[ { "id": 204247, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n12\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nOne by one successive tribes arose Huns, Avars, Turks, Mongols, Manchus-dashed themselves against the frontiers of the Empire, and sometimes recoiling proceeded through Central Asia to Europe, sometimes breaking through the Wall, submerged for a time the whole Empire.\n\nApart from some stone monuments found in Central Asia, few but of great importance, the record of these tribes is to be found in the Chinese Histories, with references in the Greek authors of the Byzantine Empire, whenever the tribes impinged upon the West.\n\nInterest in collecting the Scythian bronzes commenced with Peter the Great. It is natural that the Russians and the scholars of Eastern Europe should be the first to be interested in the history of the Central Asian tribes. To them is largely due the excavations in Southern Europe and Siberia, and also in Mongolia. But in English we have the massive work 'Scythians and Greeks' by E. H. Minns. The Turks also are particularly interested in these studies, which have thrown much light upon the origin of the Turkish peoples.\n\nOne outcome of the struggle of the Chinese Empire with the Huns was the first extension of Chinese power in Central Asia, through the Tarim Basin, the present Sinkiang, to the Pamirs. This chapter in world history includes the fascinating account of the journey of Chang Ch'ien to the West in the second century B.C., the exploits of Pan Ch'ao in the Tarim Basin in the first century A.D., and the despatch of a Chinese envoy, Kan Ying, to the shores of the Persian Gulf,\n\nDuring the first and second centuries the famous silk trade arose between China and Rome, recorded by Ptolemy and the Chinese histories. For a short time the land route between China and the West was open. The road passed through the Tarim Basin, between the northern grasslands and Tibet. It also became the great highway between India and China.\n\nThe Tarim Basin is one of the most remarkable geographical regions in the world, lying as it does between glaciated mountains on three sides, with a waterless desert in the centre. Around the desert, watered by streams from the mountains, are the oasis towns and villages, which form stepping stones as it were for travellers passing from east to west, or from west to east. By this thoroughfare have passed from time immemorial the travellers of Central Asia-merchants, soldiers, monks. And by this thoroughfare the great cultural influences-Indian, Persian, Greek-have passed with Buddhism from Western and Southern Asia to China. By this thoroughfare Chinese colonization spread to the Pamirs. By this route Marco Polo journeyed to China in the thirteenth century.\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204250, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 18, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n15\n\nEgypt had sailed through the Red Sea, and keeping the land on their right had rounded Africa and returned through the Straits of Gibraltar; on the way they had found that the sun appeared for a time on the north side.\n\nA hundred years later, after Egypt had fallen into his hands, Alexander had founded the city of Alexandria on the western side of the delta of the Nile. The city was destined to become the second city of the Roman Empire. Connected by canal with the Red Sea, and making use of the newly understood monsoon winds (A.D. 47) for crossing the Arabian Sea, it became the chief port of the maritime trade with Persia, India, and the regions beyond.\n\nReferences to this maritime trade exist in the Chinese histories as well as in the writings of the Greeks. In A.D. 97 a Chinese envoy, Kan Ying, travelling from Central Asia reached the shores of the Persian Gulf, and was informed by the seamen whom he met that the sea-route from the Gulf proceeded first south-west and then north-west to the port of Wu-ch'ih-san (Alexandria), the return journey taking three months with favourable winds, and two years with unfavourable winds.\n\nThe Chinese records speak of the Persians and the Indians trading by sea with Ta-ts'in (the Chinese name for the Eastern Provinces of the Roman Empire: Egypt, Syria and Asia Minor) and of the fact that the profits were ten-fold.\n\nThey speak also of traffic between India and China by sea, and record that in A.D. 120 two jugglers who claimed to have come from the Roman Orient (Ta-ts'in) reached Burma, and were sent by the king of Burma as a present to the Emperor of China, via the Burma Road.\n\nAbout the same time a book was written by an unknown Greek sailor called The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea giving a port-to-port description of the voyage down the Red Sea and around the Indian Ocean to the Malay Peninsula (The Land of Gold) 'under the very rising of the sun, with a notice of China beyond.\n\nShortly after this in the 2nd century A.D. the Geography of Ptolemy was written at Alexandria, where Ptolemy gathered together and systematized all that was known to the Western world about Asia and Africa. In particular he plotted the longitude and latitude of the places known, which when transferred to a modern map give surprisingly accurate results, reaching to China itself.\n\nFrom this time notices of the sea-route increase, both on the Greek and on the Chinese side. The Chinese histories in particular show a rapidly increasing knowledge in the early", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204266, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n30\n\nTHE KNIGHT ERRANT IN\n\nCHINESE LITERATURE\n\nA lecture delivered on January 23, 1961.\n\nJAMES J. Y. LIU, M.A.\n\nMost Western readers of Chinese literature are probably familiar with such types as the Confucian scholar, the Taoist recluse, the Buddhist monk, the romantic young lady, the intriguing eunuch, and the corrupt official, but there is another important type that is perhaps not so well known to Western readers: the knight errant. I am using the expression \"knight errant\" because it happens to be a fairly close translation of the Chinese term yu-hsia (#), though this does not imply that the ancient Chinese knight errant resembled the Mediaeval European one in every respect. The Chinese knights were not members of religious orders like the Knights Templars, nor were they members of a caste like the Japanese samurai. Though they often had many followers, they were not highly organized. They differed from professional warriors on the one hand, and mere bandits on the other. The essential qualifications of a knight errant were not so much outstanding physical strength and military skill as a spirit of altruism and a concern for justice. In short, knight errantry was not a profession but a way of behaviour, and a knight errant was simply a man who sought to right wrongs and help people in distress, often by the use of force and in defiance of the law. Such, at least, was the original definition of a knight errant, though later on he somewhat changed his character, in fact and in fiction, as we shall see.\n\nWhen and how did the knights errant come into being? As far as we can trace, they probably first came into existence during the Warring States period (403-221 B.C.), against a background of political instability, social unrest, and intellectual ferment. It was the period preceding the unification of China by the First Emperor of Ch'in, and the era in which different schools of thought, such as Confucianism, Taoism, Legalism, and Mohism, flourished side by side, each offering a different remedy for the prevailing chaotic conditions. While the thinkers were busy arguing and trying to convert the rulers of various feudal states to their respective ways of thinking, the knights errant simply took justice into their own hands and did what they thought necessary to avenge wrongs and help the poor. Of the knights errant of the Warring States period, we have no detailed accounts. The earliest knights about whose lives we know something in detail belong to the end of the Ch'in dynasty and the beginning of the Han (cir. 200 B.C.). Our information is mainly derived from the Shih chi (£), or", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204267, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 35, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n31\n\nRecords of the historiographer,1 by Ssu-ma Ch'ien (145?—86? B.C.). In this monumental work, there is one section entitled \"Biographies of knights errant” (Yu-hsia lieh-chuan). Both in this section and in his general preface to the whole work, the historian explains his reasons for including such a section in his history and expresses his admiration for the knights errant. In the general preface he writes:\n\nTo save people from distress and relieve people from want: is this not benevolence? Not to belie another's trust and not to break one's promises: is this not righteousness? That is why I wrote the \"Biographies of knights errant”.\n\nAnd in the introductory paragraph to the biographies of the knights, he says:\n\nAlthough the actions of the knights errant were not in accordance with the rules of propriety, they always meant what they said, always accomplished what they set out to do, and always fulfilled their promises. They rushed to the aid of people in distress without giving a thought to their own safety. And when they had saved someone from disaster at the risk of their own lives, they did not boast of their ability and were shy to hear their virtue praised. Indeed, there is much to be said for them.\n\nAfter eulogizing them like this, the historian proceeds to give an account of the lives of various knights. The following are two examples.\n\nChu Chia was a contemporary of the first Emperor of Han (cir. 200 B.C.) and a native of Lu, the native state of Confucius. Most men of Lu followed Confucianism, but Chu Chia was known as a knight errant. He saved the lives of hundreds of men but never boasted about it. Whenever he had done someone a favour, he would avoid seeing the latter again, so as to save himself the embarrassment of being thanked. He gave generously to the poor but lived modestly himself, wearing old clothes, having only one dish for each meal, and going out in a little cart drawn by a bullock. When people were in trouble, he would rush to their aid. In particular, he saved the life of General Chi Pu, who had been a supporter of the King of Ch'u, the rival of the first Emperor of Han. When the King of Ch'u fell, the Emperor of Han put up a rich reward for the capture of Chi Pu and threatened to kill the whole family of anyone who should dare to conceal him.\n\n1 The word shih here is a noun, \"historiographer\", not an adjective, \"historical\". Chavanne's translation of the title as \"Memoires historiques\" is inaccurate.\n\n* Shih chi (Ssu-pu pei-yao; henceforth abbreviated as SPPY), chüan 130, 226.\n\nIbid., chüan 124, 1b.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204268, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n32\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nYet Chu Chia, who did not even know Chi Pu personally, took him in, disguised as a farm labourer, and eventually secured his pardon from the Emperor through an influential friend. After Chi Pu had been pardoned and given official honours, Chu Chia refused to see him for the rest of his life. Because of this, men came from far and near to make friends with Chu Chia. For instance, an expert swordsman T'ien Chung treated Chu Chia as his father.\n\nAnother famous knight errant was Kuo Chich. His father had also been a knight errant and was executed by order of Emperor Wen in the second century B.C. Kuo Chich himself was small in person but very strong, and was a teetotaler. In his youth he was spiteful and killed many men who had offended him.\n\nHe avenged the private wrongs of his friends at the risk of his own life, concealed those on the run from the law, robbed the rich, and illegally coined money. But luck was always on his side: he either managed to escape in time or was pardoned because of an amnesty. When he grew older, he reformed his ways. He became modest and exerted self-control; he gave liberally but expected little from others. Yet he loved knightly deeds even more than before, and remained revengeful at heart. Many young men who admired him would avenge his wrongs without letting him know it, while he on his part would save the lives of others without boasting about it. Once, his sister's son forced another man to drink beyond his capacity. The latter became angry, killed him, and ran away. Kuo's sister was annoyed that the killer escaped. So she left her son's body on the highway and refused to bury him, so as to shame Kuo Chich. Eventually Kuo found out the killer, who told him how it had happened. Kuo said to the killer, \"It was my nephew's fault; you were quite right to kill him.\" So he let the killer go and buried his nephew quietly. All those who heard about this praised him for putting fairness above family loyalty, and more and more men came to follow him. In 127 B.C., Emperor Wu ordered all those who owned more than three million cash to move from all parts of the empire to Mao-ling, near the capital, so as to keep a strict eye on potential rebels. Kuo Chieh did not have so much, but his name was included in the list of rich men. General Wei Ch'ing spoke on his behalf to the Emperor and said, “Kuo Chieh is a poor man and should not be forced to move.” The Emperor replied, \"A commoner who can make a general speak for him cannot be poor!\" So Kuo and his family had to move, and his friends contributed more than ten million towards his removal expenses. Meanwhile, his brother's son killed the local clerk who first put Kuo's name in the list. After the Kuo family moved, the clerk's father was also murdered, and when the family of the\n\nA, chüan 18. (In the Peking, 1956 edition, Vol. 1, p. 605.)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204269, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n33\n\nmurdered man sent a messenger to report the murder to the throne, the messenger too was killed by Kuo's followers. The Emperor ordered Kuo's arrest, whereupon Kuo left his family and ran away by himself. After a long time he was caught, but exhaustive investigations showed that all his crimes had been committed before a recent amnesty and he could not be punished. However, something new happened. A Confucian scholar from Kuo's native district remarked, \"Kuo Chieh makes it his business to break the law; how can he be called a worthy man!\" When one of Kuo's followers heard this, he killed the scholar and cut off his tongue. The officials questioned Kuo about this, but he really did not know who had done it. The killer was never found, and the officials reported to the Emperor that Kuo was innocent. However, the Imperial Censor Kung-sun Hung said, “Kuo Chieh is a commoner who indulges in knightly deeds and wields great power. He would kill a man for a trivial offence. Though he does not know about this murder, his crimes are greater than the murderer's, and he deserves the penalty for high treason.\" Therefore, Kuo and his whole family were executed.\n\nApart from the knights described in the \"Biographies of knights errant\", we find others mentioned in various individual biographies in the Shih chi. From these accounts we get a fairly clear picture of the typical behaviour of the ancient Chinese knight errant. What were the ideals underlying such behaviour? Briefly, the ideals of knight errantry were justice, altruism, honour, and individual freedom. In many ways, the knight errant formed a strong contrast to the Confucian scholar. While the Confucian scholar aimed at order and moderation, and stressed the need for the individual to conform to a rigid pattern of behaviour and to subjugate himself to the family, the knight errant stressed justice and freedom and placed personal loyalty above family loyalty and above law and order. Both were condemned by the Legalist thinker Han-fei-tzu, who said, \"The Confucians disturb the law with their writings, while the knights errant break the law by force.\" It is easy to see why he condemned them both, for both placed a moral code above the law, though the moral code of each was different. The Confucian regarded obedience to one's sovereign and parents as a sacred duty more important than observance of the law, but would not resort to force in the discharge of such duties; the knight errant, on the other hand, regarded loyalty to a friend as more important than one's duties to one's king and parents, and would not refrain from violence in performing what they considered their moral obligations or what they thought their honour required. In so far as the knight\n\nA\n\ne.g. the biographies of political assassins (chüan 86); the biographies of Chi An and Cheng Tang-shih (chüan 120).\n\n* Han-fei-tzu, \"Wu tu\" chapter, quoted by Ssu-ma Ch'ien at the beginning of the \"Biographies of knights errant”.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204270, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n34\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nerrant may be said to have had an ideology, it had more affinity with Taoism than with any other school of thought. True, in their altruism and devotion to duty they showed some resemblance to the Mohists, but they did not share the austerity of the latter. Indeed, the Mohists despised the knights errant and did not think them worth mentioning. It was to Taoism that some knights errant turned for guidance, as recorded in the biographies of several of them. This is hardly surprising: both Taoism and knight errantry came into being before Confucianism became the established official ideology, and both emphasized individualism and freedom from social bonds. To risk a generalization: if the obverse side of the Chinese character is represented by Confucianism—moderate, realistic, and conservative, then its reverse side is represented by Taoist philosophy, knight errantry, and various unorthodox artists and writers: romantic, individualist, and rebellious. It seems to me that it is the obverse side that is familiar to the West while the reverse side is perhaps not so well known and deserves more attention.\n\nTo come back to the history of knight errantry; the early Han emperors, though they paid lip service to Confucianism, actually ruled largely by Legalist methods. It is therefore not surprising that they took strong measures to suppress the knights errant. I have already mentioned that Kuo Chieh's father was executed by order of Emperor Wen. In the next reign, Emperor Ching ordered the execution of many others. And Emperor Wu, as we have seen, ordered the execution of Kuo Chieh and his family. Yet in spite of such suppression, many knights survived, although not all of them lived up to the high ideals of true knight errantry. In later periods, knights errant continued to exist. For instance, the poet Li Po (A.D. 701-762) was a knight errant in his younger days and killed several people by his own hand. In still later periods of history, we also read of people described as being knights errant or behaving in a knightly manner. Sometimes this means no more than that someone behaved in a chivalrous, altruistic way, without necessarily using force or breaking the law. On the other hand, the more swashbuckling knights either degenerated into mere outlaws or became professional bodyguards. As we are concerned here with literature rather than history, I shall give no more examples of historical knights but turn to descriptions of knight errantry in literature.\n\n7 According to the \"Biographies of knights errant\".\n\nSee Lao Kan, \"Yu-hsia, a type of knights errant in the Han dynasty\", Bulletin of the College of Arts, National Taiwan University, No. 1.\n\nLi T'ai-po shih-chi (SPPY), chüan 31, 5a. See Arthur Waley, The poetry and career of Li Po (London, 1950), p. 6.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204272, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Vol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nJournal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n36\n\nThe next example is from Li Po, who, having been a knight errant himself, naturally eulogized them in his poetry. In his \"Song of the Knight Errant\", he describes a knight thus:\n\nThe man from the North wears a tasselled hat\n\nAnd a curved sword as bright as frost or snow.\n\nHis silver saddle shines on his white steed\n\nOn which he rides as fast as a shooting star.\n\nHe can kill anyone within ten paces\n\nAnd will not stop till he has gone a thousand miles. Shaking the dust from his clothes, he goes into hiding,\n\nTo shroud in secret his person and his name.\n\nAfter mentioning two famous knights of antiquity, the poet concludes:\n\nAfter death, their chivalrous bones are fragrant;\n\nThey can compare with any heroes in the world. Who cares to imitate the pedantic scholar\n\nWriting books until his hair grows white?\n\nIn another poem he again says:\n\nIt is better to be a knight errant than a scholar:\n\nWhat is the good of studying hard when your hair\n\nis turning white?12\n\nFinally, a poem by Chia Tao (A.D. 777-841), which seems to me to sum up the spirit of knight errantry in four lines:\n\nThe Swordsman\n\nThis sword I have been polishing for ten years;\n\nIts frosty edge has never been put to the test.\n\nNow that I've shown it to you, pray tell me:\n\nIs there anyone suffering from injustice?*\n\nBut the richest fruits of chivalric literature are naturally to be found not in poetry but in fiction. Among the romances in classical prose of the T'ang period, we find many tales of chivalry. Apart from their generally high literary standard, these tales are remarkable for two interesting features: first, in many of them, a supernatural element is introduced; secondly, we encounter as many female hsia, or chivalrous ladies, as knights. The story of Hung Hsien is a typical example. Hung Hsien, or \"Red Cotton\", was a maid in the household of Hsüeh Sung, the military governor of Lu-chou, in the T'ang dynasty. She was a skillful p'i-pa player\n\n11 Li T'ai-po shih-chi, chüan 3, 31.\n\n12 Ibid., chüan 3, 14.\n\n13 Ch'üan T'ang shih, chüan 571. (In the Peking, 1960 edition, p. 6618).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204273, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n37\n\nand well versed in history and literature. So Hsieh made her his private secretary. At that time, the military governors were practically independent war-lords paying only nominal homage to the crown. A rival governor, T'ien Ch'eng-ssu, was increasing his armed forces and planning to annex Lu-chou. Seeing that Hsüeh was worried about this, Hung Hsien offered to go to the rival governor's city one night to investigate. Brushing aside Hsüeh's misgivings, she pushed her hair back to form a bun, put on a short embroidered jacket and black silk shoes, carried a dagger, and wrote a magic spell on her forehead. In a moment she was gone. Hsüeh waited for her alone, and after a dozen cups of wine, it was already daybreak. Suddenly he heard something falling lightly like a leaf on the ground outside. It was Hung Hsien coming back. She had travelled several hundred miles and gone to the rival governor's headquarters, and, without disturbing the armed guards or waking up the governor, had taken from his bed-side a gold case containing his horoscope. Next morning, Hsieh sent the gold case back to his rival, with a letter saying, “Last night a visitor came and brought this from your bed-side. I dare not keep it and am returning it herewith.\" On receiving this, the rival governor, T'ien, was petrified. He sent Hsüeh rich gifts and a humble letter of apology, saying that he had no aggressive intentions and that he was going to cut down his forces. All was peace and quiet. Two months later, Hung Hsien asked permission to leave. Hsüeh was naturally reluctant to let her go, whereupon she said, \"In my previous incarnation I was a man and a physician, who, by mistake, caused the death of a pregnant woman conceiving twins. As a punishment, I was re-born as a girl and became a serving maid. Now that I have repaid your kindness, I must go.\" Hsieh realized it was no use trying to keep her, so he held a great farewell banquet in her honour. After a tearful goodbye, she disappeared and was never seen again.11\n\nThe above story is written in elegant classical prose. At the same time, chivalric tales also existed in the popular colloquial literature of T'ang times. Among the manuscripts discovered at Tun-huang at the end of the last century are many tales known as pien-wen (#), which may be translated as \"popularized texts\".15 These are for the most part Buddhist legends re-told in a semi-colloquial style, often in a mixture of prose and verse. However, some of them are not of a religious character. Among these is\n\n14 T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi ***, chüan 195. For a full translation of the story, see E. D. Edwards, Chinese prose literature of the T'ang period, vol. II (London, 1938), pp. 123-7.\n\n15 For further information, see Arthur Waley, Ballads and stories from Tun-huang (London, 1960).\n\n1", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204274, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n38\n\none called \"The Capture of Chi Pu\". This refers to the same General Chi Pu mentioned earlier, whose life was saved by the knight errant Chu Chia. In this popular version, which is in doggerel verse, the story differs from the historical account. The name of Chi Pu's benefactor is given as Chu Chieh instead of Chu Chia. This is probably due to a confusion between the names Chu Chia and Kuo Chieh, the two most famous knights of early Han. Moreover, in this version, Chu is the official sent to arrest Chi Pu, and he is blackmailed into saving the latter's life rather than doing so voluntarily. This tale in doggerel verse has no great literary merits, but is of considerable historical interest as a specimen of popular chivalric literature of the Tang period.\n\nDuring the Sung dynasty, professional story-tellers flourished. According to the Tsui-weng t'an-lu (B680), a miscellaneous collection of stories and verses probably printed at the end of Sung, the story-tellers divided their tales into eight categories: \"miracles\" (ling-kuai), “female ghosts\" (yen-fen), “love romances\" (ch'uan-ch'i), “legal cases\" (kung-an), “long swords\" (p'u-tao), “clubs\" (kan-pang), \"gods and immortals\" (shen-hsien), and “magic” (yao-shu).\" Two of these, \"long swords” and “clubs”, obviously deal with chivalrous deeds. The difference between the two, judging by the examples given in the Tsui-weng t'an-lu, seems to be that the former refers to battles waged between armies using long weapons, while the latter refers to private fights involving the use of short weapons. The latter is therefore more strictly concerned with knights errant, who usually fought as individuals rather than as leaders of armies. As for chivalric tales involving the supernatural, such as the story of Hung Hsien, they were classified under \"magic\".\n\nMany of the prompt-books used by the story-tellers, known as hua-pen, have come down to us, though usually edited by later hands. Moreover, some of them became integral parts of long prose romances. The most outstanding example of a chivalric romance based on oral tradition is the Shui-hu chuan, of which there are two English versions, one by J. H. Jackson entitled The water margin, the other by Pearl S. Buck entitled All men are brothers. The historical events on which the oral legends and the prose romance were based took place at the end of the Northern Sung period. According to the History of the Sung dynasty, in A.D. 1121 a group of rebels led by Sung Chiang and thirty-five others ravaged several prefectures\n\n: \n\n: \n\n10 Wang Chung-min and others, Tun-huang pien-wen chi (Peking, 1957), vol. 1, pp. 58-71,\n\n17 Tsui-weng t'an-lu (reprinted Shanghai, 1957), pp. 3-4. This is the most precise contemporary account of the classification of stories. Other accounts are similar but not so clear.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204275, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n10\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n39\n\nand defeated government troops again and again. They were eventually persuaded to capitulate to the government, and took part in the victorious campaign against another rebel Fang La.1 However, some modern historians believe that after they had helped the government forces, Sung Chiang and his followers were themselves liquidated in their turn. Be that as it may, the exploits of Sung Chiang and his followers soon became the subject of popular legends told orally. These grew in number and came to be written down. At first only short accounts were written, but later, towards the end of the Yuan period, about 1300, the different stories were joined together to form one long romance, possibly by Shih Nai-an, who has been identified with the dramatist Shih Hui, styled Chun-mei.2 By then, the number of heroes involved had grown from the original thirty-six to a hundred and eight. The romance continued to be enlarged and revised by various hands during the Ming period, until it became a work of 120 chapters, published about 1620. Then, at the beginning of the Ch'ing period, in 1644, the critic Chin Sheng-t'an took the first seventy chapters, added a new chapter at the end as well as commentaries, and published it as the \"Fifth Work of Genius\" in Chinese literature. This edition achieved immense popularity, and it is this truncated version which most Chinese readers have read and which has been rendered into English.\n\n21\n\nMeanwhile, some stories about knights errant found their way into the drama of the Yuan period. The plays of this period were classified by subject under twelve categories, one of which was \"long swords and clubs\". This obviously corresponded to the two categories of stories \"long swords\" and \"clubs\" mentioned earlier. In particular, some stories about Sung Chiang and his followers not included in the Shui-hu chuan were given dramatic treatment in Yuan times. For instance, there were at least a dozen Yuan plays about Li K'uei, one of the followers of Sung Chiang and one of the most colourful characters in popular literature.22 Two of these plays are still extant.23 They present with great gusto this rough-mannered, quick-tempered outlaw with a heart of gold. In plays of later periods, Li K'uei and other\n\n4a.\n\n18 Sung-shih* (SPPY), chüan 22, 3a; chüan 351, 11b; chüan 353,\n\n1 Mou Jun-sun, \"On the tombstone inscription of Chê K'ê-ts'un and Sung Chiang's end\" 牟潤孫,折可存墓誌銘考証兼論宋江之結局, Bulletin of the College of Arts, National Taiwan University, No. 2.\n\n20 Sun K'ai-ti, Chung-kuo t'ung-su hsiao-shuo shu-mu 孫楷第,中國通俗小說書目 (Peking, 1957), p. 181.\n\n+\n\n21 Chu Ch'üan, T'ai-ho cheng-yin p'u 朱權,太和正音譜 (reprinted together with the Lu kuei pu 錄鬼簿, Shanghai, 1957), p. 135.\n\n22 For the titles of these plays, see Fu Hsi-hua, Yuan-tai tsa-chü ch'üan-mu 傅惜華,元代雜劇全目 (Peking, 1957), pp. 406-7.\n\n23 There is another Yuan play in which Li K'uei appears, but only as a subsidiary character.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204276, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n40\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nheroes have remained favourites.\" On the stage, a knight errant is easily distinguishable from a general: the former usually wears a short jacket and trousers and wields a sword or club, while the latter wears full armour with banners behind his back and uses a spear or halberd,\n\nWe now come to the last stages in the evolution of chivalric literature. In the Ming and Ch'ing periods, two notable trends developed in chivalric fiction. On the one hand, in some stories of chivalry, the supernatural element was increasingly emphasized, so that a type of knight with “flying swords\" and magic power became popular. On the other hand, some tales of knightly deeds became mixed with stories about “legal cases”, so that a new type of fiction, which may be called chivalric-romance-cum-detective-story, developed. An early example of the first type is a novel called The flying sword (Fei-chien chi), published in the Ming dynasty, about the Taoist immortal Lü Tung-pin and his acquisition of magic powers. Later examples are too numerous to mention. In fact, such stories are still being written now in Hong Kong. Sometimes they are presented in the form of comic strip cartoons, known as \"serial pictures\" (lien-huan t'u-hua), obtainable from small book stalls and pavement lending libraries. The second type, which combines tales of chivalry with detective stories, has also remained popular to the present day and is still being written. There is an interesting difference between this type of fiction and earlier tales of chivalry. In stories belonging to this type, the knights errant are usually on the right side of the law, instead of rebelling against it. For instance, in popular stories about Judge Pao, the Chinese Solomon, various knights errant help him in detecting crimes and arresting bandits and local bullies. Originally these stories about Judge Pao only dealt with crime and detection. They were first joined together and published as a novel entitled The cases of Judge Pao (Pao-kung an) about 1600. Later, the knights who helped Judge Pao assumed greater importance in these stories, which formed the basis of another novel, Three knights and five righteous men (San-hsia wu-yi), published in 1879. This was revised by Yu Yüeh and given the title Seven knights and five righteous men a few years later, and achieved great success. It was followed by a sequel, the Junior five righteous men (Hsiao wu-yi), and further supplements. Imitations also followed. Among these may be mentioned The cases of Judge Shih, first published in 1838, and The cases of Judge P'eng, first published about 1895. These were based vaguely on recent historical figures, and the knights errant in these novels were probably in\n\n24 Plays about the Shui-hu heroes have been collected by Fu Hsi-hua and Tu Ying-t'ao in Shui-hu hsi-ch'ü (Shanghai, vol. I, 1957; vol. II, 1958).\n\n25 Sun K'ai-ti, op. cit., p. 170.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204304, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n68\n\nVol 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nBUDDHIST SOURCES OF THE NOVEL\n\nFENG-SHEN YEN-I\n\n:\n\nLIU TS'UN-YAN. PH.D.\n\nINTRODUCTION\n\nThe Feng-shên Yen-i, or 'Investiture of the Gods,' is a long novel consisting of 100 chapters. Its authorship had long been unknown, until in 1931 Prof. Sun K'ai-ti discovered in the Japanese Cabinet Library a Ming edition of this novel labelled \"compiled (pien-chi) by Hsu Chung-lin, styled Chung-shan I-sou.\" Many scholars therefore concluded that Hsü Chung-lin was the author. For instance, Lu Hsün in his A Brief History of Chinese Fiction (Chung-kuo Hsiao-shuo Shih-lüeh) mentioned Hsü as the author, though he added that he had not seen the original preface and therefore could not ascertain the date of the novel. This attribution of authorship is not reliable, for in Ming times the term \"compiling” (pien-chi) was rather freely used, and sometimes booksellers would reprint a book with slight additions and alterations and label it as being \"compiled\" by a new writer. In view of this, from 1935 to 1956, I tried to find out the true author of this novel, and my researches led me to the conclusion that the author or compiler of the novel was in fact Lu Hsi-hsing (1520-1601?), a Taoist priest of the Chia Ching period.