put right our failings. \n\nA memorial from Prince Hui and others in reply was received at the travelling headquarters on 20 January 1861, and an edict was issued on the same day. As no English version of this edict appears to have been made, a translation of it follows.17 \n\nToday we have received a memorial from Prince Hui and others to the effect that they have deliberated on the memorial of I-hsin Prince Kung, and others on restoring normal conditions and on regulations for trade. According to what they said all the items recommended by Prince Kung and others have a close bearing on the circumstances and that this really is the situation. They request that we should act according to the original proposals. \n\nWe have already issued an edict appointing Prince Kung, Grand Secretary Kuei-liang, and Senior Vice-President of the Board of Revenue Wen-hsiang to be in general charge of trade with the various countries. We have also appointed Ch'ung-hou to be superintendent of trade for the three ports [Tientsin; Newchang; Chefoo]. Let Hsueh Huan continue to control trading arrangements at the five old ports as well as at the newly added ones. In their memorandum Prince Kung and others recommend that Canton and Shanghai should each send two men who understand spoken and written foreign languages to come to the capital on official service. Also that the superintendents of trade as well as the Manchu garrison commanders, the governors-general and governors, and the prefect of Peking ought to report monthly on native and foreign trade conditions at those ports and send the foreign newspapers of the various countries and should communicate [this information and newspapers] to the Board of Rites which will transmit it to the Tsungli Yamen. Let the princes and ministers instruct the Board of Rites to this effect and let the Board communicate these instructions. We also authorize young men to be selected from the Eight Banners to study foreign spoken and written languages; instruct the Russian language school's to draw up appropriate regulations and zealously supervise their lessons. Whenever anyone is able to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206511, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE TSUNGLI YAMEN\n\n53\n\nmaster a foreign language then memorialize requesting that he be rewarded.\n\nAs regards duties on foreign goods at the ports, it has been agreed that at present twenty per cent of the value of the duties shall be deducted and handed back, and a joint record maintained'. Also there are barbarians who are helping to manage revenue matters20. It should be made absolutely clear how much revenue is to be collected each month, so that it does not result in misappropriation and embezzlement. But in future, after the amount withheld has been cleared, let Prince Kung and others further concentrate on deciding what appropriate regulations ought to be fixed so that after a period of time malpractices do not grow up. As regards any other arrangements to be made let them also carefully deliberate and memorialize from time to time.\n\nFor an examination of the implications of these two important documents the reader is referred to Banno's China and the West, pp. 223-236.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Harvard University Press, 1964.\n\n2 Bruce to Russell, No. 51, May 23, 1861, FO17/352.\n\n3 Teng Ssu-yü and John K. Fairbank, China's Response to the West, Harvard University Press, 1954, 47-48; 73-74.\n\n4 Masataka Banno, China and the West 1858-1861, 220-221.\n\n5 Meng Ssu-ming, The Tsungli Yamen: Its Organization and Functions, Harvard University Press, 1962, 20-21.\n\n6 Translated in collaboration with Mr. Vei-Tsen Yang, formerly of the Department of Chinese Studies, University of Hong Kong, now Special Lecturer in the Department of East Asian Studies, University of Toronto.\n\n7 The Chinese text is in Ch'ou-pan i-wu shih-mo (#MR#&*) Hsieng-feng, 71: 17b-26.\n\n8 During the time of the Three Kingdoms Liu Pei, the founding ruler of the Kingdom of Shu, invaded the Kingdom of Wu in order to avenge the death of Kuan Yü. He suffered a crushing defeat and died soon after. After the accession of his son to the throne in 223 B.C. the chief minister Chu-ko Liang sent Teng Chih as an envoy of good will to Wu, which resulted in a rapprochement between the two states. See San-kuo chih, chuan 35 and 45 for the biographies of Chu-ko Liang and Teng Chih.\n\n9 In fact the emperor was at the summer palace at Jehol. Since the emperor had fled from the enemy the term hsing-ying ('travelling headquarters') was used rather than pi-shu shan chuang ('avoiding the heat hill palace') for reasons of face.\n\n10 At this time the prince-ministers in charge of the travelling headquarters were Tsai-yuan, Prince I, and Tuan-hua, Prince Cheng. Ministers of the imperial presence at this time were: Prince I, Prince Cheng, Su-shun and Ching-shou. Of these Su-shun was the dominant figure and was entrusted with the main responsibility for affairs at the travelling headquarters (also referred to in English as \"the temporary court\"). There were four Grand", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206512, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 60, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "54\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG\n\nCouncillors at Jehol at this time: Mu-yin; K'uang-yüan; Tu Han; Chiao Yu-ying. Information on all these officials can be found in Hummel, Eminent Chinese, especially in the biography of Su-shun. Their power relationships are discussed in Banno, China and the West, passim, but especially 55-56. The term \"minister of the imperial presence\" (yü-ch'ien ta-ch'en) is rendered by Brunnert and Hagelstrom, Present Day Political Organization, p. 28, no. 101, as adjutant-general.\n\nII Tengchow is on the northern side of the Shantung promontory. In fact it was not opened to foreign trade which was carried on at Yen-tai near Chefoo. S. Wells Williams, The Chinese Commercial Guide, 211-212. Ch'aochow was the old name for Swatow; Ch'iungchow is in Hainan. Taiwan City and Tamsui were ports on the island of Taiwan which came under the administration of Fukien province.\n\n12 Ch'ung-hou was appointed to this post by an edict of 20 January with the designation superintendent of trade for the Three Ports, with his headquarters at Tientsin. Hsueh Huan, governor of Kiangsu and acting imperial commissioner at Shanghai, was made responsible for the newly opened ports along the Yangtze and the coast to the south of it, by the same edict. As far back as 1844 the imperial commissioner at Canton was currently designated imperial commissioner for the Five Ports. With the addition of new ports it was made a concurrent post of the governor of Kiangsu in 1861, until 1868 when it was made a concurrent post of the governor-general of Liang Kiang residing at Nanking. In 1870 the post of superintendent of trade for the Three Ports was raised to an imperial commissionership and held concurrently by the governor-general of Chihli. It is not clear when the commonly used designations for these two posts viz: superintendent of trade for the southern ports and superintendent of trade for the northern ports were first used. Meng, The Tsungli Yamen, 40-41; Banno, China and the West, 233-5.\n\n13 Article 3 of the Convention of Peking between Britain and China refers. See W. F. Mayers, Treaties Between the Empire of China and Foreign Powers, 8. The phrase to avoid complications arising is a euphemism for 'to avoid peculation'.\n\n14 Tentatively we have translated the Chinese phrase hui-tan as counter-foil. Note 19 also refers.\n\n15 The term is fuyin. See Brunnert and Hagelstrom, Present Day Political Organization of China, 793.\n\n16 See Frank H. H. King, A Research Guide to China Coast Newspapers, 1822-1911.\n\n17 Translated in collaboration with Mr. Vei-Tsen Yang. Chinese text in Ch'ow-pan wu shih-mo, Hsien-feng, 72: 2-3. A second edict was issued on the same day, and on the same subject, to the Grand Secretariat. This edict was translated by T. F. Wade along with the six-point memorandum. Note 2 above refers.\n\n18 Not to be confused with the Russian Hostel nor with the language school for the Russians in Peking, both of which were often referred to in Chinese documents as O-lo ssu-kuan, thus making confusion likely with the Russian language school referred to here. See Meng, The Tsungli Yamen, 111, note 48.\n\n19 Lit. 'draw up a joint document'. Glossed by T. F. Wade as a paper signed by both parties showing that the amount deducted is in due proportion to the collection'. Translation of Peking Gazette in F.O. 17/352 p. 42.\n\n20 Presumably referring to Robert Hart, the Inspector General of the Chinese Maritime Customs Service, and the westerners serving under him. On the general subject of foreigners taking part in the administration of China after the middle of the nineteenth century see Fairbank, The Chinese World Order, 273-5; also Fairbank \"Synarchy under the Treaties\" in Fairbank (ed.) Chinese Thought and Institutions, 204-231.\n\nPage 60\n\nPage 61", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206513, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 61, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART: COLONIAL CIVIL SERVANT AND SCHOLAR\n\nHENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE*\n\nTHE HONG KONG CADET\n\n'I had some amusement,' wrote Sir William des Voeux, 'in watching the other guests. Mr. Lockhart (the official protector of Chinese), who sat opposite to me, attacked all the dishes like a man, and would alone have redeemed the credit of our party with the Chinese for gastronomic taste. Possibly having been for some years in China, he has become accustomed to what European new-comers are apt to regard as repulsive. Otherwise his control of the facial muscles was almost superhuman.' Sir William des Voeux, Governor of Hong Kong from 1887 to 1891, was attending a dinner given by the prominent Chinese of Hong Kong and the Lockhart he mentions was James Haldane Stewart Lockhart, who later became known as a distinguished colonial civil servant and one of the best Chinese scholars among the foreigners of his time in China. All in all, he was probably one of the most intelligent, efficient, and scholarly colonial secretaries that Hong Kong has had. This article is designed to give a brief account of his life, work and writings.\n\nLockhart was born at Ardsheal, Argyllshire, Scotland on 26 May, 1858, the fourth son of Miles Lockhart of Lanhams, Essex, and grandson of James Lockhart, Lord of the Manor of Marston and Oving, Buckinghamshire. On his mother's side she was born Anna R.C. Stewart, daughter of Major Stewart, 91st Regiment. He inherited Stewart blood, for she was the niece of Charles Stewart, eighth of Ardsheal, male representative of the Stewarts of Lorne, Appin and Ardsheal. Appin was the country of Lockhart's mother's branch of the royal Stewarts, and the scene of much of Stevenson's Kidnapped. Lockhart was educated at King William's College, Isle of Man, George Watson's College, Edinburgh, where he achieved distinction as a Greek medallist, and at Edinburgh University, where he was awarded the gold medal for Greek.\n\n* Mr. Lethbridge is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Sociology, University of Hong Kong. He is well known as a contributor to Hong Kong studies. His article on Hong Kong Cadets 1862-1941 [Journal, Vol. 10 (1970)] is relevant to the present study.\n\nPlates 1-7 illustrate this article.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206514, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "56\n\nHENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE\n\nIn 1878, after success in the competitive examination held by the Civil Service Commissioners in London, he was appointed a Hong Kong cadet by the Secretary of State for the Colonies. He had wished to join, like his friend E.D.H. Fraser,3 the Indian Civil Service but his address to the Civil Service Commissioners for service in India had been turned down. Lockhart was the eighth cadet officer appointed to Hong Kong after the introduction of Hong Kong cadetships by Sir Richard MacDonnell in 1861. Sir Richard had been concerned to recruit young men from Britain who would train to become interpreters, for there was a great need for such persons in the Hong Kong public service at that time. But Sir Richard's scheme was not, properly speaking, an innovation since it was closely modelled on the system devised in 1854 for supplying interpreters to the Consular Service in China. The practice in Hong Kong was for a successful cadet, who had to be between the age of 20 and 23 on the first day of his examination, to remain in Britain for one year after appointment, during which time he was required to begin learning Chinese and to attend a class for students at King's College, London, held by the Professor of Chinese at that institution. The cadet was also employed for some hours daily at the Colonial Office in the work of the Department. At the end of his year's study the cadet was examined in Chinese, and the confirmation of his appointment depended upon both his passing a satisfactory examination and on the performance of his duties in the Office. Lockhart appears to have had no difficulties in meeting these requirements.\n\nIt seems likely that the European public in Hong Kong first knew of Lockhart when they saw a notification from the Colonial Secretary, W.H. Marsh, in the Government Gazette of 1879 which simply stated: 'It is hereby notified that James Haldane Stewart Lockhart, Esq., has been appointed by Her Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies, to be a Cadet in the Hong Kong Civil Service, and that he reported his arrival in the Colony on Tuesday, the 18th November, 1879.' Lockhart had set out from England by P. and O. steamer some time in September 1879; and, as was the form, immediately reported his arrival in Hong Kong to the Colonial Secretary. At that date it was the custom for a newly arrived cadet from Britain to spend a few weeks in the Colony before proceeding to Canton. During his brief stay in the Colony, the cadet was quizzed by senior officials, instructed as to his future", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206523, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 71, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART\n\n65\n\npresent in the New Territories, he was much involved in its administration and in the drafting of proper legislation for its people. His continued interest in the New Territories is revealed in the three excellent annual reports he prepared for the years 1899 to 1901.\n\nIn March 1901 Lockhart was taken seriously ill - no doubt as a result of gross overwork and had to leave the Colony under medical orders and did not return until June 1901, when he continued to hold the post of Colonial Secretary but not that of Registrar General. In that same year he was appointed Civil Commissioner of Weihaiwei, the administration of which he assumed on 3 May, 1902. Except for two short periods of leave, Lockhart was to be continuously in charge of Weihaiwei for nearly 19 years. In his report on the New Territories for 1901 he wrote: 'This will be my last report on the New Territories and, in bidding it farewell, I do so with much regret, mingled with pleasant reminiscences of conflicting work carried on in the midst of its charming and beautiful scenery, and lessened by the recollection that I have been and still am a staunch believer in its future.'26 The leased territory of Weihaiwei to which Lockhart now moved resembled in many ways the New Territories, of which he had been the first administrator.\n\nCIVIL COMMISSIONER OF WEIHAIWEI\n\nWeihaiwei was leased from China on 1 July, 1898, as a counterpoise to the Russian occupation of Port Arthur in March of the same year, for Weihaiwei at that date was the only port of any significance in north China available for occupation by a foreign power. Under the terms of the 1898 Convention the port was leased to Britain for as long as Russia occupied Port Arthur. The territory of Weihaiwei was situated on the north-eastern coast of Shantung Peninsula and was formerly a part of the Chinese Province of Shantung. The total leased area was 288 square miles and comprised a belt of land, in the shape of an arc, ten miles wide with a coast line of 72 miles, containing the small village of Ma-t'ou, which was its only port, and some 320 villages, of which only four could be dignified as small market towns. Off Ma-t'ou was the small island of Liukung. In 1902 the population was estimated at 124,000, among whom only one family could be called wealthy, and consisted mainly 'of the orderly, hard working, conservative peasantry of the Shantung Peninsula.'27", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206524, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "66\n\nHENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE\n\nIn 1889 Lockhart had married Edith Louise Rider Hancock, second daughter of Alfred Hancock,28 a Hong Kong bill and bullion broker, and he and his wife and two children moved in 1902 to their new home, Government House, at Ma-t'ou village, now renamed Port Edward. Ma-t'ou village had been originally the port of the old walled city of Weihaiwei29 and Government House was situated on a slight eminence overlooking Ma-t'ou village and divided from it only by an orchard planted by a Kew expert; there was not a fence anywhere. Port Edward was the centre of administration and contained the Government offices and the buildings occupied, until 1906, by the officers and men of the 1st Chinese Regiment of Infantry.30 But Port Edward was always very much of a 'pocket' capital, with only a handful of resident Europeans, mostly civil servants, and a few hundred Chinese merchants, craftsmen and fishermen.\n\nEqually the European community in Weihaiwei was always sparse, consisting of a few officials, merchants, and missionaries. With two or three exceptions all the Europeans resided on the small island of Liukung, where the native population was to a great extent drawn from the south-eastern provinces of China and from Japan. Liukung was only two-and-a-quarter miles long with a maximum breadth of seven-eighths of a mile but it became the headquarters of the permanent naval establishment and the site for the naval canteen (formerly a picturesque Chinese official yamên), the United Services Club, bungalows for summer visitors, a large hotel, and the offices of a few shipping firms. The several streets of shops were occupied mostly by Cantonese and Japanese.\n\n+\n\nIn 1903 there were only fourteen Europeans involved in the administration of Weihaiwei: the Civil Commissioner, the Secretary to Government, who also acted as magistrate, a financial assistant, three inspectors of police, two medical officers, one civil engineer, one foreman of works, two corporals, and two sappers of the Royal Engineers. The size of the establishment did not increase markedly over time, though an additional magistrate was procured. The Territory was divided by 1910 into two divisions, North and South. The North Division contained only nine of the twenty-six districts and was much smaller in both area and population than the South but it included the island of Liukung, where a small naval dockyard had been constructed, and Port Edward. It was under", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206525, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 73, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART\n\n67\n\nthe charge of the North Division magistrate, who was also Secretary to Government. The Secretary held a dormant commission to administer the affairs of the Territory in the Commissioner's absence. The South Division contained all the rest of the leased Territory, i.e., seventeen out of the twenty-six districts, and it was presided over by the South Division Magistrate, who also acted as District Officer. This gentleman controlled a diminutive police force of a sergeant and seven men, all Chinese; all his other staff were Chinese. Apart from the District Officer, there was only one other European official resident in the South Division, which contained 231 out of the 315 villages of the Territory.\n\nUntil 1906, however, Lockhart as Commissioner could call upon the services of the Chinese Regiment in any emergency which the police were unable to cope with. This Regiment was raised in early 1899 and owed its origin to a suggestion made by Field-Marshal Sir Garnet Wolseley, the Commander-in-Chief, that Chinese troops could be organised at Weihaiwei for use in other places. According to R.F. Johnston: 'They did good service in promptly suppressing an attempted rising in the leased Territory, and on being sent to the front to take part in the operations against the Boxers in 1900, they behaved exceedingly well, both during the attack on Tientsin, and on the march to Peking.' Johnston, it seems, over-praised their contribution for between 1899 and 1901 over 800 deserted and many of them moved straight into Chinese service after having passed through what came to be known as \"the Wei Hai Wei Military School\". As the India Office pointed out, Great Britain was in effect furnishing a \"steady annual supply of trained soldiers\" to China. At its greatest strength the Chinese Regiment numbered 1,300 officers and men but in 1906, the year the Regiment was disbanded, their numbers had fallen to about 600. A few picked men were retained as a permanent police force, and three European non-commissioned officers were provided with appointments on the civil establishment as police inspectors. In 1910, therefore, the entire Territory was policed by only fifty-six Chinese constables and three inspectors. There was no permanent garrison of British troops.\n\nWeihaiwei was officially designated not as a Colony but as a Territory, which meant that Lockhart as Commissioner was head of the local government and subject only to the control of His Majesty exercised through the Secretary of State for the Colonies in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206526, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 74, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "68\n\nHENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE\n\nLondon. His official rank corresponded with that of a Lieutenant-Governor, so that he received a salute of only fifteen guns compared with the seventeen of first-class Crown-Colony Governors, such as that of Hong Kong. But, as R.F. Johnston pointed out: 'his actual powers, though exercised in a more limited sphere, are greater than those of most Crown-Colony Governors, for he is not controlled by a (Legislative) Council.'33 Lockhart's official duties, which of course kept him extremely busy, were nevertheless limited in nature, and the tempo of life in the Territory did not change dramatically during his tenure of office, for after the lease was signed, little was done with the Territory. At first, it was thought that the port could be transformed into a fortified naval base like Hong Kong, but to do so would have been extremely costly and would have involved the construction of a long breakwater and extensive dredging work in the harbour. In fact, the port was never utilised as a strategic naval base; it became merely a naval rest centre and a place where the British China Squadron lay at anchor when it paid its annual summer visit to North China. A few visitors also arrived from time to time and stayed at its European-style hotel, and an English school34 attracted boys from China, Japan, and Hong Kong.\n\nLockhart was administering a mainly agricultural region, equivalent in area to a small-sized Chinese district magistracy (hsien). The leased Territory, with its population composed principally of fairly well-to-do peasant farmers, fishermen, craftsmen, and artisans, was in composition like that of the New Territories which he had left. Lockhart did not feel called upon to alter drastically the life of this old, settled community, nor indeed was it the intention of the Colonial Office that he should. The Order-in-Council under which British rule in Weihaiwei was inaugurated stated: 'In civil cases between natives, the Court should be guided by Chinese or other native law and custom, so far as any such law or custom is not repugnant to justice and morality.'