\n\nLike the Hsi-yu-chi (\"Pilgrimage to the West\", also known to Western readers as \"Monkey\"), the Fêng-shên Yen-i is a work of fiction dealing with the supernatural. It was produced during the time when Chinese fiction was evolving from the prompt-books (hua-pên) of story-tellers to long novels. Its plot is based on the historical events related to the defeat of King\n\n1 There is no English translation of this novel. The German translation by Wilhelm Grube and Herbert Mueller, Die Metamorphosen der Götter (2 vols., Leiden, Brill, 1912) contains only chapters 1-46. Chapters 47-100 have been summarized by Mueller. The novel is mentioned in E. T. C. Werner, Myths and Legends of China (London, 1934) and in Sir J. C. Coyajee, Cults and Legends of Ancient Iran and China (Bombay, 1935).\n\n2 Chung-kuo Hsiao-shuo Shih-lüeh, Ch. 18, p. 176 (1953); also the English translation entitled A Brief History of Chinese Fiction by Yang Hsien-yi and Gladys Yang, p. 220 (1959).\n\n3 Details of my evidence and arguments are contained in my unpublished thesis, \"The Authorship of the Feng-shen Yen-i\", a copy of which is in the library of the School of Oriental and African Studies, London University.\n\n4 Cf. James J. Y. Liu, \"The Knight Errant in Chinese Literature\", in this volume, pp. 30-41.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204306, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 74, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n70\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n(P'u-hsien), and Avalokitesvara (Kuan-yin). Only certain Buddhas of the Tantric Sect, such as Cundi (Chun-t'i) and Vairocana (P'i-lu-chê-na) are mentioned as \"saints from the West\"; but even these are given Taoist-sounding titles like tao-jên. In this way, the mainly Taoist framework of the novel is preserved. This amalgamation of Buddhist and Taoist deities is highly interesting and may have influenced actual religious practice in China. The practice of worshipping Taoist gods side by side with Buddhas and Bodhisattvas seems to have started after the publication of the novel, for in earlier Taoist literature we find no Buddhist deities mentioned among Taoist gods. For instance, in the Yün-chi ch'i-ch'ien, chüan 103, we find an account of the Taoist pantheon as it was in the eleventh century, which contained no Buddhist deities or fictional gods. But after the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, various Taoist gods mentioned in the novel came to be worshipped together with Buddhist ones. What is more, most of the temples which apparently first adopted such practice were situated in northern Kiangsu, near Hsinghua, the native district of Lu, the author of the novel. It is therefore not unreasonable to suggest that the novel influenced the composition of the Chinese pantheon and contributed to the amalgamation of Buddhist and Taoist gods in popular belief.\n\nThe amalgamation of Buddhist and Taoist gods seems to have been achieved purposely by the author of the Fêng-shên. As a concrete illustration, I propose to describe how Vaisravana (P'i-sha-mên Tien-wang), one of the Four Heavenly Kings in Buddhist belief, and his third son Nata (Na-cha or No-cha), became important characters in this novel. Vaisravana was of course an Indian god, but during the T'ang and Sung periods he became identified with the Chinese general of the T'ang dynasty, Li Ching. But stories about him were disconnected before the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i was compiled. In various prompt-books which existed before the novel, such as the Nan-yu-chi (\"Prince Hua-kuang or The Voyage to the South\") and the Hsi-yu-chi (“Pilgrimage to the West”, the prototype of the famous novel of the same name) in the Ssu-yu-chi (\"The Four Travels\"), there were already stories about this god and his son. But in the hands of the author of the Fêng-shen these fragmentary and disconnected stories were reorganized and transformed into a vivid tale which can almost stand on its own as an interesting story apart from the whole\n\n* For illustrations of some of these temples, such as the Kuang Fu Monastery in Tai-hsing, Yangchow, and the Tu Tien Temple in Hai-men, Kiangsu, see Père Henri Dore, Recherches sur les superstitions en Chine, (10 vols., Shanghai, 1913-38), Bk. 9, Pt. 2, in Vol. 6.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204307, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 75, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n71\n\nnovel. After this treatment, Vaisravana and Nata became completely Sinicized, and few, if any, Chinese readers ever suspect that they are \"alien\" in origin. This is typical of the way in which Chinese Buddhists took stories or ideas of foreign origin and gradually turned them into something totally Chinese.\n\nApart from its influence on religious practice, the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i is also of considerable importance from a literary point of view. It superseded previous stories from which it took some of its material, so much so that but for the efforts of scholars in the past thirty years these previous stories contained in prompt-books would have been unknown. Even now, only a handful of experts have read the prompt-books, while most readers are not aware that the Fêng-shên is not entirely the original creation of one man. This goes to show the success of the author as an imaginative writer.\n\nIn the following pages I shall attempt to describe how the stories about Vaisravana and Nata became integral parts of the novel, as an example of the Sinicization of Buddhist stories and figures and their assimilation into the mainly Taoist pantheon of China. I shall also try to show how the author, Lu Hsi-hsing, made use of the material derived from miscellaneous sources and turned it into a fascinating tale.\n\n1. VAISRAVANA AND NATA\n\nWhen we come to a discussion of some of the prominent figures in the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i, the most striking fact we shall find is that the author described these figures vividly and did not rely on previous legends for literary effect. Rather, he chose from miscellaneous and discordant materials and put them into a unified system which enlarged and modified the Chinese pantheon. The story of Li Ching and his three sons, especially the third one, No-cha, in this novel may serve as an outstanding illustration.\n\nIn this novel Li Ching was first a commander of the Ch'ên-t'ang Pass in the court of the ruthless King Chou (Ch.12), but he was also a Taoist, and for a period of years he had learnt the process of Taoist cultivation from the Immortal Tu O of the K'un-lun Mountain though he was unable to reach the final attainment. He had three sons: the eldest, Chin-cha, was a disciple of Wên-shu (Mañjusri), the second, Mu-cha, was a disciple of P'u-hsien (Samantabhadra) and the third one, No-cha, a disciple of the Immortal Tai-I. Both the father and his three sons joined the side of King Wu in the expedition against King Chou. Though they all knew some magic feats and possessed magic weapons, they are described as human beings. Unless we study the Tantric sutras and compare them with the Chinese\n\nPage 75\n\nPage 76", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204308, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 76, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n72\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nhua-pên (story-tellers' prompt-book), we can hardly know their origin or the invaluable part played by the author of the Fêng-shên in transforming them into interesting characters.\n\nLi Ching, bearing the same name as the historical hero in the early part of the T'ang dynasty, is no doubt derived from the Buddhist heavenly king Vaisravana.\n\nWe know from many Buddhist texts the legends of the Four Heavenly Kings. According to the Abhiniskramana-sutra (出曜集經) translated by Jnanagupta in 587, they are,\n\nDhritarashtra or Chih-kuo T'ien-wang in the East, who leads the gandharvas, musicians in heaven; Virudhaka or Tseng-chang T'ien-wang in the South, who is the sovereign of the kumbhandas or deformed demons; Virupaksha or Kuang-mu T'ien-wang in the West, who is king of the nagas who dwell in their palaces at the bottom of the lakes; and Vaisravana or To-wen T'ien-wang in the North, who is head of the yakshas, strong and brave genii.\n\nThe author of the Fêng-shên Yen-i adapted these four heavenly kings in his novel (Chs.31-40) and called them \"the four generals of the Mo family\". He made them brothers and commanders who took charge of the Chia-mêng Pass under the command of the Premier Wên T'ai-shih. Their individual names are Mo Li-ch'ing, Mo Li-hung, Mo Li-hai and Mo Li-shou. But in Ch.31 when they are summoned by Premier Wên T'ai-shih, the author writes, \"The four heavenly kings (ssu t'ien-wang) strode forward,” thus unconsciously revealing their origin, and afterwards in Ch.99 they are given the titles of Tsêng-chang T'ien-wang (Mo Li-ch'ing), Kuang-mu T'ien-wang (Mo Li-hung), To-wên T’ien-wang (Mo Li-hai) and Ch'ih-kuo T'ien-wang (Mo Li-shou) respectively. In Ch.40 the author describes the weapons of these four brothers through the mouth of General Huang Fei-hu as follows:\n\nThe eldest brother Mo Li-ch'ing is twenty-four feet in height, with a face resembling that of a crab, and his beard is like copper wires. He fights always on foot with a long spear, and he has a sword which is called \"Blue Cloud\", on which there are charms and a seal saying \"earth, water, fire and wind\". The wind caused by the brandishing of this magic sword is a black wind in which hundreds of thousands of spears would run and cut off the limbs of men. Following the wind is a blaze in which flaming golden serpents cover the atmosphere with black smoke. The weapon of Mo Li-hung is an umbrella.\n\n* chúan 16, Shê-kung Ch'u-chia P'in (攝功出家品).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204309, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 77, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n73\n\ncalled \"Umbrella of Noumenon and Unity\" (hun-yüan san A) which is decorated with emeralds and precious pearls of divine power which are threaded together to form the words: \"to pack up the universe.\" When this umbrella is opened, heaven and earth, the sun and the moon, will be covered up by darkness, and when it is rolled the world will be shaken. Mo Li-hai carries a spear and on his back there is a four-stringed guitar (p'i-p'a) which will produce the same effect as the \"Blue Cloud Sword\" when played on and the four strings correspond to earth, water, fire and wind. Mo Li-shou carries two whips and a bag in which is concealed a peculiar creature resembling a rat, hua hu-tiao (the striped marten). When hurled into the air this creature will assume the shape of an elephant with wings from its ribs and will devour every one.\n\nThe combat between these four brothers and the heroes from the camp of King Wu can be found in Chs.39-41 of the novel. They are engaged in mortal combat with the Li brothers, Chin-cha, Mu-cha and No-cha in Ch.40. If the reader knows that Li Ching, the fabulous father of these three Li brothers is in fact derived from one of these four heavenly kings, Vaisravana, the ingenuity of the author of this novel can be appreciated, because before the publication of this novel, in many other works Vaisravana and the Chinese god Li Ching, based on the historical hero so named of the Tang dynasty, had long been amalgamated and formed a single name, P'i-sha-mên t'ien-wang Li Ching (Vaisravana or Li Ching, the Heavenly King of Vaisravana). The Chinese transliteration from the Sanskrit \"Vaisravana\" since the T'ang dynasty has been Pi-sha-mên (R), the last character of which, mên, though senseless in this connection, normally means \"gate\". Thus, in popular literature, the term P'i-sha-mên lost its original meaning and became the name of the P'i-sha Gate, and it was therefore natural enough to have a heavenly general, like Li Ching, to take charge of it, though in English this may appear peculiar.\n\n* In Yang Ching-hsien's (MRK) play T'ang San-tsang Hsi-t'ien Ch’ü-ching (EXRE), Scene 9, we read \"P'i-sha-mên hsia Li Tien-wang\" (TX) which means the Heavenly King Li under the P'i-sha Gate. In the prompt-book Ch'i-kuo Ch'un-ch'iu P'ing-hua ta (TH), chüan 3, we have \"P'i-sha-mên To-t'a Li T'ien-wang\" (*XE) or P'i-sha-mên, the Heavenly King Li who holds in his hand a pagoda. Sometimes the story-tellers thought since there was a P'i-sha mên (gate), it was wise to create a palace, called P'i-sha Kung (CE W D). In the Nan-yüeh-chi, Ch. 11, we have \"P'i-sha Kung Li Ching Tien-wang\" (K*XE). In a long eulogistic poem in Ch. 12 of the Feng-shen, there is a palace in heaven called K'un-sha Kung (R V E) which is obviously an erratum.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204310, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Vol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nJournal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n74\n\nR\n\nThe historical figure of Li Ching had long been admitted into the Taoist pantheon. He was, in the year 760, enshrined with Chiang T'ai-kung (B★A or Chiang Shang) as one of the ten famous historical generals. In the anonymous work, Li Wei-kung Pieh-chuan (A4), it is said, \"When Li Ching was poor, he took a journey in the valleys and stayed in a cottage. When it was mid-night there came a woman who handed him a vase and said, 'Heaven has instructed you to pour down rain ...' and as we know in the Buddhist legends that it is Virupaksha (not Vaisravana) who is the king of the nagas, we understand that even in the T'ang dynasty the popular mind could not properly distinguish the function of these guardians of Mt. Sumeru. In an inscription on a tablet erected in the Temple of Vaisravana in Ning-hwa District (LM), Fukien, dated about 920, we read,\n\nP'i-sha-mên (Vaisravana) is a Sanskrit word which means \"universal or much hearing\" (to-wên SH). He dwells on the north of Mt. Sumeru, in the crystal palace, and is the chief of yakshas,10\n\nFrom this narrative we see why in so many Chinese records it has become an undeniable fact that yakshas are believed to live at the bottom of the seas with the dragon-kings in marvellous crystal palaces loaded with wonderful treasures. The legends of these two heavenly kings have long been mixed in the popular mind.\" As Li Ching was such a famous historical hero, the Taoist priests could not forgive themselves if they failed to utilize his prestige. It is said in an anonymous work of the T'ang dynasty, Yuan Hsien Chi (E), that Li Ching was still alive in the epoch of Ta Li (766-779) and became a Taoist immortal, In addition to the book on military strategy attributed to him in the Bibliography of the Hsin T'ang-shu (MEBOXZ), the Taoist priests also ascribed to him some canonical texts dealing\n\n12\n\n• Hsin T'ang-shu (), Ch. 15, Li-yüeh Chih (M), 5.\n\n• Ku-chin Shuo-hai (546), Shuo-yüan Pu (R), Vol. chi (2) Also Tsung-shu Chi-ch'êng Ch'u-pien (£).\n\n10 See Ninghwa Hsien-chih (\"Annals of the Ninghwa District\") of the Ming dynasty, quoted in Ku-chin T'u-shu Chi-ch'êng (4), Shên-1 Tien (R), chüan 54. The essay was composed by Huang T'ao () for Wang Shen-chih (E).\n\n11 In the Ta-Tang San-tsang Ch'ü-ching Shih-hua (ERR), chüan 1, “...A\" (\"To-day, Vaisravana of the Indra Heaven, the Guardian of the North, will feed Buddhist priests in the Crystal Palace.\")\n\n12 Quoted in Chiu Hsiao-shuo (R), 2nd Series, Shanghai, Commercial Press Ltd., 1910.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204311, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n75\n\nwith the worship of the Pole Star and with astrology. These can be found in the Tao Tsang (Two Collections of Taoist Literature). To identify him with the Vaisravana of popular legends was advantageous both to the Buddhists and Taoists.\n\nIt has been said that Vaisravana helped the Emperor T'ai Tsung during the war which led to the founding of the T'ang dynasty. But in some Tantric texts, the story is dated in the year A.D. 742 (the 1st year of Tien Pao in the reign of Hsuan Tsung). When the city of An-si (2) was besieged by the troops of five states including Tashkend and Samarkand, Vaisravana appeared above the tower of the city-gate with his celestial soldiers and defeated the invading troops. The sutra reads,\n\nIt was in the 1st year of T'ien Pao, the cyclic year being Jên-wu (4), when the city of An-si in Kansu was besieged by the troops of five states, Tashkend, Samarkand ... (five characters missing in the text). On the 11th day of the second month the commander of the city sent a petition for reinforcements. The Emperor told the Monk I-hsing (一行), “An-si is twelve thousand li away from our capital and it would take eight months for our reinforcements to reach there. I am afraid the city will fall.\" I-hsing said, \"Why does Your Majesty not supplicate the celestial soldiers of Vaisravana, the heavenly king of the North, for help?\" \"How do I get his help?\" the Emperor inquired. I-hsing said, \"Your Majesty need only summon the foreign priest Amogha and he will do everything.\" Amogha was summoned and said, \"Your Majesty sent for me. Is it not because the city of An-si is besieged by the troops of five states?\" The Emperor answered, “Yes.” Amogha said, \"Bring your urn and follow me to the place of worship and I will supplicate the celestial soldiers of Vaisravana the heavenly king of the North to rescue the city from danger.\" Hardly had he finished chanting his spells for the fourteenth time when the Emperor saw celestial soldiers clad in armour standing in front of the hall. \"Who are they?\" the Emperor asked. \"Tu Chien (毘建), the second son of Vaisravana, who is leading the celestial troops to An-si, has come to say farewell.\" The Emperor gave them food and dispatched them. In the fourth month the commander of An-si reported again, “On the 11th\n\n13 Li Ching's name appears in the Tao-chiao Hsiang-ch'êng Tzu-ti Lu *(道教相承次第録 \"Order of Taoist Teaching\") in Yün-chi Ch'i-ch'ien (雲笈七籤)(XL). chüan 4. In the Tao Tsang (道藏), Tung-shên Pu (洞神部)(1), Fang-fa Lei (方法類)(5) T'ien-lao Shên-kuang Ching *(天老神光經) is attributed to him.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204312, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n76\n\n*\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nday of the second month, before noon, thirty li from the city, on the north-east and in the mist there was a general, who was ten feet tall, at the head of some three to five hundred soldiers all equipped with armour. Near twilight, the sound of the drums and the hubbub shook the mountains and earth within three hundred li and they stayed there for three days. The troops of the five states all retreated. The strings of their bows were gnawed through by golden rats and their other equipment was broken and became useless. Some of the enemy soldiers who were old and feeble could not escape, and were going to be killed by our men. Then there was in the air a loud voice which ordered, \"Release them and do not kill.\" We looked at the place and saw Vaisravana revealing himself over the tower of the north gate of the city with a bright light behind him. A portrait has been made and is attached to this report.\n\nVaisravana defends our boundaries and comes to the relief of our besieged garrisons to carry out the orders of the Buddha. His third son Nata (E) follows him holding up a pagoda with both hands. It is said by the great priest of the Tripitaka, Amogha, that on the first day of every month Vaisravana assembles his devas and genii; on the eleventh day his second son Tu Chien would say farewell to the father and go on a tour of inspection; on the fifteenth day the four heavenly kings would meet and on the twenty-first day Nata would receive or give back the pagoda to his father.\n\n+\n\nThe above quotation is translated from the Tantric Pi-sha-mên I-kuei (\"The Ceremonies in the Worship of the Vaisravana\") alleged to have been translated from the Sanskrit by Amogha himself. As Amogha's name appears also in the text it cannot be taken as an impartial translation.14 However, as Li Ching was such a famous general in the T'ang dynasty, who fought many victorious battles against the Turks, it was again very natural for the Chinese to identify him with one of the four newly-introduced Maharaja-devas (the four heavenly kings).\n\nThe legend of the pagoda held in the hand of Vaisravana was developed from Tantric texts into a very complicated and interesting story in the Fêng-shên Yen-i (Chs.12-14). I think\n\n14 No. 1249, P'i-sha-mên I-Kuei; No. 1247, Pei-fang P'i-sha-mên T'ien-wang Sui-chun Hu-fa I-kuei (#SNIU); No. 1248, Pei-fang P'i-sha-mên T'ien-wang Sui-chun Hu-fa Chên-yen (IBR), all translation of Amogha, in The Tripitaka in Chinese.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204313, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n77\n\nprobably the pagoda was a mistake for the parasol originally held by Vaisravana, as stated in the Ekottarik-agamas (增一含經):\n\nThe heavenly king Vaisravana held in his hand a parasol of the seven treasures (七寶) over the Tathagata in the air to protect the Tathagata from dust and soil,15\n\nBut since the circulation of the Tantric sutras was more or less encouraged by the authorities in the Tang dynasty, the public accepted that legend without scepticism.\" According to a Tantric text, Nata (No-cha 哪吒) is the third son of Vaisravana, who attends his father and holds the pagoda with both hands. But on the twenty-first day of every month, when the son is charged to go on some mission, so that they have to separate, Nata gives the pagoda to his father. This is not at all a thrilling story and there is no combat. The author of the Fêng-shên Yen-i created his own story of No-cha, the third son of Li Ching, based upon his profound knowledge of religious beliefs and popular literature, and made No-cha one of the famous heroes in Chinese literature. In order to analyse the parts which are the creative work of the author and to explain from what sources some of his materials may have been taken, I divide the story of No-cha into several sections below.\n\n2. MU-CHA AND CHIN-CHA\n\nBefore the publication of the novel Feng-shên Yen-i and the prompt-book Ssu-yu-chi, No-cha's (哪吒) name was usually Na-cha (那吒) in many of the plays of the Yüan dynasty which preserved the original transliteration found in the Tantric sutras.17 In the Hsi-yu-chi (Ch.7), one of the \"Four Travels\", the second\n\nHi To P'in (TPE), 30, Ekottarikagamas, chian 22, The Tripitaka in Chinese.\n\n10 In the year A.D. 838 (3rd year of K'ai Chiêng), on the 15th day of the 12th month, Lu Hung-chêng (盧弘正) wrote an inscription for the image of Vaisravana in the Hsing-t'ang Monastery (興唐寺) describing him as \"having a sabre in his right hand, and in the left hand a pagoda.\" cf. Ku-chin T'u-shu Chi-ch'êng, Shên-I Tien, chian 91.\n\n27 In Yang Ching-hsien's Yang San-tsang Hsi-tien Ch'ü-ching, Scene 8, “Nacha San Tai-tzu\" (哪吒三太子); anonymous play Menglich Na-cha San Pien-hua (孟麗哪吒三變換) in the Ku-pên Yüan Ming Tsa-chü\n\n*Z9M) edited by Wang Chi-lieh (王季烈), Shanghai, Commercial Press Ltd., 1941; anonymous play Ting-ting Tang-tang P’ên-êrh-kuei (丁丁當當甕兒鬼), Act 1, \"Hê-lien Na-cha\" (黑面哪吒), Act 2, \"Na-cha Fa\" (哪吒法), the last two are influenced by Tantric works. Besides, Na-cha (哪吒) appears in many plays of the Yuan dynasty, not to mention the tune called Nacha Ling (哪吒令).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204314, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n78\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nson of Li Ching is Hui-an () who was a disciple of Kuan Yin (Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara), while his name, Mu-ch'a (*), is not mentioned except in one verse, and not in the prose part of Ch.21. This is the name the author of the Fêng-shên Yen-i adopted. The origin of the name Mu-ch'a can be found in chüan 18, Kan-t'ung P'ien (A) of the Sung Kao-sêng Chuan (***) by Tsan-ning (), who was a follower of the Monk Sangha (@). The latter was said to be an incarnation of the Avalokitesvara of eleven faces and died in A.D. 710. Apart from Mu-ch'a, Hui-an was also one of his disciples. Therefore, in popular literature, Mu-ch'a and Hui-an are mixed up into one person and in the \"Four Travels\" Hui-an remains a disciple of Kuan Yin. It was the author of the Fêng-shên who changed the character ch'a (X) to cha (RE) in his novel so that the name could have the same second character as No-cha. In some popular editions of the \"Four Travels\" the character ch'a (X) has also been changed.\n\nNow, in the Tantric works, though the second and third sons of Vaisravana (Tu Chien and Nata) play rather important parts, his other sons, especially his first son, are not mentioned. I have read through a large number of sutras about Vaisravana and consulted some Buddhist scholars in Japan,1a but they could not give me any definite opinion. In Oda Tokuno's (1) Buddhist Thesaurus (#) and in the Chinese work Fu-hsüeh Ta Tz'u-tien (BAND) edited by Ting Fu-pao (TR) based upon it,19 we find that the names of P'i-sha-mên wu t’ung-tzu (£££7 Five Attendants of Vaisravana) include Tu Chien and Nata, but no origin is given. I think they may be identical with the \"Five Yakshas\" which appear under the sub-title \"Princes and Family Members\" (ERB) in Caturmaharaja (19F諸小王及眷屬)in E) in chuan 6 of the Ch'i Shih Ching (). They are, in translation, Fifty-feet (wu-chang £), Wilderness (k'uang-yeh ), Golden Mountain (chin-shan ), Long Fellow (ch'ang-shên ) and Hair of A Needle (chên-mao E). They appear (translated literally from the Sanskrit) also in the Caturmaharaja of the Shih Chi Ching (H) and in chüan 19 of the Dirghagama (£§ÂŒ) as \"Five Attending Genii of Vaisravana.”\n\n20\n\nI Dr. Henmi Baiei), Professor of Buddhist Art, Tama University (9) and others. I have also consulted the Chinese Buddhist priest Tan-hsü (1), aged 89, a disciple of the late T'i-hsien (M) of the Tien-t'ai Sect (R) and some Tantric scholars.\n\n19 The 4th ed., I Hsieh Shu Chũ (885), Shanghai, 1939.\n\n20 No. 24, The Tripitaka in Chinese, translated by Jñanagupta. cf. No. 25, Ch'i-shih Yin-pên Ching (#LFXE), chữan 6 & 7.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204315, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n79\n\nBut this does not explain satisfactorily the record in the Mahavaipulya Mahasamnipata-sutra (李大集遺設堂訴言),21 in Catur-maharaja (四大天王), which maintains that each maharaja has ninety-one sons, but gives no names. And this does not explain the case (in the Janavasabha suttanta22 in chüan 5 of the Dirghagama) of the other god who, because of his accumulated merits would be re-born after his death as a son of Vaisravana in the Caturmaharajakayika (四大天王部). In the Buddha Preaching Jên-hsien Ching (作請人軟訣),* (AB jên-hsien being the Chinese translation for rsi jina) concerning the future of King Bimbisara (望界藤王), it is alleged that he would be re-born as the son of Vaisravana,\n\nPerhaps such confusion would explain why the author of the Fêng-shên, though knowing a good many of the Tantric legends, and adopting (in Ch.99 of the novel)23 the Chinese names for the four heavenly kings as \"Protectors of the Tripitaka and the Country, and Regulators of Wind and Rain\", abandoned the use of the name of Tu Chien and, in order to make his name conform to those of his younger brothers, invented Chin-cha (\"金吳), as the name of the eldest son of Li Ching. Chin-cha, though his origin does not appear in any reliable records, may, I suspect, come from the Tantric dharanis. Also, I have found in Act 1 of the anonymous play, Yüeh-ming Ho-shang Tu Liu-ts'ui (月明和尚堂留利清)24 of the Yuan dynasty, the following words chanted by a priest:\n\nAn! Ch'ih ling Chin-cha, Chin-cha, Sêng Chin-cha, Wo chin wei ju chieh Chin-cha, Chung pu wei ju chieh Chin-cha, An!\n(Listen! I am speaking of Chin-cha. Chin-cha, monk Chin-cha, I come to release you from Chin-cha, not to tie you up with Chin-cha. Listen! 哈！我今為你解金吳, 终不為你縋金吳。哈！)\n\nSince the author of the Fêng-shên was interested in both Buddhism and Taoism and is proved to have known many plays and other works of popular literature, he might have made use of materials such as those quoted above, in his creation of his characters.\n\n3. A LUMP OF FLESH WAS BORN\n\nThe story of No-cha's mother giving birth to him, in Ch.12 of the Fêng-shên Yen-i is as follows:\n\nLi Ching's wife, née Yin, had been pregnant for three years and six months, so he became very much vexed at it.\n\nThe wife dreamed one night at three strokes of the watch\n\n21 No. 397, translated by Dharmaraksa.\n\n22 Tseng-chang, Kuang-mu, To-wên, Ch'ih-kuo, see No. 665, Suvana-prathasa Sutta Sutra (Chin-kuang-ming Tsui-shêng-wang Ching 金光明最膤王訣), 11 & 12.\n\n*9*", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204316, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Vol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nJournal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n80\n\nthat a Taoist priest entered her chamber. She was indignant and shouted, \"This is my inner room; how dare you, a stranger, come in!\" The Taoist priest said, \"Hurry up, madam, receive your marvellous child!\" Before she had had time to reply, the priest pushed something into her arms and she awoke, and her body was wet with cold sweat. She was frightened and before she could tell her husband all about the dream, she was again seized with a birth spasm. Li Ching went to the sitting room which was adjoining and thought over the matter. Suddenly two maids came out exclaiming “Madam has given birth to a monster!” Li Ching held his sword and rushed into the chamber. The room was filled with red mist which emitted a strong fragrance. A lump of flesh was rolling round the room like a wheel. Li Ching cut it with his sword and a baby jumped out, bathed in red light. The boy was very handsome; his face was as white as powder; on his right wrist was a golden bracelet; and his belly was covered with a piece of red silk gauze, which shone with a golden glow. He was a god, a re-incarnation (avatar) of the Ling-chu-tzu (Master of the Intelligent Pearl) and was destined to be the vanguard under Marshal Chiang Tzu-ya.\n\nTo give birth to a lump of flesh is something unusual in Chinese legends. But similar cases can be cited from the Buddhist sutras translated into Chinese as early as the third century. In the tale of Putrah (7) in chüan 7 of the Avadanasataka (# E), it is said that \"when the Buddha was in the country of Kapilavastu (E6) under the nyagrodha tree (ficus Indica), there was an elder who was very rich and his treasures were abundant and beyond measure. He married a wife from a notable family whom he loved very much, and with music and dances he used to entertain her. Now she conceived and when ten months elapsed she gave birth to a freak—a lump of flesh. The elder was vexed about it and thought it inauspicious. In the Fu-kuo Chi (DE \"A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms\") under the \"stupa in the Vaisali” (œÊME) it is recorded,\n\n+\n\n·\n\n•\n\n•\n\nOn the upstream of the Ganges River there was a king whose concubine gave birth to a lump of flesh. The formal wife was jealous and said it was inauspicious, so she ordered this lump to be put in a wooden box and thrown into the river. Another king went out for an excursion on the river and opened the box in which he found a thousand babies who were extraordinarily handsome and dignified. The king took care of them until they grew up, when they were brave\n\n23 No. 20, The Tripitaka in Chinese.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204317, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n81\n\nand strong and victorious in fighting. Now the king sent them to invade their own country, and the father was much worried.\n\n24\n\nThis kind of Buddhist story would not pass without leaving some traces in the prompt-books, sources of which are predominantly Buddhist ballads. For instance, in the prompt-book Hsin-pien Wu-tai Liang-shih P'ing-hua (“Popular Tales of the Five Dynasties, Period of Liang”), chüan 1, we read,\n\nThe wife of Huang Tsung-tan was pregnant for fourteen months. One day she gave birth to a substance which looked like a lump of flesh, but inside it was a piece of purple silk gauze in which was wrapped a baby. When the wrapper was opened, purple mist of dazzling brilliance filled the room.\n\n25\n\nThus his mother gave birth to Huang Ch'ao. Again in the Ch'ien Han-shu P'ing-hua (“Han Hsin's Death at the Hands of Empress Lü”), chüan 3, when \"Madam Po (a concubine of the first emperor of the Former Han dynasty) was in labour, Empress Lü went to see her. She was glad to find that the baby was a freak without eyes or eyebrows, like a lump of flesh.\"\n\nIn the anonymous Yüan play, Chin-shui-ch'iao Ch'ên-lin Pao Chuang-ho, in Act 2, when Empress Liu ordered the palace maid K'ou Ch'êng-yü to stab the baby prince and throw him into the river from the bridge, the latter hesitated for she saw \"red light and purple mist enshrouding the body of the prince.\"\n\nWe may now admit that the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i has a closer relation with the \"Four Travels\" than with other prompt-books. In Ch.8 of the Nan-yu-chi, the Buddha of Light told the Flowery Light “to be re-incarnated in the shape of a lump of flesh.” Consequently the Flowery Light, floating about in the air, arrived at the village Hsiao-chia Chuang of Wu-yüan, Anhwei, and darted into the womb of Madam Hsiao who had been pregnant for twenty months. \"Now the maid came out to report to the elder, 'Madam has given birth.' 'A boy or a girl?' the elder asked. 'It is neither a boy nor a girl. It is just like the belly of an ox.' The elder was very much frightened. When they decided to throw the lump away into the river, it...\n\n24 Fu-kuo Chi, translated by James Legge as \"A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms\", Oxford, 1886, Ch. 25, p. 73.\n\n25 Hsin-pien Wu-tai Shih P'ing-hua, photolithographed edition, published by Prof. Tung K'ang, Wu-chin Tung-shih Sung-fên-shih (AAS), 1911. There are also several popular editions available.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204318, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n82\n\nfloated up again, until the Buddha of Light transformed himself into a monk to advise the elder that it was not a lump of flesh, and that inside it were five children.\n\nNo-cha's mother was pregnant for three years and six months. I think this is derived from the Pei-yu-chi (\"The Dark God Chên-wu or The Voyage to the North\"), Ch.6, which depicts one of the re-incarnations of the god Chên-wu (EH). In that story it is said the queen of Li T'ien-fu (X), a king of the Kingdom of Hsi-hsia (E), was pregnant for three years and sixty days. The king was vexed about it and thought it inauspicious. When the baby was born at last, the whole chamber was \"full of an extraordinary fragrance.\"\n\n4. THE COMBAT AND THE STORY OF THE PAGODA-BEARER\n\nWhen No-cha was only seven he was six feet in height. It was in the fifth month, the weather was hot and that made No-cha irritable and uneasy. He went to request his mother to allow him to go out of the Pass for a walk. The mother was very fond of him and approved his request but said, \"You must be accompanied by an attendant and must not stay outside very long lest your father should come back.\" (Fêng-shên Yen-i, Ch.12)\n\nIn Ch. of the Nan-yu-chi we read: \"The young Intelligent Light (XAF) prostrated before his mother and said, 'Your son knows that the hills around here have lovely scenery. Please allow me to ramble about them.' The mother said, 'You may go, but you must be accompanied by an old servant, lest you rush into calamity. Do not stay too long and forget your home-work.' When we come back again to the Fêng-shên, we read: No-cha and the attendant went out of the Pass for about one li, when he was covered with perspiration and could not continue the journey. They decided to rest under the shade of some willows. Sitting there he unfastened his waist belt, opened his coat and enjoyed the cool air. A stream of green water running between two banks of willows with a lively current was in front of them. A gentle breeze blew over its surface, and the murmur of the water flowing through the rocks could be heard. No-cha hastened to the bank and cried out, 'I will bathe here on the rock.' 