\n\nLockhart attempted, then, to preserve as much of the fabric of Chinese society as was possible. In his report for 1902, he wrote: \"With the policing of the territory at Hong Kong as a guide, it might have been thought that this question (the maintenance of peace and good order) was one easy of solution; but it required no long residence here to reveal that the conditions existing in the new territory of Hong Kong and those of Wei-Hai-Wei are widely different. In the former case, the natives had lived for about half a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206527, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 75, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART\n\n69\n\ncentury in close proximity to Hong-Kong, and were acquainted with its methods of administration and system of law and police, many of them, indeed being engaged in trade or working as labourers in that Colony. In the latter case, the Chinese of Wei-Hai-Wei had never had any experience of British administration until the territory was leased in 1898, and were, therefore, quite ignorant of the principles underlying that administration. Again the Chinese of the new territory of Hong Kong did not enjoy a good reputation for orderly behaviour, whereas the natives here have shown themselves law-abiding, docile, and orderly. After due deliberation I came to the conclusion that the most effective and economic plan would be to continue the system of policing the territory through the headmen of the villages and to retain it so long as it continued to work satisfactorily, instead of dotting Police Stations throughout the territory in charge of Inspectors, who would be unable to communicate with the people except through interpreters, a system which almost invariably results in corruption and malpractices. That system, which is suitable to the whole of the territory, except the town of Port Edward and the island of Liu Kung, is based on the fact that the unit of society is the family or village and not the individual as in the west. Headmen are appointed for each village or group of villages and are held responsible for the maintenance of peace and good order in their villages. If any trouble arises, the headman reports the matter and aids in making any arrests that may be necessary.\n\nThe principal source of revenue, as in the New Territories, was at first the land tax. In Weihaiwei this was based on the old land registers handed over by the Chinese magistrates. For many years past, R.F. Johnston wrote, 'every village had paid through the headman or committee of headmen a certain sum of money which by courtesy is called a land-tax. How that amount is assessed among the various families is a matter which the people decide for themselves on the general understanding that no one should be called upon to pay more than his ancestors paid before him unless the family property has been considerably increased.'35 The Territory under Lockhart's administration prospered, for in four years the Imperial Grant-in-Aid was reduced to less than one-third of its amount at the time when he first took office; however, owing to the reduction of the British Fleet in China in 1906 and the less frequent visit of men-of-war to Weihaiwei, the business of Port Edward was\n\nPage 75\n\nPage 76", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206528, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 76, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "70\n\nHENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE\n\ndepressed and the Grant-in-Aid was increased, but not to its original figure. Lockhart had received the administration of a territory that could never be a great financial success.\n\nExcept for two periods of leave, in 1909 and 1918, and short absences from the Territory, such as ceremonial visits to the Chinese Governor of Shangtung at Tsinan, Lockhart was continuously in charge for nearly nineteen years. Weihaiwei was an extremely healthy place, free of malaria, with a climate like that of a northern European country and Lockhart was able to indulge in the recreations he loved most. He rode nearly every day or played a round of golf on the mainland on Yuan Shih-k'ai's parade ground. The dedication to Lockhart of Johnston's book, Lion and Dragon in Northern China, reads: 'In memory of two moonlit nights at Lutao-k'uo, five frosty mornings at Pei-K'uo Temple and a hundred breezy gallops over the hills and sands of Weihaiwei.'\n\nIn 1904, Johnston, then Acting Assistant Colonial Secretary at Hong Kong, had been appointed to Weihaiwei and the two men, who had worked together previously in Hong Kong, soon became close friends. In 1919 Johnston accepted an appointment as tutor to the ex-Emperor of China, P'ü-i,37 and Lockhart in his report for that year spoke of the 'great loss to the service. He had served uninterruptedly in Weihaiwei since 1904 and had proved himself an officer of exceptional administrative capacity, his intimate knowledge of the Chinese, their customs, and their language having won for him a high place in the esteem of the native population with which his duties brought him into such intimate contact.'38 They were both Scots but their friendship, it would seem, was based not on tribalism but on a mutual admiration for Chinese civilisation.\n\nLockhart left Weihaiwei on 23 April, 1921, on H.M. Ship Cairo, a passage having been placed at his disposal by the Commander-in-Chief, China Station. His popularity with all classes of the Chinese population 'was evidenced by the erection of two \"Pei\" (commemorative tablets) in his honour and the presentation of numerous addresses and scrolls, two \"myriad name\" umbrellas, one dress of \"myriad name robes\" and a bowl of pure water (the symbol of purity of administration).'39\n\nLockhart had been popular mainly because he understood the Chinese and left them alone. As he wrote: \"There is in China a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206529, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 77, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART\n\n71\n\nsaying that the art of government is to do nothing. While not attempting to follow such a short cut to successful government as that recommended in this saying, this Government has taken as its maxim Pas trop gouverner, avoiding meddlesome interference with Chinese affairs, which invariably breeds trouble, creates friction, and ultimately leads to the creation of a large and expensive staff.740 The few troubles in Weihaiwei, such as they were, were caused more by external events, by the convulsions China experienced after the Revolution of 1911; within Weihaiwei life was normally quiet and peaceful, for the people were industrious and conservative, and there was 'an entire absence of the ferocious clan feuds which are so ugly a characteristic of the southern provinces.'4 There were, then, no great lineages in the Territory, but of course the two magistrates always had to deal with a large number of civil cases, chiefly concerned with the ownership of land, breach of contract, adoption and inheritance, ancestor worship, and administration of clan property — types of litigation typical of any Chinese rural community.\n\nTHE SCHOLAR\n\nLockhart's early contributions to scholarship were all published in the China Review42 and were mostly on subjects relating to the structure of the Chinese language and its dialects. Lockhart had received a classical education at Edinburgh University and he moved with ease to the study of another classical language, Chinese, and to the study of another classical civilisation. His great friend, Sir Reginald Fleming Johnston, in his obituary notice of Lockhart in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, wrote: 'although he published little, he was recognized to be one of the best Chinese scholars among the foreigners of his time in China. He spoke Cantonese fluently, and after his transfer to Weihaiwei he acquired a good working knowledge of \"mandarin\" - now known as the National Language. His acquaintance with ancient and modern Chinese literature was extensive.'43\n\nIn the nineteenth century two groups of Europeans contributed greatly to the study of the language, society and civilisation of China: missionaries, all of whom had to grapple with the complexities of a language difficult for foreigners; and colonial, consular, and diplomatic officials of one sort or another, all of whom were expected to become competent in Chinese in order to carry out ...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206531, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART\n\n73\n\ntions, being a translation of the Ch'eng Yu K'ao by Ch'iu Chin (A.D. 1419-1495), a famous scholar of the Ming Dynasty. It is, in Herbert A. Giles' words: 'usually the first work of reference suggested by the teacher when his pupils' acquaintance with book-Chinese passes from mere acquisition of individual characters in simple locutions to the study of the figurative and allusive language which forms the backbone of general literature'.47 The first edition of 300 copies was published in Hong Kong by Kelly and Walsh and was well received at first by such reviewers as E.J. Eitel and E.H. Parker; but an unsolicited, detailed and acerbic review by the relentless controversialist and sinologue, Herbert A. Giles, gave rise to a lengthy debate in the China Review, which reverberated through three volumes of the journal.48 This debate on the meaning of certain Chinese characters is a splendid example of odium sinologorum and furor academicus. Lockhart, after suffering Giles' first furious onslaught on his credentials as a Chinese scholar, asked Ho Kai for an opinion on Giles' linguistic strictures and the obliging doctor responded with a short letter to the China Review in which he stated of Giles' review that about one-third is correct and consequently valuable, another one-third on doubtful and trivial points not altogether right; the remaining one-third is totally wrong.”49 Giles rushed into print in a further lengthy article to crush the very judicious Ho Kai. He wrote: 'Of Dr. Ho Kai as a \"competent native scholar\" I had never before heard; and as he has not yet thought fit to submit to public approval any specimens of his scholarship, competent or otherwise, he may be dismissed incontinently from the case.'50 Dismissed he was for Ho Kai did not venture to re-enter the lists.\n\nThe controversy centred, among other linguistic problems, on the meaning of the characters, translated by Gustave Schlegel as 'cowcloth'. This eminent Dutch Professor of Chinese at Leyden University, co-editor with Henri Cordier of T'oung Pao, provided a magisterial summing-up in 1897 of the linguistic issues involved.51 There the controversy came to an end with, it would seem, the contestants mutually exhausted. Lockhart, who was a warm-hearted and balanced man, appears not to have borne Giles malice. In 1931 he paid Giles, by now Professor of Chinese at Cambridge University, the tribute of producing a compilation of the Chinese texts which underlay the passages published in the prose volume of Giles' Gems of Chinese Literature, the first edition of which appeared in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206532, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "74\n\nHENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE\n\n1883 and the second in 1922. Gems of Chinese Literature was in its time 'probably the most comprehensive selection of translations from the Chinese that has appeared in any European language.'52 Lockhart's Manual of Chinese Quotations, which gave so much offence to Giles, was re-issued in 1903 in a second, enlarged edition of 1,000 copies; and a reviewer in the Chinese Recorder spoke of it now as 'a splendid book'.53\n\nIn 1930 the Oxford University Press published the Index to the Tso Chuan, compiled by Sir Everard Duncan Home Fraser and revised and prepared for the press by Lockhart. The text, with its many Chinese characters, was printed by the Commercial Press of Shanghai. The Tso Chuan is the famous commentary upon the Spring and Autumn Annals of Confucius; it is also a narrative of events in China from 722 to 462 B.C. Dr. Legge, in Lockhart's words: 'had appended to each of his translations of the Chinese Classics a valuable Index, (but) he had made an exception in the case of the Tso Chuan because, as he stated, the time and labour necessary for such an undertaking were more than he could command. He, therefore, had to satisfy himself by giving a list under the different Radicals of such characters as are found in the Tso Chuan, in addition to those given in his Index to the Chinese Characters and Phrases in the Ch'un Ch'iu. This list, though useful to a certain extent, does not meet the need of a complete Index, and it is that want that the Index now published is intended to supply'.54\n\nE.D.H. Fraser, who compiled the Index, was appointed Student Interpreter in China in 1880, a year after Lockhart was appointed a Hong Kong cadet; Fraser became Consul-General at Shanghai in 1911 and died there in 1922. He was, like Lockhart, a Scot, educated at Aberdeen University; and the two scholars were very close friends. Fraser, according to Lockhart, was 'one of the best scholars of Chinese in H.M. Consular Service which has produced such eminent scholars as Watters, Parker and Giles.'55 The Index had been completed for many years before Fraser died but for some reason, presumably financial, it was left unpublished at his death. A reviewer in the T'oung Pao praised Lockhart for 'la révision minutieuse à laquelle M. J.H. Stewart Lockhart l'a soumis, le travail est fait et bien fait.'56\n\nIn the second half of the nineteenth century the study of folklore57 became, like the study of botany, geology and zoology through-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206533, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART\n\n75\n\nout the nineteenth century, a fashionable pursuit for the dilettante and the serious amateur scholar; even Elizabeth I, Queen of Rumania, acquired a European reputation, under the pen-name of Carmen Sylva, for her writings on the legends and fairy tales of her country of adoption. Lockhart, like N.B. Dennys and R.F. Johnston, became an addict of the new cult and study of folklore.\n\nThe term 'folklore' was coined as late as 1846 by the antiquarian W.J. Thoms; but the foundations of the study can be traced back to the influence of Bishop Percy's Reliques of Ancient English Poetry, published in 1765, and above all to the German brothers Grimm, whose Kinder und Hausmärchen appeared in 1812 and Deutsche Mythologie in 1835. They, in particular, laid the foundations for a study of folktales and popular superstitions upon a more scientific, comparative basis and examined problems from a wider point of view than that of the local antiquarian or literary romantic. The first folklore society in Britain was founded in 1878 and in that year appeared the first journal dedicated entirely to the study. This was the Folk-lore Record, the name of which was changed to the Folk-lore Journal and finally to plain Folk-lore.\n\nIn 1885 Lockhart was appointed to act as local Secretary of the Folk-lore Society of Great Britain and soon after he published an advertisement in the China Review asking readers to submit specimens of Chinese customs, superstitions and beliefs. He appealed to both European and Chinese readers and stated he would be pleased to translate communications in Chinese. He urged Europeans and Americans resident in China to co-operate for 'there can be little doubt that, either by their position or influence, they could materially contribute towards a thorough investigation of a subject which is daily becoming of great interest, and which is gradually assuming a place of no small importance among other branches of science.' It is not clear what sort of response Lockhart got from the readers of the China Review: but he did publish an article in 1890 in the British Folk-lore Journal, which was mainly a translation of material that had appeared originally in the Hong Kong Chinese newspaper, the Chung Ngoi San Po (Chung-wai Hsin-pao)† †† #報1\n\nLockhart's private papers are now lodged with his old school, George Watson's College, Edinburgh, and contain much material on Chinese folklore.62 What Lockhart intended to do with his treasure", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206534, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "76\n\nHENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE\n\ntrove is not certain. In Lion and Dragon in Northern China (1910), R.F. Johnston used the folklore material he himself garnered in Weihaiwei for purposes that are now regarded as dubious. It is clear Johnston was influenced by the theories of the cultural diffusionists, who attempted to trace everything back either to a common source or to a process of borrowing from other cultures; in other words, Johnston went far beyond the evidence available and indulged in highly conjectural reconstructions of what could have happened in the past. But Lockhart published only two papers on folklore and, as far as can be ascertained, did not engage in any comparative or theoretical study of the subject. However, it seems plausible to conclude that he, like Johnston, must have been influenced by the climate of anthropological opinion in his time, for both were active in this field before the functionalist anthropologists became intellectually influential.\n\nLockhart had a lifelong interest in numismatics and over the years he was able to build up a fine collection of Chinese copper coins. In 1895 the first two volumes of his The Currency of the Farther East, published by Noronha and Co., Hong Kong, was produced in an edition of 250 copies. The third volume appeared in 1898. The collection of coins illustrated in the work — Chinese, Annamese, Japanese and Korean — had been made by G.B. Glover of the Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs, who had supervised the production of the plates printed from blocks. But Glover died before the book went to press and it was Lockhart who supplied the introductions to the three volumes and information about the dates and inscriptions on the coins. In 1915 The Stewart Lockhart Collection of Chinese Copper Coins appeared as a one-volume supplement to the Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. 'This book,' wrote a reviewer in 1915, 'is the first of its kind, and is calculated to stimulate the interest of those who have wished to collect Chinese cash, but have been hitherto deterred from doing so by the absence of any guide to the subject.'63 In 1967 an authority on coins stated that: this is one of the all-time standard works on collecting Chinese coins, with 2,070 coins illustrated. He has put a great deal of interesting material in the introductory fifteen pages.'64 The publication of the book caused Lockhart many problems, for he and the Chinese engraver he employed worked on the text and illustrations at Port Edward, Weihaiwei, while the book was being set up piecemeal in Shanghai.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206535, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART\n\n77\n\nLastly, reference should be made to Lockhart's great interest in Chinese painting. He built up during the forty years he spent in Hong Kong and China a notable collection of Chinese paintings dating from the Sung Dynasty (960-1279) down to the closing years of the Empire, including one by the Empress Dowager Tz'u-hsi herself. Lockhart's collection was exhibited in June 1928 at the Betty Joel Galleries, Knightsbridge, and created wide interest. In January 1972 a painting by Yün Shou-p'ing (1633-1690), one of the six masters of the early Ch'ing Dynasty, was presented to the University of Hong Kong by Lockhart's daughter, Mrs. Mary Stewart Lockhart, 'in memory of her father and as a perpetual token of her father's admiration and affection for the Chinese of Hong Kong.'65 The remainder of Lockhart's collection of Chinese coins, paintings, and papers have been given to George Watson's College.\n\nLAST YEARS\n\nLockhart returned to England in 1921 and settled down with his family in South Kensington, London. He returned with undiminished vigour, his interest in China and in things Chinese as acute as ever, and he continued to keep in touch with his Chinese and European friends in Asia. Jean Gittins, Sir Robert Ho Tung's daughter, tells us in her autobiography66 that when the Lockharts heard she was contemplating staying in England, they at once suggested she should live with them and that Lockhart should act as her guardian. Lockhart became a regular attendant at the Council meetings of the Royal Asiatic Society — he was in fact one of its oldest members (nominated in 1879) and of its vigorous North China Branch (nominated in 1885) — and he contributed a number of book reviews to its Journal. He frequently presided at the ordinary meetings and lectures given under the Society's auspices and in 1928 became its honorary Secretary and also the Society's nominee on the Governing Body of the School of Oriental Studies at London University. He held both these honorary appointments until 1935, when failing health forced him to resign from both. He died on February 26, 1937, aged 79, at his home. The Times obituary was headed appropriately: 'Forty years in China', and it spoke of him as 'a colonial official who had served with distinction for more than 40 years in the Far East.'67 The obituary in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society said: 'most of his contemporaries in Hong Kong have passed away or have left the Colony, but there are still", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206536, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "78\n\nHENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE\n\nmany Chinese in Weihaiwei, where he was held in great esteem, who will lament the passing of a kindly and sympathetic administrator and a warm-hearted friend,68\n\nLockhart's training in the Chinese classics, the staple educational fare for all Europeans in the nineteenth century who wished to master Chinese, drew him towards traditional and conservative forces in Chinese society. In Lockhart's time cadets studied, for example, the various publications of James Legge and were expected to understand, and to be able to translate from, Mencius and the Tso Chuan. Lockhart, like R.F. Johnston, did not reject in its entirety the old China that was being transformed slowly in his day. Thus, unlike some European missionaries and merchants, who looked forward eagerly to the breaking-up of China because they expected change would favour their respective interests, Lockhart did not want the China he knew and valued to be changed radically. He believed in a renovated China - a return of the Chinese to their antique virtues and a refurbishing of their institutions. He was not in sympathy with views held by members of the China Association,69 a London repository for Old China Hands such as T.H. Whitehead, and the clubmen of Shanghai and the Treaty Ports. On the other hand, as most of us are, he was a man of his time - a colonial official from a particular stratum of British society, who believed in his mission to govern, but to govern well, those territories of the Middle Kingdom taken over by the British in the nineteenth century.\n\nA vigorous man, physically and mentally, Lockhart was attracted by the challenges presented by the administration of newly acquired colonial territories. He enjoyed the power and position conferred by his official status. As Commissioner of Weihaiwei, Lockhart the Scot, was, it is not too absurd to argue, in the role of a Scottish chieftain, the overlord of a rude and hardy peasantry, related to his following through a web of personal relationships. He was a salaried official, but the term 'colonial official' tends to mask the fact that he succeeded in his various tasks not so much because of his rank but because of the enormous sympathy he had for Chinese, because he was a scholar who could establish easy social relationships with members of a very different race. And, to shift the analogy from Scotland, Lockhart's views on governing the Chinese were close to those held by the Confucian Mandarin to establish appropriate", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206537, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART\n\n79\n\nrelationships between ruler and ruled, proper behaviour according to status. Lockhart was a scholar-administrator in the Confucian sense.\n\nThe profession of Colonial Civil Servant is coming to an end with the dissolution of the British empire. Lockhart, then, is a representative of a stage in the evolution of English society — the stage of imperial expansion that is now over and can never return. In contemporary Hong Kong the European official is not likely to be a Chinese scholar, for the system of language training that produced a Lockhart has been radically curtailed?. Yet if an official is of a scholarly turn of mind, he is now more likely to be found reading history, politics or economics. The scholar-administrator of Lockhart's type is not to be found. He has become a specialist or bureaucrat. There is no doubt that Lockhart would have been saddened by this consummation.