'Hurry up,' the attendant reminded him, 'and take care of yourself. Your father will be anxious if he returns and does not find you.' No-cha agreed. He stripped off his clothes, and dipped his seven feet of red silk gauze, which covered his body, into the water as a towel. When this precious gauze was immersed in the water its brilliant ray turned the river to a reddish", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204319, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n83\n\ncolour, and as No-cha stirred it up in the stream heaven and earth were shaken and the river trembled. This river was called Chiu-wan Ho (Nine-bend River) and was situated at the mouth of the Eastern Sea. Ao Kuang (#), the dragon-king of the Eastern Sea, surprised at this unexpected earthquake, ordered his inspector-yaksha, Li Kên (R), to go at once and find out the cause. When the yaksha reached the river he saw that the river was red and a child was bathing there, dipping his red silk gauze in the water. He cleft the water asunder and shouted angrily: \"What prompts you, little child, to make the river red and the crystal palace shake?\" No-cha turned back and saw a monster coming out of the water, a monster whose face was as blue as indigo, whose hair was as red as cinnabar, whose mouth was big with long projecting teeth and who had in his hand a halberd. No-cha scolded, \"You monster, how can you speak like a human being?\" The yaksha was exasperated and said, “I am an appointed officer. How dare you insult me?\" He jumped up to the bank and brandished his halberd towards No-cha. No-cha was naked and could only jump aside. Then he took off the bracelet from his right arm and hurled it in the air. This bracelet was a precious weapon bestowed on the Immortal T'ai-I by the Patriarch Yüan-shih T’ien-tsun of the Jade Palace of Abstraction to protect the Chin-kuang Cave where T'ai-I dwelt. It fell upon the head of the yaksha and his brains spilled on the ground. No-cha ignored his corpse but smiled and said, \"He has stained my precious weapon!\" He sat himself again on the rock, smiling and washing the bracelet. The crystal palace was shaken again and even more violently. When Ao Kuang was vexed the soldiers came back to report, “Yaksha Li Kên was killed by a child on the bank.\" The dragon-king was frightened, \"Li Kên was appointed by the Jade Emperor; who dared to murder him?” Saying this he summoned his men, intending to go himself. No sooner had the dragon-king finished his words than Ao Ping (F), his third son, requested permission to go for the father. So, Ao Ping, at the head of a troop of sea-warriors, mounted his water-cleaving monster, and with his trident in his hand, left the palace. The form of the breaking waves was so furious that the river seemed to rise several feet. No-cha stood up and marvelled, \"This is a flood!\"... (Ch.12)\n\nIn Ch.48 of the prompt-book Tung-yu-chi (\"The Eight Saints or The Voyage to the East\") when the Eight Immortals were crossing the Eastern Sea, Lü Tung-pin (SM) initiated an idea, \"During our crossing would it not be fine for each of us to throw one precious thing into the sea so that our divine power may be revealed?\" Therefore, \"When the dragon-king of the Eastern Sea was holding a meeting in his crystal palace, he", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204320, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 88, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n84\n\nVol 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nsaw a dazzling light penetrating into his palace making the walls transparent. He dispatched his son, Prince Mo Chieh (E), with a group of mariners to go around in the sea to investigate.”\n\n26\n\nThis Mo Chich, probably a re-incarnation of Bimbisara, who was a king of Magadha () converted by Sakyamuni and who died and was re-incarnated as a son of Vaisravana, has been changed into Ao Ping in the above quotation from the Fêng-shên Yen-i, and has lost his original Buddhist flavour. Comparing this short paragraph from the Tung-yu-chi with the composition and description of the corresponding paragraphs in the Fêng-shên, we can see the artistic superiority of the latter.\n\nThe combat between No-cha and Ao Ping, the third son of the dragon-king, has a tragic end. No-cha put his foot on Ao Ping's neck and struck the latter's forehead with his bracelet, thus killing him. No-cha pulled out the sinews of the little dragon and went back, saying he would make a good belt of it for his father to fasten his cuirass on. The dragon-king, hearing of the death of his son, went to see Li Ching, and put the latter in a very embarrassing position. Li Ching, being ignorant of his son's prodigious feats, denied his guilt. But No-cha came out and apologized for what he had done, and told the dragon-king that his son's sinews were intact. The dragon-king was exasperated and told Li Ching that he would lodge a complaint at the court of the Jade Emperor against father and son. The story continues:\n\nAfter No-cha had calmed his parents he went to the Chin-kuang Cave and told his master, the Taoist Immortal T’ai-I, of his adventure. The master ordered him to unfasten his coat, drew spells on his bosom, and told him what to do the next morning. \"After that,\" the master said, \"you may go back to Ch'en-t'ang Pass. If anything unusual happens, you must tell your parents that I shall be responsible for your misdeeds.” The next morning No-cha reached the Pao-tê Gate (F),27 the gate of heaven. After a while he saw the dragon-king approaching wearing his celestial robes, but because of the magic spells on No-cha's bosom, the dragon-king could not see him. No-cha was so angry that he strode forward from behind and dealt the dragon-king with his bracelet such a heavy blow that immediately he fell to the ground. (Ch.12)\n\n•\n\n26 No. 9, Fu-shuo Jên-hsien Ching (MA), The Tripitaka in Chinese,\n\n27 Ch. 39, Hsi-yo-chi of the \"Four Travels\", the Pao-tê Kuan (OH) is the Gate in heaven where Li Ching dwells.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204321, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Vol. 1 (1961).\n\nJournal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n85\n\nNo-cha then partially pulled off the celestial robe of the dragon-king and revealed the scales under his left ribs. He tore off some forty or fifty of the dragon-scales and the dragon-king was wounded and suffered a violent pain. He begged his assailant to spare his life. No-cha said, “If you want me to spare your life you must give up your law-suit against me before the Jade Emperor, and follow me back to Ch'ên-t'ang Pass.\" The dragon-king could not free himself and yielded to No-cha. Transforming himself into the shape of a small black snake, he hid in No-cha's sleeve and they descended from heaven. (Ch.13)\n\nSome references can be cited here for comparison and we can see how clever the author was in composing his ingenious and complicated plot which surpasses all the materials he made use of.\n\nIn the prompt-book Ch'in Ping Liu-kuo P'ing-hua (\"The Annexation of the Six States by the Emperor of Ch’in”), chüan 2, there is a sentence, \"to fasten the cuirass he should use the sinews of the old dragon.\" In the Ta-T’ang San-tsang Ch’ü-ching Shih-hua (\"Tripitaka's Search for Buddhist Sutras\"), chuan 2, (7), the Monkey-monk (Hou Hsing-chê) pulled out the sinews from a dragon with nine heads for a belt to hold the cuirass.\n\nAccording to the Min Shu (M), there was a Taoist priest named Yu Chên-chai (2) living in the epoch of Hung Wu, who was called upon by an old woman:\n\nShe was a female-dragon... and was to be struck to death by lightning on account of her failure in regulating the rains. She begged him to save her life. Yü said, “Can you transform yourself to a small shape so that I may hide you in my alms-bowl?\" The dragon followed his advice and transformed herself into a snake wriggling into the bowl.\n\nThe story of No-cha goes on as follows:\n\nOne day as the weather was excessively hot, he felt restless and annoyed, and ascended the tower over the city-gate. On the weapon-stands he found a wonderful bow called ch'ien-k'un kung (the cosmic bow) and three arrows called chên-t'ien chien (heaven-shaking arrows) which he appreciated very much, and did not know that they were left by the Yellow Emperor and since then no one had been strong enough to use them. He was so glad of this discovery and he seized the bow and shot an arrow toward the south-west. With a startling sound the sky was covered with red mist and auspicious clouds floated around. (Ch.13)\n\nIn chuan 13, in the chapter of the \"Competition in Martial Exercises for the Hand of Yasodhara\" of Abhiniskramana-sutra (DATE · #), we have the following paragraph:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204322, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n86\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nThe prince Siddhartha thereupon asked, \"Is there any good bow in this city which will suit my strength?\" The father, King Suddhodana was very glad and said, \"Yes, there is.\" \"Where is it then, Your Majesty?\" asked the prince. \"Your grandfather Simhahanu (the lion's cheek) had a bow which is now kept in the temple and flowers are offered to it. No man has ever been able to bend it.\" The prince urged the king to send for it, and when it had been fetched, all the Shakya nobles were allowed to have a trial, but no one could string, nor draw it. Then the minister Mahanama was given an opportunity. He exhausted all his energy yet he could not move a single inch of the string and so he presented it to the prince. The prince remained seated without moving. He seized the bow with his left hand and bent the string with a single finger of his right hand. A startling noise broke out throughout the city Kapilavastu which made all the people frightened. \"What noise is it?\". \n\n+\n\n28\n\nIn Ch.2 of the Pei-yu-chi, the king of the Kingdom of Ko-ko () received a tribute from the Western tribes. It was a bronze drum twelve inches thick. Upon the challenge of the tributary messenger, no one in the court, not even the generals, could pierce its surface with an arrow. The prince, \n\nThe prince, who was only seven, claimed that he could shoot through it. \"He seized the bow with his left hand and put on the arrow with his right hand. The arrow darted off and pierced the surface with the feather of the arrow left outside.' \n\nThe age of No-cha and that of the said prince were seven years. We can see that No-cha's story is derived partly from the Pei-yu-chi and both originated from the story of the Buddha.\n\nNo-cha's arrow darted off to a far distance and accidentally killed a Taoist disciple of Madame Shih-chi (ENR), who was a goddess of the Intercepting Sect. Shih-chi sent the Athlete of the Yellow Turban to bring Li Ching to her grotto in the K'u-lou Shan (Mt. Skeleton) and pressed him for an explanation, Li Ching vowed his innocence and was set free so that he could investigate the matter. No-cha again admitted to his father what he had done, and followed Li Ching to Shih-chi's place to settle the matter. At the entrance to the grotto he had a desperate clash with the goddess, and though he hurled all his precious weapons they fell into her hands and sleeves. No-cha fled to Mt. Ch'ien-yüan for protection. His master, the Immortal T’ai-I had a violent quarrel with Shih-chi on his behalf, and the quarrel\n\n28 No. 190, The Tripitaka in Chinese, translated by Jfianagupta; also Sister Nivedita & Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, Myths of the Hindus & Buddhists, Harrap, 1914, pp. 261-2.\n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204323, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n87\n\nended in a fierce hand-to-hand conflict. At last T'ai-I hurled his powerful weapon, a lamp-shade of nine fire-dragons, into the air, which fell on the goddess and rendered her senseless. T'ai-I clapped his hands and immediately a flame rose up in the shade, and she died in the roaring blaze. The dragon-kings of the Four Seas now got a warrant from the Jade Emperor to arrest No-cha's parents. No-cha, with secret instructions from his master T'ai-I, rushed back to Ch'ên-t’ang Pass. When he saw the dragon-kings, he shouted in a terrific voice:\n\n\"It was I who killed Li Kên and Ao Ping and I should forfeit my life. How can you molest my parents?\" After this, he spoke to Ao Kuang, \"I am not to be slighted. I am an avatar of Ling-chu Tzu, the Intelligent Pearl. By the command of Yüan-shih I have descended to this world to fight for the establishment of the coming dynasty. I am determined to rip open my stomach, pluck out my intestines and pick out the bones, to return to my parents what I got from them. Are you satisfied with that?\" To this Ao Kuang agreed, and No-cha did as he had just said: he fell down to the ground and his souls dispersed. His corpse was put into a coffin and was ordered by his mother to be buried. (Ch.13)\n\nWe learn from the commentaries and the expository notes of the Ch'an school (or in Japanese Zen) of Chinese Buddhism that there are many historical and hereditary \"cases\" (Kung-an or in Japanese koan) handed down from generation to generation by the learned priests of this school of contemplation as material for their followers to study and to reflect upon. Most of these \"cases\" are metaphysical and to some extent mystical, and as cultivation in meditation involves some experiences which are not subject to communion between the learner and the Patriarch or the predecessors, it has relation with Tantrism.29 The story related in the Fêng-shên about No-cha (Nata) quoted above is one of the cases which appear in chüan 2 of the Wu-têng Hui-yüan (EK), a work written by Monk P'u-chi (#) of the Sung dynasty, and is retold in chüan 2 of the Chih-yüeh Lu (f), edited by Ch'ü Ju-chi (W) of the Ming dynasty. It runs as follows:\n\nPrince Nata, rending himself asunder, gave his flesh back to his mother and his bones to his father, and then manifesting\n\n20 Nan Huai-chin (RM), Ch'an-hai Li-ts'ê (THU), Ch. 15, \"Ch'an School and Tantrism\" (RANER), pp. 205-211, Ching Ming Hsüeh Shê (W204), Taipei, 1955. cf. Daisetz Teitaro Suzuki ( Kil), Essays in Zen Buddhism, Second Series, p. 94, London, Luzac, 1933.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204324, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Vol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nJournal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n88\n\nhis original body and by his miraculous powers preached the dharma for the benefit of his parents.\n\n邵业\n\nThis is a case which was preached as early as the Sung dynasty. But, though it looks like a part of a Buddhist legend with some details probably omitted, it occurs in no canonical texts and is found to be fabulous. In chüan 6 of the Tsu-t'ing Shih-yüan (...), a work composed by Monk Ch'ên Shan-ch'ing (*) about A.D. 1099, it says,\n\nIn the monasteries there is the legend of his \"giving his flesh back to his mother and his bones to his father,\" but nothing referring to it can be found in the texts of the Tripitaka and no one knows what its origin is.\n\n(王子肉濟父母緣\n\nIn the Tripitaka in Chinese, I have found two cases which may have some relation with the legend of Nata as adapted in the Fêng-shên. One appears in the Tsa Pao-tsang Ching (# BK), chüan 1, subtitled \"A Prince Fed His Parents with His Own Flesh\" (±‡Ùƒƒ2R). It was the prince Hsü Shê T'i (F), a young prince aged seven. His grandfather, the king of Varanasi (M) had been assassinated by an usurper who killed also his two sons. The father of the young prince was the third son. Now the young prince when fleeing for his life with his parents, was faced with the problem of food. His father intended to kill his wife. Thereupon the young prince dismembered himself and cut off his own flesh every day to feed his parents until he had only three slices of flesh to offer. He presented two to his parents and the last slice which was so dear to him was given to a hungry wolf who was a transformation of Indra himself.31\n\nThe prince was an incarnation of Sakyamuni in a previous life. The prince Hsü Shê T'i in this Buddhist legend was seven, and his father was the third prince. It is quite possible that in the popular mind the jataka story became confused with the Tantric one, because in some Tantric texts such as the Pei-fang P'i-sha-mên T'ien-wang Sui-chun Hu-fa I-kuei (... \"Ceremonies In the Worship of the Heavenly King Vaisravana, the Protector of the Army\"),\" Nata is regarded as\n\n30 Nata's relation with Tantrism was still very clear in records as well as in the public mind. cf. Hung Mai (), / Chien San-chih (BEZ) chuan 6, on \"Ch'êng Fa-shih\" (El), Han Fên Lou (*) ed.; T'ai-p'ing Kuang-chi (XP), chüan 92, 1-sêng Lei (M), on Nata, In most of the Yuan plays, Nata is a fearful god (MME).\n\n91 No. 203, The Tripitaka in Chinese. cf. No. 156, Ta-fang-pien-fu Pao-ên Ching (XSEOREC), chüan 1, Hsiao-yang P'in (442).\n\n32 No. 1247, The Tripitaka in Chinese.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204325, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n89\n\n\"the second son of the third prince of Vaisravana, the Heavenly King of the North”(北方天王吠室羅摩那羅閣第三王子其第二之孫) and in this text Nata addresses Vaisravana as \"my grandfather\" (RAXXE). Furthermore, this legend appears also in 卷一 of the Ta-fang-pien-fu Pao-ên Ching (大方便佛報恩經) (ASENNUE), and as I have found another story about the \"reincarnation from the lotus\" also in that sutra, which is also similar to the description of No-cha's reincarnation in the novel, I think both these stories may have influenced the author besides the case cited above.\n\nThe story of No-cha's reincarnation and the combat between the father and son is a very dramatic one and it reveals again the literary gifts of the author:\n\nNo-cha's souls, being dispersed, had nowhere to go, drifting about in the air. They went directly to the grotto of the Immortal T'ai-I. Chin-hsia (金霞), the younger disciple of T'ai-I saw it at the entrance, came to the master and said, \"I wonder why No-cha is now borne on the wind and drifting about freely.' (Last paragraph, Ch.13 and first paragraph, Ch.14, Fêng-shên Yen-i.)\n\nWe know from the previous narratives of the novel that No-cha was an avatar of Ling-chu Tsu, the Intelligent Pearl. But why was he so named? I think the following paragraph from Ch.2 of the Nan-yu-chi may explain both this name and the last paragraph I have just quoted:\n\nThe Intelligent Light (Ling-kuang) was enveloped by the Purple Emperor (紫皇) with the magic weapon Nine-bend Pearl (九曲珠) and died in that Pearl. The souls of the Intelligent Light borne on the wind had nowhere to go, and were seen by the Celestial Honoured All-Merciful and All-Compassionate Marvellous-Delight (慈悲妙喜天尊) (NEVRXO) who was in his meditation in the Palace of Eight-scenes. Watching the souls drifting about, he thought...\n\nAs the Chinese character is monosyllabic, it is easy to pick out the character ling (靈) and chu (珠) from this paragraph to form a new name and give it to No-cha as his other title since the description of his reincarnation is partially derived from here. The story continues thus:\n\nThe Immortal (T'ai-I) charged No-cha, “This is your place no more. Return to Ch'ên-t'ang Pass and see your mother in dreams, request her to build a temple for you to dwell in on the Ts'ui-p'ing Hill (Green Screen Hill) forty li away from the Pass. Sacrifices will be offered to you for three years and after that you may be reincarnated. Go ahead and do not tarry.\" During the third watch of that night No-cha appeared in a dream to his mother, saying, \"Mother, my souls have nowhere to go and I have suffered bitterly. Pray", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204326, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 94, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n90\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n\"build for me a temple on the Ts'ui-p'ing Hill that I may be worshipped for a certain period and thereafter I can be reincarnated.\" When she awoke, she cried bitterly, and told the request to Li Ching. Li Ching was exasperated, and blamed his son once more for the disaster he had brought on them. No-cha repeated his request in vain on several successive nights and at last he warned the mother, \"You know that my temper is bad. If I lose my control over it, you know who will suffer.\" The mother was scared and sent some servants to go secretly to the Hill and build the temple with an image of No-cha set up in it. The temple of No-cha attracted many pilgrims and the incense burnt to him was ever increasing.\n\nOne day, after inspecting his troops at drill Li Ching, with a troop of soldiers, was passing the place. He saw many pilgrims flocking to the place and asked his aid-de-camp, \"Why is this hill thronged with people?\" \"For the last six months the god of this temple has performed miraculous deeds and answered the prayers of his worshippers. Therefore pilgrims from every quarter come to worship him,\" the officer answered. \"What is the name then of this god?\" Li Ching asked. \"The temple is called the Spiritual Palace of No-cha.\" \"No-cha! What!\" Li Ching was enraged, and ordered, \"Stop! I want to go to the temple myself.\" He dismounted at the entrance to the temple and entered the hall in which a lifelike image of his son was erected with some idols as his retinue. Li Ching pointed to the image and rebuked it, \"While you were living you were a source of trouble to your parents. And now, look, you even deceive the people after your death!\" He wielded his whip and smashed the image to pieces, and kicked away the other images. He ordered his troops to set fire and burn down the temple, and the multitude dispersed.\n\nWhen his father visited the temple No-cha had just entered into meditation in such a way that his spirit disappeared from the throne. On his return he found the temple had been burnt to ashes, and his retinue came to him with tears in their eyes. After he was told what had happened, No-cha grumbled, \"I have returned what I got from you and broken off all our relations. Why should you come here to molest me, burn down my place and leave me with no fixed abode?” No-cha's souls after half-a-year had acquired some nourishment through the food offered to him and was somewhat visible, so he went instantly to Mt. Ch'ien-yüan and appealed to his master. The Immortal T'ai-I said, \"Since you returned the flesh and bones to your parents, Li Ching had no right to interfere with the offerings. But Chiang Tzu-ya is soon to descend from the K'un-lun Mountain to help King Wu and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204327, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n91\n\nyou will be one of his vanguards. Well, I think I can do something for you in this matter. He ordered Chin-hsia to bring two stalks of lotus and three lotus leaves to him, and with them he made a human shape on the ground, using the stems to represent the joints and articulation of the bones, and set the seed of a golden pill in the middle. He employed his divine power and spoke the magic spells while he pushed No-cha's souls toward the lotuses, and suddenly there sprang up a young No-cha who was handsome and full of vitality, with a rosy complexion, red lips, intelligent eyes and was sixteen feet tall. Thus was No-cha reincarnated from lotuses. (Ch.14)\n\nAs I have said, in chuan 3, Lun-1 P'in (Discourses) of the Ta-fang-pien-fu Pao-ên Ching there is a Buddhist legend which can be summarized as follows:\n\nThe king of Varanasi (*) married Lady Doe-mother who conceived and gave birth to a lotus which was cast into a pond. The lotus then grew five hundred leaves and under each leaf a boy was born. When these five hundred boys grew up they became giants, each of whom was strong and brave enough to fight against a thousand men single-handed. These brothers, from the first one to the four hundred and ninety-ninth all forsook their noble life and became Buddhist priests. The youngest brother attained the fruition of a Pratyeka-Buddha ninety days later and, manifesting his miraculous powers, he preached the dharma for the benefit of his parents.\n\nThis can be cited as an illustration that the story about reincarnation from a lotus had a religious background. In the paragraph in chuan 2 of the Wu-têng Hui-yüan I have quoted, the last sentence of the text is “現本身,運大神通,為父母說法” (manifesting his original body and by his miraculous powers preached the dharma for the benefit of his parents), and now in this sutra the corresponding sentence is “...” which would make no difference in translation. We may consult Ch.27, \"King Resplendent and Buddha Thunder-voice\" (¥2) of the Lotus Sutra, in which the two sons of the king, Pure Treasury (*) and Pure Eyes (), worrying about their father's attachment to the heretical teaching which deviated from the right course, revealed to him some of their supernatural powers (...) and brought him to faith and discernment.3 So we may believe the original story that No-cha “rending himself asunder, gave his flesh back to his mother and his bones to his father”.\n\n3 \"The Lotus of the Wonderful Law\" (Saddharma Pundarika Sutra), translation by Prof. Soothill, Oxford, p. 256.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204328, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n92\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nfather\" was only one of revelation of supernatural powers (神通), and it was because of the imagination and the literary gifts of the author of the Fêng-shên that the story became so impressive and full of emotional appeal. The author continues:\n\nThe Immortal T'ai-I asked No-cha to follow him to the peach-garden and taught him personally how to use his \"fiery-pointed spear\" (火尖槍) which the master now bestowed on him. After that, the Immortal gave him the wind-wheel and fire-wheel which he might tread on while chanting incantations and which served him as a magic vehicle; and also a bag made of panther skin in which were the magic bracelet, the red silk gauze and a brick of gold completed his new armour. No-cha prostrated himself before his master once more, and after thanking him, held the magic spear in hand, safely mounted his wind-and-fire wheels and darted straight to the Ch'ên-t’ang Pass and challenged Li Ching, his father. (Ch.14)\n\n**\n\n** In order to prove again how the author of the Fêng-shên Yen-i adapted and utilized confused and promiscuous materials from previous works, we may list some of the arms used by No-cha with their earlier appearances in other prompt-books or plays as follows:\n\n(a) Fiery-pointed spear. In Act 4 of the anonymous play of the Yüan dynasty, Han Kao-huang Cho-tsu Ch'i Ying-pu (漢高皇祖母齊英布), the spear used by Hsiang Yu (項羽) is a \"fiery-pointed spear\".\n\n(b) Wind-wheel. The wind-wheel is originally the wheel, or circle of wind below the circle of water and metal upon which, according to Buddhist teaching, the Earth rests. It appears in many sutras including the Surangama-sutra (楞嚴經), Ch. 4. In Nan-yu-chi (南遊記) (Ch. 2 and 11) and Pei-yu-chi (北遊記) (Ch. 15) it is one of the arms of the Flowery Light (Hua Kuang or Ling Yao 華光, or San-yen Ling Yao 三眼華光). Ling Yao with a deva-eye).\n\n(c) Fire-wheel. The alatacakra, a wheel of fire produced by rapidly whirling a fire-brand. In chuan 3 of his Lêng-yen Ching Shu-chih (楞嚴經疏治) (? “The Principles of the Surangama-sutra\", in the First Series, Second Collection of the Tripitaka in Chinese, 大藏經, 1912), Lu Hsi-hsing says \"as the whirling of a fire-brand, reality does not exist\". In Nan-yu-chi (Ch. 2 and Ch. 11) and Pei-yu-chi (Ch. 15), the fire-wheel is also a weapon of Flowery Light.\n\n(d) Gold brick, The gold brick is also one of the arms of Flowery Light in Nan-yu-chi (Ch, 2 and Ch. 11) and Pei-yu-chi (Ch. 15). But both the gold brick and the fire-wheel are attributed to Flowery Light also in Yang Ching-hsien's T'ang San-tsang Hsi-t'ien Ch'ü-ching, a play of the Yüan dynasty, Scene 8. In Hsü Fu-tso's (徐復祚) T'ou-so Chi (鬧府記), Scene 19, these two weapons belong to Nata of Eight Arms (八臂那吒).\n\n(e) Magic bracelet. In Ch. 11 of the Nan-yu-chi, one of the weapons of No-cha is a \"purple-gold bracelet with raised flowers\" (紅花紫金圈) and it is the origin of the magic bracelet (ch'ien-k'un ch'üan 乾坤圈 the Bracelet of Vitreous & Resinous Electricity) in the Fêng-shên Yen-i,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204329, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 97, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n93\n\nThe climax of the dramatic struggle between No-cha and his father Li Ching may be summed up here:\n\nLi Ching, hearing that No-cha had come again with his magic arms, was infuriated. He mounted his black horse and came out to meet No-cha with his halberd with crescent-shaped blade. The fighting had not lasted many minutes when Li Ching was in a profuse perspiration and had to flee for his life. No-cha pursued him with desperate efforts and nearly caught him when Mu-cha, the second son of Li Ching and disciple of the Immortal P'u-hsien (Samantabhadra), came on the scene. Although they were brothers they had not known each other before and No-cha had to tell Mu-cha the whole story. Mu-cha rebuked No-cha and called him a patricide, and defended the father with his precious sword. No-cha hurled his golden brick in the air which fell on the back of Mu-cha and hurt him. No-cha resumed his pursuit, and as Li Ching, being exhausted, did not wish to be overtaken by his son, he drew his sword and was about to commit suicide when he was stopped by a Taoist who was no other than the Wên-shu Kuang-fa Tien-tsun (Mañjusri) who was invited to come by Immortal T'ai-i to give No-cha an impressive lesson. Wên-shu now hid Li Ching in his grotto and seized the naughty hero with his \"Dragon-concealing Stake\"--which was also called \"Seven Precious Golden Lotuses\"--which in a mist of dust fastened No-cha's neck and feet with three golden rings and bound him to a golden stake. Wên-shu ordered Chin-cha, his disciple and No-cha's eldest brother, to beat No-cha black and blue with a staff until T'ai-I himself appeared. At the intercession of T'ai-i, No-cha was released and both father and son were brought before the two Taoist masters. T'ai-i rebuked the father for his petty-minded action and told him to go home. After Li Ching's\n\nAfter Li Ching's retreat, he instructed No-cha not to bear any grudge against his father and charged him to return to the grotto in Mt. Ch'ien-yuan on the pretext that he would stay with Wên-shu and play chess. No-cha, raging with anger, taking advantage of the absence of the two masters, pursued his father again. When Li Ching was in danger of falling into the hand of the son, another Taoist, the Jan-têng Tao-jên (Dipamkara) of the Yüan-chüeh Cave on the Vulture Peak, appeared on the scene as if by accident. He sheltered Li Ching behind, and when No-cha demanded single combat with his father, he increased Li Ching's strength by spitting on him and touching him on the back. Li Ching was then able to get the upper hand in the fighting and No-cha was defeated. No-cha was beside himself with rage. He jumped aside suddenly and tried to pierce Jan-têng with his spear, but the thrust was repelled by a white lotus flower emitted from the latter's", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204330, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author\n\n94\n\nVol 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nmouth. After a fruitless argument with the Taoist master, No-cha wielded his weapon again and as Jan-têng raised his sleeve upwards an object was hurled into the air which emitted radiant beauty and when falling, enveloped No-cha in it and rendered him motionless. Jan-têng tapped it with his hand and flames broke out and made No-cha yield and acknowledge Li Ching as father and bow to him in humiliation. After the reconciliation had been made, Jan-têng Tao-jên instructed Li Ching to relinquish his official post and go into seclusion until the rise of King Wu, and gave to Li Ching the magic weapon which was a golden pagoda of elegant workmanship which would serve to safeguard No-cha from rebellion against his father and to consolidate the reconciliation. (Ch.14)\n\n5. HSI-YU-CHI (“MONKEY\") AND FENG-SHEN\n\nThe story of No-cha as it appears prominently in Chapters 12-14 of the Fêng-shên Yen-i, is for the most part, I believe, the creation of the author except for those minute points which I have discussed. After having consulted the Tantric texts which I have already quoted, we can see that the fantastic story of the pagoda, though with some hints of being inspired by the texts, is a wholly fabulous invention and only by skilful ingenuity can it be made so natural and so plausible. In Ch.83 of Wu Ch'êng-ên's (AR) Hsi-yu-chi (“Pilgrimage to the West\") which is no doubt an enlargement of the Hsi-yu-chi in the \"Four Travels\", there is a paragraph which seems to be either the origin of these Chapters (12-14) of the Fêng-shên Yen-i or a synopsis of these same chapters with variations. I am inclined to take the latter view and believe that the writing of Wu Ch'êng-ên's Hsi-yu-chi was later than this novel for these reasons:\n\n36\n\n35\n\n(a) As I have pointed out elsewhere when discussing the magic lasso, the name Ya-lung Tung (Dragon-subduing Cave) of the Ya-lung Shan (Dragon-subduing Mountain) which appears in Ch.34 of Wu Ch'êng-ên's Hsi-yu-chi was derived from Ch.52 of the Fêng-shên Yen-i (Fei-lung Tung AM or Flying-dragon Cave of the Chia-lung Shan or Dragon-pinching Mountain).\n\n(b) In Ch.52 of Wu's Hsi-yu-chi, the eighteen Arhats tried with the sand of golden pills to subdue the devil, which sank its feet to the depth of more than three feet. This sand is derived from the Red-sand Array () in Ch.49 of the Fêng-shên Yen-i.\n\n35 See Arthur Waley, Monkey, translation of chapters i-12, 13-5, 18-9, 22, 37-9, 44-6, 47-9, 98-100, London, George Allen & Unwin, 1943.\n\n30 In my thesis \"The Authorship of the Feng-shên Yen-i\", pp. 178-80.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204331, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 99, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n95\n\nB\n\n(c) The T'ao T'ien-chün ( or Celestial Master T'ao), one of the four attendant-generals forming the retinue of the Premier Wên T'ai-shih in the Fêng-shên Yen-i is an invention of the author of the Fêng-shên for a particular reason.3\n\nIn any one of the earlier works before the Fêng-shen, whether Taoist canonical texts or popular literature, we can find the other three T'ien-chün but not this one. This fact strengthens the hypothesis that this particular character was created with a purpose. But he appears also in Wu Ch'êng-ên's Hsi-yu-chi. (Ch.4 etc.)\n\n(d) Yin Chiao () in his transformed figure is an ugly and evil god. \"His face was as blue as indigo, and he had long projecting teeth\" (Ch.63, Fêng-shên Yen-i). He was canonized as the T'ai-sui (✯ the God of the Cycle) in Ch.99 of the Feng-shên. Now in Wu's Hsi-yu-chi there is a line of verse, \"The other had a blue face and protruding teeth as ugly as the T'ai-sui.”\n\n(56)\n\n(e) In Wu's Hsi-yu-chi, when Sun Wu-k'ung ( the Monkey) was repelled by Hsüan-tsang (), he thought of “going to the islands (hai-tao ) but he was rather ashamed to meet those immortals in the three fairy-lands (san-tao chu-hsien l)\". (Ch.57) This is probably influenced by the islands and the immortals there (hai-tao tao-yu fă‡) in Chs.38, 47 and 59 of the Fêng-shễn. In Ch.59 of the Feng-shên when Lü Yüeh (BG) was defeated by the troops of Chiang Tzu-ya, he fled to the islands as his last resort.\n\n(f) In Wu's Hsi-yu-chi (Ch.60), the Demon-king of Oxen (Niu Mo-wang 4E) rode on a \"water-proof golden-pupiled monster\" (Pi-shui Chin-ching Shou HR). I think this name was invented after the \"fire-spitting golden-pupiled monsters\" (Huo-yen Chin-ching Shou ) ridden by Chêng Lun, Chiên Ch'i and Ch'ung Hei-hu in the Fêng-shên Yen-i.\n\n(g) In Ch.61 of the Wu's Hsi-yu-chi there are the \"four great Vajras\" (MAI) which are no doubt an adaptation of the “four great heavenly kings\". One of their dwelling-places is in the Chin-hsia Tung ( Golden Clouds Cave) of Mt. K'un-lun. In fact this Chin-hsia Tung is exactly the name of the grotto where the Yü-ting Chên-jên (EMRA Immortal of the Jade Urn) lives in the Fêng-shên Yen-i, and Mt. K'un-lun is the sacred mountain of the Promulgating Sect.\n\n37 Ibid., pp. 251-55.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204332, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch \n\nRASHKB and author \n\n96 \n\nVol. 1 (1961) \n\nISSN 1991-7295 \n\n(h) The name of Chin-cha does not appear in the prompt-book Hsi-yu-chi of the \"Four Travels\", but it appears in Ch.83 of Wu's Hsi-yu-chi, in a paragraph which is now open to question. \n\n(i) In Ch.38 of the Fêng-shen, the monster Lung-hsü Hu (A) when stirred up by Shên-kung Pao (A), was prepared to devour Chiang Tzu-ya, and exclaimed when seeing him approach, \"If one could eat a slice of the flesh of Chiang Shang, he would prolong his life for a thousand years more!\" This idea does not appear in the \"Four Travels\", but is repeated twice in Chs. 32 and 40 of Wu's Hsi-yu-chi to the effect that if anyone could eat a slice of the flesh of Hsüan-tsang he would prolong his life. \n\n(j) In Ch.45 of the Fêng-shen Yen-i, in order to break through the ranks of the Boisterous Wind Array (RAM), a “wind-stopping pearl\" (L) was to be borrowed from the Immortal Tu-O (EXA). Now in Ch.59 of Wu's Hsi-yu-chi, Sun Wu-k'ung was fanned away by the wind and he had to borrow a \"wind-stopping pill\" (A) from the Bodhisattva Ling-chi (M). This story does not appear in Ch.37 of the Hsi-yu-chi in the \"Four Travels\". \n\n(k) In Ch.34 of the Hsi-yu-chi in the \"Four Travels” when the black ox of Lao-tzu stole its master's diamond ring and descended from heaven with it, though it fought fiercely with many gods it never encountered the gods of the Department of Fire. But in Ch.51 of Wu's Hsi-yu-chi, it fought against many genii of the Department of Fire whose weapons were fire-dragons, fire-horses, fire-crows, fire-rats, fire-swords, fire bows and fire arrows. The fire-crows first appeared in Ch.9 of the Nan-yu-chi and both the fire-crows, fire arrows and fire-dragons appear in Ch.64 of the Fêng-shên Yen-i and were a part of the arms of Lo Hsüan (). The \"fire-horse\" may be derived from the \"horse of red smoke\" (ch'ih-yen chù *), a mount of Lo Hsüan, \n\nThe above points when considered separately may be regarded as accidental and some of them may even be refutable, but as some of them seem to be invulnerable and when they are found together in the same book, it would be ridiculous to overlook their significance. And besides, it is easy to sum up a long story and to write a synopsis of it as is done in Ch.83 of Wu's Hsi-yu-chi, but it would be a very difficult and thankless task to develop a short paragraph into a thrilling story of some twenty thousand words. Therefore, it is reasonable to believe that these", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204333, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 101, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n97\n\nthree chapters (Ch.12-14) of the Fêng-shên Yen-i and all the other chapters except those parts inherited from the prompt-book Wu-wang Fa-Chou P'ing-hua3 and Lieh-kuo Chih-chuan (@) are the original work of the author.\n\n39\n\n40\n\n38\n\nLu Hsün told us that the approximate dates of Wu Ch'êng-ên are about 1510-1580, and the earliest editions of the Hsi-yu-chi by Wu Ch'êng-ên we have were all published late in the Wan Li period, probably after 1592. It is therefore safe enough if we suppose that the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i was first compiled in the middle of the Chia Ching period (about 1545).\n\n4\n\n38 \"King Wu's Expedition against Chou\", the original copy of which is from an edition dated Chih Chih (a), the reign of Emperor Ying Tsung (1321-23) of the Mongol Yüan dynasty. It was published in Chien-an (# now Chien-yang of Fukien province), then a very famous paper-manufacturing and publishing centre. No less than five different prompt-books of the same sort, historical and fictional, including the Wu-wang Fa Chou, have been found, now kept in the Japanese Cabinet Library, bearing the same sub-title as \"published by the Yu family of Chien-an\" (ZREKƒ). A complete English translation of the last-named is included in my \"The Authorship of the Fêng-shên Yen-i”,\n\n39 The Lieh-kuo Chih-chuan FHEN, a book in a very rare edition, copies of which are now preserved only in a few libraries. See my article \"The Discovery of the First chuan of the Lieh-kuo Chih-chuan and Its Relation to Wuwang Fa Chou P'ing-hua and the Novel Fêng-shên Yen-i\" (元至治本全相武王伐紂話明刊本列國志傳一與封神演義之關係), The New Asia Journal, Vol. 4, No. 1, Aug. 1959.\n\n4o Chung-kuo Hsiao-shuo Shih lüich, Ch. 17, p. 168. Yang's translation, p. 210. cf. (2).\n\n41 See Prof. Sun K'ai-ti's (H) Jih-pên Tung-ching So Chien Chung-kuo Hsiao-shuo Shumu (B££££+5), pp. 101-2, Shanghai, 1953. Shih-tê Tang (H) edition, dated \"the fourth day of the fifth month in the year jên-chên (IR)\",", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204335, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 103, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n99\n\nIn general, lay Buddhists have been increasingly active here over the past twenty years, particularly in social welfare work. The Sangha, which had declined almost to the vanishing point by 1949, was restored in size and quality by an influx of refugee monks (estimated at 800-1,000) in the early 1950's. Most of these, however, gradually moved on to other areas. With one or two exceptions the monasteries now tend to be static and withdrawn. Though nunneries, like lay organizations, have taken an increasingly active role in social welfare, the initiative in many cases has come from laymen.\n\nThus we may say that Buddhism in Hong Kong fits into the pattern of Chinese Buddhism as a whole over the past hundred years; revitalization of faith and practice among laymen, sparked by a few really able monks, whose talents stand in all the greater contrast to those of most of their brethren.\n\nII. ORGANIZATION OF THE SANGHA\n\nThe monastic institutions of Hong Kong, like those of China proper, are individual entities, not subject to the authority of a patriarch or any other central organ of the school to which they belong. It is best, in fact, not to think of them as belonging to distinct and separate schools. In any given monastery one monk may \"study Ch'an\" while another \"studies Pure Land\". Monasteries are usually classified according to the school of the abbot and a change of abbot can mean a change of classification. Thus the Chuk Lam Monastery in Tsuen Wan was once Ch'an, is now Pure Land, but shelters monks of other schools, like the Esoteric disciple of the great T'aai Hui [T'ai Hsü], who was himself of the Idealist School. Generalizing, one might say that whereas religious tolerance in India and Tibet is usually based on an awareness of the difference between one's own doctrines and those of one's neighbour, tolerance in China is more often based on a desire to unify all religious doctrines and a belief that it can be done. That is why I spoke above of \"3,400 purportedly Buddhist laymen.\" Some of them may be equally interested in or influenced by Taoism or one of the popular syncretistic sects in Hong Kong. This is not to assert that there is no awareness in Hong Kong that Buddhism is divided into schools. At the Tung Wah Hospitals Prayer Meeting, last held September 6-13, 1958, there were separate altars for Wah Yim [Hua Yen]; Pure Land; Mat Tsung [Mi Tsung or Esoteric School]; Faat Wah [Fa Hua]; while monks of other schools participated in prayers at three common altars. The place of honour in the entire meeting was given to the venerable abbot T'aam Huilt [Tan Hsü], whose school is T'in T’oi [T'ien T’ai or Fa Hua].", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204340, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 108, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n104\n\nVol 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\npremises rented, they can operate on a low budget and their financial position tends to be sound.\n\nThis cannot be said of the regular monasteries and nunneries of Hong Kong, few of which are endowed with income-producing properties as were the monasteries of China proper under the Empire. Their ratio of inmates to supporters is usually high. Their buildings, donated by rich patrons of an earlier day, are usually rambling and expensive to maintain. In general, their income comes from the following sources, listed in order of importance.\n\n(1) Fees for ancestor worship. In many monasteries there is a room called the tso t'ong where ancestor tablets are hung and where after services in the Buddha Hall the monks pray for the welfare of the ancestors represented. For this service, the descendents contribute a lump sum at the time the tablet is erected plus a maintenance fee each year (usually at Ch'ing Ming or the Double Seventh). The fee varies according to the position and size of the tablet. A large tablet hung in a prominent place can be quite expensive. This system provides some monasteries with their only dependable source of income. Ancestor worship is also a feature of dharma meetings, which may be held twice a month, or be very special occasions in which thousands of Buddhists participate. In 1959, for example, the Po Lin Tsz held a most elaborate dharma meeting according to the rites of the Surangamasutra, and reportedly received HK$200,000 in donations, mostly from overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia who wished to have their ancestors remembered.\n\n(2) Rents on land or buildings. Some institutions have paddy; some have houses in neighboring villages; some (like the Po Lin Tsz) have both. But the rental income is usually small.\n\n(3) Donations made by the admirers or lay disciples of one of the monks (usually the abbot of the monastery) for some special purpose (like building repairs); or for the performance of funeral and other services.\n\n(4) Small donations (usually HK$1 to HK$10) made by visitors who come to celebrate the birthdays of the gods worshipped in the particular institution. Fortunately some deities, like Kuan Yin, have several \"birthdays\".\n\n(5) Donations made by patrons of lodging or restaurant facilities offered by the monastery (which are always free of charge).\n\n5 Actually, only one is her birthday. The other two are celebrations of her enlightenment and nirvana (sic).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204346, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 114, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n110\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nThe Association's clinic at 117 Wanchai Road is a small-scale operation which dispenses Western medical treatment on the school premises every Sunday to 120-150 patients. No charge is made, drugs and injections being completely free. The Association now has in view a much larger project in the field of medicine, namely a HK$3,000,000 hospital to be constructed, it is hoped, at the end of Cheung Sha Wan Road (off Castle Peak Road), Kowloon. Half a million dollars has already been pledged; a government subsidy of another half a million dollars, plus a free grant of the necessary land, is under negotiation; and, once plans have been firmed up, the Association expects little difficulty in raising the remaining million and a half dollars from Buddhist laymen. It is to be a public hospital of 150 beds, of which 30 will be entirely free, with priority for refugees. There will also be an out-patient department for treatment of the poor families of this heavily industrialized area. The Medical and Health Department of the Hong Kong Government will control the standards in the same way as for other private hospitals, but the actual management will be the responsibility of the Buddhist Association. The plan is to incorporate a nursing school, where graduates of the various Buddhist primary and secondary schools can be placed for nurses' training. The medical staff will be recruited from among locally qualified physicians, e.g., graduates of the Hong Kong University Medical School. The physicians now acting as advisers on this project are prominent in the profession in Hong Kong: Drs. F. I. Tseung, Renald Ching, Peter Fok, T. Y. Li, David Wong, and Sir S. N. Chau. Three of them are Buddhists.\n\n2. HONG KONG AND MACAU REGIONAL CENTRE OF THE WORLD FELLOWSHIP OF BUDDHISTS 世界佛教聯誼會港澳分會\n\nThis acts as the \"foreign relations\" arm of the Hong Kong Buddhist Association (with which it has an interlocking directorate rather than a formal connection). It was established in June 1951 to discharge four specific functions:\n\n(1) to organize delegations to represent Hong Kong and Macau at future World Buddhist Fellowship Conferences (the first Conference had been held in Ceylon, June 1950)\n\n(2) to assist and entertain foreign Buddhists visiting Hong Kong and Macau\n\n(3) to answer inquiries from abroad about Buddhist activities in Hong Kong and Macau\n\nMacau has one large Buddhist monastery, the Po Chai Chi, which is classified as Ch'an and has about 20 monks (this is a monastery often visited by tourists, since the first commercial treaty between China and the United States was signed there in 1844). There are also a number of hermitages (perhaps a dozen), most of which are said to be chai tong. One, however, the Kung Tak Lam, serves as a study centre, where lectures are given by well-known dharma masters. The Macau Po Kok Buddhist Association, founded in 1949, also fosters Buddhist studies. At least one primary school is operated by a Buddhist nun with the support of devout laymen.\n\nBuddhism does not seem as vigorous in Macau as it is in Hong Kong, the most obvious reasons being its small size, limited wealth, and extreme exposure to political pressure. Furthermore, the influence of the Catholic Church has been paramount there for four hundred years. This has necessarily reduced the potential strength of the lay Buddhist movement.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204357, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 125, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n121\n\non the male relatives, can be got round by omitting pregnant wives from the ceremony. There is also a belief that exhumation should not take place during the years on which fall the 51st, 61st, 71st and other such birthdays of the male head of the family.\n\nIn Chinese public cemeteries, the same principle of exhumation is practised. At the end of each year, the particular coffin section where burials have been taking place is closed and left untouched for five years. At the end of that time, an official notice of intention to clear graves is published, giving relatives six months in which to exhume remains privately and re-inter them in the urn section. Any remains not exhumed privately on the expiry of the period of notice are then exhumed by Government and the remains re-interred in an urn section. The cleared coffin section is then eventually used again for coffin burials.\n\nApplying equally to urban and New Territories burials are the two important grave worshipping festivals of Ching Ming (105 days after the winter solstice, i.e. either 5th or 6th of April) and Chung Yeung (9th day of the 9th moon, i.e. in October). The first is the more important. The second was originally not a grave-worshipping festival at all, but an occasion for climbing to the top of a mountain to avoid evil spirits. Since so many graves are situated on hills, the practice of combining the hill climb with an opportunity of worshipping at graves has been developed.\n\nStrict Cantonese belief also requires that, at ch'un she (#1), which falls annually about two weeks before the Ching Ming festival, relatives should pay their respects to persons who have died within the past year. This ceremony usually takes place at home and its participants are restricted to older persons.\n\nAt the Ching Ming and Chung Yeung festivals, it is customary for whole families to make an outing to their relatives' graves. There, offerings of pork, fruit and flowers are presented; incense and candles burnt; prayers offered; crackers let off. Minor repairs to the graves may be carried out and undergrowth cut back. Coffin graves in the New Territories may be marked with lime at the end and all types of graves usually have a piece of red paper and another piece of white paper underneath the red, tucked under a stone beside them. Exhumations will often be carried out at the Ching Ming festival. At the Tung Wah coffin repository, caskets of remains are opened and the bones spread out to air on sheets of paper.\n\nChinese believe that the spirit of a person leaves the body on death. In Hong Kong the general belief is that it descends into hell where the judge decides on the basis of the earthly merits of the deceased whether it may be allowed to return to earth by reincarnation as a child or, if very evil, as an animal. The main fear of the dead consists rather of the belief that to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204358, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n122\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\ntouch the dead is to run the risk of becoming infected by an aura of ill-luck (sz yan fung) whereby all the misfortunes of the deceased will be transmitted.\n\nAmongst fishermen fear of the dead and of ill-luck is particularly pronounced. At Tai O on the north-western end of Lantau, fisherfolk on their death bed may be taken from their boats to die in a special house maintained for the purpose near the cemetery.\n\nDuring funeral processions in both the urban areas and the New Territories it is the practice to scatter different types of paper, representing money, along the route to the burial ground, particularly at cross-roads where traditionally malevolent spirits tend to congregate. It is hoped that in the confusion caused by the evil spirits grabbing the money the spirit of the deceased will be able to pass unscathed. The remainder of the paper money thrown out at points other than cross-roads is for the use of the spirit of the deceased in making his way back to his home three days after death (saam ch'iu ooi wan). In many homes, a corner in a hall or passage may be reserved for a tablet and memorial, to house the spirit on its return to the home. This return of the spirit may at first sight be difficult to reconcile with the belief that the spirit descends into hell. The answer is that according to Chinese belief each dead person has a number of spirits. The descent of one of these spirits into hell is often assisted at the burial by the scattering and burning of specially printed hell bank notes (meng t'ung chí paî), together with paper effigies of clothes, suit-cases, motor cars, steam ships, aeroplanes, etc., often of most elaborate and detailed construction.\n\nThe impact of crowded living conditions, economy and improved public health have had their gradual effect in changing the pattern of Hong Kong burial custom. Except for paupers, by far the greater proportion of Chinese dead from the urban areas (numbering some 10,000) are now buried in the public cemetery at Wo Hop Shek, near Fan Ling in the New Territories. Coffins may be conveyed by rail from Kowloon daily as a service included within the burial fees that are $5 or $15 according to size of coffin. Only some 20% of the coffins are carried to the cemetery by private hearses at the expense of the relatives. Of the balance brought by rail, not more than half are attended by relatives. It is obviously not possible in a public cemetery to site graves in accordance with individual interpretations of good fung shui. The fact that each coffin is simply allotted the next vacant space in the burial terrace is readily accepted, although it must be admitted that the majority of terraces are well up the hillside with a commanding view of distance and water. Similarly, when the routine six months' notice of intention to exhume remains from the coffin sections is given, it is unusual for relatives", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204360, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n124\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nNote on a Collection of Chinese Books Presented to The Royal Asiatic Society by Sir George Thomas Staunton in 1824.\n\nAs a boy of twelve G. T. Staunton had accompanied his father, Sir George Leonard Staunton, on the Macartney embassy to China in 1793. During the long outward voyage young Staunton had learned some Chinese from two Chinese Catholic priests who were returning to China after studying at Naples. When Lord Macartney was received in audience by the Emperor Ch'ien-lung at Jehol on 14 September, 1793 young Staunton acted as his page. In 1798 he became a writer in the East India Company's Factory at Canton, in 1804 he was appointed a Supercargo, in 1808 promoted to the post of Interpreter, and in 1816 he became Chief of the Factory. In the same year he accompanied the abortive Amherst embassy to Peking. On the return of the embassy he settled in England and became a Member of Parliament. In 1823 he was active in founding the Asiatic Society.\n\nThe following letter was written by Sir G. T. Staunton to the Secretary of the Asiatic Society in 1823.\n\nSir,\n\nHaving in the course of my residence in China formed a considerable Collection of Chinese printed Books, and also of Manuscript Dictionaries, and other works of Europeans, calculated to assist the Student in the acquisition of a knowledge of the language and literature of the Chinese, I feel confident that I cannot more effectually promote the object I had in view making the Collection, namely, the more general acquaintance in this Country with whatever may be found curious or useful among the productions of the Chinese press, than by a respectful offer of the Collection to the Asiatic Society.\n\nMy wish is, that it should be preserved entire, and placed in such a situation as may admit of its being at all times readily accessible to the British and other Students of Chinese Literature, who may frequent this Metropolis, under such regulations as the Asiatic Society may deem it expedient to prescribe.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204362, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n126\n\nTa-Ming hui-tien\n\n-\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nTung-hua lu\n\n+\n\nI-tsung chin-chien\n\nSuan-fa t'ung-tsung\n\nCh'ün fang p'u\n\nErh-ya\n\n(*Statutes of the Ming dynasty', 1577)\n\n- (1734)\n\n-\n\n('Golden Mirror of Medicine', 1740)\n\n('Systematic Treatise on Arithmetic')\n\n(A Herbarium). Compiled by Wang Hsiang-chin, 1708.\n\n(The earliest Chinese 'dictionary')\n\nMan-Han ming-ch'en chuan (Records of famous statesmen, Manchu and Chinese', c. 1750)\n\nOther books are devoted to such diverse subjects as Buddhism, the ch'in (lute), a Manchu translation of the Four Books, various dictionaries (including the K'ang-hsi tzu-tien), various works on medicine, agriculture, geography, history, law, chess, and so on.\n\nA complete and annotated catalogue of these Chinese works together with the Chinese characters of their titles and authors or compilers would be of considerable value to scholars working in London. Does anyone feel like undertaking this task?\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204397, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 29, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "20 \n\nF. S. DRAKE \n\nof prime importance for information upon the Mongols and Central Asia in Mediaeval times.1 \n\nHalf a century later a solitary and apparently illiterate Friar from a Franciscan house in Italy, Odoric of Pordenone, set out on his own charges as a traveller for 'Jesus Christ' and performed one of the most remarkable of the journeys of his time. Travelling via India to China he landed at Ch'üan-chou on the Fukien coast, where two houses of Franciscans were already established, and proceeded to Kambaluc (Peking), where he remained for three years. On the return journey he travelled first to what he called mistakenly 'Prester John's country', but which can be identified with the region north of the Yellow River bend, the home of the Christian Onguts, and then by Tibet, which he names and describes briefly and accurately, but he gives no further identifiable details for the remainder of the journey home in 1330 after an absence of twelve years. \n\n* \n\n18 \n\nThese travellers all make mention of the Nestorians—priests, laymen, members of the nobility, and even of the Royal House, whom they came across in their journeys through Central Asia or in China. Sometimes it was a solitary priest with a shrine near the Royal tent, sometimes a group officiating at a Royal procession, sometimes a Nestorian village in the wilds of Mongolia, sometimes a Nestorian church in a Chinese city, as at Yangchou on the Yangtse; these all testify to the widespread character of their mission. William of Rubruck gives the fullest details, combining with them sharp criticism of the conduct of the Nestorians and disapproval of their methods, which suggest considerable deterioration in their religious life during their sojourn in Central Asia; unless indeed his criticism is sometimes prompted by ecclesiastical rivalry. It has already been pointed out that some of the ladies of the Royal House were Nestorian Christians; and there were even hopes of an Imperial convert. \n\nBut of chief interest for our present purpose is Odoric's mention of the Christian Mongol tribe settled at the northern bend of the Yellow River, for this is the region from which our Bronze Crosses come. John of Montecorvino, the Franciscan Bishop who resided in China from 1288 to 1329, and who became the first Catholic Archbishop of China, also speaks of this \n\n15 Rockhill, op. cit. \n\n16 Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither, revised Cordier, Hakluyt Society (4 vols.), 1914.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204399, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 31, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "22\n\nF. S. DRAKE\n\nappeared also. But a number of relics have come to light from time to time, such as the crosses which are the subject of this paper, confirming the statements of the travellers.\n\nThe first great discovery of Nestorianism in China is a relic in fact of the T'ang dynasty, long before the Mongol era commenced, the famous Nestorian Stone Tablet of Sianfu, which was erected in A.D. 781 and describes how a group of Nestorian missionaries from Syria or Persia reached the capital of China in A.D. 635; it describes how a monastery was built for them by the Emperor and recounts the fortunes of the Church and its off-shoots until A.D. 781 when the monument was erected. The name given to the foreign religion is Ching-chiao'** (The Bright or Luminous Religion) and the text is composed in classical rhythmic style imbued with Chinese traditional religious thought. The script is an example of the masterly calligraphy of T'ang times. This and other later discoveries show that the T'ang Nestorians endeavoured to express their faith in relation to the intellectual and religious environment in which they found themselves. In addition to the text in Chinese the names of the foreign monks are engraved on the sides in Syriac, and on the head-piece above the title is engraved a Greek Cross similar in shape to the bronze Mongol Crosses we have been considering, with three circles at each end, and circles at the angles between the arms, no doubt indicating flowers—the blossoming Cross. The Cross stands upon a lotus, Buddhist symbol of purity, at each side of which are Taoist symbols, the ling-chih, or fungus of Longevity.\n\nThe Tablet of Sianfu was discovered in A.D. 1623, and through the interest of Chinese scholar-friends of Matthew Ricci, who had died in 1610, it was identified as a Christian relic. Through the same interest attention was called to three other Crosses engraved on stone (probably tomb stones), which had been seen by Chinese Christians in 1638 at Ch'üan-chou (Marco Polo's Zayton) in Fukien. Wood-cuts of these were printed in a publication on the Sianfu Tablet in A.D. 1644.20 A fourth stone cross, similar to the above, was found at Ch'üan-chou and photographed in 1906.21\n\n20 See Moule, op. cit., Figs, 9, 10: Diaz, Inscriptio Si-ngan Fou, 1644. 21 Moule, op. cit., Fig. 11; and Ecke and Demiéville, The Twin Pagodas of Zayton, Harvard Univ. Press, 1935, Pt. 70b.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204400, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 32, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "NESTORIAN CROSSES\n\n23\n\nFrom this time on discoveries were frequent. In 1885 two Nestorian cemeteries were discovered in Tokmak (Semirechinsk) with stones from about 610 graves, some engraved with the outline of the now familiar Nestorian Cross, associated with inscriptions in Syriac dating from A.D. 1267 to 1316.3\n\nIn 1890 stones engraved with Nestorian Crosses were found at Hsi-wan-tzu in Sui-yüan province, north-west of Kalgan.23\n\nBut perhaps the most important Nestorian relics in China, after the Tablet of Sianfu, are the T'ang dynasty manuscripts found in 1908 in the sealed cave-library at Tun-huang, commencing with the 'Gloria in Excelsis Deo' with its important List of Scriptures and Historical Note (probably dating from about A.D. 781), the 'Jesus Messiah Sutra' dated A.D. 641, the earliest Nestorian document preserved in China, and three other T'ang Nestorian manuscripts, written probably between that date and the period of the Sianfu monument (A.D. 781).24\n\n+\n\nIn 1919 two beautifully carved Nestorian crosses, with short Syriac inscriptions, possibly from the chancel of a church, were found at Fang-shan in a Buddhist monastery called to this day 'The Monastery of the Cross' + (perhaps the one where Mark and Barsauma dwelt) south-west of Peking.25\n\nIn 1933 several Chinese scholars sought for and found the ruins of a 'Ta-ts'in Monastery' ★ (Nestorian Monastery) at Chou-chih in Shensi province, described in poems by the famous Sung dynasty poet Su Tung-p'o in 1062.26\n\nIn 1935 gravestones engraved with Nestorian crosses similar to those from Fang-shan were found at Pai-ling Miao TEM in Sui-yüan province (on the edge of Mongolia).27\n\nIn a number of places, too numerous to note in detail here, stone tablets have been found engraved with dated edicts of Yüan dynasty times, sometimes in the Mongol language, sometimes in Chinese, and sometimes in both, for the protection of\n\n22 Saeki, Nestorian Documents and Relics, 2nd ed., 1951, Part II, chap. 4.\n\n23 Saeki, op. cit. p. 426.\n\n24 Moule, op. cit. p. 53; Saeki, op. cit. chs, III to XIII.\n\n24 Saeki, op. cit., p. 430, and Moule, op. cit., Fig. 12.\n\n24 Hsiang Ta, Tang-tai Ch'angan yû Hsi-yü wên-ming, App. II, 'Notes on the Ta-ts'in Monastery at Chou-chih' 向達著,唐代長安與西域文明, Yenching Monograph Series II, 1933.\n\n27 Saeki, op. cit., pp. 423-4.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204401, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 33, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "24\n\nF. S. DRAKE\n\nthe property and exemption from taxes of members of religious orders, including the Nestorians, called by the Mongols 'Yeh-li-k'o-wen' 2*\n\nThese and other scattered references to Nestorianism and to Nestorian Christians mentioned in Chinese records of the Yüan dynasty have been collected and published by Dr. Ch'ên Yüan in Yuan Yeh-li-k'o-wen k'ao 29\n\nV. THE CH'ÜAN-CHOU CROSSES\n\n29\n\nThe latest discovery of Nestorian relics in China is a remarkable one and takes us back to Ch'üan-chou once more, the great international port of Ibn Batuta and Chao Ju-kua, the Zayton of Marco Polo and Odoric, with its Buddhist monasteries and Twin Stone Pagodas, its great Mohammedan mosque, and two Franciscan houses, and as we shall now see, its many Nestorian relics.\n\nHere a local scholar, Mr. Wu Wen-liang, became interested in the many fragments of stone with foreign writing and designs that strewed the ground, 'the very pavement stones mingled with inscribed Arab tomb slabs' (Ecke and Demiéville, p.4). For some thirty years, commencing in 1928, Mr. Wu collected these inscribed stones for his private study. During the war, it appears that the city wall of Ch'üan-chou was demolished, and from it many inscribed stones came to light, which added greatly to Mr. Wu's collection. By 1957 the number had reached 160 and included those with Islamic, Nestorian, Manichee, Brahman and other inscriptions. He made rubbings and photographs of these, which he published in that year with explanatory text in Chinese: Ch'üan-chou tsung-chiao shih-k'o (\"Stones from Ch'üan-chou with Religious Inscriptions\").30\n\nIn this book he illustrates twenty-seven stones with Christian inscriptions or designs. Foremost among these are four slabs carved with Christian Crosses, of which two (Nos. 72 and 73) are the very ones illustrated by wood-cuts in Emmanuel Diaz's book on the newly discovered Nestorian Tablet, published in\n\n28 Saeki, op. cit., pp. 418 and 420.\n\n29 Chên Yüan, Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1923. See also Moule, op. cit., and T'oung Pao, Vols. XVII, XVIII, 1916-17: Cordier, 'Le Christianisme en Chine et en Asie sous les Mongous; and Vols. XII, XXI, 1914 and 1934: Pelliot, \"Chrétiens d'Asie Centrale et d'Extrême Orient\".\n\n30 Peking, K'ê-hsüeh ch'u-pan shê, 1957.\n\n30", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204402, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "NESTORIAN CROSSES\n\n25\n\n1644, but not seen since then until now! A third, No. 74, is the stone discovered in 1906 and illustrated by Ecke and Demiéville in 1935 (op. cit. Pl. 70b). A fourth stone (No. 74) is similar to these, but not seen before. Mr. Wu, from the style of the carving, judges these four stones to be relics of the Franciscan mission in Ch'üan-chou in Mongol times. A fifth stone (No. 75) with a Latin inscription largely illegible, can clearly be assigned to the Roman church. Dr. John Foster, who published a preliminary paper on these stones in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1954) based on a set of rubbings which he received from China, has deciphered on this stone the name and date of Andrew of Perugia, Bishop of Zayton, who died in A.D. 1326.\n\nIn contrast to these, the twenty stones, Nos. 70 to 89, which include six with Syriac inscriptions, and which for the most part have the characteristic Nestorian Cross with its blossoming ends, can be ascribed to the Nestorians, who evidently had an establishment in the city. One of these Syriac inscriptions (No. 77) is dated A.D. 1349; while two with Mongol inscriptions (Nos. 85, 86) are dated A.D. 1311 and 1324. The remaining seven (Nos. 90 to 96) are slabs for covering tombs engraved with the characteristic Nestorian Cross, reminiscent of those found in Mongolia and Turkestan.