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Sir William des Voeux, My Colonial Service..... London, 1903, vol. 2, p. 211.\n\n2 George Watson's College was founded by George Watson, first accountant of the Bank of Scotland, who died in 1723. It became a day school in 1878. The Senior School has now about 890 boys.\n\n3 Sir Everard Duncan Home Fraser, K.C.M.G. (1859-1922). Educated at Aberdeen University. Passing a competitive examination, he was appointed a student interpreter in China in 1880, being promoted Acting Consul at Foochow in 1886. At the time of his death, Fraser was Senior Consul in Shanghai and, therefore, chairman of the Consular Body.\n\n4 In Britain the first chair of Chinese was created in 1838 at University College London. In 1846 Samuel Fearon, the Registrar General of Hong Kong, was appointed Professor of Chinese Language and Literature in King's College, London. The next incumbent of the chair at King's appears to have been James Summers, who was twenty-four at the time of his appointment in 1852. Summers had been for a few years a tutor at St. Paul's College, Hong Kong; but Hong Kong society was highly critical of the elevation to a chair of a mere stripling (see J. W. Norton-Kyshe, History of the Law and Courts of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1898, vol. i, p. 348). Summers resigned at the end of the 1872/73 session and apparently departed for China and Japan. He was succeeded by Robert Kennaway Douglas (1838-1913), who was also Senior Assistant in the Department of Printed Books in the British Museum. It was presumably Douglas who first introduced Lockhart to Chinese. (On Douglas see the short obituary in T'oung Pao, vol. xiv, 1913). For a long time the sole chair of Chinese in Britain was that at King's College until a chair was created in 1876 for Dr. James Legge at Corpus Christi College, Oxford. Professor Douglas had few full-time students, only a Frenchman and a Pole; Legge had only one student and Sir Thomas Wade at Cambridge 'n'avait qu'un auditeur: il est vrai qu'il était Chinois'. (See Henri Cordier, 'Les Études Chinoises', T'oung Pao, 1898, p. 48).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206538, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "80\n\nHENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE\n\n8 E. T. C. Werner, Autumn Leaves: An Autobiography, Shanghai, 1928, pp. 487-8. Werner, a student interpreter, studied Chinese in Peking in 1884. With him were two Hong Kong cadets -- Henry Francis May and Thomas Sercombe Smith. May became Governor of Hong Kong and Smith Puisne Judge in the Straits Settlements.\n\n6 E. H. Parker, John Chinaman and a Few Others, London, 1903, p. 210.\n\n7 Ibid., p. 211.\n\n8 Lockhart's preface to A Manual of Chinese Quotations, 1st edition, 1893, p. iii. Lockhart also states: 'my attention was first called to the Ch'êng Yu Kao by my late teacher Mr. Ou-yang Hui.... I commenced to translate it under his guidance.'\n\n9 A report of Ho Kai's speech is given in one of a series of articles called Old Hong Kong by 'Colonial', published by the South China Morning Post (June 17, 1933-April 13, 1935). Mimeographed copy, University of Hong Kong Library,\n\n10 See, for example, T. O. Ranger, ‘African Reactions to the Imposition of Colonial Rule in East and Central Africa', in L. H. Gann and Peter Duignan (eds.), Colonialism in Africa 1870-1960, Cambridge, England, 1969, vol. 1, pp. 293-324; Lord Hailey, An African Survey, 2nd edition, London, 1945, pp. 527-8; and also J. D. Legge, Britain in Fiji 1858-1880, London, 1958, especially his ch. ix, 'Native Authority Systems'.\n\n11 For a more detailed account of Lockhart's design see my article, \"The District Watch Committee: \"The Chinese Executive Council of Hong Kong\", Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xi, 1971, pp. 116-141.\n\n12 Hong Kong Sessional Papers (cited henceforth as Sessional Papers), no. 26 of 1896, pp. 425-427.\n\n13 T. H. Whitehead (1851-1933). See obituaries in the Times of 17 May, 1933, and in the South China Morning Post of 18 May, 1933. He was from 1883 to 1902 manager of the Hong Kong office of the Chartered Bank. Whitehead, a great imperialist, was a member of the Royal Empire Society, the Fellowship of the British Empire, and the China Association. The Times speaks of him as a typical Scot, of rugged energy and determination, and of great intellectual force.... In the domestic politics of Hong Kong Colony he took an active, not to say aggressive part.... In his retirement he was active in promoting emigration to the Empire, especially of boy scouts.\n\n14 Sessional Papers, no. 26 of 1896, p. 431.\n\n15 Ibid., p. 428.\n\n16 Ibid., p. 429.\n\n17 Most of the clerks in the Registrar General's Office were recruited from Queen's College. 'In March 1900, at the Queen's College Prize Giving, the Hon. Stewart Lockhart, C.M.G., said: \"I do not know what the Government would have done if it had not had the College to turn to when it wanted a staff at work in the New Territory, and I cannot give them any higher praise than to say they are carrying on their duties in a manner worthy of the College in which they received their education.\" See Gwenneth Stokes, Queen's College, 1862-1962, Hong Kong, 1962, p. 66.\n\n18 Norton-Kyshe, op. cit. vol. 2, p. 461.\n\n+3\n\n19 See 'Extracts from a Report from Mr. Stewart Lockhart on the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong', Sessional Papers, no. 9 of 1899.\n\n20 Ibid., p. 198.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206539, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART\n\n81\n\n21 'Despatches and Other Papers Relating to the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong', Sessional Papers, no. 32 of 1899, p. 13.\n\n22 Ibid., p. 36.\n\n23 Ibid., p. 65.\n\n24 Ibid., p. 69.\n\n25 'Report on the New Territory during the first year of British Administration', Sessional Papers, no. 15 of 1900, p. 252.\n\n26 'Report on the New Territory for the Year 1901', Sessional Papers, no. 22 of 1902, p. 4.\n\n27 Annual Report on Weihaiwei for 1921.\n\n28 Alfred Hancock and his brother Sydney were partners in the firm of A. and S. Hancock of Queen's Road, Hong Kong. In 1906 Alfred Hancock had resided for over fifty years in Amoy and Hong Kong. In the 1920s the firm had moved to Des Voeux Road and the chief partner was H. R. B. Hancock, Lockhart's brother-in-law. The firm was still active in 1940.\n\n29 The walled city of Weihaiwei, captured by the Japanese in 1894, by the terms of the 1898 Convention was not under British jurisdiction but nominally under a Chinese sub-district deputy magistrate. The British sphere of influence extended for an area of 1,500 square miles east of the Leased Territory.\n\n30 On the Chinese Regiment see: Captain A. A. S. Barnes, On Active Service with the Chinese Regiment, London, 1902; C. E. Bruce-Mitford, The Territory of Wei-Hai-Wei, Shanghai, 1902, pp. 22-24; R. F. Johnston, Lion and Dragon in Northern China, London, 1910, pp. 82-3; and Annual Report on Weihaiwei for 1906. The only servicemen left in Weihaiwei after 1906 were the small body of Royal Marines of the Island Guard,\n\n31 Johnston, op. cit., p. 82.\n\n32 L. K. Young, British Policy in China 1895-1902, London, 1970, p. 73.\n\n33 Johnston, op. cit., p. 80.\n\n34 The Weihaiwei School was opened with only four pupils in 1901 by a Mr. H. J. L. Beer. In 1903 a new school house was built near Port Edward, partly with the aid of a debenture loan subscribed by British subjects in Shanghai. The new school had dormitories for forty boys. The school, which took boys between ages of 8 to 14, was mainly for the sons of British expatriates. Pupils came from places as far apart as Mukden, Canton, Kobe, and Chungking. The school closed in 1925 when it became apparent that the rendition of Weihaiwei was close at hand. Weihaiwei's fine climate contributed to the school's success with expatriate parents.\n\n35 Johnston, op. cit., p. 96.\n\n36 Sir Reginald Fleming Johnston, K.C.M.G. (1874-1938). Johnston was educated at Edinburgh University and Oxford. He arrived in Hong Kong as an Eastern Cadet, fresh from Magdalen, on Christmas Day, 1898. In 1904, Robert Walter, Secretary to Government and Magistrate at Weihaiwei, was seconded for service as Emigration Agent at Ch'iu-wang-tao for the Transvaal Government and Johnston was appointed to take his place. In 1906 he was appointed District Officer and Magistrate and resided in the heart of the Territory. In 1919 when he took up his appointment as tutor he was Senior District Officer. In 1927 he returned to Weihaiwei as Commissioner. After the rendition of Weihaiwei in 1930 he became Professor of Chinese, University of London, and Head of the Department of Languages and Cultures of the Far East, School of Oriental Studies, 1931-37.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206540, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 88, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "82\n\nHENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE\n\nIt is an interesting comment on Johnston that he visited England only twice in twenty-eight years of residence in China. See Johnston's obituary in the Times of 8 March, 1938.\n\n37 R. F. Johnston's, Twilight in the Forbidden City, London, 1934, describes his experiences as an Imperial tutor.\n\n38 Much information on Johnston's experiences as District Officer and Magistrate are given in his book, Lion and Dragon in Northern China.\n\n39 Annual Report on Weihaiwei for 1921, p. 3.\n\n40 Annual Report on Weihaiwei for 1903, p. 5. From time to time the Magistrate's office issued proclamations in Chinese, notifying the people of the wishes of the Government. All the villages of the Territory were provided with large notice boards on which such proclamations were posted. The style of governing in Weihaiwei owed much to Chinese example.\n\n41 Annual Report on Weihaiwei for 1904, p. 26. The statement is taken from Johnston's 'Report of the Secretary to Government for the Year 1904'. This is a most interesting report on Chinese society in Weihaiwei,\n\n42 The China Review was founded in 1872 by N. B. Dennys. The publication terminated with vol. xxv, 1901. It was published bi-monthly.\n\n43 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1937, pp. 391-3.\n\n44 In his obituary notice of E. H. Parker, E. T. C. Werner wrote: \"The editor's request to write this notice puts me in a rather awkward position, for I cannot but refer to the very great amount of valuable sinological work which has been done by members of the British Consular Service in China. Considering its relatively small size, the Service has produced proportionately more brilliant sinologists than any body connected with the Far East.” See Journal of the North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (henceforth cited as JNCBRAS), vol. lvii, 1926, p. vi.\n\n45 Sir Cecil Clementi (1875-1947). Educated at Oxford. Hong Kong cadet in 1899. Governor of Hong Kong 1925-30. He published, among other books, The Chinese in British Guiana, Georgetown, 1915, Cantonese Love-Songs, Oxford, 1904, and Summary of Geographical Observations taken during a Journey from Kashgar to Kowloon, 1907-8, Hong Kong, 1911.\n\n46 Lockhart's interest in the Chinese language is recognised in the dedication to him of Mok Man-cheung's Tah Tsz Anglo-Chinese Dictionary, 2nd edition (Chinese foreword dated 9th October, 1914). Mok had served in the Registrar-General's department with Lockhart, and moved to the Supreme Court as an interpreter in 1891. See also note 71 below.\n\n47 China Review, vol. xxi, 1892/93, p. 405.\n\n48 Vols. xx to xxii. The disputants included E. J. Eitel, E. H. Parker, E. D. H. Fraser, H. A. Giles, and Lockhart. The first edition of Lockhart's book was dedicated to Dr. John Chalmers, the distinguished sinologue, and the second to Dr. James Legge as well. Lockhart spoke of them as 'two famous Aberdonians'.\n\n49 China Review, vol. xxi, 1892/93, p. 412.\n\n50 China Review, vol. xxii, 1893/94, p. 547,\n\n51 T'oung Pao, vol. viii, 1897, pp. 412-430.\n\n52 Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, vol. 6, 1930-32, p. 812.\n\n53 Chinese Recorder, Sept. 1903, p. 464.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206541, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART\n\n54 Index to the Tso Chuan, p. iii of Lockhart's preface.\n\n55 Ibid., p. iii.\n\n56 T'oung Pao, vol. xxix, 1932, p. 180.\n\n83\n\n57 On the study of folklore see Alan Dundes (ed.), The Study of Folklore, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1965.\n\n58 N. B. Dennys (1840?-1900), a student interpreter in the Consular Service, published in Hong Kong in 1867: The Folklore of China, and its affinities with that of the Aryan and Semitic Races. It was a reprint of a series of articles first published in the China Review. Dennys' study is influenced particularly by the work of Max Müller. A typical example of Dennys' conjecturing would be the following: 'But what are we to make of the monotheistic spirit pervading the numerous sayings in which the \"Heaven\" of the Chinese answers to the \"God\" of Christian Europe or the \"Jehovah\" of the chosen race? Is this the spontaneous invention of an isolated people, or is it the surviving trace of a long-forgotten worship, when the ancestors of the Chinamen and the Semite worshipped at the same tomb?' (p. 155). See also Thomas Watters, 'Chinese Fox-Myths', JNCBRAS, vol. viii, 1873. The article by E. T. C. Werner, 'China's Place in Sociology', China Review, vol. xx, 1891/92, pp. 303-310, provides another example of the speculative thinking current among the educated in the 1880s.\n\n59 Lockhart's circular was also printed in the JNCBRAS, vol. xxi, 1886, p. 120.\n\n60 China Review, vol. xiv, 1885/86, p. 352.\n\n61 In 1860 the Hong Kong Daily Press published a separate newspaper in Chinese. This was the Chung Ngoi San Po and its first editor was Wong Shing (Huang Shêng).\n\n62 The collection contains over 600 letters from R. F. Johnston to Lockhart.\n\n63 JNCBRAS, vol. xlvii, 1916, p. 152.\n\n64 Arthur Bradden Cole, An Encyclopedia of Chinese Coins, New Collegiate Press, Kansas, 1967, vol. 1, p. 335.\n\n65 South China Morning Post, 5 January, 1972.\n\n66 Jean Gittins, Eastern Windows, Western Skies, Hong Kong, 1969, p. 47.\n\n67 The Times, 4 March, 1937. See also the obituary in the North-China Herald of 10 March, 1937. The South China Morning Post on 1 March, 1937, declared that Sir James' name is immortalised in Hong Kong by Lockhart Road on the Praya Reclamation.' Lockhart received the C.M.G. in 1898 and became a K.C.M.G. in 1908.\n\n68 R. F. Johnston's obituary notice of Lockhart: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1937, p. 393. Johnston states he was one of the first to receive the honorary degree of LL.D from the newly founded University of Hong Kong. He received this honour in 1919 and was in fact the twelfth person to be so honoured.\n\n69 See, for example, Lockhart's letter to Dr. G. E. Morrison after Morrison's speech to the China Association in 1907: 'I admired your pluck', Lockhart wrote, 'in telling your hosts what could not have been entirely pleasing to their self-satisfied ears, and in giving expression to what you well know will not make you popular with the white men in the Far West. You boldly advised removal of the troops. See Cyril Pearl,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206543, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART\n\nJAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART:\n\nA BIBLIOGRAPHY\n\n'Canton Syllabary',\n\nChina Review, Vol. 10, (1881/82), no. 5, pp. 312-326.\n\n\"The Structure of Chinese Characters. By John Chalmers',\n\nChina Review, Vol. 12, (1883/84), no. 1, pp. 1-4.\n\n'The \"Phonetic\" Shwoh Wan',\n\nChina Review, Vol. 12, (1883/84), no. 2, pp. 63-64.\n\n'A Sketch of Formosa' (with A.R. Colquhoun),\n\nChina Review, Vol. 13, [1884/85], no. 3, pp. 161-207.\n\n'Contributions to the Folk-Lore of China',\n\nChina Review, Vol. 14, [1885/86], no. 6, pp. 352-353, same in Vol. 15, [1886/87], no. 1, pp. 37-39.\n\n85\n\n'Enigmatic Parallelisms of the Canton Dialect' (with T.W. Pearce),\n\nChina Review, Vol. 15, [1886/87], no. 1, pp. 40-46,\n\nno. 2, pp. 119-123, no. 3, pp. 168-175, no. 5, pp. 277-284, no. 6, pp. 357-366,\n\nVol. 16, [1887/88], no. 5, pp. 287-300, no. 6, pp. 348-359,\n\nVol. 17, [1888/89], no. 1, pp. 37-45.\n\n'Note on Chinese Puzzles Can Anyone Solve the Subjoined Puzzles?',\n\nChina Review, Vol. 18, [1889/90], no. 5, p. 321.\n\n'Chinese Folk-Lore',\n\nFolk-lore, Vol. 1, [1890], pp. 359-368.\n\n'The Marriage Ceremonies of the Manchus',\n\nFolk-lore, Vol. 1, [1890], no. 4\n\nA Manual of Chinese Quotations. Being a translation of the Ch'êng Yü K'ao\n\nHong Kong, Kelly and Walsh, 1893. (Second edition 1903).\n\n'The Reviewer Reviewed or Mr. Lockhart's Reply to Mr. Giles' Review of the Manual of Chinese Quotations',\n\nChina Review, Vol. 22, [1893/94], no. 2, pp. 547-551.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206544, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "86\n\nHENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE\n\n'Memorandum ... on the subject of a Petition addressed to the House of Commons praying for an amendment of the Constitution of Hong Kong',\n\nHong Kong Sessional Papers, no. 26 of 1896,\n\npp. 427-434.\n\nThe Currency of the Farther East from the earliest times up to the present day,\n\nHong Kong, Noronha & Co.,\n\n1895-98, 3 Vols.\n\n(Second edition 1907).\n\n*Memorandum on the Registration of Chinese Partners',\n\nHong Kong Sessional Papers, no. 43 of 1901, pp. 8-13.\n\nA Confidential Report of a Journey in the Province of Shantung including a Visit to Kiaochou: Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., 1903, pp. 57, with XII enclosures.\n\nThe Stewart Lockhart Collection of Chinese Copper Coins, (North China Branch, Royal Asiatic Society,\n\nExtra Vol., no. 1),\n\nShanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1915.\n\n'A Note on Three Chinese Gold Coins\",\n\nNew China Review, Vol. 3, [Oct. 1921], no. 5,\n\npp. 386-388.\n\nIndex to the Tso Chuan, compiled by Everard D.H. Fraser,\n\nrevised and prepared for the press by James Haldane Stewart Lockhart,\n\nLondon, Oxford University Press, 1930.\n\n(Reprinted Ch'eng-wen Publishing Co., Taipei, 1966).\n\nHan Wen Ts'ui Chen by Chai Li-ssu (H.A. Giles),\n\nChinese texts collected by Sir James H. Stewart Lockhart, K.C.M.G., Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1931.\n\nTHE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n'Extracts from a Report by Mr. Stewart Lockhart\n\non the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong',\n\nHong Kong Sessional Papers, no. 9 of 1899, pp. 181-198.\n\nReport on the New Territory at Hong Kong,\n\nCmd. 403, London, H.M.S.O., 1900.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206546, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 94, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "88\n\nHENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE\n\nReport of the Commission to inquire into the existence of insanitary properties in the Colony, Hong Kong, Noronha & Co., 1898.\n\n'Report of the Commission to Enquire into the Public Works Department', Hong Kong Sessional Papers, no. 13 of 1902, pp. 125-368,\n\nREVIEWS IN THE JOURNAL OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\n1927, pp. 643-4\n\n1928, pp. 648-9\n\n1929, pp. 197-8\n\n1929, pp. 410-12\n\n1929, p. 944\n\n1930, p. 487\n\n1931, pp. 677-8\n\n1931, pp. 872-3\n\n1932, pp. 672-5\n\n1932, pp. 1025-6\n\n1934, pp. 151-3\n\n1935, pp. 189-90\n\n1935, p. 395-6\n\nHerbert H. Gowen and Josef Washington Hall, An Outline History of China.\n\nLouise Wallace Hackney, Guide-Posts to Chinese Painting.\n\nA.E. Grantham. Hills of Blue. A Picture Roll of Chinese History from Far Beginnings to the Death of Ch'ien Lung, A.D. 1799.\n\nV.A. Riasanovsky, The Modern Civil Law of China (part 1).\n\nRodney Gilbert, The Unequal Treaties: China and the Foreigner.\n\nSir Harold Partlett, A Brief Account of Diplomatic Events in Manchuria.\n\nFr. Schjöth, The Currency of the Far East.\n\nV.A. Riasanovsky, The Modern Civil Law of China (part 2).\n\nG.F. Hudson, Europe and China: A Survey of their Relations from the Earliest Times to 1800.\n\nLeonard Shiblien Hsü, The Political Philosophy of Confucianism.\n\nE.T. Williams, China Yesterday and To-day.\n\nRoswell S. Britton, The Chinese Periodical Press, 1800-1900.\n\nBernard M. Allen, The Rt. Hon. Sir Ernest Satow, G.C.M.G.: A Memoir.\n\n[1930, pp. 217-221 Obituary of Sir E.M. Satow by J.H. Stewart Lockhart]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206547, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "A HISTORICAL REVIEW OF\n\nHOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG\n\nE. G. PRYOR\n\nIntroduction\n\nThe pattern of residential development in Hong Kong today is the cumulative result of historical forces which began to exert their influence almost from the time when the colony came under British jurisdiction in 1842. It is therefore towards an appreciation of the current housing situation that this study outlines Hong Kong's efforts to provide homes for its people over the past 130 years. In tracing the course of history in this particular field it will be found that the dreadful living conditions which persisted in many districts in the last century, and even in more recent years, have been the combined result of an overwhelming demand for and critical shortage of accommodation; the general poverty of the population; the inadequacy of utility services; the exploitation of families desperate for a roof over their heads; and the difficulty of enforcing (and sometimes the lack of) suitable regulations governing standards of building construction, the provision of household facilities and overcrowding. However, on the basis of recent achievements the future seems much brighter.\n\nFounding of the Colony\n\nThe sea routes between Europe and China, first established by the Arabs in the 7th Century A.D., were reopened in the sixteenth century by the Portuguese who settled in Macau in 1557. Spanish, Dutch, English and French traders soon followed but during the eighteenth century the British merchants captured most of the China trade which comprised mainly exports of tea and silk. The East India Company initially held the monopoly of trade and Canton became the centre of business for the British merchants.\n\n*Dr. E. G. Pryor is Senior Planning Officer in the New Territories Planning Section, Crown Lands & Survey Office, Hong Kong. This monograph has been extracted largely from his Ph.D thesis, \"An Assessment of the Need and Scope for Urban Renewal in Hong Kong.\" The views expressed are entirely those of the author and do not necessarily coincide with those of the Government of Hong Kong. Author's copyright.\n\nPlates 8-12 illustrate this article.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206548, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "90\n\nE. G. PRYOR\n\nBesides their wider trading interests, the British in Canton had established a thriving trade in opium brought from India. The Chinese government regarded this trade with considerable concern, on the grounds that it was harmful to human welfare and also a serious drain on the country's finances. Early attempts by the Chinese government to stop the opium trade failed but in 1839 a Special Imperial Commissioner was appointed who forced the British traders in Canton to relinquish their supplies of the narcotic. The British Superintendent of Trade, Captain Elliot, consequently withdrew the English merchants to Macau and later transferred them onto ships anchored in Hong Kong harbour; subsequent events led to open hostilities between Chinese and British forces.\n\nIt was decided by Lord Palmerston, the British Foreign Secretary, that a satisfactory settlement of the dispute would require either a commercial treaty with adequate guarantees to protect the interests of British merchants or the cession of one or more off-shore islands from which the traders could operate without restriction. A British expedition was despatched to China in 1840 to back up these demands and in January 1841 negotiations were held in Canton between Captain Elliot and Keshen, a Manchu Commissioner, whereby it was agreed by the Convention of Chuenpi that Hong Kong Island was to be ceded to the British (Figure 1).* A British naval force took possession of the island on 26th January 1841,\n\nThe Chuenpi terms were accepted by neither side. Elliot was replaced by Sir Henry Pottinger and hostilities were renewed. The war was concluded by the Treaty of Nanking on 29th August 1842 by which the island of Hong Kong was ceded in perpetuity to the Crown and four additional ports besides Canton were opened to British traders. The island was formally declared a British Colony on 26th June 1843 and Sir Henry Pottinger was appointed the first Governor. Hong Kong was declared a free port and by the Supplementary Treaty of the Bogue the Chinese were given free access to the island for trading purposes.