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204415, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "38\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\nelement of the many-sided popular religion. I shall be talking about the small percentage who were consciously Buddhist.\n\nThe first stage of the Buddhist career was that of a lay devotee, the chü-shih ±. He was someone who was interested in Buddhism, studied it, and perhaps joined a devotees' club, that is, a chu-shih lin ½±✯. There were many such clubs in China, particularly in the large cities. He might attend lectures there once a week, at which an eminent monk would come to talk about the sutras. He might learn from the monk to chant the basic liturgy and to handle the liturgical instruments, the gong, clapper, and so on. He might even learn to expound the sutras himself, although an ordained monk was always supposed to be present to attest to what he said.\n\nThe second stage of the Buddhist career was taking the Refuges, kuei-i. The layman went to a monk and repeated the formula: \"I take refuge in the Buddha, I take refuge in the dharma, I take refuge in the Sangha (i.e., the congregation of monks); and I acknowledge herewith that such and such a monk is my master.\" Afterwards he would get a certificate of this master-disciple relationship. One could take the Refuges over and over again, that is, one could have several masters.\n\n11\n\nThe third stage was to take the Five Vows, shou wu-chieh 1. This was normally done only once, perhaps at a small temple, but more probably at a big monastery in conjunction with an ordination of monks. Sometimes laymen would participate in the very first part of the ordination ceremony, which included the Five Vows, and then they would watch the ordinands go through the rest of it. Taking the Five Vows meant that a Buddhist was probably quite serious about his religion. Specifically it only committed him not to kill, not to steal, not to lie, not to drink wine, and not to indulge in illicit sexual intercourse. But many a layman who had taken the vows would recite a sutra every morning before breakfast in his household shrine, perhaps the Heart Sutra. On the first and fifteenth of the lunar month he would probably abstain from eating meat and he would also fast during the whole of the sixth month. But he was still a layman and likely to remain one.\n\nThe fourth step was to enter the novitiate. This was termed \"leaving home\" ch'u chia. It solemnized the layman's", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204417, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "40\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\nand, as there were two hundred monks living on the premises all year round, you can imagine what an enormous place it was. According to the rules, ordination lasted fifty-three days and included an intensive period of study, repentance, and purification, as well as three rites, that is, first the novices' ordination sha-mi chieh; then about ten days later the bhikkhus' ordination pi-ch'iu chieh; and finally the bodhisattvas' ordination, or p'u-sa chieh.\n\nAt the end of the latter, six to eighteen pieces of moxa were placed in two rows on the ordinand's shaven head and set afire. They burned down to the scalp and left permanent scars. If you ever want to tell a monk from a layman, look at his head. If he has the marks, he is a monk. If there are no scars, he may still be a monk, but he was not ordained in China.\n\nOrdination meant a complete break. One no longer had his mother and father, wife and children. One had instead his master and brother disciples. All former responsibilities were dissolved. There was only one responsibility: to seek out salvation with diligence. Ordination was usually irrevocable. A monk could not be released from his vows except for some very good reason, as, for instance, if he were an only son and his parents fell ill. In practice very few monks returned to lay life.\n\nI said at the beginning that one seldom went through all stages of the Buddhist career. Most lay devotees did not go on to become monks; and many monks entered the Sangha without having first taken the Three Refuges or the Five Vows. This happened, for example, in the case of the person who \"left home\" in childhood. Usually he was given to a temple by his parents, sometimes because he had fallen ill and they had made a vow that if he were healed, he would become a monk, sometimes because they were too poor to raise him or took a pessimistic view of human life. I know of one monk, for instance, who was given to a temple when he was ten years old because his father had repeatedly failed his civil service examinations and did not want his son to be exposed to the same disappointments. I can think of another ten-year-old who was literally kidnapped by a wandering mendicant, but who lived to bless him for this act of anomalous charity.\n\n44\n\nSome \"left home\" in their late teens or twenties and of their own volition. They did so for a variety of reasons.\n\nOften", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204418, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "THE BUDDHIST CAREER\n\n+4\n\n41\n\nthey had a relative in the Sangha, an older brother or uncle whom they admired and who urged them to follow in his footsteps. Perhaps they had accompanied their mother when she went to the monastery to worship. They had played in the courtyard and had been impressed by the vast buildings, which were so much finer than the house they lived in. The monks were especially nice to children and told them stories that stimulated their interest in Buddhism. But the reason most often given for entering monastery life is that it was so peaceful ch'ing-ching \" I am not sure yet what is really meant by this, but we should remember that China has been in a turmoil for a century now, during most of which the individual's future has looked rather uncertain. The monastery has offered the hope of a kind of serenity not available elsewhere and it would appear that, although they were young, these people already wanted serenity. In any case, we should not accept the thesis of many Confucian scholars and Christian missionaries that the priesthood was a universally despised profession. This was true in some parts of China, but in other areas monks were much respected. In northern Kiangsu province, for example, it was done to become a monk and there was usually one in every family with three or four sons.\n\nLA\n\nto\n\nIn the last category, we have those who “left home\" in middle age, many of whom had had a lifelong interest in Buddhism. Now they wanted to work harder at religious exercises under optimum conditions, without interruptions and without the demands of family life. Therefore, they turned their backs on wife and offspring.\n\nAll three categories (those who became monks as children, in their youth, and in middle age) came from varying backgrounds. Some were rich, some were poor. Some of those in their twenties were university graduates. Some of the older ones had been successful businessmen, officials, or army officers. One cannot generalize, and I think it is a mistake to believe that most Chinese monks entered the monastery to escape from hunger or from some personal disappointment. This was, of course, the case with many. They were usually the ones who, after the ordination, went back to the small temples where they had trained and led lives of varying sanctity. Those who were more serious and more religiously motivated entered the Meditation Hall, either", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204419, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "42\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\nof the ordaining monastery or some other monastery, and they were supposed to spend the next five years in meditation and study. This was the first stage of their career as monks.\n\nLife in the Meditation Hall was strict. One slept only five hours a night and meditated about ten hours a day. Rising was at 3.00 a.m. followed by an hour of morning prayers, then an hour's rest; breakfast was eaten before dawn; after it came four and a half hours of meditation. This meant sitting in the lotus position for forty minutes, then having a drink of tea, then twenty minutes circumambulating the altar, then going back to sit, then some more tea, more circumambulation, and so on. Circumambulation prevented the joints from getting stiff, but one had to keep on with mental exercises while doing it. It was not just a matter of walking about. Lunch came before noon and was followed by an hour's rest, two hours' meditation, an hour of afternoon prayers, supper at 5.30, and three and a half hours of meditation in the evening. At ten o'clock the monks went to bed. If one of them dozed during meditation the next morning, the monk on patrol, or hsün-hsiang w†, would tap him on the back. If he talked during meals, quarreled, or broke any of the other rules, he was beaten severely.\n\nThe daily schedule varied from monastery to monastery. Rising in the winter was later and retiring earlier (except during the so-called Meditation Weeks in autumn, when for up to forty-nine days one slept only two hours a night). But the schedule I have given is typical.\n\nSometimes I have asked monks whether they did not get bored meditating ten hours every day. They deny it vigorously. They say there was a programme, a method. For instance, one might be trying to find an answer to a standard question like \"What was my original face before I was born?\" The Instructor would come over and say: \"What are you looking at?\" If one replied, \"At the buddhas and bodhisattvas,\" he would say \"Where are the buddhas and bodhisattvas?\" One could not answer and was beaten. Then the Instructor would ask: \"Who is being beaten?\"\n\nI am afraid that the subject of methods of meditation is too large to embark on here. It is true, however, that many monks found themselves unable to master it, particularly Ch'an (Zen)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204422, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 54, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "# THE BUDDHIST CAREER\n\n45\n\nAt the top of the hierarchy was the abbot, fang-chang 方丈. He was chosen in such a variety of ways that I shall only mention two. The first was called selecting the worthy, hsüan-hsien 選賢. It meant that at the end of the old abbot's three-year term (there was a limit of three terms) the head monks of the monastery and the elders of the neighbouring monasteries would consult with one another to decide who would make a worthy successor. It was not easy because someone had to be found who was qualified both as an administrator and as a teacher, and the trouble was that, even when found, he might be unwilling to serve. Very few monks wanted the responsibility of running a big monastery. What they wanted was hsiu-hsing, to practise religious exercises. So if they heard that they were about to be named abbot, they would silently depart by night. As a last resort those charged with finding a new abbot might get half a dozen candidates to draw lots in front of Buddha's image. This way Buddha himself made the selection and there was no escape for the reluctant.\n\n3\n\nA simpler and far more widespread method than the \"selection of the worthy\" was for the abbot himself to decide which of his disciples should succeed him and then to train him for his future responsibilities. In some famous monasteries this would always be one of his dharma disciples fa-t'u 法徒, not a \"tonsure disciple, t'i-tu ti-tzu 剃度弟子\" and, of course, not a Refuges disciple, kuei-i ti-tzu 歸依弟子. A dharma disciple was a younger monk to whom, in theory, the master had handed on his understanding of the dharma in a direct “imprinting of mind on mind, hsin hsin hsiang yin 心心相印.” In testimony thereof the master gave him a dharma certificate fa-chüan 法券 which stated that he, the master of such-and-such a generation, had received the dharma from so-and-so of the previous generation, who received it from so-and-so of the generation before, all the way back through forty or fifty generations to patriarchs like Nagarjuna or Bodhidharma, the founders of the T'ien-t'ai and Zen sects. The dharma certificate was the highest document conferred in the monastic career. It established formally that a monk belonged to a given sect, though there was nothing to prevent him from...\n\n* i.e., not a monk whose head he had shaved and whom he had trained before ordination,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204430, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "CHINESE SEALS\n\n51\n\nas Small Seal was proclaimed by the Government in place of the previous existing irregular characters which were known as Big Seal characters 大篆 or ch'ou wen 籀文,\n\nIt was during the Chin Dynasty that the term sist 鉥 was restricted to mean the Emperor's seal and official or personal seals were known as yin 印. The Chin seals are usually cut in intaglio, with cross or vertical dividing lines and a line at the margin. The size is about 1 inch square and the shape is usually square. The personal seals were more or less of the same style as the later Chou type.\n\nThe Royal Seal was said to be made of jade with eight Chinese characters cut in relief ****, with dragons carved on it as decoration. Official and personal seals were made of bronze with simple decoration.\n\nThe Han Dynasty (206 B.C.-221 A.D.) followed the short-lived Chin (221-206 B.C.). This was the golden age of seal making. During the Han Dynasty, a form of calligraphy was specially proclaimed for seal making. This is a cross between the small seal character of the Chin and the later Li 隸 character. It is regular, simple and upright, most suitable for seal making. The different types of Han seals 印 were most numerous, the chief of which were the official seals, personal seals and miscellaneous seals. The engraving may be in intaglio, relief or both in the same seal. Han seals exist to the present day in abundant numbers and their style is studied and copied up to this moment.\n\nThe decoration on Han seals was more elaborately made in that different ranks of officials possessed seals of different decoration; such as camel, horse, tortoise, tiger, leopard, bear, sheep, rabbit, lizard and etc. Even the colour of the cord signified different ranks. Personal seals might have decorations such as a tortoise or other animals.\n\nAs for the matrix of the seal, records show that Han seals were made from gold, silver, bronze or jade according to the rank of the official. Royal seals were made from jade. Personal seals might be made from precious stone, precious metal, bronze or gilt bronze. Ivory or horn of rhinoceros were also used.\n\nAfter the Han Dynasty, the art of seal making suffered a great set-back during the Sui (600 A.D.), T'ang (618-907 A.D.),", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204432, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "CHINESE SEALS \n\n53 \n\nFrom this time onwards many other new materials were also being explored and introduced for making seals such as crystal, agate, amber, wood, bamboo root, olive stone, peach stone, ox horn, shell, and even pumpkin stems, etc. \n\nThe carving of inscriptions on the side of the seal was first done by Ming artists. The contents of the inscription might be a quotation from an essay or an account recording the occasion for making that particular seal or it might be simply the date and name of the owner and the artist. The art of inscription carving was considered to be part of the art of making seals. It became a very elaborate and skilful undertaking during the Ch'ing Dynasty (1644-1911 A.D.) and has continued up to the present. \n\nAs for the decoration of seals, in the Ming and Ch'ing Dynasties the seals of royalty were decorated with dragons. Official and personal seals might have all sorts of decorations imaginable. Towards the middle of the Ch'ing Dynasty the art of carving seal decoration was very much developed and up to this day we still possess a large variety of exquisite examples of this fine art. \n\nOf the soft stones there are many varieties which differ in their colour, transparency, lustre and texture. The best known two varieties are the chicken blood 紅 and the \"field yellow\". The former is valued for its play of colour and the latter for its lustre, transparency and smooth texture.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204433, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "54\n\nSOME OF CHINA'S THIRTY-FIVE MILLION NON-CHINESE\n\nA lecture delivered on January 15, 1962\n\nHEROLD J. WIENS, M.A., PH.D.*\n\nThe title of this paper indicates the existence in China of enough people, fundamentally of non-Chinese origin, to be equal to the population of Korea, Poland, or Mexico. Before discussing them, however, it is necessary to define the term Chinese. At least two definitions may be acceptable: one is that Chinese are citizens of the territory constituting China as a state; the other is more restricted and applies to that unique cultural group known as the \"Sons of Han\" which evolved the ideographic Chinese writing, which has a recorded history and literature of several thousand years, and whose ethical character has been epitomized in the teachings of Confucius. They constitute ninety-five per cent of the people of China, but there remain five per cent who do not derive from the cultural heritage of the Han, but whose ancestors occupied areas north, west and south of the Yellow river heartland of the Han people. These speak different languages, practice different customs, wear different habits and often make their livelihood in different manners from those of the Han. Recent classifications show at least fifty different such ethnic groups in China. This talk, however, is concerned with only the groups in south and southwest China where about twenty-five of the approximately thirty-five million people in the non-Han classification dwell.\n\nIf we examine the historical ethnography of China at the time of Confucius, we find that the Yangtze valley and China south of it belonged not to the Han but to the non-Han peoples. By this time, however, many of the occupants of the Yangtze valley had to a greater or lesser degree become acculturated to Han-Chinese ways. A fief holder of the Chou emperor who was \"barbarian\" whose descendant became the king of the state of Ch'u in the central Yangtze valley was proud to declare:\n\n* Dr. Wiens has spent many years in China. He is Associate Professor of Geography, Yale University, and has specialized in geographic studies of Southern China. Author of China's March Towards the Tropics. He spent the academic year 1961-62 as a visiting lecturer at the University of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204436, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "CHINA'S 35 MILLION NON-CHINESE\n\n57\n\nminor groupings in south China. In the southwest were the Ch'iang, the Fan (properly read Po), the Wu-man14 (who include the Yi, Lolo, Norsu, etcetera), and a fourth group of poorly differentiated tribes. In the south were the Austronesian Tai or Thai, the Yao and TanE, and the Liao#. The six subsidiary groups he considered derived from intermixtures and cultural overlays. These include the Miao (descendants of the Fan or Po), the Ch'i-lao or K'e-lao2 of the southwest plateau lands, the Pae of Szechwan, the Pai-man of the Ta-li✯ plain in west Yunnan, the Li of Hainan Island, and the Yueh centered on the Canton delta in early times.\n\nAlthough, in general, the historical movement of the non-Han people of central and south China has been southward in the face of the constantly expanding pressures of the Han from the north, the migratory paths of some of the chief ethnic groups within south China are interesting to note. Four of these groups of present importance are the Miao, the Yao, the Yi or Wu-man, and the Tai.\n\nSince the Miao are high mountain dwellers, their migration routes generally have followed mountain ranges where they could practice their fire-field or forest-burning, shifting type of cultivation and semi-nomadic pastoral herding. The Miao, apparently derived from the Fan or Po of the west Szechwan mountain lands, migrated slowly eastward along the Ta-pae and Ch'in-ling ranges and down into the Tung-t'ing lake region after traversing the Wu mountains of the Yangtze Gorges. Here they must have established themselves for a long time and acquired the name Ching Man# or the Barbarians of the Ching (Tung-t'ing Lake) region.\n\nThe Miao then spread southward in several directions, but especially into the west Hunan and east Kweichow regions among the tributaries of the Yuan river from which they acquired the name Wu-ch'i* (Five Streams) Barbarians. They became further dispersed during various dynastic struggles among the Han and especially during the Sung and Mongol struggles. The Manchu and their Han Chinese forces during the Ch'ing dynasty dispersed them further in many bloody battles with the Miao. Today the Miao have sought refuge not only in the more", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204437, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "58\n\nHEROLD J. WIENS\n\nmountainous regions of south China but also across the southern borders in Burma, Laos and Vietnam.\n\nThe Yao, like the Miao, also are mountain-loving people, but appear to have originated as ethnic groups in the hill country of east-central China, in such regions as the present provinces of Anhwei, Chekiang and Kiangsu. They were here as early as Chinese records mention them, but they appear to have gradually abandoned these areas, as Han-Chinese settlement increased in density, and friction over land and other matters led the Yao to seek more isolated mountains. Since they were like the Miao in their type of fire-field or forest-burning, shifting cultivation, they inevitably came into close contact with the Miao and have many cultural features in common with the Miao. Elements of the language also appear similar. Some Chinese ethnographers have considered the Wu-ch'i Man a Yao rather than a Miao group, and others believe them to have common origins. This confusion is probably due to strong Mon Khmer influences originating from India and Southeast Asia in the earliest times.\n\n4\n\nOne of the supporting arguments for the common origin of Yao and Miao is the common cult attached to the dog and the tiger. The Yao trace their ancestry mythically to the union of a princess with a supernatural dog-hero called P'an-hu. Yao myths trace their movement southward from both the central Yangtze valley regions and from the Chekiang-Fukien mountains. Folk songs of the Yao indicate further that they crossed over the Nan-ling mountains in great numbers during the period of Huang-ch'ao's rebellion in the reign of the T'ang Emperor Hsi-Tsung (A.D. 874-889),4\n\nWhen the Miao moved into the Kweichow region in the earliest times, they probably found the Yi or Wu-man peoples already in occupation of western Kweichow. The Yi certainly preceded the Han in this part of China, and the Han Chinese have known of the Yi in their present habitats in southwest China for over 2,500 years. The peculiar manner in which the\n\n* Chiang Ying-liang, Hsi-nan pien-chiang min-tsu lun-ts'ung (A discussion of the peoples of the southwest borderlands), Canton, 1948, 74-79; see also Ling Shun-sheng and Jui Yi-fu, Hsiang-hsi Miao-tsu t'iao-cha pao-kao (Report of research on the Miao of west Hunan), Academia Sinica, Shanghai, 1947.\n\n4 Hsu Sung-shih, Yueh-chiang liu-yü jen-min (The peoples of the Yueh river drainage), Shanghai, 1939, 130-135.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204439, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 71, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "60\n\nHEROLD J. WIENS\n\nof south China that have evolved a significant culture. But precisely because of this and because they occupied irrigable valley lands, the Han Chinese came into conflict with them. Moreover, because of superior culture, technology and number, the Han gradually took over the T'ai states of the Yangtze valley and assimilated their populations. Those among the T'ai leadership who escaped Han political and cultural conquests were the ones who led their following in migration away from the front of contact. The direction of this slow historical flight was southward and southwestward,\n\nBefore the Han Chinese conquest under the Ch'in dynasty (Third century B.C.), south China contained 6-8 large T'ai states. In Szechwan the T'ai state of Shu was centered on the present provincial capital of Ch'eng-tu. The Pa state was centered at Chungking. In the central and lower Yangtze region were the T'ai states of Ch'u and Wu respectively. The T'ai state of Nan-yueh included such areas as the Canton delta and the Red river delta of Tongking. In Fukien were the Pai-yueh, sometimes politically centralized at Foochow. All of these were absorbed into the political body of China during the 400 years of the Han dynasties. Sinicization, however, took many more centuries and reached its greatest flowering in the Canton delta region during the T'ang period. West of this region in the Yunnan-Kweichow plateaus, however, a Sinicized T'ai power lingered on through the T'ang and Sung periods in the state of Nan-chao, at times strong enough to pose threats to the stability of the T'ang empire. The successor to this state, Ta-li, withered under the Mongol onslaught directed by Kublai Khan, and T'ai political genius moved across the southern borders of Yunnan into the Mon-Khmer cultural sphere in the basin of the Chao Phya river where it evolved the present state of Thailand.\n\n7\n\nT'ai autonomy within southwest China continued in smaller units in the lake and river basins of Yunnan near the Burma borders until the Communist conquest of China. The reasons for the extended freedom from close Han Chinese control over the southwest include the rough topography of the region with agriculture restricted to small basins or primitive self-sufficiency\n\nCh'en Pi-sheng, T'ien-pien san-yi (Reflections on the Yunnan borderlands), Chungking, 1941, 21-24.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204444, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 76, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "CHINA'S 35 MILLION NON-CHINESE \n\n65 \n\nwas contrary to the intention of the cadres. The distribution of confiscated animals among the slaves and bondsmen was at first regarded as a glorious opportunity to have a religious splurge of sacrifices and feasting instead of an investment for production. Sacrifices are required to placate the various spirits that were thought responsible for every evil and ill, from accidents to rheumatism.\n\nWinnington found that the Wa or K'a-wa of southwest Yunnan represent a different society, although Hsi-meng district to which he was taken by his Communist Chinese hosts lies only in the fringes of the Wa territory and may not be entirely representative. The Wa inhabit both sides of the south Yunnan-Burma borders and are divided into the \"wild Wa\" and the Wa tamed by contact with Burmese or Chinese civilizations. The \"wild Wa\" in British Burma in 1935 were still addicted to headhunting, both on other Wa and on non-Wa people coming into or living near their village areas.15 A Chinese account of the \"wild Wa\" on the Yunnan side related the headhunting to efforts to ensure good harvests. In any event, the \"wild Wa\" decorated the approaches to their thorn-fence walled-village with a double column of skulls mounted on posts. A person entered their territory at his peril.\n\nIn the Sinicized northern part of the Wa territory there is a transition zone of intermixed hill Shan, La-hu and other mountain people as well as of Wa. Slavery here is practised in a very relaxed form, according to Winnington. Slaves constitute only about five per cent of the villagers as compared with over 90 per cent of the population in the Black-bone country. A slave suffers no social discrimination among the villagers and takes part in village and clan ceremonies open to other villagers. He can marry whom he pleases, and when the new couple sets up separate housekeeping, the master is bound by tradition to help them on pain of community criticism for failure to do so. Such a marriage virtually ends the slavery status, although the slave is expected to make payments to his master until his price is paid for.\n\n1 Great Britain Treaty Series No. 80 (1947), Exchange of notes concerning the Burma-Yunnan boundary, 18th June 1941, London, 1947, 4.\n\n16 Li Sheng-chuang, Yün-nan ti-yi chih-pien chü-yü nei chih jen-chung l'iao-cha (Research into the ethnic groups within the First Border Settlement District of Yunnan), Researches on the Yunnan Frontier Problems, Kunming, 1933, 194.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204448, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "CHINA'S 35 MILLION NON-CHINESE\n\n69\n\nTable II lists the numbers of people in each ethnic group distributed by provinces in south and central China. In brief, the T'ai-related groups lead with some 10 million people at present. They are followed by the Tibeto-Burman related group with some 8.4 million, followed by the Miao-Yao related group with about 3.4 million. The greatest concentration of minorities in any one group is among the Chuang in the Tai group. The Chuang live in a compact body numbering some seven million in Kwangsi. The Miao, however, are the most widely distributed of all ethnic groups, being found in significant numbers in every province of south and central China except Kiangsi, although their chief strength is in Kweichow. Yunnan, by all odds, is the most complex province ethnically. Of the 30 national minorities listed by the Census for 1953, some twenty-four are found in Yunnan. This Census apparently may need considerable revision when the minorities are scrutinized more closely. Thus, it listed only 90,000 so-called T'u-chia, which was proclaimed to be a newly discovered ethnic group hitherto confused with Han Chinese and Miao because of their degrees of acculturation. A personal check by Fang Jen revealed over 300,000, and a still more detailed check in subsequent years disclosed that actually these were 549,000 that should be so classified and, from their original cultural traits, they belonged in the Yi-related group. They occupy an area in northwest Hunan.\n\n44\n\nThe Yi comprise so many sub-groups under different names (there are 40 sub-tribes in Yunnan alone) that confusion is understandable. In northwest Yunnan such sub-groups of the Yi as the Na-khi or Na-hsi and Li-su live in the region between the great bends of the Chin-sha river and the Burma border. In the western part of this region are the Nu, Tu-lung, and Ching-p'o, occupying parts of the Salween and Mekong drainage of north Yunnan. Farther south in the drainages of these rivers are the related La-hu and A-ch'ang. The Pai people, in a solid bloc on the plain of Erh Hai (Lake Erh), have been thought by some writers, including this one, to be a T'ai-related people, but are listed by Bruk as a Yi sub-group. In the west bank region of the Red river of Yunnan are the sub-group known as the Han-yi. The Yi proper are scattered over the three southwestern provinces,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204449, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "70\n\nHEROLD J. WIENS\n\nbut their main concentration in a solid bloc is in the Ta-liang mountains southwest of I-pin district of Szechwan.\n\nMore closely related to the Tibetans, the Ch'iang live in the west fringes of the Szechwan basin east of K'ang-ting city. The chief areas of Tibetan settlement are almost all in the Tibetan plateaus, though politically the areas are divided among five provinces in addition to Tibet proper and not counting now-abolished Sikang province. These are Kansu, Chinghai, Yunnan, Szechwan and Kweichow. Since Sikang has largely been incorporated into Szechwan, the latter now contains over 700,000 Tibetans, whereas Yunnan has some 67,000,\n\nAside from the Chuang who constitute about seventy per cent of the total population in what is called the Kwangsi Chuang Autonomous Region, other T'ai-related groups are widespread especially in Yunnan and Kweichow. The T'ung occupy a solid bloc of territory joining three provinces: southeast Kweichow, northern Kwangsi, and western Hunan. They are related to the Shui who live in the southeast corner of Kweichow. The Pu-yi (also called Chung-chia) are a T'ai-related group in southwest Kweichow. In central Kweichow they live intermingled with the Miao, and they constitute the majority of the country people around the provincial capital of Kuei-yang. The T'ai proper have settled in the southern half of Yunnan where they are divided into two branches: the Hsi-shuang pan-na T'ai and the Te-hung T'ai. The former of these branches constitute \"Twelve pan-na or basin 'states'\", whence their name. The latter are close relatives of the Burma Shan people. Also related to the T'ai more distantly are the Li people of Hainan Island, with their heartland in the Li-mu (\"mother of the Li\") mountains that dominate the southern half of the island. Some Miao also are found on Hainan, having been imported during the Ch'ing dynasty to make poison arrows in the campaigns against the Li.20\n\nThe Miao are a very scattered group and only in two regions do they form compact settlements: eastern Kweichow and southwest Hunan. In Szechwan they live along the Kweichow borderlands. In Kwangsi they have settled in small groups in the centre of the province. In almost all regions the Miao have\n\n20 Hsu Sung-shih, Yueh-chiang liu-yü jen-min, 122-123.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204450, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "CHINA'S 35 MILLION NON-CHINESE\n\n71\n\nbeen pushed into the higher mountain districts and are surrounded by Han or T'ai people in the lower valleys.\n\nThe chief Yao concentration is in the border mountains where Hunan, Kwangsi and Kwangtung come together. In Kwangsi they form a compact group in the Yao Mountains. According to Bruk, only a third of the Yao still speak the Yao language; the other two-thirds are said to have adopted one or the other of the Miao, Tung, Chuang or Han Chinese languages. Of the Miao-Yao group, but set somewhat farther apart culturally by time, is the She cultural group which mostly are in the east coast provinces but consider themselves to have come from Kwangsi. All except about 3,000 of the 151,000 She are in Fukien and Chekiang, the most compact settlement region being Ching-ning district in southern Chekiang, in which about a third of the total number reside.\n\nAside from whatever problem the minorities constitute to the controlling Han Chinese, their occupation of the frontier regions of south and southwest China give them a peculiar significance. Many of them inhabit blocs of territory overlapping the international boundaries. With the development of national consciousness, especially in periods of real or imagined oppression by governments not of their own choosing on one side or the other of the border, resentments tend to be reflected in desires for pan-national or pan-ethnic consolidation. Trouble on one side of the border leads to easy flight across the border to receptive and related peoples on the other side. This also works for criminal elements wishing to escape from police authority in their home territory. Frontier smuggling and banditry require the cooperative effort of friendly neighbour states, but are hard to deal with when neither side exercises effective control in the isolated, sparsely-settled frontiers of southwest China. International grievances over minority peoples in the past have been numerous between former British-controlled Burma and China.\n\n21\n\nWithin China, the ethnic character of its southwest clearly indicates its frontier aspects. This is a region of clashing cultures in various stages of peaceful or compulsory Sinicization. Today the acculturation process is being greatly accelerated by the\n\nChang Hu, T'eng-yueh pien-ti chuang-k'uang chi chih-nien ch'u-yin (A discussion of the situation in the T'eng-yueh frontiers and of their control), Yunnan Frontier Research, Kunming, 1933, 321-322.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204452, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "CHINA'S 35 MILLION NON-CHINESE\n\nTABLE 1\n\n73\n\nCHINA'S MINORITY POPULATIONS IN ORDER OF SIZE,\n\n1. Chuang\n\n2. Wei-wu-erh (Uighur)\n\n3. Hui (Dungan)\n\n4. Yi (Lolo, etc.)\n\n1953\n\n5. Tsang (Tibetan)\n\n6. Miao\n\n7. Man (Manchu)\n\n8. Meng-ku (Mongol)\n\n9. Pu-yi\n\n10. Ch'ao-hsien (Korean)\n\n11. Tung\n\n12. Yao\n\n13. Pai (Pai-man)\n\n14. Ha-sa-k'e (Kazakh)\n\n15. Ha-ni\n\n16. T'ai\n\n17. Li\n\n18. Li-su\n\n19. Tu-chia\n\n20. She\n\n21. K'a-wa (Wa)\n\n22. Kao-shan (Malay-Polynesian)\n\n23. Tung-hsiang\n\n24. Na-hsi (Na-khi)\n\n25. La-hu\n\n26. Shui\n\n27. Ching-p'o (Singpho, Kachin)\n\n28. Ko-erh-k'e-tzu (Kirghiz)\n\n29. T'u (Mongor)\n\n30. Ta-kuan-erh (Daghor)\n\n31. Mo-lao\n\n32. Ch'iang\n\n33. Pu-lang (Palaung)\n\n34. Sa-la (Salar)\n\n35. Ngo-lo-ssu (Russian)\n\n36. K'e-lao\n\n37. Hsi-po (Sipo)\n\n38. Mao-nan\n\n39. A-chang\n\n40. T'a-chi-k'e (Tadjik)\n\n41. Wu-tzu-pieh-k'e (Uzbek)\n\n42. Nu\n\n43. T'a-t'a-erh (Tatar)\n\n44. O-wen-k'e (Evenki)\n\n45. Pao-an\n\n46. Yü-ku (Sara Uighur)\n\n47. Peng-lung\n\n48. Tu-lung\n\n...\n\n7,000,000\n\n3,640,000\n\n3,559,000\n\n3,250,000\n\n2,775,000\n\n2,511,000\n\n2,418,000\n\n1,463,000\n\n1,247,000\n\n1,120,000\n\n712,000\n\n665,000\n\n567,000\n\n509,000\n\n481,000\n\n478,000\n\n360,000\n\n317,000\n\n300,000 *\n\n286,000\n\n210,000\n\n200,000\n\n155,000\n\n143,000\n\n139,000\n\n133,000\n\n101,000\n\n70,000\n\n53,200\n\n44,100\n\n43,100\n\n35,600\n\n35,000\n\n30,600\n\n22,600\n\n20,800\n\n19,000\n\n18,400\n\n17,700\n\n14,400\n\n13,600\n\n12,700\n\n6,900\n\n6,200\n\n4,900\n\n3,800\n\n2,900\n\n2,400\n\n2,200\n\n450\n\nO-lun-ch'un (Orochun)\n\n50. Ho-che (Nanai)\n\n* Found by Fang Jen in 1955 to be 300,000, but Bruk listed 49,000.\n\n† From April 19, 1957 issue of Kuang-ming Daily News.\n\n† An estimate.\n\n§ Collectively including the So-lun (4,900), T'ung-ku-ssu (Tungus: 1,205), and Ya-k'u-te (Yakut; 137).\n\nHere is the revised response in HTML format using Markdown table syntax for the table:\n\n \n Order\n Minority Population\n Population (1953)\n \n \n 1\n Chuang\n 7,000,000\n \n \n 2\n Wei-wu-erh (Uighur)\n 3,640,000\n \n \n 3\n Hui (Dungan)\n 3,559,000\n \n \n 4\n Yi (Lolo, etc.)\n 3,250,000\n \n \n 5\n Tsang (Tibetan)\n 2,775,000\n \n \n 6\n Miao\n 2,511,000\n \n \n 7\n Man (Manchu)\n 2,418,000\n \n \n 8\n Meng-ku (Mongol)\n 1,463,000\n \n \n 9\n Pu-yi\n 1,247,000\n \n \n 10\n Ch'ao-hsien (Korean)\n 1,120,000\n \n \n 11\n Tung\n 712,000\n \n \n 12\n Yao\n 665,000\n \n \n 13\n Pai (Pai-man)\n 567,000\n \n \n 14\n Ha-sa-k'e (Kazakh)\n 509,000\n \n \n 15\n Ha-ni\n 481,000\n \n \n 16\n T'ai\n 478,000\n \n \n 17\n Li\n 360,000\n \n \n 18\n Li-su\n 317,000\n \n \n 19\n Tu-chia\n 300,000 *\n \n \n 20\n She\n 286,000\n \n \n 21\n K'a-wa (Wa)\n 210,000\n \n \n 22\n Kao-shan (Malay-Polynesian)\n 200,000\n \n \n 23\n Tung-hsiang\n 155,000\n \n \n 24\n Na-hsi (Na-khi)\n 143,000\n \n \n 25\n La-hu\n 139,000\n \n \n 26\n Shui\n 133,000\n \n \n 27\n Ching-p'o (Singpho, Kachin)\n 101,000\n \n \n 28\n Ko-erh-k'e-tzu (Kirghiz)\n 70,000\n \n \n 29\n T'u (Mongor)\n 53,200\n \n \n 30\n Ta-kuan-erh (Daghor)\n 44,100\n \n \n 31\n Mo-lao\n 43,100\n \n \n 32\n Ch'iang\n 35,600\n \n \n 33\n Pu-lang (Palaung)\n 35,000\n \n \n 34\n Sa-la (Salar)\n 30,600\n \n \n 35\n Ngo-lo-ssu (Russian)\n 22,600\n \n \n 36\n K'e-lao\n 20,800\n \n \n 37\n Hsi-po (Sipo)\n 19,000\n \n \n 38\n Mao-nan\n 18,400\n \n \n 39\n A-chang\n 17,700\n \n \n 40\n T'a-chi-k'e (Tadjik)\n 14,400\n \n \n 41\n Wu-tzu-pieh-k'e (Uzbek)\n 13,600\n \n \n 42\n Nu\n 12,700\n \n \n 43\n T'a-t'a-erh (Tatar)\n 6,900\n \n \n 44\n O-wen-k'e (Evenki)\n 6,200\n \n \n 45\n Pao-an\n 4,900\n \n \n 46\n Yü-ku (Sara Uighur)\n 3,800\n \n \n 47\n Peng-lung\n 2,900\n \n \n 48\n Tu-lung\n 2,400\n \n \n 49\n O-lun-ch'un (Orochun)\n 2,200\n \n \n 50\n Ho-che (Nanai)\n 450\n \n\n* Found by Fang Jen in 1955 to be 300,000, but Bruk listed 49,000.\n\n† From April 19, 1957 issue of Kuang-ming Daily News.\n\n† An estimate.\n\n§ Collectively including the So-lun (4,900), T'ung-ku-ssu (Tungus: 1,205), and Ya-k'u-te (Yakut; 137).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204453, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "74\n\nHEROLD J. WIENS\n\nTABLE II\n\n(Population in 000's) Provincial distribution of South China peoples\n\n \n \n Szechwan\n Kwangsi\n Kweichow\n Yunnan\n Hupei\n Chekiang\n Fukien\n Kiangsi\n Kwangtung\n Hunan\n \n \n Chuang\n \n 6,445\n 43\n 1\n \n \n \n \n 18\n \n \n \n Molao\n \n 116\n 14\n \n \n \n \n \n 1\n \n \n \n Maonan\n \n 14\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Pu-yi\n \n 1,233\n 479\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n T'ai\n \n \n 439\n 1,333\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n T'ung\n \n 360\n 1,425\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Shui\n \n 84\n 204\n \n \n \n \n \n \n 378\n \n \n Li\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n 469\n \n \n \n Miao\n 453\n 150\n 1,233\n 70\n \n \n \n \n 21\n 72\n \n \n K'e-lao\n \n \n 41\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Yao\n \n 358\n 14\n 1\n \n \n \n 14\n 28\n 14\n \n \n She\n \n \n \n \n \n 25\n 96\n 52\n \n 2\n \n \n Tibetan*\n \n \n \n 713\n 67\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Ch'iang\n 36\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Nu\n \n \n \n 13\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Tu-lung\n \n \n \n 2\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Ching-p'o\n \n \n \n 102\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Yi\n \n \n 275\n 1,852\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Ha-ni\n \n \n \n 481\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Li-su\n \n \n \n 317\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Nakhi\n \n \n \n 143\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n La-hu\n \n \n \n 139\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Achang\n \n \n \n 18\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Pai\n \n \n \n 567\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n T'u-chia\n 549\n \n \n \n 1,123\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n K'a-wa or Wa\n \n \n \n 286\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Peng-lung\n \n \n \n 3\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Pa-lang\n \n \n \n 35\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Kao-shan\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n (found only in Taiwan 200,000)\n \n \n \n Ching\n \n 4\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n (Vietnamese)\n \n \n \n 2\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n* In Tibet proper and in the Chamdo region there is an additional Tibetan population of about 1,274,000.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204464, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "LIFE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n85\n\nexamination by the District Magistrate at Nam Tau and by the Kwang Chau prefect at Canton, proceeded to the Viceroy's yamen in the same city where eventually a favoured few would manage to pass the first degree of sau choi. This in theory entitled the scholar to qualify for an official post. In practise there were many more sau choi than there were posts and a scholar had to pursue further study and pass other examinations before he stood a real chance of becoming an official. In every district there were sau choi who would never obtain posts. Many became local schoolmasters. Others by virtue of wealth and position became the local gentry who, by report, were sometimes a help to the magistrate and frequently a nuisance, both to him and to the litigant or criminal public. They sat on the local tribunals kuk and advised the magistrate on local affairs. Being literati like himself they had ready access to his yamen and to his ear. Sometimes they even outranked him. Elders, on the other hand, rarely sat on the kuk. Lockhart estimated that there were one hundred and fifty sau choi in the whole district.20 In 1898 the elders of important villages like Ha Tsuen and Ping Shan were literati. Several of them played a leading part in the planning of operations against the British take-over.27\n\n20\n\nSometimes the wealthier village elders enhanced their position by purchasing degrees. In the late Ch'ing period the sale of examination titles appears to have been considerable. Smith mentions it in his Village Life in China** and I have come across several such persons in villages in the Southern District of the New Territory. They were usually substantial villagers. Such a one was CHAN Tak-hang4 of Cheung Kwan O in Junk Bay who died in the seventeenth year of Kwong Shui (1892) at the age of sixty-four. According to his descendant, the present Village Representative, he was a man of substance who built a guest house in the village which is still standing to-day, gave money for the upkeep of the stone tracks which linked the villages of the area with Kowloon, and was well known locally. His portrait, painted at the age of fifty-seven, shows him in his borrowed finery as a kwok hok sang, for which he paid an unknown consideration to Government. A man such as this would obviously play a considerable part in the affairs of his immediate neighbourhood.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204470, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 102, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "LIFE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES \n\n91 \n\nwhich it had supplanted eighteen years before. Great hardship was encountered which is hardly surprising, and the people were eternally grateful to their benevolent officials and commemorated them in several temples dedicated in their honour. One of these was burned down in 1955 during the fire which destroyed Shek Wu Hui near Fanling, and others are to be found at Sha Tau Kok and Kam Tin, and Sai Heung in Chinese Territory. In addition a school was named in their honour at Kam Tin, and when it was repaired in 1744 the San On magistrate of the time composed a Confucian discourse which was inscribed on the wall of the restored building, to instruct the pupils and their parents. An interesting survival which still existed in 1898 was the appearance of an old beggar in the Yuen Long villages every Chinese New Year who brought statues of WONG and CHOW for the people to worship, and incidentally to supply him with food and money.'' To these men-become-gods for whom the construction of a temple was necessary to ensure their better worship and resulting favours, there must be added an equal and possibly much older faith in sacred tree spirits and the multitude of earth spirits known as pak kung ih, tai wong ★, and ordinary she taan 4, who look after villages and localities such as passes, bridges, and fords over streams.\n\nThis insurance with the spirits who ruled this world and would assuredly be encountered in the next was expressed in the continual reconstruction of temples. A great many of the temples in the New Territory to-day owe their present fabric, or a great part of it, to repairs made during the last fifty years of the Ching dynasty. It was evidently a highly necessary part of the proceedings that the god should be informed of the names of the contributors so that his benefits should not pass anyone by, since their names, and often the amounts they gave, were scrupulously inscribed on the commemorative tablet which was always let into the wall to mark the occasion. Sometimes over a thousand names had to be recorded in this way, most of them in respect of trifling amounts, even for a small and out of the way temple, as in the reconstruction of the Tin Hau temple at Cheung Chau in the second year of the last Ch'ing Emperor (1909).\n\nThe magistrate, too, was expected to play his part in warding off disaster. The District History mentions that CHAN Kuk", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204471, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 103, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "92\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\nwrote a prayer for divine help to the city god of Nam Tau after a dark mist resembling the shadow of a black dog haunted womenfolk in the third moon of the third year of Ch'ung-cheng (1630): and the magistrate LI Ho Shing wrote the \"Lamentations\" or odes and addresses burnt in sacrifice, when a severe typhoon hit the district city in the fifth moon of the twelfth year of K'ang-hsi (1673); this was preserved among the literary works recorded in another chapter of the history. There is no mention of later imitations.\n\nBesides this preoccupation with spirits of all kinds and a general disposition to ensure against all possible acts of ill will on their part which was, one almost thinks, a by-product of the bad times and the uncertainties which usually surrounded the Chinese peasant and his city counterpart, there was a regular and intense devotion to the ancestors of the clans which was carried on through the centuries. This, of course, was Confucianist, as opposed to the Taoist and animist forms of religion to be seen inside temples and on the fields and hillsides. There is no doubt that the clans were kept together by the regular attention that was paid to the ancestral duties and the particular reverence accorded to the first ancestor who had settled in the village. I have already explained how, on the material side, management of land by the clan for the clan assisted in keeping both land and people together. On the spiritual plane the ancestral duties had the same effect.\n\nAt the heart of the clan was the ancestral hall.52 Here the soul tablets of past generations were ranged in rows on an altar: these can still be seen in a few ancestral halls to-day, notably at Ping Shan and Ha Tsuen, two villages of the TANG clan, whose green and gold tablets date back to the Sung dynasty. Most villages in the New Territory, large or small, appear to have had ancestral halls at the time of the lease. Many of them are standing to-day and I have traced the presence of others which have mouldered away since 1898. Each clan had its own hall and here its members gathered to perpetuate its corporate identity on occasions like births, weddings and funerals, and regularly each year at the New Year festival.\n\n53\n\nAs an adjunct to the tablets in the ancestral hall, the graves of ancestors were also the subject of regular attention by the villagers, particularly the grave of the first ancestor and his wife.54", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204477, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "98\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\napproval. This authority, with powers of discretion, was given to the D.O. to help preserve the traditional way of managing land within the clan, and to provide a cheap and impartial arbiter in case of dispute.\n\n13 In Shek Pik village the TSUI, CHEUNG, HO and CHI clans owned 1.1, 0.39, 0.55, and 0.04 acres of agricultural land in 1898. With the exception of the HO clan, they were intact in 1959. The TSUI tso probably dates from the fifteenth generation, and is therefore three hundred years old. The FUNG clan in Fan Pui owned 9.2 acres in 1898 but this was sold in 1953.\n\n14 At Fan Pui I dealt with a disputed case of ownership in which the defendant stated that eight lots totalling 9,581 square feet of agricultural land had been specially set aside as joss and oil fields (shen you tian). Fields are also set aside for the worship of earth spirits. At Cheung Kwan O village in 1898 the two clans of CHAN and NG administered 1.41 acres of agricultural land under the name of a to tei wui. The rentals were originally devoted to the maintenance of the to tei or earth spirit who looked after the village, but for many years the revenue has simply gone to the clans. Many other cases are known at Mui Wo and Tung Chung.\n\n15 See Chapter III (iii) and (iv) of H. B. Morse The Trade and Administration of the Chinese Empire (Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1908) which is based on an article by Byron Brenan \"The Office of District Magistrate in China” Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society XXII, (1897-98), 36-65, and incorporates his own wide experience of China and her officials in the course of over thirty years' service in the Imperial Maritime Customs. Brenan himself (1847-1927) had served in China from 1866 and was H.B.M.'s Consul-General in Shanghai 1898-1901. Of the district magistrate Brenan wrote, \"The magistrate is the unit of government; he is the backbone of the whole official system; and to ninety per cent of the population he is the Government\"; op. cit. p. 37.\n\n16 Papers 1899 p. 583.\n\nThe text of the stone tablet outside the Tin Hau temple at Kat O, referred to elsewhere in the article, uses this picturesque phraseology. Contrasting their sorry lot beside the power of the yamen officials they had written in their petition to the Viceroy \"We, civilians, whose lives are cheap as ants... who are we to start a lawsuit against the district yamen's worms?\" An interesting feature of this inscription is that it follows the customary form of Ch'ing document in which reference is made in the text to other papers, by summary or quotation, instead of the western method of adding enclosures. See John K. Fairbank, Ch'ing Documents, an introductory syllabus, (Harvard University Press 1952) p. 21.\n\n18 When I asked an old gentleman who graduated sau choi in 1896 about extortion and venality among magistrates, he replied in distinctly extenuating tones \"Some did; but then they had so many people to look after\". He observed that there were some rich districts in Kwangtung in which a magistrate had to do nothing to obtain money as it came rolling into the Office in the way of presents, inducements, additions to land and other taxes etc., whilst there were others which were so poor that the magistrate could squeeze very little from them even if he tried very hard. This is curiously echoed in Morse, Trade and Administration p. 92 “In Kwangtung we (the Imperial Maritime Customs) have regularly applied to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204480, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 112, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "LIFE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n101\n\nSee paras. 38 These feuds, often of long standing, persist to-day. 77-79 of Mr. K. M. A. Barnett's annual administrative report for 1955-56 as District Commissioner New Territories for a good instance of traditional hostility. For other cases see paras. 97 and 43 of the annual departmental reports for 1957-58 and 1958-59.\n\nSee Smith Village Life in China p. 286, also p. 222 \"The local Magistrates take care not to intervene too soon or too far, lest it be the worse for them. When the fight is over the officers put in an appearance, arrests are made, and the machinery of government recovers from its temporary paralysis\", and pp. 282-86 for a northern instance of clan violence.\n\n40 According to Dyer Ball Things Chinese (Hong Kong, Kelly and Walsh, 1903) p. 326 \"a dreadful internecine strife, in which 150,000 at least, perished, took place between the Hakkas and the Punteis in the south-western districts of the Canton province, from A.D. 1864 to 1866, and arms and even armed steamers, were procured from Hong Kong by both parties\". See also pp. 369-70 of B.C. Henry's Ling Nam (London, Partridge, 1886),\n\n41 From information supplied by elders of Ho Chung village who were at school during or before 1898.\n\n42 See the section on Disasters in the San On Yuen Chi.\n\n43 See stone tablet outside Tin Hau temple, Kat O, Tai Po district.\n\n44 From a stone tablet dated Ch'ien-lung 42/4/26 (1777) at Yuen Long Old Market.\n\n45 From a stone tablet dated Chia-ch'ing 7/3/23 (1802) at the Tin Hau temple, Kat O.\n\n46 From a stone tablet dated Ch'ien-lung 42/lucky month, lucky day (1777) at the Hau Wong temple, Tung Chung.\n\n47 From a stone tablet dated Tao-kuang 21/7/19 (1841) at Tin Hau temple, Peng Chau.\n\n48 From a stone tablet whose date is uncertain, at the Tai Wong temple, Yuen Long Market.\n\n49 Variously, as above.\n\n50 Reminiscences of Mr. TANG Kiu Fong of Fui Sha Wai near Yuen Long, in an article in the New Territories Weekly for January 1962.\n\n51 Tree spirits are quite common in the New Territories where many old trees have joss sticks and red paper inscriptions placed under them on a rough altar. There is, in particular, a very large old banyan tree at Long Kang a few miles east of Sai Kung Market which must surely be the oldest tree in the Southern District. This is visited regularly by devotees. From personal experience of every part of the old Southern District I can say with confidence that belief in tree and earth spirits still exists to-day, and might indeed be said positively to flourish.\n\n52 An ancestral temple is not open to the public: it is for the private use of the clan, for whom alone it has any meaning. Most villages of any age and consequence have ancestral temples, and in multi-clan villages", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204560, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "36\n\nTHE DEVELOPMENT OF PRINTING IN CHINA and its effects on the renaissance under the Sung dynasty (960-1279) A lecture delivered on 3 September, 1962\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH,* PH.D.\n\nThe art of printing took a long time to develop. It came into being when the demand was urgent for multiple copies, and when the Chinese had both the essential materials and the technical processes. This seems to have happened some time after the year A.D. 700.\n\nLet us consider first the demand. It came in all circles where reading was essential. The Buddhists at this time were extremely active in their work of propaganda. For example, in 581 the emperor Kao-tsu4 of the Sui ordered the copying of Buddhist texts at state expense; this involved 46 collections in 132,086 rolls. In Taoist circles there was need for large numbers of charms to ward off evils. The Confucians, again coming into their own with the re-introduction of the system of civil service examinations, needed hundreds of thousands of text books for students, and copies of the Confucian canon for the scholar class. We read that at the capital alone, for instance, the emperor Yang (605-616) ordered the making of fifty duplicate sets of the imperial library. This involved the copying of 3,127 works in 36,708 rolls.\n\nLet us consider next the main ingredients and technical processes. The first were ink and paper. We know now that red ink was known to the Chinese at least by the 13th century B.C. (A) and black ink about the same time. For writing surfaces the Chinese experimented with wood, bamboo, silk, and harder materials. Then at the end of the 1st century A.D. paper came into being. At this time the dynastic history drily relates: \"Silk was too expensive and bamboo too heavy.\" In 1931 the Swedish member of the Sino-Swedish Expedition in Central Asia, Folke Bergman, discovered some paper in a lonely site called Chü-yen\n\n* Dr. Goodrich is Professor Emeritus of Chinese at Columbia University. He is well known as the author of A Short History of the Chinese People, and for his revised edition of T. F. Carter's The Invention of Printing in China and its Spread Westward.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204561, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "PRINTING IN CHINA\n\n37\n\nin the desert beyond Tun-huang, which Lao Kan subsequently dated around A.D. 98 or a little later. This confirms the date of 105 given for the announcement of the invention to the throne in the biography of Ts'ai Lun in the Hou Han shu. The technical processes included:\n\n(a) the fashioning of seals out of metal, stone, and clay;\n\n(b) the taking of rubbings (or inked squeezes) of inscriptions on bronze and stone.\n\nSeveral bronze seals have been found in Shang sites, and many later ones made of bronze, ivory, horn, stone, pottery, jade, and iron. They were cut both in relief and in intaglio. Known as yin, the seals were generally small; their purpose was a proof of genuineness. (The woodblock, yet to appear, was large and its purpose was reduplication.)\n\nAs to inked rubbings, these make their appearance during the 5th and 6th centuries; by 649 three professionals were appointed to the T'ang court. They were called T'a shu shou. Chinese scholars love to own copies of prized inscriptions; so the making of rubbings became a popular pastime.\n\nBy the year 640, after the T'ang had consolidated the empire, and achieved victories everywhere, except in Korea, China entered upon a period of material prosperity and cultural advance. It is small wonder that in the ensuing century printing should have developed. The demand must have been very great for elementary texts, dictionaries, copies of the canon, histories, Buddhist sutras, almanacs, etc.\n\nOne must mention here the interesting hypothesis of Robert Shafer [Journal of the Oriental Society, v. 80, No. 4 (Oct.-Dec. 1960), pp. 328-329] that the printing block originated in Tibet. This may be true; but was it first used for literature, or for some other purpose, such as textiles? The authors of both the Chiu T'ang shu (196 A/la) and the Hsin T'ang shu (216 A/lb), writing of the early years of the Tang dynasty, state categorically that the Tibetans had no writing. So do the writers of the Tibetan annals, covering the years 650-747, found by Pelliot at Tunhuang. (Cf. the translation of J. Bacot and Ch. Toussaint in Documents de Touen-Houang relatifs à l'histoire du Tibet.)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204563, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "PRINTING IN CHINA\n\n39\n\n5. The Japanese monk Shuyei left China in 865, after a three-year visit, with a considerable collection of Buddhist rolls, two of them bearing titles indicating that they were printed.\n\n6. Calendars, dated 877, 882, and 887, have been found in Tunhuang.\n\n7. A printed charm was recently discovered in a T'ang tomb in Ch’êng-tu.\n\n8. In 883 the T'ang court fled to Shu and there (at Ch'êng-tu) one of the courtiers recorded seeing a variety of books printed on paper from wood-blocks for sale.\n\nFrom the next century on, printing becomes widespread. The whole Confucian canon in 130 volumes was printed in the years 932-953. The Buddhist canon in 5,048 rolls followed suit in 971-983 and many times thereafter. Manichean works were printed by the year 1000, if not a century earlier. The dynastic histories (史記, 漢書, 後漢書, 三國志, 晉書, and 滷唐書) were all printed between 994 and 1004. The Taoist canon, in 4,565 rolls, was printed in 1019. Besides this, several works were printed privately, such as the herbal in 973 and collections of essays and poetry. So, by the early years of the Sung, a large body of material was available in print. From about A.D. 1000 on, the publication of books in this form accelerated throughout China, and spread to the Khitan, Tangut, Jurchen, Uigur, and Mongol, and to Korea, Japan, and Annam. Printing by movable type too came into being (at least by the 1040's); also printing by metal blocks, as well as by wood-blocks.\n\nThe different classes engaged in printing included the Buddhist, the Taoist, the Confucian, and the secular. The first two groups produced a great number of texts in order to help them reach the masses. The last group, which was beginning to develop new philosophical ideas, also wanted to reach the people. The Sung government became worried about this; hence its interest in the printing of Confucian literature to propagate Confucianism among the general public. It was also considered an imperial prerogative. The printing of the canon was forbidden to private persons, and was entirely held in the hands of the government. Besides the printing done by the Academy, books were", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204565, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "PRINTING IN CHINA\n\n41\n\na school of thought restricted to the well-born, and became to some extent democratized. Methods of teaching changed. The practice of learning by heart was modified. This was the consequence of the great increase in publication of texts, reference works, compendia, etc. Books of this kind exceeded in number those on the classics.\n\nThere also resulted a gradual change in the written language. The vernacular penetrated the literary classical style.\n\nLastly, let me say something about libraries during the Sung period.\n\n1. The Palace collection. This was increased by various means: through purchase from private parties; through the granting of titles or awards in exchange for books; through gifts by the authors of books; through search by local officials; through the copying of rare books. The increase in the number of books, brought about through printing, required the enlargement of old libraries, and the construction of new ones. These imperial libraries were accessible only to a limited number of people: members of the Hanlin #, high officials. Books, however, were borrowed in quantity. A report of 1114 relates that 4,328 chüan ✯ had not been returned to the library since the year 1104.\n\n2. School libraries. The increase of education, and the need for more text-books made such institutions necessary. They were sponsored by the government not only in the capital but also in small towns. These collections were increased by purchase, made possible by government subsidies and private donations (sometimes quite extensive). Occasionally books were sent from the capital to these local libraries by special government order. The schools where these libraries were located sometimes published their own books. Many old Chinese books bear the stamps of school libraries. Readers were warned to use the books with care. At the same time, librarians were forbidden to take back damaged books or books that were soiled. All available information leads to the conclusion that there were public libraries and reading rooms open to a large circle of people.\n\n3. Private collections. These increased because of the low price of printed books, and the new form of books facilitated storage. Many bibliophiles, however, still valued hand-copied", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204566, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "42\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\nmanuscripts more than printed ones. To enlarge their collections private owners also exchanged books among themselves. In Sung times a number of collectors left detailed descriptions and catalogues of their collections. Some of these private libraries were put at the disposal of the public; others were turned over to students for their use.\n\nThe Sung was a period in the history of China noted for many things: advances in material culture, in political development, in science, in the fine arts, in literature, in music, and in thought. These advances may well have been due in large measure to the accessibility of the printed word.\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\nFor a general discussion of the beginnings of printing in China see Thomas Francis Carter, The Invention of Printing in China and its Spread Westward, revised by L. Carrington Goodrich, second edition, New York, 1955.\n\nAs a result of new finds in China and fresh investigations some of our earlier conclusions no longer hold. Here are some of the principal studies which have appeared between 1955 and 1962.\n\nChang Hsiu-min, Chung-kuo yin-shua shu ti fa-ming chi ch'i ying-hsiang, Peking, 1958.\n\nChen Tsu-lung, Liste alphabétique des impressions de sceaux aux certains manuscrits retrouvés à Touen-houang et dans les régions avoisinantes, Mélanges publiés par l'Institut des Hautes Études Chinoises II, Paris, 1960.\n\nJao Tsung-i, A study of the Ch'u silk manuscript, Hong Kong, 1958.\n\nLing Shun-sheng, Bark cloth culture and the invention of paper making in ancient China, Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica, 11 (Spring 1961), pp. 1-19.\n\nLi Shu-hua, The early development of seals and rubbings, Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies, n.s. I, No. 3 (Sept. 1958), pp. 61-90.\n\nThe printing of books in the latter half of the Tang dynasty, ibid. II, No. 2 (June 1961), pp. 18-32.\n\nChih ts'ung ch'i-yüan, Taipei, 1955.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204567, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "PRINTING IN CHINA\n\n43\n\nTsao chih ti ch'uan-po chi ku chih ti fa-hsien ✯ ✯ 6 #BA÷* ♣, Hsüeh-shu chi k'an $i$i] VI, No. 2 (Dec. 30, 1957), pp. 1-12.\n\nT'ang-tai i-ch'ien yu wu tiao-pan yin-shua ARR★T***? , The Continent Magazine ✯✯✯✯ XIV, No. 4 (Feb. 28, 1957), pp. 101-107.\n\nYin-shua fa-ming ti shilrch'i wên-ti * B*A64AM M. ibid. XVII, No. 5 (1958), pp. 133-138; No. 6 (1958), pp. 177-182.\n\nWu-tai shih-ch'i ti yin-shua £ R ★ ép 8), ibid. XXI, No. 3 (Aug. 15, 1960), pp. 107-115,\n\nTun-huang fa-hsien yw-nien-tai ti yimpen ✯UELTIRAP $ ibid. XXI, No. 11 (Dec. 15, 1960), pp. 367-373.\n\nPaik, Dr. Nak Choon # #, Tripitaka Koreana ZRAKA, Seoul, 1957.\n\nTsien, T. H. . Written on Bamboo and Silk. The beginnings of Chinese books and inscriptions, Chicago, 1962.\n\nFor the latter part of my paper I have leaned heavily on K. K. Flug, The history of the printed book in China during the Sung (in Russian), Academy of Sciences, Institute of Orientology, Moscow-Leningrad, 1959. I am grateful to Mrs. Leah Kisselgoff of New York for making its contents available to me.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204581, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "51\n\nRECENT CHANGES IN THE\n\nCHINESE LANGUAGE\n\nA lecture delivered on 18th June, 1962\n\nMA MENG, B.A.*\n\n*Mr. Ma Meng is Principal of the Language School of the Institute of Oriental Studies in the University of Hong Kong.\n\nRecent changes in the Chinese language, so far-reaching in many respects, should not escape attention by anyone interested in studying China. Comments on this subject, both in Chinese and other languages, have appeared quite regularly in recent years.† Most of these deal directly with the simplified characters and the adoption of romanization in place of the traditional ideographs — radical changes, which, however, form only one part of the latest developments in Chinese language reform.\n\nAlthough the extent of these changes has varied in different historical periods, the long process which led to the drastic reforms of recent years began only after China's contacts with the West in the late nineteenth century. The limitations imposed by the traditional language were felt more keenly as the demand for Western knowledge increased. As the traditional language seemed no longer adequate to cope with the new situation, the need to reform it began to appear imperative. The first efforts aimed at language reform came from a small number of intellectuals, including Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, a leader of the 1898 reform movement who also advocated radical political changes aimed at westernization. Their efforts soon bore fruit. Between 1890 and 1913 there appeared no less than six plans for language reform, all aimed at standardizing the spoken language and simplifying the written one. Both of these measures were considered necessary preliminaries to more thorough reforms. The last of the six plans for reform provided for a script based on the Peking dialect and was very similar to the Japanese Kana. This plan proved quite practicable and has therefore been adopted.