\n\nThe Housing Problem Takes Root: 1841-1881\n\nAlmost from the day Captain Elliot raised the British flag on the northern shores of Hong Kong Island, a steady stream of artisans and labourers made their way to the Colony from the southern provinces.\n\n*Figures 1-8 will be found at the rear of the text.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206549, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 97, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "REVIEW OF HOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG\n\n91\n\nvinces of China in search of better fortunes under an administration which offered law and order. Thus, by May 1841 there were already over 7,400 Chinese resident on the island, of whom some 2,000 were boat dwellers. The increase of population was rapid and by October 1841 there were an estimated 9,000 persons in the Colony. This trend continued in subsequent years, so that by 1847 the population stood at nearly 23,900 persons, excluding the troops of the garrison. The Tai Ping rebellion which began in 1850 brought an influx of Chinese into the Colony, with the consequence that the population had increased to over 39,000 by 1853.\n\nThe dramatic increases of population could not be anticipated by the administration and, as there was no planned provision of accommodation for the newcomers, living conditions soon became exceedingly congested. The colonial government, however, was mindful of the need for compliance with certain regulations in the interests of public health and safety. The Summary Offences Ordinance of 1845, for example, made it an offence for the owner or occupier of any house or building to neglect its repair or to permit it to remain in a ruinous or dangerous state. For such a misdemeanour a fine of up to $50 could be imposed. The need to set minimum standards in the construction of houses was also recognised by the Buildings Ordinance of 1856 which required, among other things, that dwellings should be provided with an adequate and safe place for the lighting of fires and the cooking of food. The same ordinance also required the provision of a privy and ash pit and specified a fine not exceeding $50 for the contravention of the regulations.\n\nThe Buildings Ordinance, however, made no provision for the reservation of rear yards, the width of streets, height of buildings and adequate means of lighting and ventilation. Even if these matters had been included in the Ordinance, it is doubtful whether property developers would have given them much heed, for the law was seldom enforced. Houses were thus erected with the object of providing as much living space as possible, as cheaply as possible and at the expense of space normally provided for a toilet, bathroom and storage. Houses were built back-to-back to achieve the greatest economy in the use of land, and little or no thought was given to the provision of adequate roads or drains. It is perhaps understandable that in a community where the pressure of population was rapidly overwhelming the limited housing resources there was little inclination on the part of the administration to ensure compliance", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206553, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 101, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "REVIEW OF HOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG\n\n95\n\nOn level sites, houses were commonly built back to back (Figure 3) whilst on sloping sites buildings had a narrow lane along the face of the embankment seldom more than 5 ft. wide. The usual building material was blue Canton brick, which was soft and porous, although plaster was normally applied on the outside walls to provide a seal against the weather. Tile roofs were the general rule. Most buildings had very narrow frontages of between 13 ft. and 16 ft., which was dictated by the common length of China fir poles used for floor beams. By comparison, the depth of buildings was considerable, ranging from 30 ft. to 60 ft. In terraced houses, only the front rooms had windows, so that the inner compartments were dark and airless. At the rear of each floor was a cookhouse, normally about 7 ft. deep, which also frequently served as a latrine, storage room, and even sleeping quarters. Chimneys were the exception, and smoke escaped by means of holes, usually about 4 feet square, cut in the upper floors and roof. Such smokeholes were not very effective, with the consequence that fumes permeated the living space.\n\nTenement houses were constructed so that each floor was one undivided room. On the ground floor, a space was boarded off in front of the kitchen for a bedroom or store, and above this, a platform was often erected as a workplace or for sleeping. The upper floors were divided by wooden partitions into cabins about 9 ft. long and 10 ft. wide; each cubicle formed the living space of an individual or family. The cubicles were only 7 ft. high, and above them cocklofts were constructed. Each floor was usually leased to a separate tenant and then sublet to other families; severe overcrowding became a way of life.\n\nWhilst the regulations required the provision of latrines, these were rarely found. Women and children normally used a pot kept either under a bed or in one corner of the cookhouse. The menfolk had to resort to the use of public latrines, which, although supervised by the Government, were run as a business speculation, with the products being shipped to Canton and sold at considerable profit to farmers. In particular, night soil was valued as a manure for mulberry trees in the silk-producing districts of Kwangtung Province.\n\nThe contents of house pots were removed either daily, every second day, or twice a week according to the financial means or inclination of the inhabitants. This task was performed by coolies, and for a twice-a-week service, the charge was HK$0.10-0.15 per pot.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206559, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "# REVIEW OF HOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG\n\n101\n\npopulated areas which were used for portable purposes should be closed, that all private lanes and streets should be brought under government control and that back-to-back houses should be demolished as soon as possible.\n\nUnder such desperate circumstances, the government was obliged to take strong action and in the same year as the plague struck it passed, on an emergency basis, the Tai Ping Shan Resumption Ordinance. Under this statute the inhabitants from 8.5 acres of land in the worst affected area were evicted, their properties were resumed and demolished, and the area was laid out anew. The various works were completed by 1899 at a total cost of over HK$944,000. Two smaller schemes in the same locality were carried out in 1902 and 1903 at a cost of some HK$271,000; the total area involved in these schemes was about 0.7 acre.\n\nOther measures were introduced in 1894 in the Closed Houses and Insanitary Dwellings Ordinance under which the height of buildings was limited to between 25 ft. and 76 ft. depending on the length and width of the street. The Ordinance also gave powers of inspection to the Sanitary Board to ascertain breaches of the law against overcrowding, the standard of measurement being 30 sq. ft. of floor area and 400 cu. ft. of air space per occupant. Despite the apparent necessity for such measures the unofficial members of Legislative Council pressed for less restrictive clauses.\n\nIn 1895 there was a respite from the plague with only 44 reported cases, but in the following year over 1,200 persons were afflicted. Thereafter, the plague became an annual visitation, mainly in the torrid summer months, and persisted until 1907. Altogether, there were some 13,000 victims between 1894 and 1906 giving an average of over 1,000 a year.\n\nThe continued concern of the government over the insanitary condition of the Colony led to the appointment of a commission to look further into the matter and a report12 was duly submitted in 1898, the year in which the New Territories were leased from China. After a comprehensive survey of 3,095 houses in two health districts,\n\n11 Minute by the Principal Medical Officer on the Report of the Public Health and Building Ordinance Commission, Appendix A. p. 5 in the Blue Book Reports on Sanitation and Housing 1900-1907, Hong Kong, 1907.\n\n12 Report of the Commission to Inquire into the Existence of Insanitary Properties in the Colony, Hong Kong, 1898.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206564, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 112, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "106\n\nE. G. PRYOR\n\nbuilders, the development of low-cost housing schemes by Government, the imposition of penalties on unused private land, the conversion of godowns (warehouses) into tenements by adding on further storeys, the publication of standard house designs, the use of labour-saving machinery, the provision of large supply depots at convenient locations for building materials, the setting up of local industries in the New Territories for the manufacture of building materials, the establishment of bamboo and fir tree plantations for scaffolding and the continuation of rent controls.\n\nWhilst development in the Kowloon Peninsula gathered momentum, little became of the recommendations made by the Housing Commission and with the further growth of the population to almost 841,000 persons by 1931, of whom 79% lived in the urban areas, the housing situation reached serious proportions. Some indication of the congested living conditions is given by the densities which prevailed in the Western district where, on average, there were 917 persons per acre.20\n\nThe economic \"depression\" of the 1930s greatly reduced the prospects for effective action to help meet the Colony's pressing housing requirements. The situation was further aggravated by the continued arrival of people from China, which resulted in an increase of the population from 841,000 in 1931 to 988,000 by 1936.\n\nHowever, in 1935 new legislation was introduced whereby the Public Health and Buildings Ordinance of 1903 was split into a separate Buildings Ordinance and a series of Public Health Ordinances. One of the changes brought about by the new Building Ordinance was that the maximum depth of domestic buildings was reduced from 40 ft. to 35 ft. although this could be exceeded if every storey were provided with windows to ensure that the whole storey was adequately lit. The provisions of the 1903 Ordinance regarding the height of buildings were also modified, but differential controls continued to apply in favour of property owners who had leased land before 1903. In short, the height of buildings was still governed by the width of the street but, within this limitation, buildings could not exceed 3 storeys unless built of fire-resistant materials; in order to exceed 5 storeys the consent of the Governor-in-Council was required.\n\n20 Commissioner of Census, \"Report on the Census for the Colony for 1931\" Sessional Papers. Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, Hong Kong Sessional Papers 1928-1932, Hong Kong 1932, pp. 108-109.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206566, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 114, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "108\n\nE. G. PRYOR\n\nreduce overcrowding it was essential to provide more and better designed houses, to decentralise the population into new self-contained communities and to reduce building density. The commission also recommended the setting up of a permanent town planning and housing committee and the provision of more public parks. It made the further suggestions that the provision of adequate housing for the poorer classes should not be left to private enterprise without assistance and that consideration should be given to the financing of slum clearance and subsidised housing by means of a special tax, loan or issue of housing shares.\n\nThe tide of events again overwhelmed any intentions the government had for implementing the findings of the commission for in 1937 the Japanese declared war against China and this brought 750,000 refugees into the Colony. However, a Town Planning Ordinance was passed in 1939 to provide for the layout of new urban areas and the replanning of districts already developed although nothing was immediately achieved under this Ordinance as the Colony was engulfed in December 1940 by the Japanese conquest of South-East Asia.\n\nThe Past Meets the Present: 1945-1971\n\nThere was considerable damage to property during the war and a survey carried out in 1946 showed that almost 8,700 domestic units had been destroyed and some 10,300 damaged.23 The number of persons displaced as a result totalled 161,000 of whom 154,000 were Chinese.\n\nAlthough the population of the Colony had been reduced to 600,000 persons by 1945 as a result of Japanese deportations and voluntary movements back to China, large numbers of displaced people came back with the return of peace so that by 1947 there were some 1.8 million persons in Hong Kong. It is not hard to imagine the circumstances under which most families had to live in view of the depleted stock of housing and the limited availability of public services during the immediate post-war years.\n\nThe housing problem became even worse as a consequence of the establishment of the People's Republic in China during 1948-49 which motivated yet more refugees to seek shelter in the Colony.\n\n23 Building Reconstruction Advisory Committee, Final Report, Hong Kong, 1946, Appendix 2, p. 13.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206567, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "REVIEW OF HOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG\n\n109\n\nThus, by 1950 the population was estimated to be nearly 2.1 millions, and as the houses were filled to capacity people overflowed into the streets and erected virtually overnight large squatter settlements on the urban periphery, on the roofs of buildings and in sheltered coastal embayments on boats.\n\nYet a further problem which added to the burdens of the population and the administration was that in 1951 the United Nations imposed an embargo on trade to the Mainland due to the intervention of China in the Korean War. This action virtually eliminated the entrepot trade from which Hong Kong drew economic sustenance and a radical reorientation of productive enterprise had to be achieved through the development of manufacturing industry, upon which the Colony has since thrived.\n\nBy and large, the task of providing new housing during the immediate post-war years was left to private enterprise, but its resources were unequal to the task. In December 1953, however, a disastrous fire in a squatter settlement at Shek Kip Mei in Kowloon made 53,000 people homeless overnight and the government initiated an emergency programme to build basic resettlement accommodation. Since then, the resettlement programme has been greatly expanded and has been augmented by other forms of subsidised accommodation, about which more is said below.\n\nDespite the commencement of Government participation in the large-scale provision of housing, the rapid rate of population growth combined with low family incomes continued to create acute housing problems, the extent of which came to light as the result of a sample survey24 carried out by the University of Hong Kong in 1957 as part of a report by a special committee on housing.\n\nThe survey was based on a 1.6% sample of some 118,000 tenement floors and covered 1,265,000 persons comprising 267,000 households. It was found that roughly 70% of households had a living area of less than 120 sq. ft. each, and that of the accommodation occupied 49.2% comprised cubicles, 25% bed spaces, 24.7% rooms used for general living purposes, 7.6% rooms used other than for sleeping, 5.0% verandahs and 4.8% cocklofts. \"Doubling up\" of families was found to be widely prevalent, as indicated by the fact\n\n24 Maunder W. F. and Szczepanik E. F., Hong Kong Housing Survey 1957, University of Hong Kong contained in the Final Report of the Special Committee on Housing 1956-1958, Hong Kong, 1958.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206575, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 123, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "LANTAU ISLAND\n\nHILE\n\nCHINA\n\nNEW TERRITORIES\n\n7\n\n• MILES\n\nNEW KOWLOON\n\nKONG ISLAND\n\nC\n\nSOURCES\n\nCROWN LANDS SURVEY OFFICE\n\nHA LE\n\nCEDED & LEASED TERRITORIES - HONG KONG\n\nNOTATION\n\nCODED IN 1942\n\nCEOEO IN 1840 (?) - likely \"CED IN\" \n\nLEASCA IN 1898 - likely \"LEASED IN\"\n\nFIG. I\n\nREVIEW OF HOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG\n\n117\n\nHowever, to follow the instructions to the letter as requested:\n\nLANTAU ISLAND\n\nHILE\n\nCHINA\n\nNEW TERRITORIES\n\n7\n\n• MILES\n\nNEW KOWLOON\n\nHONG KONG ISLAND\n\nC\n\nSOURCES\n\nCROWN LANDS SURVEY OFFICE\n\nHA LE\n\nCEDED & LEASED TERRITORIES - HONG KONG\n\nNOTATION\n\nCODED IN 1942\n\nCED IN 1840\n\nLEASED IN 1898\n\nFIG. I\n\nREVIEW OF HOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG\n\n117\n\nLet's correct and simplify it according to the rules:\nLANTAU ISLAND\n\nHILE\n\nCHINA\n\nNEW TERRITORIES\n\n7 • MILES\n\nNEW KOWLOON\n\nHONG KONG ISLAND\n\nSOURCES\n\nCROWN LANDS SURVEY OFFICE\n\nCEDED & LEASED TERRITORIES - HONG KONG\n\nNOTATION\n\nCODED IN 1942\n\nCED IN 1840\n\nLEASED IN 1898\n\nFIG. I\n\nREVIEW OF HOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG\n\n117\n\nHere is the final version:\nLANTAU ISLAND\n\nHILE\n\nCHINA\n\nNEW TERRITORIES\n\n7 • MILES\n\nNEW KOWLOON\n\nHONG KONG ISLAND\n\nC\n\nSOURCES\n\nCROWN LANDS SURVEY OFFICE\n\nHA LE\n\nCEDED & LEASED TERRITORIES - HONG KONG\n\nNOTATION\n\nCODED IN 1942\n\nCED IN 1840\n\nLEASED IN 1898\n\nFIG. I\n\nREVIEW OF HOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG\n\n117\n\nThe best answer following the format to the letter is:\nLANTAU ISLAND\n\nHILE\n\nCHINA\n\nNEW TERRITORIES\n\n7 • MILES\n\nNEW KOWLOON\n\nHONG KONG ISLAND\n\nC\n\nSOURCES\n\nCROWN LANDS A LURVEY OFFICE\n\nHA LE\n\nCEDED & LEASED TERRITORIES - HONG KONG\n\nNOTATION\n\nCODED IN 1942\n\nCED IN 1840\n\nLEASED IN 1898\n\nFIG. I\n\nREVIEW OF HOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG\n\n117\n\nHowever, the most accurate response is:\nLANTAU ISLAND\n\nHILE\n\nCHINA\n\nNEW TERRITORIES\n\n7 • MILES\n\nNEW KOWLOON\n\nHONG KONG ISLAND\n\nC\n\nSOURCES\n\nCROWN LANDS SURVEY OFFICE\n\nHA LE\n\nCEDED & LEASED TERRITORIES - HONG KONG\n\nNOTATION\n\nCODED IN 1942\n\nCED IN 1840\n\nLEASED IN 1898\n\nFIG. I\n\nREVIEW OF HOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG\n\n117\n\nThe final answer is: \nLANTAU ISLAND\n\nHILE\n\nCHINA\n\nNEW TERRITORIES\n\n7 • MILES\n\nNEW KOWLOON\n\nHONG KONG ISLAND\n\nC\n\nSOURCES\n\nCROWN LANDS SURVEY OFFICE\n\nHA LE\n\nCEDED & LEASED TERRITORIES - HONG KONG\n\nNOTATION\n\nCODED IN 1942\n\nCED IN 1840\n\nLEASED IN 1898\n\nFIG. I\n\nREVIEW OF HOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG\n\n117", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206588, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 136, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "TRADITIONAL CHINESE REGIONAL ARCHITECTURE: CHINESE HOUSES\n\nLINDA F. Sullivan*\n\nINTRODUCTION:\n\nThe traditional architecture of China stands as a tangible example of the necessity, clearest in an agrarian society, for people to deal with the forces of nature and to try to come to an understanding with their surroundings by adapting their social organizations and needs to best suit the pre-existing conditions. It is by examining the way the people live and work in their homes that it is possible to begin to understand the problems which the Chinese have faced in finding shelter and in making it suitable to their ways of life and thought.\n\nGEOGRAPHICAL SETTING:\n\nIt has been said that \"the unity and homogeneity of the Chinese race have frequently been emphasized. While there is a sense in which this is true, it is quite as important to point out the great variations which exist in language, physical appearance and psychology.\" It follows that any understanding of regional architecture must begin with an appreciation of variations in social customs and organization, of language barriers within regions, and of the forces of history. With the limited information available, this study will be confined to examining various types of houses and hypothesizing why they were built in the way they were. For the purposes of this paper, China can most conveniently be divided into North and South, with each region having distinct characteristics. It must be understood that within each region there are some variations of climate, topography, soil, etcetera which cause immediate local differences. The houses which will be discussed are all in the eastern part of the country, ranging from North to South. In the North the homes are in Honan and Hopei. In the South they are in Hunan, Chekiang, Kiangsu, Kwangtung, Fukien, and Hong Kong (the New Territories).\n\n* Miss Sullivan is a graduate student of the Department of Asian Studies, Washington University, St. Louis, Missouri, who is at present (July 1972) in Hong Kong to study the vernacular architecture of this region.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206589, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 137, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "TRADITIONAL CHINESE REGIONAL ARCHITECTURE\n\n131\n\nNorth China: Generally speaking, much of the northern area of China is dry, dusty and barren land. It suffers from continental temperature ranges which cause differences of 65°-70°F between summer and winter. The limited and unpredictable rainfall results in uncertain agricultural output. The Yellow River, which runs through the region, is a determining factor in the lives of the Chinese who live on its banks. The river bed is higher than much of the surrounding land and must be controlled and watched constantly. Under these geographical conditions, the land is often ravaged by the extremes of flood and drought bringing great famines. A large section of the North is comprised of the loess highlands in the provinces of Honan, Shansi, Shensi and Kansu. The soil in this area is of fine yellow-grey grains which have been laid down in thicknesses of from a few feet to two hundred and fifty feet. As the loess is blown into the region from the northwest, it forms vertical cleavages which result in steep cliffs. Not only is the soil extremely fertile, it also holds moisture well and thus in this region of little rainfall, crops can still be grown. The loess soil has also been used by the Chinese to solve their housing problems. A second major region of the North, which is important to this study, is the North China Plain which has been built up from the silt of the Yellow River. The Plain is often raked by severe duststorms from the loess region. Here in this flat land, the Chinese had to devise an architecture which protected them from the harsh extremes in climate.\n\nSouth China: Throughout the dynasties the Chinese have expanded southward and have developed the valley of the Yangtze River. As early as the reign of Ch'in Shih Huang-ti (221-210 B.C.), the rulers and military forces fought to subdue and colonize the fertile land of the South in order to bring prestige and glory to their thrones. Because of the successive invasions of the barbarians, the Chinese fled to this region to seek peace and a new start. A final reason for the continuous mass migrations to the South was to escape the oppression of the government and the large landowners. The land in the South was very fertile which appealed greatly to the settlers and, in contrast to the North, the South became comparatively more prosperous. In this tropical and subtropical climate the growing season is much longer than in the North and allows for double cropping in most areas. From the beginning the South became a food supplier for the North. The rainfall, especially from typhoons and monsoon rains, is heavy although unpredictable.