\n\n*I should like to express my gratitude to Miss Li Chi of the University of California from whose work, Studies of Chinese Communist Terminology (Berkeley: University of California, Institute of International Studies, East Asia Studies, Nos. 1 and 2, 1956; Nos. 3 and 4, 1957) I have drawn information in preparing this paper.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204583, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "CHANGES IN CHINESE LANGUAGE\n\n53\n\nOne of these is the change in literary style and sentence structure. Remarks to the effect that \"this piece of writing reads like a translation\", or \"these sentences are so long and complicated that it is hard to grasp their full meaning”, illustrate how some Chinese react to the continuous process of westernization that has changed the structure of their language. These changes have been threefold: the adoption of the vernacular, or pai-hua, in place of the classical language; the adoption of some Western terms and sentence structures, as well as of punctuation; and an ever growing interest, particularly on the part of younger Chinese, in translating Western literature.\n\nThe vernacular proved not only more suitable than the classical style for modern usage, but also lent itself better to providing the grammatical patterns which Chinese intellectuals tried to derive from Western prototypes. The first Chinese grammar in the Western sense of the word, written by Ma Chien-ch'ung, was published in 1903. Ma tried to formulate a Chinese grammar based on Latin. His work exercised a predominant influence on all later attempts to formulate a Chinese grammar. On the other hand, translation of Western works into the vernacular necessarily imitated some of the stylistic and structural features of the original. For example, the use of “if” or “in spite of” or of a participle at the beginning of a sentence began in the course of such translation work. As the number of translations increased, the assimilation of Western style and sentence structure became naturally more common, and the use of punctuation marks according to Western practice became almost universal. The outbreak of the Sino-Japanese war further advanced the westernization of the Chinese language by further disrupting cultural and literary traditions, and westernization now began to affect types of writing hitherto untouched, such as official documents and commercial correspondence. It is interesting to compare the style of early translations with that of more recent ones. For instance, Yen Fu's translation of Thomas Huxley's article on Evolution and Lin Shu's translation of Sir Walter Scott's Ivanhoe, adhered to a strictly traditional style showing little or no Western influence. But later translations, say, of the Adventures of Sherlock Holmes in the early twenties already betray Western influence.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204584, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "54\n\nMA MENG\n\ninfluence. After 1919, Western sentence structures and punctuation marks were deliberately adopted, especially by the so-called \"New Literary writers\", such as Hsu Chih-mo and Hsieh Pin-hsin 謝冰心.\n\nSince 1949 new efforts have been made in Mainland China to work out a Chinese grammar on the Western pattern. As a result, the sentence structure of the Chinese language has become still more westernised, as a glance at the People's Daily will suffice to show. There are also signs of a deliberate effort to introduce Western phrases and grammatical patterns into the spoken language; but so far at least these appear chiefly in political or ceremonial speeches.\n\nIt should be noted that Western influence on the Chinese language, since the May 4th Movement, has been primarily English, not only because English has been the most widely used foreign language in China but also because since that time most Chinese translations of foreign literature have been made from English.\n\nThe most remarkable feature in the recent linguistic changes in China has been the rapid growth of vocabulary, which has greatly enriched the language. This growth has been due to the coinage of new terms to describe new situations or to replace old terms, and the use of traditional, colloquial or regional terms used in a new sense.\n\nAs in all languages, new Chinese terms or expressions can have foreign or native sources; but in Chinese the great majority of new terms have come from foreign sources. Mass assimilation of Western knowledge in recent years has created an ever growing demand for new terms to describe objects or situations hitherto unknown in China. However, since, with a few exceptions, the Chinese language is written in monosyllabic characters and lacks a uniform pronunciation, it does not lend itself well to the adoption of foreign terms by transliteration. Transliteration being difficult, new terms have more commonly been introduced into Chinese by translating the foreign term into Chinese characters - a practice that can cost more effort than the coinage of new terms. When Liang Ch'i-ch'ao described his impressions of a visit to the British Parliament, he coined the expression pa-li-men. “Science” and “democracy\" first became known in China as sai-yin-szu or sai-hsien-sheng (\"Mr. Science\")", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204585, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "CHANGES IN CHINESE LANGUAGE\n\n55\n\nand as te-mo-k'e-la-si #or te hsien-sheng ✯ (Mr. Democracy\"). But now these transliterations have become antiquated and replaced by i-hui for parliament, kê-hsüeh ** for science, and min-chu R± for democracy. But a few good transliterations have survived such as chi-he for geometry, lo-chi for logic, yu-mo ✯✯ for humour, wu-t'o-pang ✯‡₺ Ħ for utopia, sha-wen chu-i ✯✯‡ for chauvinism. Yet even in Hong Kong, where many Chinese use English, transliteration remains the less common method for introducing terms of foreign origin. Some popular transliterations are, however, in use such as pâk-ch'e for parking a car, in-shoh for insurance, sz-toh ✰✰ for store, fei-lam for film and chak K for cheque. The Chinese living in multi-lingual communities like Malaya or Singapore resort more frequently to transliteration; but their tendency to do so has not exerted a significant influence on the language as a whole. Transliteration of Western terms having in general been found to be a clumsy practice, many Chinese translators, especially before the May 4th Movement, have preferred to borrow certain terms from the Japanese.\n\nIn Chinese, many words can be used in more than one grammatical function, having either completely different meanings or different connotations of one meaning, depending on their position in the sentence. This peculiarity has sometimes been thought to make for a lack of that precision needed in scientific usage. But this so-called imprecision also makes for elasticity in the creation of new terms. For instance, the character pi # can, depending on its place in a sentence, signify \"writing brush\", \"to write\", \"writing\" or \"handwriting\"; moreover, it can be found in combinations such as kang-pi meaning pen; sui-pi M. sketch or essay; pi-chi . to take notes; ch'in-pi #, one's own handwriting; or finally chu-pi, editor or editorial writer of newspaper. How widely the meaning of a character may vary is best shown by the character su originally meaning \"plain and unadorned\". However, Chinese dictionaries usually list about ten meanings under this character, as well as numerous combinations in which it forms a part, such as su-shih . vegetarian diet; su-miao ✯, sketch; yin-su #, factor; and yüan-su ƒ‡. chemical element all newly coined expressions. Similar combinations in common use are: ke-ming, revolution;\n\n¡", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204586, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "56\n\nMA MENG\n\nT\n\nmao-tun, contradiction; po-shiao H, exploitation; fu-shê radiation; and cheng-k'ung, vacuum. It should be noted that some of these combined expressions such as ke-ming and mao-tun first appeared in the classics in the Book of Changes and the Book of Han Fei Tzu respectively. The growing use of such combined expressions in place of individual characters has thus been a great aid in introducing modern concepts into the Chinese language.\n\nThe Chinese language has also been enriched by the absorption of colloquial and regional expressions. This has been especially true on the Mainland in recent years, where such practice has been deliberately employed, particularly in party or government publications. However, in Taiwan and in the overseas Chinese communities, it has not had any marked influence.\n\nIn the creation of an adequate modern Chinese vocabulary one problem still remains unsolved: that of creating standard technical terms. The problem as such is not new but has become more complicated with the rapid increase of new technical terms in recent years. Efforts to create new technical terms have often foundered because the public has not been willing to accept them. Thus the words used in technical texts often remain unknown to industrial workers, whose own expressions, in turn, are not understood by engineers. In Hong Kong and in the overseas Chinese communities this difficulty has often been resolved by the use of English terms.\n\nAnother aspect of recent changes in the Chinese language is the development of a standard spoken language. Although within limited circles a common language known as kuan-hua T meaning official language has been in use by officials and some intellectuals for a long time, it was not till the beginning of this century that the development of a standard spoken language was consciously promoted. The history of kuan-hua goes back to the Ming Dynasty, which made Peking its capital in the fifteenth century. Throughout the Ming and Ch'ing dynasties, kuan-hua, which is based on the Peking dialect but pronounced with different accents, served as the medium of verbal communication between officials of different provincial origin appointed to posts throughout the empire. Kuan-hua continued to develop through the centuries because of the lasting need for such a common language.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204587, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "CHANGES IN CHINESE LANGUAGE\n\n57\n\nA new term, Kuo-yü #, meaning national language, came into use soon after the founding of the republic in 1911. A phonetic system based on kuan-hua had been devised in 1909 but then discarded because it proved inadequate as a means of mass communication. The term Kuo-yü rapidly won acceptance, replacing kuan-hua first in official circles and then gradually, in other circles as well.\n\nThe promotion of Kuo-yü, already nation-wide, received new impetus when some prominent scholars, notably Ch'ien Hsüan-tung 錢玄同, Li Chin-hsi 黎錦熙 and Chao Yuan-jen 趙元任, backed by the government, announced that the term Kuo-yü should be used in a broader sense than \"current standard language of the nation\". They held that it should mean \"unification of the national language, study of dialects and preparation of a phonetic script\". They also suggested that because of Peking's geographical and historical position, the Peking dialect should be chosen as the standard national language.\n\nFor almost fifty years such efforts to create a national language have constituted the main current of Chinese language reform. This is not the place to give a full account of the successes and failure of these efforts. We shall merely summarise their most important results. Their first result was the adoption in 1913 of the chu-yin tzu-mu ✯✯$ or National Phonetic Alphabet for use in dictionaries and text books. This alphabet rendered the sound of each character much more accurately than the traditionally fan-ch'ieh, which had been cumbersome and difficult to learn. Another important accomplishment of the Kuo-yü movement was the introduction of the so-called Gwoyeu Romatzyh # or National Romanization, formally adopted under the name of Kuo-yin tzu-mu ti-erh shih #\"second form of national alphabet\". This system represented the first attempt by Chinese linguists to replace the traditional characters by a romanized script based on the Latin alphabet. Although it never gained popular acceptance, it helped greatly to establish Kuo-yü as the national language; and the promotion of it for this purpose was in fact one of the important turning points in the course of recent changes in the Chinese language.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204590, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 71, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "60\n\nTHE OLD BRITISH LEGATION AT PEKING, 1860-1959\n\nBased on a lecture delivered on 20 August, 1962\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG, M.A.*\n\nOn the afternoon of March 26th, 1861, Frederick Bruce, the first British minister to China to reside in Peking, entered the grounds of the former palace of Duke I-liang, and the history of the old British Legation had begun. The desire of Great Britain to have a minister resident in the capital was of long standing, and had its origins in the eighteenth century. From at least 1760, some English merchants in Canton had been arguing that only when an ambassador from England resided at Peking would their grievances be properly represented to the Emperor of China and their position improve. Eventually, this point of view was strong enough to influence the Government of England. Indeed, one of the prime objects of the embassy of Lord Macartney to the Court of the Emperor Ch'ien-lung in 1793 was to secure for England just such permanent representation at Peking. However, there was not the slightest chance that such a request would be granted. All foreign embassies to China were regarded as tributary missions of a temporary nature, and all foreign countries as inferior. Even the first Anglo-Chinese War of 1839-1842, and the subsequent Treaty of Nanking failed to obtain this object. From the Chinese point of view, relations with the western barbarians were still a local matter to be carried on by the Governor-General at Canton or by the Governor-General at Nanking. The foreign powers, for their part, were still unable to gain direct communication with the Imperial Government at Peking, and therefore were unable to protest effectively when the treaties did not appear to be working properly, or when they wished to revise them. This was the background to the War of 1858-1860, in which English and French forces were used to secure the Treaties of Tientsin, by which the earlier treaties were revised. Article III of the British Treaty of Tientsin stated (in part): \"It is further agreed that Her Majesty's Government may\n\n* Senior Lecturer in History at the University of Hong Kong. Author of An Embassy to China, reviewed on page 136 of this Journal.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204592, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 73, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "62\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG\n\nallow them to reside there temporarily is already improper. If by any chance they are allowed to occupy it permanently and build additional houses it would be all the more improper.\n\nWe have repeatedly explained this to him tactfully. According to the barbarians' statement, if they are not to reside at Prince I's palace they must be given Duke Ch'ï's palace in Ch'ang-an Street in the eastern part of the city. He still wants to build additional houses. Furthermore, he states that each year they are willing to pay a rent of one thousand five hundred taels. At present we are still attempting to dissuade him, and not to let them reside in a nobleman's palace. Instead we are looking for another palace for them. Whether they will listen to us or not we will act as occasion demands.\n\nIn a memorial submitted in the second year of the reign of the Emperor Tung-chih (1863) Prince Kung wrote: \"Prince Kung and others further memorialize that ever since England ratified the treaty in the tenth year of the Emperor Hsien-feng (1860) it has been using the palace of Duke I-liang as an official residence.\"\n\nAlso in a subsequent memorial about the French Legation buildings Prince Kung wrote: \"Moreover the English envoy, before withdrawing his troops inside the An-ting gate occupied the Palace of Duke I-liang on his own initiative*\" 自行” (i.e., without authorization from Chinese officials).\"\n\n* Chou-pan i-wu shih-mo ##** Hsien-feng, chüan 68, 2b-3a. Hereafter cited as IWSM.\n\n4 IWSM, T'ung-chih, chüan 20, 36a. I-liang was the fourth son of Mien-ch'ing ✈, [a direct descendant of the Emperor K'ang-hsi]. In the eighteenth year of Tao-kuang's reign he was created a \"general guarding the state\" of the third rank. In the first year of Hsien-feng's reign (1851-2) he succeeded to the title of “duke guarding the state\" # 2. In the eleventh year of T'ung-chih's reign he was granted the title of pei-tzu Я† (a Manchu title bestowed on the sons of imperial princes). He died in the thirteenth year of Kuang-hsü's reign (1887-8), Ch'ing-shih kao ***, Huang-tzu shih-piao 2 *** 'genealogies of the sons of the Emperors, 于世 piao 4, 9b.\n\nIWSM, T'ung-chih, chüan 20, 37a, column 5. The An-ting Men gate of established peace', is the easterly of the two gates in the north wall of the Tartar City, and the starting point of the road to Jehol. It was occupied by the British in 1860 who dragged their guns up the ramp and positioned them on the wall in order to command the city.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204616, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 97, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "84 \n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG \n\nnorth-west gate of Peking I took a pedicab, but when we reached the Wangfuching and ran into columns of marching children the driver began to show signs of fright, so I paid him off and started to walk. By now I realized that I had left it too late to reach the Legation gate before the demonstrators arrived, so I made a wide circuit and eventually reached the Hsinchiao Hotel near the Chungwenmen (Hatamen Gate). Having been told that the demonstration would probably end by about 10 p.m., because a previous demonstration over the Suez episode had lasted until that time, I decided to wait at the Hsinchiao Hotel until the coast was clear. Just before 11 p.m. I walked to a point near to the entrance of the British Legation and mingled with the sightseers, but found the demonstrators still hard at work. It was rather like a rowdy Bank Holiday evening on Hampstead Heath. There were large crowds strolling about watching the demonstrators who were still queueing up five or six abreast and moving forward very slowly towards the gate of the Legation. Once opposite the open gate they performed their slogan-shouting, sometimes accompanying their shouts with gesticulations and a series of jumps, before being waved on by cadres who appeared to be controlling the demonstration. All along the road facing the wall of the Legation ran a water pipe with taps every few yards so that in the summer heat of Peking no one need go thirsty. Among the bushes growing down the centre of the street (where once the Imperial Canal flowed) were canvas latrines, while the whole area was lit up at night by arc lamps fixed among the trees, and the front of the Legation gateway was picked out by powerful spot-lights. Nests of amplifiers had been fixed to the trees near the gate so that the inhabitants of the Legation had no difficulty in hearing the slogans being chanted, such as 'Ying-Kuo lang kan ch'u-ch'u' 'English wolves get out'. Since the demonstrators seemed particularly fiery at this stage I decided to retreat and try again at dawn. After a few hours sleep at the Hsinchiao Hotel I again approached the Legation gate only to find a long queue of new demonstrators, refreshed by a night's sleep, taking some vocal exercise before going to work. At this stage I decided that it was quite safe to enter the gate of the Legation, and joining the queue I moved forward gradually until opposite \n\nI", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204622, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 103, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "90\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\n(1878-9 and 1906-7), stands in the street outside the Fong Pin hospital12 telling how it came to be established; and the third, in an old house in Tai Shan Street, commemorates the establishment and repair of a defence office in the 2nd and 10th years of T'ung-chih (1863-4 and 1871-2).\n\nThe three tablets give information about the island population towards the end of the Ch'ing dynasty and, for instance, tell something of the various sections of the community, especially those where local leadership and authority rested; their links with other parts of the San On district and the Kwangtung province; their relations with the district government and other officials, civil and military; and the way in which such local communal needs as a hospital, schools, and a defence corps or local militia were met.\n\nThe nucleus of Cheung Chau society seems always to have been the community of fishermen and shopkeepers, the two being interdependent to a great extent though separated by many basic differences. There has, in addition, always been a farming community, but it has ever taken a third place. A hundred years ago it is likely that the majority of the land dwellers were connected with the island's shops, as proprietors or fokis, and in subsidiary trades and occupations associated with the three main sections of the community. Cheung Chau also served as the market town for over a dozen villages on the central and southwest coast of Lantau, the largest of which was Shek Pik with a population of 363 in 1911, and for the inhabitants of the outer islands. The Fong Pin tablet states that there were two hundred shops in the 1870's, from which it can be deduced that Cheung Chau was a flourishing commercial centre at that time. This is borne out by the house in which the defence association tablet was found, which is long, narrow and surprisingly large, with a small open courtyard in the middle. It has changed very little in the last hundred years, like many other houses in the town which date from this period and before.\n\nIn this urbanized community local power lay with two groups: the members of the WONG Wai Chak Tong*** of Nam Tau and Cheung Chau; and the larger traders and shopkeepers. The two were probably intermingled to some extent, in that some Tong members would be business men, but more investigation", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204625, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 106, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "CHEUNG CHAU\n\nChung\n\nTung Wan\n\nshekhau\n\nOne Mite\n\nHoi Ping\n\nNam hor\n\n(Han-bai)\n\n© Hak shan\n\nCanton\n\nFrench 1.\n\nSha\n\nShun tak\n\nWhampoa\n\nDanes\n\nTung Chaen\n\nSun\n\nOCheungShan\n\nHeung Shan\n\nPTại chân\n\nDan Ping\n\n(Tung kuan)\n\nPearl River Estuary\n\nMam-tav\n\nmoon\n\nLINDAI\n\nPo On District\n\n[Pao-an-hsien)\n\nCapsingmoon\n\nWhichow\n\nTar Pang Wan\n\n(Mrs. Bay)\n\nTrong Chun\n\nTai\n\nKowloon\n\n$\n\nکی همینه\n\ntaipa Coloane\n\nShek Pik CHEUNG\n\nHong Kon\n\nIsland\n\nCHAU\n\nLadrone\n\nLadrone is\n\n10\n\n20\n\n30\n\nMILES\n\nMap showing Cheung Chau in relation to other places mentioned in the article.\n\nLema Is.\n\nCHEUNG CHAU\n\n93", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204626, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "94\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\nOtherwise, the local leaders do not seem to have requested the magistrate's permission to carry out their various projects or even to have invoked his assistance. In the case of the repair of the Po On study in 1866 they seem to have acted without consulting the yamen. Again, there is no mention of the district magistrate on the tablet commemorating the establishment of the Fong Pin hospital in the years 1872-78, though this act seems to have owed much to an enlightened and energetic military official LAI Chun-pin, who was commander of the Kowloon garrison at the time.19 According to the tablet LAI stated: \"I happened to be stationed in Kowloon in the ting-ch'ou year (1877-8) of the Kuang-hsü reign and was so pleased to hear about this man (CHOI Leung) that I paid a visit to him. I found him to be a merchant with an untiring devotion to philanthropic works, so I compiled a subscription book urging contributions by officials, gentry, scholars and merchants to help make this scheme a success.\n\nThe names of the donors on the commemorative tablet show that LAI had cast his net wide, but he did not secure the district magistrate, even as a subscriber.\n\nWhether the magistrate knew officially of these proceedings is not known, but perhaps the sponsors did not inform him. Had they done so, particularly in respect of schemes for a poor house-cum-hospital and a school, both public amenities for which he had a measure of personal responsibility by virtue of being district magistrate, he would probably have been obliged to show his interest in one form or another.\" Perhaps he chose to ignore them as it was likely that he had lost face by LAI's actions; or he may well not have known what was going on.\n\nA considerable degree of self-help seems therefore to have been both necessary and unavoidable in isolated communities like Cheung Chau. Whilst the district government might take an interest in local schemes, it could not be expected to do much more; partly because of poor or inconvenient communications, but principally because there was very little money available to assist deserving projects.1 Local communities were expected to help themselves, and to set aside the means whereby an institution could be perpetuated and the structure kept in good repair. Cheung Chau was no exception to this general requirement, and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204628, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "96 \n\nJ. W. HAYES \n\npopularity with businessmen and others, and of the degree of wealth and general prosperity there in the middle of the last century: since district associations, like present day Kaifong in the urban area, can only operate effectively (and, indeed, come into existence) inside a community which possesses prosperous elements. The district associations must also have been a useful counterpoise to the political dominance of the WONG Wai Chak Tong. \n\nThe association for natives of Tung Kwun is the largest, richest and probably the oldest of the Cheung Chau societies. It seems to have been established in the fifth year of Chia-ch'ing (1800-01) and in 1898 owned five shops, office premises and an ancestral hall which had been in existence for at least forty years, judging by an incense holder dated the ninth year of Hsien-feng (1859-60). Members and destitute persons of Tung Kwun origin could receive relief assistance from its funds and contributions, with which the Po On study, the ancestral temple, and later three large communal urn graves were also managed. Practically all the way from the cradle to the grave the member and his children could benefit from the operation of his association.26 \n\nThe association laid emphasis on social cohesion and the observance by its members of the customary proprieties. There was the traditional feast for all members every year at the lantern festival on the fifteenth day of the first moon, on which day the managers for the new year were elected, and the yearly worship of Kwan Tai, the god of war and patron god of the association, on his birthday on the thirteenth day of the fifth moon, when each subscribing member received a share of roast pork. Confucius' birthday and the two grave sweeping festivals were also celebrated by members gathering together. \n\nOther commemorative tablets existed until only a few years ago which would have provided useful information about two other similar associations of long standing; those of people from Wai Chau and Chiu Chau (combined) and from 惠州及潮州 Sei Yap. One in the Wai Chiu clansmen's office was turned out 27 during repairs after Typhoon Mary in 1960 and not replaced; and what was probably the foundation stone of the Yik Sin Tong, an association for Sei Yap natives, was taken down and \n\nT \n\nJ \n\nI", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204630, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 111, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "98\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\nrested with the senior members of the WONG Wai Chak Tong, as it does today. It controls the old defence bureau which is rented out and the proceeds added to the association's funds. Very little information is at present available concerning its history beyond the fact that it existed in the Ch'ing period*1 and that it had a close connection with the members of the Tong, who were its principal patrons and sponsors.\n\nTwo other instances of communal enterprise remain to be mentioned. There was, before the outbreak of the Pacific War in 1941, an organisation of local leaders known as the Kaifong##, which is now represented in most things by the Cheung Chau Rural Committee. The Kaifong had an informal constitution and its leaders were generally those persons who were already playing a leading part in the affairs of the four old district associations. The Kaifong had a general concern in Cheung Chau affairs whereas the district associations may be said, in the best sense, to have had a sectional interest.\n\nThe history of the Kaifong is less easy to trace than that of the associations, very likely because it was a less tangible body. However, it seems to have existed before 1898 because the land registers list a club house or kung soA which was described as public property. This must have been built and administered by somebody and the Kaifong is the most likely candidate. In the early part of this century the building probably housed a school and is known to have served as a headquarters for the town's watchmen.* These were both likely activities for a Kaifong, and it is probable that it ran these and other central services before the British lease. Presumably, too, it administered CHOI Leung's Fong Pin hospital, which the registers describe as an asylum* and as public property. But whilst I am satisfied that there was a Kaifong on the island before 1898 which organised various functions on behalf of the whole community, there is, as yet, no information as to the date of its origin, though there is one clue which takes its history back another twenty years at least.*2\n\nThis was the provision of what are still known, to-day, as kaifong junks or kai to*. These are cargo vessels which are managed by prominent persons for a group of financially interested", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204635, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "CHEUNG CHAU\n\n103\n\n20 See T'ung-tsu CH'U Local Government in China under the Ch'ing (Harvard University Press 1962) chapter 9, especially pp. 161-164.\n\nI am indebted to Mr. W. Schofield, a former District Officer, and Cudet Officer, Hong Kong Government, for a reference to an inscription, now lost, relating to the foundation of the Lung Chun Yee Hok *** in 1847. The school, which is still standing inside the former Kowloon walled city, was opened by the district magistrate WONG Ming Ting after the sub-district deputy magistrate HUI Man Sham had reported that it was being built.\n\nOrme in his \"Report on the New Territories 1899-1912” in Sessional Papers 1912, p. 63, Appendix G, gives a school census for April 1912, by which time there had apparently been little change since 1898. There were 10 schools on Cheung Chau, average attendance 20, average monthly fee 38 cents.\n\n21 See HSIAO op. cit. pp. 235-240 and CH'U, op. cit., pp. 161-162. Occasionally government-sponsored schools were granted land for their maintenance. In the 28th year of Kuang-hsü (1902-3) four years after the lease of the New Territories to Great Britain, land inside the boundary, previously used for the purpose of aiding a school still in Chinese territory, was sold by order of the Commissioner of Education for San On district. Part of the proceeds had also been used for offerings at the Confucian temple (in Nam Tau).\n\n22 The group of titles on the defence bureau tablet is another demonstration of the widespread sale of degree titles and positions in the late Ch'ing period already remarked in several places. (see HSIAO Kung-Chuan Rural China p. 415 and chapter 10 of CH'U's Local Government in China under the Ch'ing op. cit., pp. 168-173 and notes and, in more detail, Chung-li CHANG, The Chinese Gentry. Studies on their Role in Nineteenth Century Chinese Society, (Seattle, University of Washington Press 1955) pp. 102-111. For contemporary notices see Rev. Krone \"A Notice of the Sanon District\" in Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (Hong Kong), Part VI (1859) p. 84 and Arthur H. Smith Village Life in China (Edinburgh, Oliphant, Anderson & Ferrier c. 1900 p. 121, amongst others.)\n\nNo fewer than twenty-one persons have titles prefixed to their names, many of them minor ones, of which three-quarters were probably purchased.\n\nthe first\n\nOf the purchased titles and posts five were chien-sheng degree by purchase, which was the prerequisite to purchasing any superior post, such as that of district magistrate or prefect. It was the most commonly purchased degree. Two others were styled chih-chien and chih-sheng. There were four chin-kung and four chih-yüan 職員。", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204636, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "104\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\nThere were also examination titles among the organisers and subscribers to the defence office. There were three scholars, who held higher grades of the hsiu-ts'ai or first degree by examination. One was a kung-sheng, another a sheng-yüan, and the third held the grade of lin-sheng, all normally obtained by additional examinations by a literary chancellor appointed from Peking to examine hsiu-ts'ai in the provinces, though occasionally granted for merit. Another was a wu-sheng ±, a military hsiu-ts'ai, an officer by examination, not purchase. These four were WONGs, almost certainly members of the Tong. A fifth, named TSUI, was a tu-szu or first captain and was probably a serving military officer in the locality. The final title is ching sheng #.\n\nOf these various degree and title holders sixteen were named WONG *. The coincidence is probably too great to be accidental and the number of purchases testifies to the Tong's wealth, whilst the presence of genuine scholars, probably from the Cheung Chau branch, and the genealogical record, confirm its gentry status in the late Ch'ing period. There is no doubt that the main Tong was well entrenched and able to exert an \"interest\" with the district ruler and perhaps also with the prefect and viceroy at Canton.