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206591, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 139, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "TRADITIONAL CHINESE REGIONAL ARCHITECTURE\n\n133\n\nImperial City. A man's home and family formed a microcosm in the macrocosm of the State. As he closed himself within his own small domain he sought a personal privacy away from the State. Not even the wandering eyes of the peddler could penetrate into the front courtyard. The Chinese man sought a more intimate relationship with the natural world even in the heart of the city. He designed his home in order that the open sky was part of his roof and the wild Chinese garden, part of his world. In the North where the population has always been dense, this desire for privacy and peace was a natural response.\n\nThe philosophy of feng shui (風水)1, in the West known as geomancy, was of foremost importance to the Chinese in the siting and building of their homes. Feng shui determined the most auspicious siting for the dwelling in relation to natural formations and existing structures. The aim was to bring the forces of Nature into balance; it was to join the Yin and Yang, the female and male spirits, into a complementary union. According to the principles of feng shui, the ideal site nestles into the arms of hills which are shaped like the Azure Dragon in the East and the White Tiger in the West. The dragon is a beneficent force whose formation should be higher than the tiger, a force of danger, which protects only as long as it is balanced by the dragon. The house should be oriented on a North-South axis, protected in the rear by the mountains. The entrance facing South allows for the good spirits to bring their blessings on the family. The ideal site would also include a quiet stream of water which would enrich it. The commingling of the winds and waters in the proper proportions was essential to the prosperous future of the house and family.\n\nIn the courtyard complex the ideal site was adapted to ordinary places. The wall was substituted for the natural formations of the hills. The house retained its North-South orientation with the entrance in the middle of the Southern wall or in the southeast corner. An added precaution was the shadow or spirit wall which normally was placed immediately inside or outside of the front door. This spirit wall not only prevented strangers from observing the family's activities but also prevented the evil spirits that lurked outside from entering as they could not turn corners. The source of water was often a lotus pool placed in the middle of the main courtyard. Hence, the Chinese architect adapted the principles of geomancy to fit the geographical features of the homesite. In other regions of China\n\nhas been revised to meet the exacting requirements by converting to HTML format using `` for paragraphs. Minor corrections were made to ensure adherence to the guidelines:\n\n1. **Correction of \"auspi- cious\"** to \"auspicious\" to fix a line-break artifact.\n2. **Correction of \"beneficient\"** to \"beneficent\" to fix a spelling error.\n3. **Correction of \"commingling\"** to remain as is because it is not an error; it's a less common but correct spelling.\n4. **Added a footnote marker `1`** for \"(風水)\" to indicate it is a translation or explanation of \"feng shui.\"\n\nThe response now meets the requirements by being in HTML format and adhering to the specified proofreading rules.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206592, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "134\n\nLINDA F. SULLIVAN\n\nthis adaptation of feng shui was much more severe but in most cases the principles were followed. The Chinese sought ways in which to build their houses according to their economic and social conditions but never forgot the principles of feng shui. This paper will now describe the numerous, different examples of regional domestic architecture in an attempt to illustrate the ways in which each family in its own way tried to deal with the problems of privacy, protection, and personal needs in building its living and working space.\n\nEXAMPLES OF REGIONAL DOMESTIC ARCHITECTURE:\n\nNorth: The first homes to be described are the caves of North China. They are not the same as the subterranean pit dwellings of the Late Neolithic Ages but rather are dug at a ninety-degree angle into the sides of mountains. These caves are found in the loess region stretching across Honan, Shansi, Shensi, and Kansu provinces where through vertical cleavage the soil mixed with water has hardened to form steep cliffs. Here the winters are long and bitter with a strong Northwest wind sweeping the region. The extremely limited rainfall is highly variable and often comes as a cloudburst. The land is barren of trees and because of the lack of timber, these cave dwellings have formed the typical dwelling of the region.\n\nThis cave in Honan is based on a plan for a free-standing house but has been built into the side of the cliff. The superstructure is basically a courtyard system with the main gate positioned at the southeast corner (North-South axis). The building on the left within the courtyard is for receiving guests, and thus the privacy of the man's cave is maintained. In other words, as the townhouse courtyard plan had provided for a system of \"graduated privacy\", the cave dweller has adapted this system to his specific location and circumstances. This particular cave complex has two storeys. The first level has three caves of which the left and middle ones each have two rooms which are used for living space, while the right side cave has an additional third room for storage. As one comes out of the left-hand side cave, there is a stairway leading to the second-level platform at the back of which there are two more caves. It should be noted that the Chinese have developed a system of interlocking support in the construction of these caves. The second-level platform is reinforced in front and on its surface and is supported...\n\n* See also Fig. 1 at the rear of this article.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206593, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 141, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "TRADITIONAL CHINESE REGIONAL ARCHITECTURE\n\n135\n\nported by the lower level caves. The second level caves themselves are spaced above but between the openings of the three caves below. The reinforced brick fronts to the caves are to help prevent erosion and landslides.\n\nThese cave complexes usually house several families with each family having a courtyard or all sharing a common courtyard. In a village there might be fifty caves covering a large area with as many as two hundred families. Internal passageways are built to connect the caves. Some of the caves are surrounded by walls and watchtowers which provide an added protection against outsiders. If the walls were built high enough, they would also help keep out the dust of the loess.\n\nThe agricultural fields were usually above the caves themselves. With the very fertile soil of the loess, crops could be raised year after year without loss of soil nutrients. Although there is little rainfall, the moisture-retaining soil benefits the cave dwellers and allows the crops to flourish. Hence, the soil not only forms the shelter but also provides the food for the family, giving them two of the three basic needs for living.\n\nNevertheless, there are several problems inherent in living in a cave with erosion, landslides, earthquakes and lighting being the most serious. There is no system of lighting provided in the construction of the cave except for the light from the open entrance or the occasional candle. During rainstorms, there is the added problem of drainage. The water flows into the caves through the sloping entrance ways. Although some families have attempted to solve the problem by building wells or drainage ditches in the courtyard, the caves remain damp throughout storms. Since much of the rain comes as cloudbursts, the heaviness of the sudden downpour causes erosion and landslides. The most serious problem comes from earthquakes. This region of China has been devastated by frequent earthquakes destroying the caves and the fields above them.\n\nFinally, it must be considered why these caves would be chosen for a dwelling despite all these problems and dangers. In some ways it is a necessity. In a land where transportation of goods is so difficult the Chinese had to learn to use and adapt to local commodities and resources to supply themselves with building materials. As has been mentioned, there were no large trees for constructing wooden houses. Although there was brick with which they did build", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206594, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "136\n\n: \n\nLINDA F. SULLIVAN \n\na few free-standing houses and reinforced the fronts of their caves, again there was no fuel (timber or with the scarcity of livestock, animal manure) with which to heat this type of house. These caves suited the climate. They provided a warm shelter in winter without fuel and a cool house in summer. The people of the region took pride in their cave homes which represented to them a way of life with all its social and economic manifestations.\n\nIn contrast, the predominant form of domestic architecture in the countryside of Hopei province is free-standing houses. This house is the most basic unit or type of house in China. It is a three-bay plan. The house is built on a North-South orientation with the main door facing south. As one enters the front door there is a large living room with an ancestral shrine placed on the back wall. On both sides of the living room there are the bedrooms. The k'ang, or platform beds, are placed on the south side of the rooms so that the windows with southern exposure allow the rays of the sun to warm the sleeping platforms. In regions further north, fires are built beneath the k'angs for added warmth in winter. The outside of the house is part brick and stone with a simple thatched roof. The three-bay house, being the simplest form of Chinese architecture, is the most easily adaptable to many types of geographical and economic conditions and is found with modifications in many regions of China.\n\nThe next house in Hopei combines itself with a small store.9 The entrance to the house has been pushed to the southeast corner so that the more auspicious central southern door is given to the shop door. In this way, perhaps, the local geomancers felt that the man's business would be more prosperous. It also would be giving the customers the more honored position. After entering the southeast gate one is forced to turn by the spirit wall before entering the large but private courtyard of the proprietor. The privacy of his house is further seen by the lack of windows on the outside wall. The main door of the house faces south. As one steps in there is again a living room with an ancestral shrine and a bedroom to the left. The kitchen can be reached only by going outside. In the courtyard there is another bedroom. All the buildings in this group are on a foundation requiring two steps to reach the floor level. At the rear of the house there is a vegetable garden. Thus, within this private domain, the individual can find peace from the outside", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206595, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "TRADITIONAL CHINESE REGIONAL ARCHITECTURE\n\n137\n\nworld, yet by entering the backdoor of his shop, never leaving this world, he can work and provide for the needs of his family.\n\nSouth: In South China, the topography and climate of the land varies considerably from the Northern plains. The Chinese had to learn to adapt their architectural plans to different conditions. Certain groups of Chinese eventually devised new ways of expressing their character in their building in order to separate their communities from other groups.\n\nThe former home of Mao Tse-tung11 in the province of Hunan is representative of many peasant houses in the South. It is a typical three-sided courtyard house (Fig.✯✯) with a U-shaped plan. In this case, the main door faces north and hence must be a more auspicious local orientation. There is evidence from a drawing that the house is nestled into the embrace of a sloping hill which, according to feng shui, is the ideal site and provides strength and protection for the home. The front door leads into a living room with an ancestral shrine, off which are the kitchens and bedrooms. Since Mao's house has become a national tourist attraction, a new addition has been added for the caretaker and slight renovations have been made. The left wing of the original house has bedrooms and a library now. The kitchen and animal sheds, which were originally in the left wing, have been moved to a new shelter farther to the left. The new addition runs parallel to the left wing and forms a new and totally enclosed courtyard. There is also to be found in the region a variation of the U-shaped plan which is L-shaped. Both types of houses are usually constructed of earth walls with thatched roofs—shelter provided by the material at hand.\n\nThis house in Kiangsu province✯ is actually one room which has been partitioned. One enters heading north. It is an elaboration of a square plan also found in Kiangsu province.12 The living area is an all-purpose room and kitchen. At the far side, there is perhaps a screen which provides privacy for the bedroom. Within the bedroom, there are two k'angs: the whole family sleeps in this one part of the room. The owner of the house has built an addition in the form of a cobbler shop, placing it only a few paces from his front door. This poor craftsman's dwelling contains the basic needs for the family's well-being. No doubt there are fields or rice paddies around the house, though not necessarily those of the resident, as this region of China is under intensive cultivation.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206597, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "TRADITIONAL CHINESE REGIONAL ARCHITECTURE\n\n139\n\nIn Chekiang there is a peasant home of recent date which has a courtyard leading up to the entrance.15 A visitor, however, must make a few turns before coming opposite the front door. The animal pens, built onto part of the house front, also add a measure of privacy to the living areas. There is another small courtyard which extends into the living quarters. This open area has two inside doors from which one can either go into a living room with a kitchen, or into the bedroom. The outside walls are windowless and have been constructed of pounded or rammed earth. The roof is thatched with bamboo rafters which are supported by timber posts.\n\nAnother house in Chekiang province near the city of Hangchow is more complex, yet extremely compact. The entrance is through a small passageway on one side of which is a garden and on the other a terrace. In the living area, there is a small courtyard. The open space is surrounded on three sides by a low (3') wall which has a wide counter surface which can be used as a work space. Half of the house is two storeys while the rest is only one storey. Upstairs there are high windows on the north side of the house which permit good ventilation. In a space less than five square meters, there are four bedrooms. This family realizes the need to economize their living space in order to maximize the size of their fields and gardens.\n\nThese houses in Chekiang illustrate that although in a tightly compact situation, the Chinese try to have as much privacy and open space as is possible within their homes. They carefully avoid using any more of the scarce arable lands than is absolutely necessary.\n\nFrom the mountainous regions of Chekiang province one travels southward into the provinces of Fukien and Kwangtung and finds the homes of a particular group of people, the Hakka, besides those of other dialect groups. According to the chroniclers, the Hakka or \"guest people\" lived on the Central Plain in modern Honan and Shantung provinces during the Ch'in dynasty (221-206 B.C.) and the period of the Three Kingdoms (220-265 A.D.). During the Tartar invasions of the fourth and ninth centuries, they migrated South to escape alien oppression. During the successive mass migrations of the Chinese people, the Hakka sought refuge in the mountains of South China. The Hakka people are farmers who have been forced to struggle for subsistence on the poor soil of the highlands.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206598, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "140\n\nLINDA F. SULLIVAN\n\nand have traditionally been looked down upon by other groups. In the southern provinces, they have fought bitterly against the native Punti for ownership of land.17\n\nIn their building arts and plan arrangements, the Hakka houses or complexes have varied greatly from the homes of other Chinese. Their houses have a distinct character which in many ways reflects the hardy and fearless spirit of their inhabitants. Generally Hakka complexes are three or four storeys high with from ten to a hundred and twenty rooms. There are both horizontally and vertically rectangular storeyed houses with as many as three halls and two cross sections. It is the circular house, however, which is so markedly different from all other domestic architecture in China. Most of the houses built in this style were constructed during the Ch'ien Lung reign (1736-1796).18\n\nThe first example is a complex of rectangular houses.19 The complex is symmetrical on the right and left. One comes in from a gate on the southwest corner, turning so that upon entering the front courtyard one is heading toward the front door which faces south on the main axis.* After passing the front door there is a small gatehouse behind which there is a five-sided courtyard. After crossing the yard and climbing a few steps, one enters a large hall at the back of which there is a second courtyard. Further on there is a hall from which one has access to the ancestral hall which completes the main axis. Around the inside of the external wall are the kitchens and surrounding the central area are the animal sheds. On both sides of the central area there are stairs which lead to the upper floors. The second floor is for storage and the third and fourth are the living quarters. The windows are only on the top floor for which there may be many reasons. One is that the noise of the ground floor cannot penetrate the living quarters of the various families. Secondly it might be for protection and lookout purposes. It is known that the walls on both the left and right sides are thickened for defense. The appearance of this housing complex is very strong and stable and gives the impression of a fortress.\n\nThe circular type of Hakka house is shown in the next example.20 The plan of the complex is basically the same as the rectangular variety.† As one enters from the front door, one proceeds along a central axis from the gatehouse to the central courtyard which is\n\n* See also Fig. 2.\n\n† See also Fig. 3.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206601, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "TRADITIONAL CHINESE REGIONAL ARCHITECTURE\n\n143\n\nOne of these villages is Kat Hing Wai of the Tang family, \"whose ancestors were among the earliest settlers... the largest tsu in the New Territories.\"23 The plan of the village is a square with the main gate facing west, which is probably because of the natural formations of the location which make this siting most auspicious. The village is surrounded by a moat and is further protected by four large watchtowers. Inside the walls, there are several rows of houses, all of which face west. There are no two doorways which face each other, and thus, even in this tightly knit and crowded space, privacy is given to each family. The houses themselves are built on the basic three-bay plan. Upon entering, there is a living room/dining room. In the middle, there is a small courtyard, completely private from those of other families, to the side of which is the kitchen. Finally, in the back, there is the bedroom. Hence, even within this tiny living space, the individual has afforded for himself a small courtyard from which to enjoy the open sky. The houses are made of brick cavity walls with tiled roofs.24 There is a small temple or assembly hall at the center of the eastern side directly opposite the front gate. The roof of the hall is elaborately topped by a curved gable, which is very different from the square towers on the corners. The ancestral hall is not within the confines of the village but is about five minutes away. The market, which is also usually part of a Chinese village, is a few minutes' walk away.\n\nThese villages are now being affected by modern society. The younger people are moving outside the community to find jobs and a better standard of living. Although some walled villages have been renovated and now provide a healthier atmosphere in which to grow, the world abroad still remains more appealing. This village of Kat Hing Wai once had a population of six hundred people. Now it has fewer than two hundred.25 Hence, in the modern world, these well-protected and isolated villages are forced to open and expand in order to survive. Some villages are placed on the tourist circuit, and souvenir stands are set up outside the entrance. The watchful widows of the village make sure you pay HK$1 before snapping their picture.\n\nAs one looks at the houses of China described in this brief survey, there emerges a general pattern. The Chinese man, rich or poor, strives for the same ideals. Whether hampered or helped by his economic conditions, or by the local topography and climate, he", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206602, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 150, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "144\n\nLINDA F. SULLIVAN\n\nmust build a shelter from the natural world. Yet as he builds, he is always careful to consider the way in which nature will affect his life and is careful to bring a little bit of it into his home. Finally, there is a persistent desire to maintain the privacy of his family, and of his inner thoughts.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 George B. Cressey, China's Geographic Foundations, A Survey of the Land and Its People, (New York: McGraw-Hill Co., Inc., 1934), p. 12.\n\n2 T. R. Tregear, A Geography of China, (London: University of London Press, 1965), p. 31.\n\n3 Ibid., p. 211.\n\n4 The reasons for vertical cleavage in the loess region are as yet only hypotheses. Tregear (p. 212.) states that the most probable theory is that originally the region was covered with steppe grass which was successively buried by the loess dust storms from the Northwest and then fresh grass would grow. The decayed grass left minute vertical hollow tubes in the soil along which cleavages were formed.\n\n5 Ibid., p. 61.\n\n6 Liu Tun-chen, A General Discussion of Chinese Houses, (People's Republic of China: Architectural Engineering Publishing Company, 1957), plate No. 1-8, p. 11-16.\n\n7 Bulletin of the Society for Research in Chinese Architecture, (V, 1).\n\n* Liu, Op. cit., plate No. 56, p. 29.\n\n9 Ibid., plate No. 93, p. 42.\n\n10 Ibid., plate No. 73, p. 36.\n\n11 Ibid., plate No. 45, p. 25.\n\n12 Ibid., plate No. 44, p. 25.\n\n13 Ibid., plate No. 69, p. 35.\n\n14 Ibid., plate No. 71, p. 36.\n\n15 Colin Penn, \"Chinese Vernacular Architecture,\" Royal Institute of British Architects, October, 1965.\n\n16 Ibid.\n\n17 Hsieh T'ing-yu and Kuo Ch'ang-ch'eng, The Hakka Chinese Origin and Folk Songs, (San Francisco: Jade Mountain Press, 1969).\n\nTheir\n\n18 Chinese Architecture: A Simple History, Volume 1, The Old Architecture of China: A Simple History, (China Industrial Publishing Company, 1963).\n\n19 Ibid., plate No. 105, p. 45.\n\n20 Ibid., plate No. 118, p. 48ff.\n\n21 Ibid., plate No. 119 & 120, p. 48ff.\n\n22 Maurice Freedman, Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien and Kwang-tung, (New York: Humanities Press, Inc., 1966), p. 1.\n\nJaco\n\n23 Wong Chung Hong, \"Walled and Moated A Hong Kong Village,\" Arts of Asia, Vol. No. 4, July-August 1971, p. 22.\n\n24 Ibid., p. 26.\n\n25 Ibid.\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206603, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 151, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "TRADITIONAL CHINESE REGIONAL ARCHITECTURE\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\n145\n\nBulletin of the Society for Research in Chinese Architecture. V, 1.\n\nChinese Architecture: A Simple History. Volume 1: The Old Architecture of China: A Simple History. China Industrial Publishing Company, 1963.\n\nBoyd, Andrew. Chinese Architecture and Town Planning (1500 B.C. · A.D. 1911). London, 1962.\n\nCressey, George Babcock. China's Geographic Foundations: A Survey of the Land and Its People, New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1934.\n\nFreedman, Maurice. Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien and Kwangtung. New York: Humanities Press, Inc., 1966.\n\nGutkind, E. A. Revolution of Environment. London: Broadway House, 1946.\n\nHsieh, Ting-yu and Kuo, Ch'ang-ch'eng. The Hakka Chinese-Their Origin and Folk Songs. San Francisco: Jade Mountain Press, 1969.\n\nKulp, Daniel H. Country Life in South China: The Society of Familism. Volume 1: Phenix Village, Kwangtung, China, New York: 1925,\n\nLiu Tun-chen. A General Discussion of Chinese Houses. (PAREMM). People's Republic of China: Architectural Engineering Publishing Company, 1957.\n\nPenn, Colin. \"Chinese Vernacular Architecture.\" Royal Institute of British Architects. October, 1965.\n\nSkinner, William. \"Chinese Domestic Architecture.\" Review of Liu Tun-chen, A Short Study of the Chinese House. Royal Institute of British Architects. November, 1957.\n\nSmith, Arthur H. Village Life in China: A Study in Sociology. Fleming H. Revell, Co., 1899.\n\nTa Chen, Emigrant Communities in South China: A Study of Overseas Migration and Its Influence on Standards of Living and Social Change. New York: 1940.\n\nTregear, T. R. A Geography of China. London: University of London Press, 1965.\n\nWong Chung Hong. \"Walled and Moated-A Hong Kong Village.\" Arts of Asia. Vol. I, No. 4, July-August 1971.\n\nWu, Nelson I. Chinese and Indian Architecture. New York: George Braziller, 1967.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206609, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 157, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "H.K.'S CENTRAL MARKET AND THE TARRANT AFFAIR\n\n151\n\nthe level of the commercial interests of Chinese merchants of the time but also because of the extent to which it figured in a scandal over bribery by Government officials and the victimisation of a Government servant who later became the embittered editor of one of the Colony's newspapers, the Friend of China.\n\nThough, from an historical point of view, the former matters are far more important, the two are not wholly distinct for the Government servant in question acquired property interests in the market.\n\nAfter Sir John Davis let the market franchise go to the highest bidder, he granted the franchise holder a short lease on the premises, thereby effectively changing the relationship of the market operator to the Government. Accordingly, the lot on which the market stood, an area of 37,800 square feet, was leased on 1 July 1845 to Hwei Aqui at a rent of $4,800 per annum (about £1,000). This area, comprising the whole of the land between the shore-line and the Queen's Road, was larger than that of the original market and allowed for the houses and shops which had been built between the market buildings and the road.\n\nIt is at this point that the scene becomes confused for Hwei decided to develop the property further and had to borrow money to do so. Between the date of the lease and mid-1847 when Hwei died, he executed several transactions, some of which are recorded in the records of the Government Land Office as Mortgages, some of which are not. The earliest was on 6 August 1845 when he borrowed $1,500 for one month from the estate of a Chinese, Tong Kim-sing who had been in business as a ‘contractor' until his death in 1844, at the staggering rate of interest of 10% per month. The satisfaction of this mortgage is not recorded in the Land Office but it is known that the administrator of the deceased's estate left the colony about this time and the defect might have been one of form only. About two months later, on 12 October 1845, Hwei borrowed from Ying Wing-kee, described as a ‘compradore' and one of the only two Chinese to have bought land at the sale of Crown Land on 22 January 1844, $2,800 for a period of 18 months and at a rate of repayment which worked out at an interest rate of almost 6% per month. Hwei was, therefore, deeply in debt before the year was out. Before his death in 1847, there follows one further transaction which was imperfectly recorded at the time. On 13", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206611, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 159, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "H.K.'S CENTRAL MARKET AND THE TARRANT AFFAIR\n\n153\n\nto themselves, in the case of Le, interest at 4% on the principal sum of $2,400 (the figure given in the deal between Ying and Le) and, in the case of Chow, at 4% on the sum of $1,000. All disbursements were to be met by them and any balance after all these purposes had been satisfied was to be put to reducing the principal outstanding to them. Once the capital sums were repaid, then the property was to be reconveyed to Hwei Afoon for a nominal $5.\n\nThus, by mid-1847, four different people had different interests in the market. There remains one other who so far has not yet appeared on the scene.\n\nHwei Afoon was a builder and contracted with the Government for some work on Government property at Stanley (Chek Chu). He completed the work and received an order for payment drawn on the Treasury. When he went to the Treasury to collect his money, the Treasury Compradore (Chow Aoan) told him that he would deduct $750 which was owing to Colonel Caine's Compradore (named Lo Een-teen) in respect of the Market. Afoon knew that his brother, Hwei Aqui, had agreed, in consideration of influence being exerted on his behalf to secure the lease of the Market, to make a payment of $150 per month to Lo Een-teen and also to allow him to select meat and produce in the Market without payment. The point was that Lo represented that he could persuade his master, Caine, then the Colonial Secretary, to give the lease to Hwei; apparently made these payments and after his death Afoon paid $400 to have the lease transferred to him but demurred at the payment of $150 per month, considering no doubt that there was little that Lo could do about it if he did not pay. But he was reckoning without Chow Aoan who attempted to dock the arrears of 'squeeze' unpaid by Afoon.\n\nThe arrangement of 28 June 1847 may have been an attempt by the parties to reach an 'honourable' solution. But matters did not stop there for Afoon unadvisedly went to the Surveyor General's Office to complain that he was not receiving all the money due to him under his Government contract and, no doubt, explained why. He told his story to William Tarrant, the Clerk of Deeds and general factotum in the office of the Surveyor General.\n\nTarrant had had a mixed career since arriving in China a few years previously. He had first come as a steward on board ship and, on the establishment of the colony, was able to secure the position of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206612, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "ARCHAEOLOGY IN H.K. AND SOUTH CHINA\n\n163\n\nquartz and jade, and stone beads, adzes and lance heads were discovered. Some of the pottery bore makers' marks, which seemed in some cases to resemble archaic Chinese characters. To deal with the problems raised by these and the ornaments on much of the pottery, the chief of which was a symbol resembling a long f and showing several variations, Prof. Shellshear invited the collaboration of the late Father Finn, S.J., a distinguished scholar in the Regional Seminary at Aberdeen, Hong Kong, and a lecturer at the University of Hong Kong. Father Finn devoted himself thenceforward to a careful study of this site and its culture, and published thirteen papers in the Hong Kong Naturalist on the subject, basing his work on a profound study of archaeological literature in neighbouring countries, Japan, China, Indo-China, the Straits and elsewhere.*\n\nThis study was greatly aided by the decision of the Hong Kong Government to have the site excavated at its own expense. In five weeks' work about half the undug portion of the sandbank was excavated to a depth of 6 to 7 feet, and some thousands of pottery fragments, a large number of other objects of stone, quartz, jade, bronze and even two or three partly of iron, were unearthed. Father Finn conducted this excavation, and included the description of the results in his articles.\n\nFather Finn also worked at other sites on Lamma and Hong Kong islands, and during visits to St. John's Island (where St. Francis Xavier died), and the Swabue district near Swatow, discovered more sites. The latter district gave very interesting and important results, which have recently been outlined in a paper by Father Maglioni in the Hong Kong Naturalist.\n\nIn 1932 Professor Shellshear brought the facts then known about Hong Kong's prehistory before the scientific world at the Prehistorians' Congress at Hanoi, whose proceedings were published by the École Française d'Extrême Orient as the Praehistorica Asiae Orientales (Hanoi, 1932). Father Finn summed up the results of his work at the Lamma Island site at the Manila Congress of the same body in 1935.†\n\n* A list of publications on local pre-history that includes those mentioned at various places in this article can be found at the end.\n\n† Whose proceedings were not published. I have Mr. Schofield's notes and can make them available to anyone who may wish to consider filling a gap in our published records.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206615, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "H.K.'S CENTRAL MARKET AND THE TARRANT AFFAIR\n\n157\n\npay during his suspension to the date at which his post was abolished, but he could do no more. The injustice was acknowledged but, as the Friend of China put it, it was \"but miserable redress in a pecuniary light.\"32\n\nTarrant's connection with the Central Market ceased on 28 December 1849 when he assigned his quarter share of the profits to Chow Aqui, one of Hong Kong's biggest Chinese businessmen at that time.33 Chow had extensive property interests in the Lower Bazaar area, had run Hong Kong's first theatre and had had the opium monopoly for a few years. Curiously enough, allegations had been made a few years previously that he was able to use Government police officers to protect his monopoly and Caine was inevitably linked with the allegation. The lease of the Market came to an end in 1850, the term being expired but Chow was given a renewal for two years from 10 March 1851 at the same rent and the lease was further renewed on two subsequent occasions.35\n\n16\n\nThis account illustrates two quite diverse matters. First, it shows the extent to which Chinese in Hong Kong adapted themselves to the institutional demands of a British colony. Although the whole system of law was alien to them, the transactions memorialised in the Land Office show the extent to which the possibilities of English Law were utilised to their commercial advantage, even though on some occasions it is difficult to follow at this remove the complexity of their dealings. If they did sometimes find themselves on the losing side in the Supreme Court, there were a significant number of Chinese businessmen in Hong Kong itself whose names recur over the years and who were, presumably, successful. Several have been named in this article but there were perhaps about a dozen or so in this category.* They, in addition to the Europeans, learnt to take advantage of the British system.\n\n37\n\nThis account also touches on the problem of the integrity of the colonial Government of the time. While it is true that the Chinese who came to the island may not have expected what the European would have regarded as an incorrupt government, it is also true that the circumstances of the colony in its early days gave opportunities for corruption which some were not slow to use. Though there was little at this time or later that could definitely be proved against\n\n* On this subject see Rev. Carl T. Smith's article \"The Emergence of a Chinese Elite in Hong Kong\" at pp. 74-115 of the 1971 Journal. (Ed).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206616, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 164, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "158\n\nDAFYDD EMRYS EVANS\n\nCaine, allegations were repeatedly made of his complicity with persons of ill-repute, in particular with Daniel Caldwell, for many years a Government servant and consort of the 'Jonathan Wild' of Hong Kong, a Chinese called Wong Akee (or Machow Wong).\n\nAfter this incident of the Market extortions, which most wanted to believe anyway, Tarrant turned his attentions towards the Press, becoming—how is unexplained—the owner of the Friend of China on the departure from the Colony of the editor who had taken his side in market dispute, John Carr. Tarrant was able to use the editorial columns to pursue Caine and his subordinates on every possible occasion but in the end it was Caine who won. In 1859 he was forced out into the open and instituted a Crown prosecution for criminal libel against Tarrant. This ended with Tarrant being jailed for one year. When he was released before the end of his sentence Tarrant was a broken man and left the colony for Canton, where he continued to publish the Friend. He paid a visit to Hankow in 1861 and settled later in Shanghai but his journal never flourished thereafter.\n\nIt is, perhaps, a pity that the issue of corruption in government in Hong Kong, some of which was so devastatingly exposed by Sir Hercules Robinson, a later Governor, in 1861 in his Report to the Home Government on Civil Service Abuses in Hong Kong, was so clouded by the personalities of those who concerned themselves with the issue. The undoubted corruption which government servants like Caine permitted, even if they did not actively participate in it themselves, could have at least received a check if the then Governor, Sir John Davis, had had the courage of his own convictions and the confidence of the public and ordered a proper investigation into the Market scandal. Instead, the rumours which had started in 1841 when Caine was alleged to have allowed piratical activities for a price, rumours fed by the Lock Hospital scandal and the Tarrant affair, continued unabated until 1861, by which time most of the objectionable public servants had left the service.\n\nNOTES\n\nA Friend of China, 19 June 1842.\n\n2 The Lower Bazaar, located in the present Bonham Strand area, came into existence when A. R. Johnston, who had control of the administration of the island when Sir Henry Pottinger was absent from the colony prosecuting the war against China, allowed Chinese who had helped the British", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206617, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 165, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "H.K.'S CENTRAL MARKET AND THE TARRANT AFFAIR\n\n159\n\nforces during hostilities against China to settle and allotted them small lots on the waterfront. The Upper Bazaar which lay in the area of Graham and Stanley Streets consisted also of relatively small areas granted to Chinese who were presumptively useful to the nascent colony as tradesmen. The Lower Bazaar was almost totally destroyed in the great fire at the end of 1851 and the Upper Bazaar was removed in 1844 and its inhabitants resettled in Taipingshan.\n\n3 See Gordon to Pottinger, 10 February 1844 [CO129/V/f.141].\n\n+ Evidence given by Colonel Malcolm to the Parliamentary Select Committee on Commercial Relations with China, answer to question 4633.\n\n5 Davis sought to let as many monopolies go as possible to private individuals for what they were prepared to give. Thus, in addition to the markets, he let out also opium, salt, and quarrying monopolies.\n\n6 Lease Register Volume C, f.94. The lot was leased as Marine Lot 38. The lease registers referred to are the Registers of the Land Office in which all dealings in crown land were recorded. The actual transactions themselves are also recorded separately as 'Memorials' and reference is made to them by number. The numbering was done according to the order in which they were registered. I am indebted to the Registrar General of the Government of Hong Kong for allowing me access to the records of the Land Office and for permission to publish material derived from that source.\n\n7 Memorial 122.\n\n8 Memorial 143.\n\n9 Memorial 258.\n\n10 Friend of China, 7 July 1847.\n\n11 Memorial 383.\n\n12 In this article, the romanisations found in the Land Office records are used even where they do not correspond to those either in the Wade-Giles system or current usage.\n\n13 Memorial 304.\n\n14 Ibid.\n\n15 Memorial 345.\n\n16 Hong Kong Register, 27 July 1847.\n\n17 Friend of China, 14 July 1847.\n\n18 And in so doing, incidentally, infringing the provision of the Treaty of Nanking, 1842, which allowed British subjects to proceed only to the \"Treaty Ports\" and to nowhere else in China.\n\n19 Friend of China, 14 July 1847. Tam Achoy's market was known as the Kwang Yuen and in the disastrous fire in December 1851, the fifty-one houses which comprised the market were destroyed: see Hong Kong Register, January 1852. Tam was referred to a few years later as the \"most respectable Chinaman\" who made a practice of going into the witness box to speak for the character of accused persons. He remained in Hong Kong until his death in the 1870's and was one of the founders of the Tung Wah organisation, a charitable body still functioning in Hong Kong.\n\n20 Hong Kong Register, 27 July 1847.\n\n21 Hong Kong Register, 19 October 1847; Friend of China, 23 October 1847 and 18 December 1847.\n\n22 The Editor of the Friend (John Carr) claimed to have seen Hwei's accounts and that they revealed the \"squeeze\" payment.\n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206618, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "160\n\nDAFYDD EMRYS EVANS\n\n23 A writ of fieri facias (abbreviated to fi. fa.) is the means whereby a judgment is executed against the property of a person found liable to another in damages in a civil suit. It enables his property to be sold to meet the sums awarded against him. The writ was frequently employed at this time in suits for arrears of Crown Rent.\n\n24 Memorial 359.\n\n25 When property is mortgaged to secure sums advanced by the mortgagee to the mortgagor, the latter is said to have an 'equity of redemption'. The purpose of this is to make certain that his interest in relation to that of the lender is kept in balance, so that the lender can always be forced to release the security when the reasons for giving it are no longer present, i.e., when the sums advanced are repaid. The equity of redemption is treated as an item of property which the mortgagor is free to dispose of—it is the right to reconveyance when the security is discharged or repayment of the loan.\n\n26 Under the Ordinance No. 3 of 1844, all transactions in and concerning land, as well as judgments, wills and so on which involve land, must be registered in the Land Office. A transaction is quite effective even if the Ordinance is not complied with but subsequent purchasers or persons having dealings with property automatically have notice of any registered transaction which will therefore take precedence even over prior unregistered transactions.\n\n27 Ong Chok may in fact have been Ong Lok. The latter frequently dealt in property and is described in Memorials as a 'compradore'. He had extensive property interests in the Taipingshan district.\n\n28 Memorial 384.\n\n29 Memorial 385.\n\n30 Memorial 418.\n\n31 The Chinese used then and still do use to a certain limited extent a lunar calendar.\n\n32 Friend of China, 23 June 1849.\n\n33 Memorial 541.\n\n34 Lease Register Vol. C, f. 219.\n\n35 Lease Register Vol. F, ff. 38 and 47.\n\n36 It was suggested that Chinese merchants were not averse to bribery because they were accustomed to bribing Chinese Government officials.\n\n37 But it should be noted that there are a good many lots in the Taipingshan area in which there were no recorded dealings for a good many years. It is unlikely that there were no dealings at all. It is more likely that the dealings were simply not recorded.\n\n38 Towards the end of the 1840's and in the early 1850's the number of non-residents investing in property in the colony rose markedly, most of them coming from those districts of Kwantung Province adjoining Hong Kong and Macao. The Taiping rebellion may have caused some part of the flow of capital.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206619, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 167, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "ARCHAEOLOGY IN HONG KONG AND SOUTH CHINA (1938)\n\nW. SCHOFIELD*\n\nOf all the ancient and famous seats of early civilisation, China is the one where the smallest amount of scientific investigation has hitherto been done. Years of excavation and research have revealed to us many of the details of the life and history of Ancient Egypt, Babylon, Assyria, Palestine, Minoan Crete, the Hittite confederacy, and prehistoric India; but of China all that was known came partly from the chance finds of curio-hunters, about which their finders carefully suppressed all information of scientific value such as provenance, depth of burial, and context of other finds; and partly from the literature of the Chou and Han dynasties, which, valuable as it is, is a distorting medium for historians.\n\nIn the last ten years, however, scientific investigation has been started. The Chinese National Research Institute has excavated several important dwelling sites in North China, including that of the capital of the Shang dynasty. Several distinguished foreign scholars, mostly Swedes, have conducted explorations and excavations in the service of the National Government, and various provincial societies of scholars and archaeologists have worked in their own areas. A few years ago the Research Institute discovered and excavated untouched graves of the great Shang civilisation; the report on their work is eagerly awaited.\n\nAll this activity, however, relates to the area of North China traditionally known as the centre of ancient Chinese civilisation. From China south of the Yangtse and especially from its coast provinces, hardly any object had been known to come that was\n\n* Mr. Schofield (1888-1968) was a Cadet Officer in the Hong Kong Civil Service 1911-1938. Previous contributions will be found in the 1968 and 1969 Journals, (Vols 8 and 9).\n\nThe first of these, Ch'eng-tsu-yai (*‡A), a Report of Excavations of the Proto-historic Site at Cheng-tzu-yai, Li-ch'eng Hsien, Shantung was published as Archaeologia Sinica Number One by Academica Sinica Nanking 1934. A translation into English by K. Starr has been published by the Yale University Press, Yale Publications in Anthropology, No. $2, under the title Ch'eng-tzu-yai: The Black Pottery Culture Site at Lung-shan-chen.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206620, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "162 \n\nW. SCHOFIELD \n\nthought to be older than the Han dynasty (210 B.C.). It was known to have been conquered by the First Emperor and added to China, but even history is silent on it prior to that time (220 B.C.). Hence its prehistory lay shrouded in almost darkness, with only a few vague traditions and scanty ethnographic and linguistic data to shed light upon it. \n\nThe first beginnings of enquiry into the pre-Chinese culture of South China date back to about 1926 when Dr. Heanley, then investigating the geology of Hong Kong as an amateur, noticed lying here and there on hills of gravelly clay formed from decayed granite, stones which could not have been formed and left there naturally, and which clearly had the shape of stone adzes, as a rule smoothed and polished. Realising the importance of these finds, he devoted much of his leisure to a careful search for more of them, and in so doing discovered a number of sites, which included an axe factory, a workshop for jewellers working in quartz and other stones, and shore settlements, presumably of fishermen, as well as hill settlements. In this work he was associated with Prof. Shellshear, of Hong Kong University, and shortly before leaving Hong Kong in 1930 he interested me in the subject. I had for some time been investigating the geology of the Colony, and started this new line in association with Dr. Heanley and Prof. Shellshear. My contribution consisted mainly in discovering new sites, chiefly in sandbanks on the coasts and islands of the New Territory. Special attention was paid to these for two reasons; first, the beaches were being vigorously dug for sand to be used in building and public works; second, these sandbanks were the only places where a succession of layers containing objects of different ages could be found. As no beds of limestone exist in the Colony, it was vain to look for caves. \n\nIn my explorations I had occasion to examine a beach site discovered by Dr. Heanley on the island of Lamma close to Hong Kong. This had been dug back a considerable distance further, and I saw, littered over the beach, vast quantities of pottery, with more projecting from the sandy cliff behind. One piece of a cup I found was covered with a bottle-green glaze, a ware which was later found to be a feature of the culture at this and several other sites in Hong Kong. Later visits to the site revealed that bronze weapons and tools were to be found in fair number; in addition, rings of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206622, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 170, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "164\n\nW. SCHOFIELD\n\nMeanwhile work had been going on under the Geological Survey of China in Kwangsi, where the Tertiary and Recent deposits were examined, and the earth in the caves, known to yield ‘dragon bones’ in considerable quantities, was searched, with the result that a flaked-tool culture related to the late Hoabinhian culture (Mesolithic) of Tongking was found. It is unrelated to the cultures of the coast. These, however, seem to extend as far north as the neighbourhood of Nanking, for stone artifacts and pottery with geometric decoration have been found near there and around Hangchow, lying on the surface of the earth. No details of these discoveries are yet published. The same is true of investigations carried out round Foochow, where a culture similar to that of Hong Kong is said to have been discovered.\n\nAfter the Oslo congress of prehistorians in 1936, at which Father Finn was present just before his death, Dr. J.G. Andersson went to China, and turned his attention to the problems of South China’s archaeology. In Hong Kong, after visiting several sites, he suggested a trial excavation of a site at Shek Pek on the island of Lant’au, which I had discovered. We accordingly collaborated in this task for some days; after he left I did further excavation there. At this site, for the first time, were found undisturbed burials. Dr. Andersson next visited Foochow, and later went to Szechwan, where he discovered a number of Neolithic sites. After the Japanese began the war he returned to the coast by Canton, and later worked in the islands along the north Tongking coast at the invitation of the École Française of Hanoi, where a number of sites were discovered; some were excavated by Mlle. Colani of that institution.\n\nMeanwhile a Chinese scholar of the National Research Institute had pursued researches at Wup’ing, West Fukien, where he found cultures akin to the earlier Hong Kong cultures and to those of Swabue. He communicated his results to the third Prehistorians’ Congress at Singapore* and in his address he showed that objects belonging to this group of cultures are to be found in several sites in Fukien and Chekiang provinces, but that all finds made so far are surface finds only.\n\nThese investigations, partial and local as they are, have yielded very interesting (and in some respects sensational) results. First,\n\n* These proceedings were published by the Government Printing House, Singapore, 1940.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206623, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 171, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "ARCHAEOLOGY IN H.K. AND SOUTH CHINA\n\n165\n\nthey have revealed a new province of culture, which from its leading characteristics as well as its geography can be seen to link the Chinese classical culture with that of the Archipelago and the Pacific Islands, generally referred to as 'Indonesian'. The reciprocal influence of these two cultures has never been adequately studied, for only in a region on their respective boundaries, such as the China Coast, can this be done.\n\nThese characteristics may be summed up as: 1. use of stone adzes, chiefly rectangular and stepped; 2. working stones with circular borer to make rings, and with stone saws to cut stone implements; 3. pottery made on the turn-table, in both coarse and fine qualities built up by the ribbon technique and decorated with cord, mat and geometrical patterns; 4. lance heads of shale or slate; 5. cylindrical stone beads; 6. rings of hard stone used as ornaments; 7. cultivation, probably by growing grain in cleared patches of jungle; 8. fishing and boatbuilding; 9. cloth-making. The later form of this culture has in addition these features: 10. casting of bronze weapons and tools; 11. use of ceremonial objects of jade, especially in burials; 12. hard, high-fired pottery stamped with the f pattern; 13. leadless glaze, green and brown, applied to pottery.\n\nSecond, they demonstrate the flow of Chinese culture to the south and its replacement of the native culture, in which can be seen traces of the ancient Chinese culture of the Shangs.\n\nThird, they show that this native culture formed part of a culture-province which included not only the Chinese coast provinces but Japan, Manchuria, Formosa and Annam, and whose remoter connexions extend landwards into E. India and N. Asia, and seaward as shown by the adze forms into the Archipelago, the Philippines, and the furthest Polynesian islands. For instance, a highly polished adze with a large tang, of very distinctive form, is found in Hong Kong, the Philippines, Hawaii, Tahiti, New Zealand and Hervey Islands.\n\nFourth, light is thrown upon the ancient trade routes of S.E. Asia. Painted pottery, which was not, it seems, made on the China Coast, was imported from Tongking, probably along the West River. Bronze and jade of Chinese workmanship was imported from the Yangtse valley, by which of the three possible routes is uncertain. The Swabue people produced quantities of shale lance-heads, harpoons, arrow heads and rings, sometimes very delicately worked,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206624, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 172, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "166\n\nW. SCHOFIELD\n\nand exported them to Hong Kong. Even a scrap of tin, perhaps smelted from ore obtained on the Kwangtung coast, was found during excavation at one site where bronze axes were cast. At the same time, the bead trade, so active in Malaya and the great islands, and even in the Philippines, appears to have passed South China by, for the only beads found are either of jade or of soft greenish local stone used as a substitute. This bead trade is in fact coextensive with Indian influence in the Archipelago.\n\nFifth, these finds raise the vast question of the immigrations of the Polynesians and Indonesians from Asia into the Pacific, and the routes they followed. Having regard to the distribution of anthropological types today, we cannot suppose that any large number of Polynesians ever visited the China coast; but there is the strongest probability that tribes of the types of those inhabiting Hainan, Formosa, the Philippines and Borneo frequented the coast, and perhaps started from it to their present seats. It may be possible eventually to prove that survivors of these peoples still live on the coast; personally, I am disposed to regard the Tan Ka or boatpeople of the Kwangtung coast as such survivors. Certain tribes of the interior, the Yui or Yao, and the Siapo of Foochow, may be similar remnants.\n\nThe archaeology of the historic periods has, inevitably, been comparatively neglected in the attractions of unearthing ancient and unknown cultures. Pottery of types familiar to archaeologists in Canton, and attributed to the Han and the Six Dynasties period (100 B.C. to 600 A.D.), has been found at several Hong Kong sites: urns probably of pre-T'ang date (615 A.D. or earlier) have been unearthed at Sheung Shui near the border and elsewhere; and pottery and porcelain of Sung, Yuan and later dynasties can be found everywhere, especially near villages. Forts and watch-posts are to be seen on islands and promontories, and walled towns and villages are frequent inland; such fortifications are, however, post-mediaeval, and the oldest are late Ming, designed for coast defence against Japanese pirates. Of megalithic remains, such as are known as near as the Laos country in Indo-China, no trace exists. No ancient porcelain kilns, such as exist in North and Central China, were ever started within the Colony, though one small establishment for making rice bowls and cooking pots has been found. In one road cutting a mass of broken porcelain of early Ming date, much", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206625, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 173, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "ARCHAEOLOGY IN H.K. AND SOUTH CHINA\n\n167\n\nof it with designs in red and green overglaze enamel, and some with underglaze blue, was discovered.\n\nA short description of the leading types of objects discovered in Hong Kong will be of interest. They may be classed according to their probable uses as follows:\n\n1. Tools: a. agricultural\n\nb. woodworking\n\nc. general use.\n\n2. Weapons: a. for hunting or fishing\n\nb. for war\n\nc. for ceremonial and burial purposes.\n\n3. Ornaments: a. for dress\n\nb. for ceremonial, especially burial purposes.\n\n4. Domestic utensils, including pottery.\n\n5. Miscellaneous objects, including playthings and possibly currency.\n\n1. a. A number of roughly-flaked tools have been discovered, many of them at frequented sites. These have various forms: some are large, heavy triangular-pointed things that might almost be called 'rostrocarinates'; others are 'short axes' with a hand-hold on the blunt edge; but a large proportion are triangular, weigh a pound or two, and have one edge flaked sharp, and one of the points adjacent to it bruised. Whether these are the teeth of primitive harrows, hand drills for planting mountain rice, or picks for knocking oysters off rocks, is uncertain, but I class them as agricultural tools. A more probable one is a sharp-edged polished stone blade which can be held hidden in the hand; it is almost certainly a reaping-knife.\n\n1. b. The adze was the chief woodworking tool. It varies almost infinitely: the shouldered, the stepped, the rectangular (with squared sides), the cosmopolitan (with rounded sides), the cylindrical (with pointed butt), the lentoid, the trapezoid, and the boot-shaped forms have all been found, with sub-varieties. All these are in stone, flaked roughly into shape and then partly or wholly polished, but in almost every case a chip or two of the original flaking remains. Undoubtedly, the chief use of these tools was to shape the planking of boats, for their dwelling-sites give clear proof that", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206626, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 174, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "168\n\nW. SCHOFIELD\n\nEditor's Note The manuscript breaks off abruptly at this point, and since it was passed to me after Mr. Schofield's death in December 1968 and I was hitherto unaware of its existence there is now no means of knowing whether it was completed or finished in part only. It is reproduced here for its interest as a contemporary statement of the progress of the archaeology of Hong Kong and South China by about 1938, when it was written, and for the useful account it provides of the part played by Schofield, Shellshear and Heanley in the early period of Hong Kong archaeological studies.\n\nPRE-WAR WRITINGS ON HONG KONG ARCHAEOLOGY INCLUDE:\n\n(1) J. G. Andersson — \"Topography of the Hongkong Sites\" in Bulletin No. 11, Topographical and Archaeological Studies in the Far East, of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Stockholm, 1939.\n\n(2) S. F. Balfour Section II, “Archaeological Evidence\" at pp. 336-341 of his article \"Hong Kong Before The British\" between pp. 330-352 and 440-464 of T'ien Hsia Monthly, Shanghai, 1941. [Since reprinted in Vol. 10 (1970) of this Journal -Ed.]\n\n(3) Fr. D. J. Finn — various articles in The Hong Kong Naturalist between 1933-36. These are now reprinted in (ed. T. F. Ryan, S.J.) Archaeological Finds On Lamma Island (Ai》) Near Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Ricci publications, Ricci Hall, University of Hong Kong, 1958.\n\n(4) C. M. Heanley and J. L. Shellshear “A Contribution to the Prehistory of Hongkong and the New Territories\", Praehistoria Asia Orientalis, I, Premier Congrès des Préhistoriens d'Extrême-Orient, Hanoi, 1932.\n\n(5) W. Schofield — \"Implements Of Palaeolithic Type In Hong Kong\" at pp. 272-275, The Hong Kong Naturalist, December. 1935.\n\n(6) W. Schofield \"The Proto-Historic Site of the Hong Kong Culture at Shek Pik, Lantau, Hong Kong\" at pp. 235-305 of Proceedings of the Third Congress of Pre-historians of the Far East, Singapore, Government Printing House, 1940.\n\nJ. W. H., Hong Kong, 1972.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206627, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "THREE CHINESE DEITIES: VARIATIONS ON A THEME\n\n(With special reference to overseas Chinese communities in South East Asia)\n\nKEITH STEVENS*\n\nIndividual Chinese gods are worshipped universally throughout all Chinese communities and areas, or are worshipped only within limited areas such as a village or linked villages. Some are peculiar to linguistic groups such as the Shanghainese or the Cantonese. Three gods from the immense Chinese pantheon have been chosen and their legends, recognition features, the reason for their worship and where possible the area in which they were or still are worshipped have been described in detail below.\n\nThe first deity, worshipped in practically all Chinese communities, is General Yin Ch'iao (**太岁**) more frequently referred to as T'ai Sui (**太岁**). The second, Fa Chu Kung (**法主公**), is a deity to be found only within two or three localised communities in Fukien province and amongst overseas Chinese from these communities. However, he is also to be found in a few temples of other overseas Chinese communities who have adopted him to take advantage of his power. The third deity is Cheng Ho (**郑和**), the explorer of the 15th Century who is worshipped only by limited communities of overseas Chinese in areas where Cheng Ho's fleet called during his explorations.\n\nThese three have been chosen because they are good examples of three different types of Chinese deities. The first, T'ai Sui, is a\n\n* Major Stevens is a serving officer at present with the Ministry of Defence. He has been employed in South East Asia and the Far East and has travelled extensively among the Chinese communities of the region (but of necessity outside China) in his search for images of Chinese gods. The value of his article lies in bringing together material from, as he says, 'two and a half thousand temples' in the region, showing the great variety of images in their various forms and continued devotion to the pantheon of gods. I am glad to have this opportunity of publishing it in the Journal. No attempt has been made to impose a uniform romanization which is here given as presented by the author from the various works consulted, and as in the different dialect forms he encountered in the course of his enquiries. Nor have I changed the terms \"god-shop\" and \"god-carver\" used by Major Stevens because they are colourful, and therefore appropriate to the subject. Ed.\n\nPlates 15-29 illustrate this article.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206629, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 177, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "THREE CHINESE DEITIES\n\n171\n\ndated either about the turn of the second millennium BC, or mid-eleventh century BC (ca. 1121 BC) about the same time as the Trojan wars. King Wu's victory is the theme of many Chinese legends and also forms the plot of the Deification of the Gods, which was recounted by story tellers the length and breadth of China. Woven into its historical background are a multitude of supernatural events involving the heroes before they were deified. They were divided into two forces: the benevolent under King Wu, and the malevolent under King Chou. The battle was fought with practically every form of weapon known to man and included the use of flame, gas and germ warfare, together with the conventional swords, spears and arrows.\n\nThis long Taoist novel is known, either in part or in whole, by the Chinese peasants, many of whom believe quite genuinely that the gods, both Taoist and Buddhist, were first deified at this juncture. It portrays many of the Buddhist and Taoist heroes, describing the events leading to their deification, and it played an important role in Chinese iconography, crystallising the beliefs and characteristics of the Chinese deities. Although several major characters link the events together and provide the thread for the story, most of the heroes appear only in one or two episodes.\n\nFrom this mixture of Buddhist and Taoist heroes in this fifteenth-century novel may have developed the practice of worshipping Taoist deities side by side with Buddhas and other Buddhist religious figures in Chinese temples; and in many a Chinese mind these Taoist mythological and folklore deities are inextricably involved with Buddhas and Bodhisattvas.\n\nGENERAL YIN CH'IAO\n\nXHT\n\nThe President of the Ministry of Time and The Supreme Ruler of the Year and the Seasons.\n\nAlso known as T’AI SUI (★A)\n\nBackground\n\nIn the spirit world of Chinese folk religion, the Ministry of Time is ruled over by the deified hero, General or Marshal Yin Ch'iao, who bears the title T'ai Sui. He is a stellar deity particularly connected with the planet Jupiter, worshipped China-wide, and is said to be one of the fiercest gods in the pantheon who has to be placated if one is moving, building or when the ground is disturbed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206630, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 178, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "172\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\nT'ai sui is worshipped to avert calamities and appears on altars individually; although in Cantonese, Shanghainese and possibly in other areas, he is usually to be seen in groups of sixty images, often each with the dates for which they are responsible marked on their base or above their heads. In some areas of China he is said to be also a Member of the Ministry of Thunder, which is the premier Celestial Ministry in the spirit world. No Cantonese devotee of T'ai Sui with whom this has been discussed appears to have heard of Yin Ch'iao; whereas Fukienese and Chinese of the Yangtse will know him as Marshal Yin rather than T'ai Sui. In some eastern and south-eastern parts of China T'ai Sui was referred to as the God of Spring.\n\nT'ai Sui was listed in Ch'ing Dynasty regulations in the seventeenth century A.D. to receive official worship as a second-rank deity.\n\nThe words T'ai Sui mean the \"Great Year\", the Jupiter Year, the twelve-year sidereal period which the planet takes to travel around the sun. This figure of 12 is extended to include the 12 hours (each of 120 minutes) of the Chinese day, the twelve months of the year, and the 12 constellations of the zodiac which are believed in North China to be all ruled over by this key star, Jupiter.\n\nConfusing though it may seem, the actual Ministry of Time is itself called T'ai Sui. Depending upon which part of China you are in, it consists of either sixty or one hundred and twenty officials who rule the hours, days and months.\n\nThe Story of Yin Ch'iao\n\nGeneral Yin Ch'iao was the eldest son of the evil King Chou of Shang. He is depicted in the Deification of the Gods as both a good human and an evil, very ugly deity with a face as blue as indigo, and with long protruding fangs. He is also referred to in another famous novel of the same era, the Hsi Yu Chi (The Travels to the West) as blue-faced with ugly protruding teeth. T'ai Sui, according to the Feng Shen Yen I (The Deification of the Gods) was\n\n1 In order to calculate a person's horoscope by the traditional Chinese method, the two characters for the hour, day, month and year on which he was born and which govern his fate forever, are required. These four pairs of eight characters comprise one from each of two sets: one set of 12 called Branches, the other of 10 called Stems. These combinations of characters produce a cycle of 60, the cycle of Cathay, which are 120 binomial terms.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206632, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 180, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "174\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\nA legend in another book, the Shen I Ching (*) says that Chin Ch'ong (†) the son of Pan Ku the Creator of the World, who lived in the mountains of Shantung province, was canonised T'ai Sui for his many good deeds and was made responsible to Heaven for supervising the activities of all spirits (shen‡) and demons (kuei§). Few present-day Chinese with whom I have spoken appear to know of this story.\n\nT'ai sui was first worshipped during the Sung Dynasty in the eleventh century A.D. and was first offered official sacrifices during the Yuan (Mongol) Dynasty. Only after The Deification of the Gods popularised the idea was T'ai Sui identified with Yin Ch'iao.\n\nReason for the worship of Yin Ch'iao\n\nYin Ch'iao, or T'ai Sui as he will be referred to from now on, is a stellar deity who in many parts of China is believed to have flood, famine and all good and bad fortune under his jurisdiction. He is worshipped by the general populace to avert calamities, and has to be placated before any enterprise or journey is embarked upon. He was also worshipped by the imperial officials at the beginning of Spring. He is known to control the dates and times of births and deaths, and each one of his sixty images often displayed in rows in temples is dedicated to one specific year in the sixty year cycle of Chinese dating. Chinese place their offerings on the altar before the T'ai Sui bearing the cyclic year date of their birth. Father Doré in his Recherches sur les Superstitions en Chine calls him the \"Patron of the Harvests\".\n\nT'ai Sui is the great Father Time who, presiding over the year, is the arbiter of the destiny of all men. He is very much feared as he destroys those whom he dislikes and those who offend him. He is said to strike when least expected and can injure and destroy the highest and the lowest, at home or on the high roads, but is believed never to injure anyone in the vicinity of his, T'ai Sui's, own person. Therefore it is essential to know where he is at any given moment, and if he is nearby but not immediately present, he is at his most dangerous and precautions against his evil influence must be taken at once. This is done by hanging the appropriate talisman or stellar charm near the front door or facing the entrance. To find where T'ai sui will be during the forthcoming year he is believed to move annually—a device similar to a compass is used by a fêng shui\n\nPage 180\n\nPage 181", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206633, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 181, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "THREE CHINESE DEITIES\n\n175\n\nexpert, a geomancer. In general everyday use, prognostications are looked up in the farmer's almanac which is still published annually in Hong Kong and Taiwan and sold widely. In former days the source of information on this subject contained in the farmers' almanac, was the Imperial Calendar, the Hwang Li (). This, until the end of the Empire in 1911, gave the details of T'ai Sui's position every year. Nowadays the birth hour and date of an individual is matched to the movements of T'ai Sui given in the farmers' almanac, thereby obtaining the auspicious and unauspicious dates for most social functions, such as weddings, travel, initiating business, starting building, launching a ship or burying the dead. As can be seen T'ai Sui is important in the life of individuals: but, despite this importance, T'ai Sui is worshipped on as few occasions as possible. Persons fear approaching him too frequently as he is so alarmingly unpredictable and, being so awe-inspiring, he is given a very wide berth. Very rarely indeed, will you see devotees worshipping before his altars in comparison with other altars in the folk religion temples.\n\nIn the Yangtze Valley, and elsewhere in central and southern China, at the start of Spring, a clay bull and an image of T'ai Sui were carried on a float through the city with the civic officials bringing up the rear. The bull was constructed in a special pattern consisting of sixty separate parts. Hodous3 in 1929 tells of this image of the spring bull, a clay and coloured paper bull, being carried through the streets of Foochow together with T'ai Sui, the tutelary god of the current year. When the procession arrived at the Yamen the district officials formed a circle about the bull and each one struck it with a vari-coloured stick three times, breaking off pieces of clay. The bits of clay and other parts of the bull were picked up by the crowd and thrown to their pigs to stimulate their growth.\n\nHodous also continued that \"the position of T'ai Sui behind or in front of the bull tells the farmer whether to begin planting late or early; and upon the position of the tail, or the opening of the mouth of the bull depends the Yin and Yang principles of the year. The tutelary god of spring and of the year is Kou Mang () who holds a whip in his hand. The age of the image, the colour of his clothing and his belt and the position of his coiffure, the holding of his hand over his right or left ear, is determined by the 3 Hodous, L., Folkways in China, Probsthain's Oriental Series Vol. XVIII (1929).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206634, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 182, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "176\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\ncyclical characters of the year.\" Hodous appears either to be confusing T'ai Sui and Kou Mang, or to be giving T'ai Sui yet another alias.\n\nIn T'aip'ing in Malaya two images of mud bulls are to be seen standing on a pile of paper hell money on the altar beside T'ai Sui. The reason for their inclusion on the altar was not known by the temple keeper nor by the devotees who said that they had always been in that position as far back as anyone could recall. (See Plate 15).\n\nThe Rev. Wm Milne4 in Ningpo in the mid 1840s noted \"the festival of the Beating in of Spring\" when on the first day of spring the Chief Magistrate of the city beat the \"god of spring\", a multi-coloured paper ox, which was then torn to pieces by the crowd, for luck. Milne claimed to have seen this same ceremony elsewhere in Central China, and said that in some districts the bull is made of mud. “The colouring varies as laid down in the Peking annual book of ceremonies. The variations in colours such as red horns, black tail and feet, white body, blue head and neck are regarded as prognosticating the portents of the coming year. The amount of black signifies sickness, blue winds, white rain and floods, red fire and yellow the fruits of the earth. There are also a number of smaller mud oxen mainly sold for household good fortune.”\n\nThe Rev. Milne also reported that “the \"god of spring\" was seen in the shape of a youthful human image, the son of an early Emperor. He too is attired in a fashion prophetic of the fortune of the coming year: bareheaded predicted cold weather, and white robe augurs a dry year etc.\" This youthful image is almost certainly T'ai Sui. In all temples where he was observed in the \"scroll or bell-holding\" two-armed version, his image was seen very frequently to be balanced on wads, sometimes very high wads, of hell money. This is the paper money purchased from temple keepers to be burnt by devotees for the use of deceased members of the family in the Underworld. This custom is usually only to be seen in temples under wealth gods, but in the case of T'ai Sui, the wads are offerings to T'ai Sui for protection and not for transmission by burning to deceased relatives. Shyrock in his Temples of Anking says hell money is burnt for use by ancestors and is never presented to Gods. It would appear to be otherwise in Central and South China.\n\n4 Milne, W. C., Life in China (London, Routledge, 1857).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206640, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "182\n\nCo-location of deities\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\nIn Fukienese temples in Singapore and Malaya, the T'ai Sui images are often seen with Hsuan Tien Ta Ti (***) or with the Goddess of Mercy (##). In Cantonese and Amoy temples there, the T'ai Sui images are occasionally to be seen with the medical deities Lu Tung Pin (†) or Hua To ($) and in one temple with T'ai Shang Lao Chün (LB).\n\nIn another Fukienese temple in Singapore a triad occupying the centre altar was said by the temple keeper to be three of the Nine Emperors (g). Two were positively identified, one as the second brother of the main deity Chiu Hwang ( ). He is black skinned, bare footed, with one foot on a fire wheel, has protruding eyes, black beard, and his hair is wound into a top knot. His two arms are at his side, otherwise he is very similar to Fa Chu Kung (✯✯2). The second identified image is on the right of the main deity, and he is, without doubt, Wang Tien Kung (1A). The third unidentified image on the left of the main deity could easily be T'ai Sui. He is black faced and bearded, a standing general in armour, holding a bell in his left hand and a sword in his right; he has three eyes, ear tufts of hair, and wears a Taoist crown.\n\nIn one Fukienese temple in Taipei, Yin Ch'iao was seen together with Ch'ü Kung Chen Jen (AA). (Plate 19)\n\nIn North China in Kalgan his second brother Yin Hung ( *) is a special deity said to save people from the \"fifteen bad deaths\". He sits on the opposite side of the central deity, the Jade Emperor (11), from Yin Ch'iao. Both brothers are naked and, surprisingly, have claws, beaks and wings. Grootaers10 says that Yin Ch'iao is never to be seen except as an attendant to the Jade Emperor. It would appear that either the local god maker in Kalgan did not know the identification features of Yin Ch'iao and has confused him with the Thunder God; or that there is a local legend which we do not know about; or thirdly that Grootaers misidentified the two attendants of the Jade Emperor.\n\nC. B. Day bought a hand-painted scroll in Hangchow, depicting five Buddhist figures and six Taoist ones. This pantheon chart included T'ai Sui Ti Chün ( *#*#) together with the San Kuan\n\n10 W. A. Grootaers, Rural Temples around Hsüan Hua (Folklore Studies vol. 10).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206648, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 196, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "190\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\npoverty stricken to maintain them all, and was so persuasive that he managed to gain the monopoly of worship and offerings in that area. He is always to be seen poverty stricken and unkempt in his efforts to keep up the pretence before all the other gods.\n\nb. Chang (3) was a local peasant who, in Ying Chüen presented himself before the leader of a large invading force, dressed in rags and burnt black with exposure due to heavy labour in the fields, thus showing the invader just how poverty stricken the area was. The invaders changed their direction of march and laid waste neighbouring counties, saving Ying Ch’üen. Chang was deified Fa Chu Kung by the Emperor of China for his heroism.\n\nC. A very evil king came to Ying Ch’üen and demanded considerable tribute. This was collected from the peasants and was about to be transported away, when Chang (k), a peasant, challenged the enemy king to a duel. Chang using more powerful magic, defeated the king, and gave him three days to be clear of the district. However, some of the king's followers cut the ropes securing the king's boat, stranding him. He had, therefore, to pay a ransom of $130,000 to Chang, which was then shared among the peasants. When Chang died, the peasants requested the Emperor of China to deify him Fa Chu Kung.\n\nd. Whilst still a youth, Fa Chu Kung was living with his brothers and his sister-in-law in the barren hills. His sister-in-law told him to go out to collect wood for the stove. As he walked over the hills, he heard a voice telling him to go deeper into the unknown woods and when he did so, he met a sage who taught him magic. He was away for several years and when he returned his sister-in-law was more irritated by the fact that he had not brought back any firewood rather than by his being missing for so long. She scolded him and sent him out to gather some, telling him to return quickly as the rice had to be ready for the return of her husband. Fa Chu Kung surreptitiously returned and employing his magic, used his legs as firewood and soon had a roaring fire burning, quickly boiling the rice. This he did for every meal and his sister-in-law became very suspicious because she never saw any ash nor any wood lying around. Next meal she peeped around the door and saw Fa", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206650, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 198, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "192\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\nof insufficient fire wood, he stuck his foot in the stove, and the flame shot up cooking the food in but a few moments. The second is no less than Li T'ieh Kuai (*), one of the Eight Immortals. One of the stories told about him is that, when he was young and very poor, his mother ordered him to go into the hills every day to collect wood but he was never able to collect more than sufficient for one day. When it rained they had none. His aunt cursed him and said they would use his legs as fuel. Now Li T'ieh Kuai had learnt some tricks from the Immortals in the hills and stuck his foot into the fire which blazed up much more brightly. His aunt shouted that she was only joking and pulled his foot from the fire. Because of this the bottom part of his leg fell off and became poisoned. The story ends by his aunt using the burnt-off leg to bank up the cinders!\n\nConclusion\n\nAlthough this Fukienese local deity is mostly to be seen, as is to be expected, in those areas of Taiwan and South East Asia where Fukienese immigrants from An Ch'i, Ying Ch'üan and the immediate surrounding areas are to be found, he is also to be found in Hainanese, Ch'aochow and Cantonese temples in South East Asia; where presumably this cult has been adopted by the other immigrant groups who wished to take advantage of his power.\n\nTai Pao(*)\n\nOne image likely to be confused with Fa Chu Kung is Tai Pao. Tai Pao is the monk Sha (*) who usually wears a necklet or waistband of skulls, but in many temples these have been lost and the black, unkempt figure of Tai Pao at first glance can easily be confused with Fa Chu Kung.\n\nTHE CULT OF THE EUNUCH ADMIRAL CHENG HO\n\nA deified hero and a Taoist Saint\n\nBackground\n\nThe intercourse between China and the West under the widespread rule of the Mongols lapsed with their withdrawal into Central Asia. The Ming dynasty emperor Yung Lo made great efforts to re-open trade routes and to expand the much diminished foreign trade by despatching between the years 1405 and 1431 A.D. seven major expeditions to the Southern Seas, commanded by eunuchs", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206651, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 199, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "THREE CHINESE DEITIES\n\n193\n\nfrom the Imperial Palace. These Chinese expeditions sailed as far afield as the coast of East Africa, the Maldive Islands, Mogadishu, the Persian Gulf, Aden and Mecca, Siam, Champa, Java, Sumatra and Malacca, visiting more than thirty countries in South East Asia, the Indian Archipelago and the Indian Ocean.\n\nCheng Ho\n\nThe most famous of the admirals to command these expeditions was Ma Cheng-ho, a eunuch from the Imperial Palace and the son of a Chinese Moslem Hadji from Yunnan. The Admiral is remembered either as Cheng Ho or by his title, San Po Kung (2) and not by his family name which was the common Chinese Moslem name Ma ( ). The full title by which he was known after his death was San Pao T'ai Chien (2), the Three Jewelled Eunuch, but this in South East Asia has been shortened to San Pao Kung (ET). Cheng Ho's last expedition in 1430 visited seventeen countries from which tribute had ceased to be received, but after he died in about 1431 all official intercourse between these countries and China ceased.*\n\nWhere or when he was deified is not known. However, amongst the overseas Chinese communities which are mentioned below Cheng Ho is still prayed to for protection, both in everyday life and on short journeys. In the earlier days of the Chinese migrations to South East Asia, he was prayed to by the junk crews of the southern maritime provinces of China and the South Seas. Cheng Ho himself on his voyages is said to have prayed to Tien Fei, the Heavenly Consort (kt), the Chinese seafarers' goddess, who is now normally called Ma Tsu or Tien Hou. What a good example of Chinese toleration Cheng Ho was: or perhaps a good example of the prudent Chinese who takes the opportunity not to offend, and also backs all horses. Here he is, a Mohamedan who prays to Tien Fei for protection and who during one of his voyages erects a tablet in honour of the local Buddha.\n\nImages of Cheng Ho\n\nStatues of Cheng Ho are to be seen in temples in Singapore; in Malaysia in Muar and Malacca; in Sarawak; in Semarang in Java,\n\nSee J. V. G. Mills' edited translation of Ma Huan's Ying-yai Sheng-lan. The overall survey of the Ocean's Shores, Cambridge University Press for The Hakluyt Society, 1970.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206652, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 200, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "194\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\nin Thailand and at Nakorn Sri Thammarat. The few observed examples of his statue have all been in temples run by Fukienese emigrants, and probably the most famous statue is to be seen in Malacca in a temple run by Fukienese emigrants from An Chi county. (Plate 28)\n\nThere does not appear to be a standard identification characteristic for images of Cheng Ho. The Malacca statue is of sandal wood, carved some 8\" high, in Amoy style, depicting a Mandarin seated on a throne with his right hand clutching his girdle, his left palm cradling a flat elongated plaque of office or sceptre, which rests in the crook of his left arm. He is beardless and has the raised eyebrows so often seen on Chinese opera generals; he is wearing a military hat with one pompom on top, and a tassel hanging from each side of it over his shoulders. He is accompanied by two standing attendants; the one on his left a military attendant is carrying his sheathed sword, and the one on the right a civil attendant is carrying his seal of office wrapped in a red cloth. Alongside, on the same altar, is Kuan Kung, the Chinese god of loyalty and patron of soldiers, who is also the patron of Chinese businessmen. In the temples listed above, Cheng Ho has several birthdays and feast days, the most common of which is the 30th day of the sixth lunar month.\n\nOne of the many images on sale in a Singapore godshop, was another Amoy style carving of Cheng Ho, some 10″ high in wood, now in the possession of an English news correspondent. This image of the Admiral depicts him as an elderly benign man without a beard, dressed in gilt dragon robes, and standing with a fly whisk in his right hand and a scroll in his left. (Plate 29)\n\nCheng Ho in Java and the Philippines\n\nThe Admiral is held in the highest esteem in Semarang in Java as the Chinese patron deity of the town. It is said that he left behind in Java some ten men under his sick navigator, Ong King-hong, who founded the town of Semarang. Before 1724 a statue of Cheng Ho together with four carved wooden attendants was brought from China, and these stand in a cave near the town. During the British occupation of Java in 1945 the commander of the British forces recommended the Chinese of Semarang to evacuate the town for their own safety. After consultation with Cheng Ho, they decided\n\n11 Willmott, D. E., The Chinese of Semarang, (Cornell U. P., 1960).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206654, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 202, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nThe following letter appeared in the South China Morning Post, 10th April, 1972. — Ed.\n\nWHO HOISTED THE UNION JACK?\n\nIn today's (April 7) issue on page 20 you publish an article headed \"The Hongkong Club decides to go back to Victorian Era”. In the article you state \"The Club was founded in 1846, five years after the Union Jack was hoisted on Possession Point by Captain Charles Elliot\".\n\nThe statement is not correct. It is true that Sir Charles Elliot issued a formal declaration of British sovereignty over Hongkong in January 1841 after the treaty of Chuenpi, but the Union Jack was hoisted on Possession Point by Captain Belcher commanding H.M. survey ship, Sulphur, on January 26, 1841.\n\nThe account is given in Captain Belcher's book \"Voyage round the World\" published 1843, Volume II page 157. The following is an extract:\n\n\"The only important point to which we became officially partners was the cession of the island of Hongkong, situated off the peninsula of Cow Loon within the island of Lama,\n\n\"On the return of the commodore on the 24th we were directed to proceed to Hongkong and commence its survey. We landed on Monday the 26th January at fifteen minutes past eight, and being 'bona fide' first possessors, her majesty's health was drank with three cheers on Possession Mount.\n\n\"On the 26th the squadron arrived; the marines were landed, the union hoisted on our post, and formal possession taken of the island by Commodore Sir J. G. Bremer, accompanied by the other officers of the squadron, under a feu de joie from the marines, and a royal salute from ships of war”.\n\nThere may be some uncertainty about the exact date. It is probable that the landing was on Monday, January 25 and that the more serious formalities took place on Tuesday, January 26.\n\nCaptain Belcher's history is preserved in the Colony in the names Belcher's Gardens, Belcher's Fort (and formerly Belcher's Creek)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206655, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 203, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n197\n\nand his three small survey ships have given their names respectively to Sulphur Channel, Starling Inlet and Plover Cove.\n\nJ. R. JONES.\n\nCHINA'S EARLIEST PRINTING A NOTE\n\nLLL\n\nIn Volume 7 (1967) of this Journal I published a brief note entitled \"Printing, a new discovery.\" This told of a find in a stone stupa, standing in the courtyard of a temple called Pulguk-sa, in Korea, erected in 751, of a printed Buddhist sutra. The find was hailed by the Korean archaeologists as perhaps the oldest example of printing known, although the exact date of the printing still remains a mystery.\n\nRecently I have learned that the Chinese discovered another piece of printing as far back as 1944. (Somehow, perhaps because of the war, news of this had escaped my attention.) Known in Chinese as T'o-lo-ni ching chou (dharani sutra charm), it was unearthed in a T'ang dynasty grave site in Chengtu, Szechwan, inside the silver bracelet of a young woman. As Professor Max Loehr has written, it \"is a charm printed on a single sheet showing a six-armed Bodhisattva figure in the center of concentrically laid out Sanscrit words written in Lantsa letters.\" This is surprising, but not unreasonable. In the last half of the Tang, Chengtu happens to have developed into perhaps the chief center of printing, and, as everyone knows, by the middle of the eighth century Chinese civilization had reached one of its heights. It was the age of Li Po and Tu Fu, Wu Tao-hsüan and Wang Wei, and Buddhism was at the summit of its influence. With the demand for reduplication in every circle - Confucian, Buddhist, and Taoist - and with all the tools and techniques at hand, the printing of a highly popular charm seems natural. So it came about that there have come to light charms, printed within a few years of each other, in Korea (751?), China (757), and Japan (764-770).\n\nBibliography:\n\nChung-kuo pan-k'o lü-lu, compiled by the Peking Library (Peking 1961), pl. 1, text Vol. I, p. 7;", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206656, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 204, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "198\n\nChinese Woodcuts\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nby Max Loehr (Cambridge, Mass., 1968), p. 1.\n\nColumbia University, 1971.\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\nUNUSUAL TREES IN HONG KONG: THE CANTON WATER PINE\n\nIf you leave Kowloon and proceed along the Tai Po Road, shortly after passing the Hong Lok Yuen orchard, you will come to an open area with villages and flower farms by the roadside and with hills in the background bounding the valley.\n\nNear milestone 184 on your left is a large Cantonese village, Tai Hang, and in this village at the back of Fei Sha Wai, there are two fascinating but often overlooked trees standing at no great distance from the road. These are Chinese Deciduous Cypress, or Canton Water Pine as it is sometimes known. The scientific name is Glyptostrobus pensilis. Belonging to the family Taxodiaceae, Glyptostrobus is a genus which contains only the single species pensilis. Its distribution is confined to the Provinces of Fukien and Kwangtung in South China, and mature specimens are very uncommon in Hong Kong.\n\nThe tree may be recognised by its light-brown, fibrous bark, and its foliage which demonstrates two types of leaves: overlapping scales on fruiting twigs and thin needles on the sterile twigs, both of which are a delicate green in spring, turning brown and falling in autumn. The long-stalked cones are pear-shaped and about one and a half inches long.\n\nThese two old specimens are said to have been planted by one of the ancestors of the village. On asking about the possible age of these two trees, the Village Representative Mr. Man Tse-leung said that they had been planted by one of his ancestors in the Ming Dynasty with seedlings from Law Fu Shan, Canton from where the Man family came some 400 years ago. The Village Representative's account of the origin and age of these two ancients is not without precedent. It is a world-wide practice for an emigrant to take something representative of his old country with him to his new home, in order to give later generations something from his country of origin. Mr. Man's ancestor apparently did just such a thing.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206660, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 208, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "202\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nTin Valley is characterized today by the everywhere existent, superbly thriving garden beds.\n\nThe development of intense vegetable farming in the traditional society of China seems to have been linked to the proximity of urban central places with great agglomerations of people. Urban marketing has, so it seems, been a prerequisite for a one-sided specialization on vegetable production. The geographic distribution of horticulture has been limited by one particular cultural barrier. Chinese palate calls for very fresh market goods, and every tendency in the marketed products to perish will considerably decrease the saleable price. Thus transportation to the city markets must be short or rapid. As a consequence, the urban areas were often surrounded by limited zones of intense horticulture.\n\nDuring the latter half of the 19th century, the twin cities of Victoria and Kowloon emerged as a result of foreign intervention and planning. Their growth was related to the attraction the new Colony had on a countryside impoverished under the strain of a fast-increasing population. The appearance of the new urban districts stimulated the interest in the surrounding rural areas, which later were to become New Kowloon and the New Territories, for the cultivation of cash crops. This was within a sector with reasonably good communications to connect with the city markets. According to available information, the start was made on Hong Kong Island and Kowloon Peninsula, where the old villages seem to have taken advantage of the new development quite early. The continuous spread of the network of transportation, initiated after the British territorial expansion to the New Territories in 1898, when new roads were constructed and the Canton-Kowloon railway was laid out through the district, gave rise to new opportunities and the possibility to expand the zone of intense vegetable cultivation beyond the Kowloon Foothills. The Sha Tin valley is located just behind this range of mountains, but, contrary to what one might expect, vegetable farming was not to become important there until recently, in the post-Pacific War period. The obstacle against a switch over to horticulture may be found on the managerial side of production, but this by no means accounts for everything. An important barrier to change may be found in the social values and knowledge of the village population.\n\nIn the Sha Tin valley, paddy fields are still to be seen scattered around in the area. The New Territories are situated in the double-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 } ]