\n\n23 HSIAO illustrates the slight degree of local control on another island, Ch'a K'eng, off the coast of Sun Wui district, Kwangtung, in Rural China, pp. 344-348. For his views on the effectiveness of imperial control see pp. 320-322 and pp. 316-320 for the role of the gentry in local affairs. CH'U, op. cit., chapter 10, also examines the problem in general. Krone's article (see note 22), apparently written from long, first-hand knowledge of the western part of San On shows that the district magistrate and his deputy and sub-magistrates had little control over the population (see especially p. 81), and perhaps wanted it less, e.g. \"... the Mandarin of Fuk Wing (a sub-magistrate) confided to me, in a conversation that I had with him that he had nothing to do but to eat, to drink and to smoke”, though over 200 villages were in his charge.\n\n24 The district association is of considerable antiquity in China. They were known in Sung times: see J. Gernet, Daily Life in China on the Eve of the Mongol Invasion 1250-76 (London, Allen and Unwin 1962) p. 222; see also Y. K. Leong and L. K. Tao Village and Town Life in China (London, Allen and Unwin 1915) pp. 78-9 for \"the guild of co-provincials\" and H. B. Morse, The Gilds of China (London, Longmans, Green 1909) pp. 35-48 for the provincial club with a mercantile bias.\n\n25 With consequent language difficulties. See R. A. D. Forrest (a former Hong Kong Cadet Officer) \"The Southern Dialects of Chinese\", Appendix No. 1 to V. Purcell The Chinese in South East Asia (Oxford University Press 1951).\n\n26 The word \"member\" may have too strong a connection with the modern club where one pays an entrance fee and monthly subscriptions. In fact, one was born into membership of these early district associations and participated in their activities by subscription, as required. Mr. LEUNG Yau (see note 28) confirms this for his own association, the Wai Chiu.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204638, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "106\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\n30 The Tung Kwun association note book says that there was a Po On Wui Sor ★ ★ ƒ in the Ch'ing dynasty, but since this had always led to confusion their association (the Po On Shuc Shat) was renamed the Tung Kwun Wui Sor in the 12th year of the Chinese Republic (1923).\n\n31 A tablet (1953) in the Free School says that this institution dates back to 1921 and local leaders say that the kung sor was rebuilt at this time. The old kung sor was also known as the hon kaam lau ★ ★# or watchmen's building.\n\n** On the other hand it is unlikely that it predates the defence bureau (1863-70) as this would have been a suitable subject for the Kaifong to organise (there is no mention of it on the tablet).\n\n33 Mr. LEUNG Yau recalls that there were two Kaifong junks operating a daily service between Cheung Chau and Hong Kong before the lease (1898). One left Hong Kong (Sai Ying Pun) at 11 a.m., whilst the other left Cheung Chau at the same time. Both were sailing junks and took three hours to make the journey under good conditions and the whole day if otherwise. They were subscribed and run by a number of local gentlemen for public use. A steam Kaifong vessel was bought with public subscriptions in 1910. Administrative Reports, District Officer, New Territories, 1910.\n\n&\n\n34 There are now eight district associations on the island for natives of the districts of Po On; Tung Kwun; Wai-Chiu combined ✰✰ *#; Sei Yap (\"The Four Towns') i.e. Toi Shan 4, Sun Wui. Hoi Ping, Yan Ping; Ng Yap ♣ (“The Five Towns\") i.e. Hok Shan plus the towns of Sei Yap, Shun Tak: Chung Shan ✈ and Chiu Chau (separate), the four last named formed since 1945, all offering a variety of social, educational and charitable services to members.\n\n35 HSIAO, in his interesting and lengthy study of rural China in the 19th Century, does not deal specifically with the internal organisation of the market towns. The market town of Tai O at the south west end of Lantau island (land population 2248 in 1911) would provide an interesting local comparison, though material is not so readily available as for Cheung Chau. I hope to write a similar outline account at a later date.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204665, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "132\n\nCLIVE ROBINSON\n\nHouse-boats are usually moored by the lakeside and it is possible to walk ashore into the fields across a plank. But one's chief means of transport is the shikhara which arrives each morning and remains until one has finished with it at night. A shikhara is the Rolls-Royce of gondolas full of soft cushions and gaily patterned pillows — and its crew of two young and cheerful Kashmiri is at your disposal all day to paddle swiftly and silently through the lotus-covered waterways to wherever you choose to go. On long expeditions, such as to Ganderbal three hours away, a crew of four is necessary especially if the day is hot.\n\nEach morning the tradesmen arrive by water: the postman, butcher, chemist, grocer and the florist. The latter, a picture with his boat covered from stem to stern in all the brilliant colours of the Valley's flowers. Hard for the ladies to resist! Later come the famous Srinagar dealers, also by boat. \"Mr. Butterfly\" with his exotically embroidered men's pyjamas and his exquisite sets of ladies' underwear; \"Suffering Moses\", renowned for his papier mâché ware; and, perhaps hardest of all to refuse, \"Subhana the Worst\". It was in Subhana's shop, after a large Persian lunch, that I once spent more money in one afternoon than (I trust) I am ever likely to do again.\n\nNagin, where we moored in \"Golden Gleam\", has a large house-boat, in the centre of the lake, from which one bathes or water-skis. And out of the lake the narrow water channels lead past floating gardens, orchards and meadows to Nishat Bagh and Jehangir's famous Gardens of Shalimar where we picnicked one afternoon sitting on Persian rugs and drinking tea out of a lovely samovar.\n\nBut it is wise to remember that the lotus-existence of life on a house-boat in Kashmir is an insidious one and each day it is harder to break the spell. The visitor is wise who says at the beginning how long it is to last and, if he is fond of mountains and the country, plans his expedition at an early date.\n\nThe local bus, complete with Kashmiris and their retinues of hens and pigs, took us to Pahalgam at the foot of the high mountains and there we found our camp already pitched.\n\nIt was by a stream at the end of the Liddar valley and within a stone's throw of the Prime Minister's summer lodge. Eight ponies were\n\nI", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204672, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 153, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n137\n\nIt is therefore a delight to read such a work as Mr. Cranmer-Byng's An Embassy to China. Produced by an historian, and one moreover who combines integrity with an uncommon knowledge of the East, this book is indispensable to an understanding today of the problems that East and West have inherited in their dealings with one another.\n\nThe main body of the book consists of the Journal kept by Lord Macartney on his embassy to the Emperor Ch'ien-lung in 1793. He describes his journey to Peking, beyond the Great Wall to Jehol, and back by the Grand Canal and by river to Canton. There follow a series of \"observations\", compiled by Macartney from his own shrewd judgment and from data supplied by members of his entourage, on subjects such as the Manners, Religion, Government, Population, Arts and Sciences, Language etc. of China under the Ch'ing Dynasty.\n\nThe first 58 pages of the book contain an Introduction by the editor, in which he comments on early Anglo-Chinese relations, paints a brief biographical picture of Lord Macartney, and discusses the embassy, the manner of its reception, and its results. The final pages of the Introduction lead up to the Journal itself, its style, content and the method used by the diarist in compiling such a detailed account of his mission - an account written by a professional diplomat, skilled at seeing behind the facade, patient in negotiation, lucid in recollection and description.\n\nLooking back today from our vantage point in time nearly two hundred years later, it is easy to see that Macartney was given an impossible task. Remote in her geographical isolation and sublimely ignorant of world affairs, China had sealed herself for centuries in a false cocoon of imagined cultural superiority. The eighteenth century was both too late and too early for any European power to overcome the supreme complacency of the Imperial Court and Government. From the mid-sixteen hundreds onwards, Western nations, notably the Dutch, the Russians and the Portuguese had sent embassies to China, but all had failed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204679, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "144\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nthese removals, again from long established locations and substantial houses, is also said to have been mainly on fung shui grounds following a long period of decline, reduced births, infant deaths, and other difficulties.\n\nThese removals all took place within the last fifty years, that is, within the period of British rule in the New Territories, and it would be interesting to know if there were similar cases in other districts during this period. It is, of course, extremely likely that these periodic removals were a feature of village life in the past.\n\nJ. W. HAYES.\n\nAN OLD FORT AT TUNG CHUNG ON LANTAO ISLAND\n\nIf you take a ferry-boat from Hong Kong to Lantao and land at the bay of Tung Chung it is worth while looking at the old fort which still exists near the hamlet of Lung Ching Tau. The walls are still in good preservation and inside there is a broad gun-platform with six cannon in position, one of which has an inscription on it showing that it dates from the middle of Chia-Ch'ing's reign.\n\nIt is known that a fort and garrison was maintained at Tung Chung during most of Chia-Ch'ing's reign (1796-1821) when a large and successful fleet of junks manned by Chinese pirates terrorized the coasts of Kwangtung and Kwangsi. There is documentary evidence that a fort was constructed at Tung Chung in the twenty-second year of Chia-Ch'ing's reign (1817).1\n\nIn 1834, during the few months when Lord Napier was Superintendent of British Trade at Canton and relations between the two countries were very strained, the fort at Tung Chung was again mentioned in Chinese documents. The Governor-General of the two Kwangs at that time, Lu K'un, in a 'memorandum' to the throne submitted at the beginning of\n\n1 See Lo Hsiang-lin, Hong Kong and its External Communications before 1842, Chinese text (Institute of Chinese Culture, Hong Kong, 1959) footnote on p. 236. An English translation of this book published under this title in May 1963 omits the footnotes.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204708, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 11, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "2\n\nMay 13th\n\nJune 17th\n\nAugust 19th\n\nProfessor C. P. FitzGerald\n\n\"The Succession Crises in the Manchu Dynasty after the Death of the Tung Chih Emperor\"\n\nProfessor Yao Hsin-nung\n\n\"K'un Ch'u — The Classical Chinese Drama” (Illustrated with colour slides and a demonstration by Miss Hsiao Fang-fang in full make-up and costume)\n\nMr. Ho Tickon\n\n\"Method and Technique of Chinese Painting\" (Illustrated by the artist/lecturer)\n\nSeptember 30th \"Conquest of Everest\"-film (British Council)\n\nOctober 20th\n\nExpedition to Tung Chung, Lantao island to visit the old fort.\n\nOctober 25th\n\nDr. W. Hellmich\n\n\"Tasks and Results of the Research Scheme Nepal Himalaya”\n\n(In co-operation with the Faculty of Science, University of Hong Kong)\n\nNovember 18th Mr. K. M. A. Barnett\n\n\"Hong Kong before the Chinese — the Puzzle and the Missing Pieces\"\n\nDecember 10th Documentary films on Hong Kong:-\n\n\"This is Hong Kong\"\n\n\"Sea Festivals of Hong Kong\" \"The Boat People\"\n\nthe Frame,\n\nIt is no mean tribute to the standing of the Hong Kong Branch of the Society that it has succeeded in attracting as guest speakers such eminent and world-wide authorities as Professor Hansford, Dr. Freedman, Professor Fitzgerald and last month Professor Fairbanks. It is equally a tribute to the rich local talent of the Society that six of the addresses — all of high standard and of great interest — during the year were given by local members, while the more recent address by Mr. Cranmer-Byng proved to be one of the most appreciated of all.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204725, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 28, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON\n\n19\n\nkeep us prisoners in Canton. From the different boats are displayed the various triangular and square flags of different colors of the officers in command. At night the soldiers keep up an incessant blowing of conch shells and beating of gongs while all on guard cry out continually the watch words “K'an-Ch'o” and “Tseaou-Ch'o” which mean \"look sharp\".\"7 The coolies have another word which they cry out at intervals, \"An-Tsou\" which means \"morning\".18\n\nThus is our guard disposed in front. Behind the Factories from one extremity of them to the other, on both sides [of] the street (which runs along the rear) are stationed infantry with matchlocks and cartouch boxes. The Consoo House is turned into quarters for the officers whose horses are picketed in the area inside the building. Our entire guard of all sorts consists of between one thousand and twelve hundred men.\n\nIf it was not for the mysterious and peculiar circumstances under which we are situated we might laugh at the resources the foreigners are driven to, to obtain fresh food, while some are seen carrying bundles of clothes to the end of China Street where they are taken by the linguist who marks them and sends them to be washed and returns them clean in the same manner. Gilman and Spooner contrived yesterday to get into one of the back streets and bought a side of mutton which they brought home on a bamboo.\n\nLast night all the boats remaining in the boat houses were hauled on shore in the middle of the Square. Many received great injury by the rough way in which they were handled. The Chinese have also unshipped the rudders and unbent the sails from four schooners lying in front of the Factories, the Alpha, Sylph, Breeze, Rover.\n\nAt 12 today Houqua's servant came in with two coolies bringing a roasted leg of mutton and some boiled potatoes wrapped up in paper.\n\nWe hear today that a Chinese who was taken yesterday at Ta-Sha-Tow on his way to Macao with a foreign letter found on his person was tortured to death. We can not learn whose letter it was. A Chinese girl who was also on the boat is in prison.\n\nThis being Sunday nothing has been done between the foreign consuls and the Chinese authorities, but while we were at dinner", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204745, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON\n\n37\n\nNOTES ON HUNTER'S JOURNAL\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG and Sir LINDSAY T. RIDE\n\n1 Snow. Peter Wanten Snow, Consul for the United States in Canton. He surrendered the opium in American possession as demanded by Commissioner Lin, and was ready to promise that Americans would cease importing opium, but refused to have anything to do with the bond as the penalties were too severe. (See also note 43, bond.) (L.T.R.)\n\n2 Mr. Forbes. Joined the American firm of Russell & Co. in Canton in October 1838, became a partner 1 January 1839 and eventually was made chief of the house. Robert Bennett Forbes (1804-1889), first arrived in China in 1817. After some years back in the States he returned to China in October 1838 and was admitted a partner of Russell & Co., China on 1 January 1839. He retired in 1844 but had an interest in the firm till 1857. (L.T.R.)\n\n3 Mr. Green. John C. Green of Trenton, New Jersey, first went to China as an agent of N.L. & G. Griswold. In 1834 he was admitted a partner of Russell & Co., China, and retired to New York on 31st December 1839. At the time of the disturbances he was Chairman of the Chamber of Commerce at Canton. He died in 1875. (L.T.R.)\n\n4 Mr. Delano. Warren Delano, Jr. of Fairhaven, Mass., came to China 1834 to join the house of Russell, Sturgis & Co., of Canton and Manila. He was a partner of Russell & Co., China for two terms, 1 January 1840 to 31 December 1846, and January 1861 to 31 December 1866. He was a great-uncle of ex-President F. D. Roosevelt. (L.T.R.)\n\n5 Mr. King.\n\nThis is most likely to be Edward King of Newport, R.I., who was taken into the firm of Russell & Co., as a clerk on his arrival at Canton in 1834 in the Silas Richards. On 1 July 1834 he became a partner and retired in 1842 to Newport where he died in 1876.\n\nThere was a Charles W. King of Olyphant & Co. in Canton at the time, but as this firm had nothing to do whatsoever with opium, he may not have been confined to the Factory. (L.T.R.)\n\n6 Mr. Low. Abiel Abbott Low (1811-1893) was born in Salem, Massachusetts, and became a leading figure in both the New York and China shipping world. He first worked as a clerk in shipping firms in Salem and in New York and then went to China in 1833 as a clerk in Russell & Co. of which house his uncle, Wm. Henry Low, had been head for some years. He was made a partner in 1837, retired to New York where he founded the firm of A.A. Low & Brothers, famous for its clipper fleet. In 1863 he was President of the New York Chamber of Commerce. (L.T.R.)\n\n7 Spooner. Daniel Nicholson Spooner of Plymouth, Mass. was at this time a clerk in Russell & Co., Canton. He became a partner in January 1843 and retired to Boston on 31 December 1845. He returned to China again as a partner in January 1852, finally retiring in 1857. (L.T.R.)\n\n8 Gilman. Joseph Taylor Gilman of Exeter, New Hampshire, joined Russell & Co., Canton as a Clerk about the same time as Spooner. His dates of partnership and retirement were the same, too, as Spooner's. (L.T.R.)\n\n9 Mouqua. Also spelt Mowqua in pidgin English. His official name as Hong merchant was Lu Ch'i-kuang Lu Wen-wei✰✰ The suffix \"qua\" signifies \"an official\". (J.L.C.-B.) and his family name was (kuan in mandarin)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204746, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "38\n\n10 Linguist purser.\n\nW. C. HUNTER\n\nSee note 39, (J.L.C-B)\n\n11 Elliot's last day. On 25 March Elliot formally requested the Viceroy that passports should be issued within three days for all the English ships and people at Canton and that if passports were not issued he would consider the men and ships of his country as forcibly detained and act accordingly. Blue Book, Correspondence relating to China, 1840, p. 367. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n12 Edward Elmslie. Secretary and Treasurer to the British Superintendents of Trade, Captain Charles Elliot and the Deputy Superintendent, A. R. Johnston, (J.L.C-B.)\n\n13 Houqua. Known to Westerners at Canton as Howqua 7. His family name was Wu Ch'ung-yüeh (1810-1863). He was the fifth son of the famous Hong merchant Wu Ping-chien whom he succeeded as head of the firm in 1843. For his biography see Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period, II, 867-8. (F.L.C-B.)\n\n14 Nam Hoe. Also written Nam Hoi. This means Nan Hai Hsien #i.e. the Magistrate having jurisdiction over the western part of Canton city and the District lying to the westward of the walls which included the area in which the foreign Factories lay. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n15 Kwang Hup. The author may be referring to the Kwangchou hsieh \"the Canton brigade\", and so to its commander. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n16 The Governor. The Governor of Kwangtung province at this time was I-liang (1791-1867). For his biography see Hummel, op. cit., I, 389. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n17 K'an-ch'o (J.L.C-B.)\n\n18 An-tsou (J.L.C-B)\n\n19 Columbia & John Adams. According to the Chinese Repository Vol. 8, p. 56 the Columbia was a U.S. frigate and the John Adams was classed as a sloop-of-war. The Columbia was commanded by Commodore George C. Read. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n20 Johnston, Alexander Robert Johnston, H.M. Deputy Superintendent of Trade. When the Government of Hong Kong was set up he was deputy first to Elliot and later to Sir Henry Pottinger and in this capacity he administered the Government of the Colony on various occasions from 1841 until 1843. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n21 Pwan Kei Kua. Probably the merchant whose name was also spelt by Westerners at Canton at that time Ponkhequa and Puan Khequa. This was P'an Chengwei (1791-1850). See Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period, II, 605, (J.L.C-B.)\n\n22 Saoqua. His family name was Ma Tso-liang and the name of his Hong was Shun Tai Hong A. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n23 Sturgis. Russell Sturgis (1805-1887) of Boston was first named Nathaniel Russell Sturgis, Jr., but he was always known as Russell Sturgis after his name was changed by decree of the Middlesex County Court. He graduated from Harvard in 1823, married in 1828 but was widowed four months later. After an extended tour of Europe he returned to Boston and for a while practised law. He remarried and in 1833 took his family to the orient where he became a partner of Russell & Sturgis of Manila and Russell, Sturgis & Co. of Canton. Later in 1842 when the latter firm became incorporated with Russell & Co., China, he became a partner in 1842. In May 1844 he retired to Boston, his second wife having died in Manila in 1837. Being far too young to give up work altogether he decided to return to China in 1849 but while passing through London he", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204748, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "40 \n\nW. C. HUNTER \n\nat Samarang where he served for 3 years. He died at Delft in 1863. (L.T.R.) \n\n32 Viceroy. The Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi at this time was Teng Ting-chen who held this post from early 1836 until early 1840. See Hummel, op. cit., II, 716. (J.L.C-B.) \n\n33 Hoppo. The Superintendent of Maritime Customs at Canton in 1839 was Yu (?). (J.L.C-B.) \n\n34 The Yum Chae. Cantonese pronunciation for the characters (mandarin Ch'in-ch'ai) meaning \"an Imperial Commissioner”. (J.L.C-B.) \n\n35 Innes, James Innes (1787-1841), the \"storm petrel\" of Canton was the 7th Chieftain of the Inneses of Dunkinty, Scotland. He came out to China about 1825 and operated as a Free Trader mostly on his own, but for a time in the firm of Innes, Fletcher & Co. His dealings in opium had not a little to do with precipitating the trouble in 1839. He died in July 1841 and was buried in the Old Protestant Cemetery, Macao. (L.T.R.) \n\n36 Chaye Beale. Thomas Chaye Beale was a member of the firm of Magniac & Co. in Canton as early as 1826. He severed his connections with this firm in the early thirties, and operated on his own till 1845 when he set up a house of agency in Shanghai with Lancelot Dent under the name of Dent, Beale & Co. In 1851 he was Portuguese Consul and Vice-Consul for the Netherlands at Shanghai. (L.T.R.) \n\n37 Se-yin. This is probably a reference to the characters Ssu-ying, the officer in command of a ying which corresponded in some ways to a battalion. However, the rank of a ying commander corresponded more to the Western rank of captain or major. (J.L.C-B.) \n\n38 Ta-lao-yeh. The phrase ta-lao-yeh signifies \"revered elder”. (J.L.C-B.) \n\n39 The linguists. Linguists (t'ung shih) were supposed to be able to act as interpreters between the Canton officials and the foreign merchants when instructions needed to be conveyed. The foreigners, for their part, usually enlisted the help of the Hong merchants when they wanted a document translated into Chinese or they needed an interpreter at an important interview. They repeatedly declared that the linguists were useless when it came to linguistic matters. In fact, the linguists appear to have been rather low-grade men of not much education, and able to speak only pidgin English. However, by law a foreign merchant trading at Canton was bound to employ a linguist. Since it was forbidden by the statutes of the Ch'ing dynasty to teach the Chinese language to foreigners, it was reasonable that linguists should be licensed to cope with their language problems. However, in order that the foreigners should not learn much about affairs in the interior, the qualifications needed by a linguist were low and their pidgin vocabulary was restricted to matters of trade. This was part of a deliberate policy which grew up among the officials at Canton, and the linguists merely acted as another cog in the mechanism whereby communication between the foreign merchants and the officials, however minor, was prevented, and the foreigners dealt instead with a number of different unofficial functionaries such as the compradores and linguists. Thus, the foreign merchants were kept at an arm's length and also kept in ignorance. \n\nThe linguists and their servants mentioned in this journal appear to have acted as general clerks and messengers, as much as linguists. The prefix A or Ah (ya) signifies the status of servant. (J.L.C-B.)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204749, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 52, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON\n\n41\n\n40 Fan Kwais. Fan-kuei ₺ A foreign devil.\n\nforeign devil. The title of one of Hunter's books of reminiscences was The Fan Kwae' at Canton before Treaty Days 1825-1844, by an old Resident, London, Kegan Paul, Trench & Co. 1882; reprinted Shanghai 1911. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n41 blows them sky high. By a coincidence Eric Partridge in his interesting work A Dictionary of Slang and Unconventional English, 4th Ed. 1951 p. 68 defines to blow sky high as \"to scold or blame most vehemently\" and adds origin U.S. and anglicised ca. 1900. Here we have an American example of the use of the phrase \"to blow sky high\" in 1839. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n42 Hae yaw? Probably part of the common expression pronounced in Cantonese \"hac yao ch'i lei\" £À which means literally \"there is no such principle!\" So it comes to imply \"it can't be done”, (J.L.C-B)\n\n43 bond. The bond presented to the American Consul by Commissioner Lin \"stipulated that should any opium be found on an American vessel, the ship would be liable to confiscation and its entire crew liable to death. The Consul, moreover, was to be held responsible for his countrymen's behavior.\" Dulles, F. R., 1930, The Old China Trade, p. 157. (L.T.R.)\n\n44 Pankugua. Probably a reference to P'an Cheng-wei (pidgin Pwan-keikua). (See note 21.) (J.L.C-B)\n\n45 Chinchoo. Ch'üan-chou, a port in Fukien. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n46 the Governor of Macao. Don Adriao Accacio da Silverira Pinto who served as Governor from 1839 until 1843, (J.L.C-B.)\n\n47 16 foreigners. A list is given in the Blue Book, Correspondence Relating to China 1840, p. 403, which states \"Supposed names of the sixteen individuals, as given in the list appended to the Kwang Chou fu's letter to Capt. Elliot dated 4 May 1839.\" \"Supposed\" because J. R. Morrison in translating from the Chinese had to guess what names were meant by the sounds of the Chinese characters used for transliteration, The names listed were:\n\nDent, Henry, D. Matheson, Daniell, Inglis, Ilbery, Dadabhoy, A. Jardine, Heerjeebhoy, Stanford, Green, Franjee, A. Matheson, Matheson, Bomanjee, Goldsborough.\n\nThe 16 left Canton with Elliot on 24th May. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n48 the Chung Hup. This may refer to the two characters pronounced in Cantonese Chung Heep. This officer commanded a brigade. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n49 Snipe. She was a brig of tonnage reported variously as 176 to 196 tons, and registered sometimes as British, sometimes American. She was owned by Augustine Heard & Co., and for many years she was commanded by Capt. William Endicott of Boston, and was stationed at Woosung as an opium receiving ship. (L.T.R.)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204768, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 71, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "60\n\nK. M. A. BARNETT\n\nNOTES\n\n1 \"Amah Rock” — A more decent title would be the Mother and Child Rock. The Chinese name for this and many similar rocks is mong fhuuh sreak, ★❶. \n\n2 Baat Xheong, ★❴. \n\n3 Boo-ghonn, ❵. \n\n4 Boo-shaann, ❷. \n\n5 Braak-gok, ★❸. \n\n6 Braak-mrong, ❹. \n\n7 Braak-shaah-qou, ❻★. \n\n8 Braak-xrok-dheonn, ❼. \n\n9 Brok, ❽. \n\nC\n\n10 Ceak-traap-gok, ★❾★. \n\n11 Chaah-xhang, ★➀. also Taai-xhaang, ★ṃ. \n\n12 Cheng-criw, ★☆ (+1644—+1911). \n\n13 Cheng-jhih, ❵, name of a local fish. \n\n14 Cheng-shaann, ❶☛. \n\n15 Now called Cheng-shaann-whaann, ❶ which formerly applied to a smaller bay at the foot of Castle Peak itself. \n\nCirn-whaann, ★★ see 26.\n\n16 Corgwok, approximately +927-+951, but it is doubtful whether a nienhao was adopted. 楚剧\n\n17 Crann, ★. \n\n18 Crann Gwor, ❸. \n\n19 Creah, ❹, Hakka eria. \n\n20 All the other words now pronounced creah having formerly had initial ts, not ch. \n\n21 Creah-drou, ❺, which however in this territory is always called xrorn-wroh, ★. \n\n22 Creoy-criw, ★☆ +581 (locally from +589) to +618. \n\n23 Creoy Crung-sreak, ★❶. \n\n24 Crih-jrynn, ★❷. \n\n25 Crih-xoe, ★❸. \n\nCrinn-whaann, ★★ see 26.\n\n26 Crynn-whaann, (Crinn-whaann) and ★ also written , ★ (Zin-whaann), ★★ (Cirn-whaann),", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204771, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 74, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "76 Lraw, #. \n\nHONG KONG BEFORE THE CHINESE · \n\n63 \n\nThe emperors were Liu Yin,80 Liu Yen,81 Liu Pen,77 \n\nLiu Sheng82 and Liu Ch'ang.78 \n\n77 Lraw Bhann, +942943, nienhaot \n\n, son of Liu Yen, ruled only a few months \n\n78 Lraw Ceorng, B, the last of the Nan Han emperors, +958— ++971, nienhao , son of Liu Sheng. \n\n79 Lraw-fraw-shaann, ¶ . \n\n80 Lraw Jarn, , virtual ruler 905-911, no nienhao. \n\n81 Lraw Jirm, , brother of Liu Yin, whom he succeeded as virtual ruler in +911, emperor +917-+942. Several nienhao - +917-- \n\n乾亨 +925, ✯✯ +925—+928, AĦ +928—+942. His mother was a Nanchao \n\nwoman. \n\n82 Lraw Sreng, X, brother of Liu Pen, whom he murdered and then reigned from +943-+958, nienhao A (part of +943 only), $† \n\n+943-+958, \n\n83 Lree Zreang Qhuk, ĦĦA · \n\n84 Lrek Jrynn, R. \n\n85 Lroofuur-xhaang, A. \n\n86 Lrooqhaah-zae, ✯✯Ħ. \n\n87 Lrung-jeok-traw, #HU, \n\nM \n\n88 Mraann, #. \n\n89 Mraar, M. \n\n90 Mraarjrawtrong, ***. \n\n91 Mraaririu-seoe, \n\n92 Mraarsir-whaann, \n\n#k. \n\nA. \n\n93 Mraarwhaann, #, perhaps for \"boat-people's anchorage\". \n\n94 Mrann, ★ (they pronounce it mranq). \n\nmrong-fhuuh-sreak, 16, see 1, \n\n95 Mrow, Ł. \n\n96 mruunn, 1. \n\nN \n\n97 Nraammshaann-drungy, a. \n\n98 Nraammtraw, $§. \n\n+ \n\n+ \n\n99 Nraammxon-criw, $1#, nienhao from +917 to +971, but effective control perhaps from +905. See notes 76 et seq. \n\n100 Nraammzio-gwok, #. There is a tendency to ignore or belittle the importance of this state in the history of South China. \n\n101 Nraytrong-gok, \n\n102 Nreoewhohsri, \n\n★ · \n\n* .", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204773, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 76, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE CHINESE \n\n65 \n\n122 Shann-qhonn, ✯✯. \n\n123 Shann-ghonn Jrynvzi. ĦEMA. \n\n124 Shann-qhonn Jrynvzi, ĦE, previous editions, see separate table. \n\n125 Shanntrinn, #w (there pronounced shangtrin), \n\n126 Shaygung, St. \n\n127 Sheong-shih-mruunn, \n\n128 Sreakbhek-whaann, \n\nH, the passage south of Cape D'Aguilar. \n\n*. \n\n129 Sreak-seoe-gaarn, ̃†M - \n\nSreoi-jran, **, see 42. \n\n1 \n\n130 Sreong-seoe, L. \n\n131 Srynnwhaann-xoe, MA. \n\n132 Sungeriw, \n\nT \n\n+960 +1279, but in Kwangtung only from +971. \n\nTaai-xhaanq, * see 11. \n\n133 Taaizruk Zrongzruk Jrytzruk xaao, ****** . \n\n134 Terraces. See also an excellent photograph in the latest report by the Director of Agriculture and Forestry. \n\n135 Thinnxrau-ghung, AB, or Thinnxrau-mriuv, B. Tin Hau is the patroness of the Tanka43 boat people. \n\n136 trinn, \n\n+ \n\n137 Trinnfhuuh-zae, W★# or Trinnfuur-zae, \n\n. \n\n138 known locally as Tronq-brok, #, pronounced treong-breok which \n\nI believe is a corruption of tryng-brok & the meaning of which had been forgotten. \n\n139 Trongcriw, I +618–+907. \n\n140 troo, . \n\n141 Trynn-mruunn, Es, local pronunciation tryną-mruunq, see 138. \n\nTrynnmruunn-zan, E18. \n\n142 trynntrinn, ɖ#. \n\nW \n\n143 what, or Z. The # of #, as is written in the San On Yuen Chi123 should be read thus, \n\n144 What-Iroofuur, Z. \n\n145 Wraljreoną, \n\n. \n\nWrang-buui, Я, see 51. \n\n146 Wrong Craaw, . The rebellion began in +877. Canton fell in +878 and Ch'ang An (the capital) in +880. The capital was retaken by loyal forces in +883 and the rebellion spluttered on for some years after the death of Huang Ch'ao in +884. Although defeated, the rebellion brought down the dynasty.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204774, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 77, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "66\n\nK. M. A. BARNETT\n\n147 wronqmraah, ✯✯ right?\n\n148 wrongzhuk, ✯ left?\n\nX\n\n149 Xaakghaah, R.\n\n150 Xhongxhey Zridirn, AT*.\n\n151 Xoncriw, M. +206—+220.\n\n152 Xrauxoe-whaann, or $**.\n\n153 Xrawtrong, .\n\n154 Xrohnraamm, (KMF)\n\n$ ·\n\nfrom the fact that in their dialect the word\n\n155 Xrokloo, # or * sounds to a Cantonese like #.\n\nxrornwroh, **, see 21.\n\n156 Xrungsengireah. *4*.\n\nZ\n\n157 zeon, see also 120.\n\n158 Zeoncriw, #, +265—419.\n\n159 Zhangsreng,\n\n160 Zhaw-ghuk.\n\n.\n\nA.\n\n161 zhihjryny, žok.\n\n162 Zhyhtrong-what,\n\nZin-whaann, #* see 26.\n\n163 Zreang, .\n\n·\n\nEDITIONS OF THE SAN ON YUEN CHI\n\nFirst Edition 1587 Ch'an Kwo; Preface by Yau T’ai-k’in.\n\nCh'an Kwo A, of Nam Shan Heung JM, chii-jen 1576, chin-shih 1586. A Deputy Secretary in the Board of War.\n\nYau T'ai-k'in #*, of Lin-ch'uan &||| in Kiangsi. Magistrate of San On 1586-1592.\n\nSecond Edition 1636 by Ts'oi Taî-lun, Lei and Leung Tung-ming;\n\nPreface by Lei Yuen.\n\nTs'oi Tai-lun ★★ of Lungch'i * in Fukien. Director of Studies in San On. 1628—(?).\n\nLei Perhaps a mistake for Ch'euk Yau-tuen, a Hakka from Cheung Lok, who preceded Ts'oi Tailun as Director of Studies. Leung Tungming, see below.\n\nLei Yuen 4 of Changp'ing 44 in Fukien. Magistrate of San On, 1635-1636, afterwards magistrate of Hoi Fung 1.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204775, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE CHINESE\n\n67\n\nThird Edition 1643 by Man Sz-k'ei, Leung Tung-min, Tang Leung-yuk and others; Preface by Ch'an Hei-yiu.\n\nMan Sz-kei (Tai-wu) of Suichau, Sub-director of Studies in San On, 1640-?1645.\n\nLeung Tung-ming of Tun Tau, prefectural graduate in 1641.\n\nTang Leung-yuk # Perhaps a mistake for Tang Leung-sz of Kam Tin, prefectural graduate in 1610.\n\nCh'an Hei-yiu of Chingteh, Kiangnan, Magistrate of San On, 1640–1645.\n\nFourth Edition 1672 by (?); Preface by Lei Ho-shing.\n\nLei Ho-shing of T'ichling in Liaotung, Magistrate of San On, 1670-1677.\n\nFifth Edition 1688 by (?); Preface by Kan Man-mo.\n\nKan Man-mo of K'aichou in Chihli, Magistrate of San On, 1687—(?).\n\nSixth Edition 1819 by Wong Shung-hei; Prefaces by Yuen Yuen, Lo Yuen-wai, Shue Mau-kwun and the author.\n\nWong Shung-hei of Nanch'eng in Kiangsi, a prefectural sub-graduate of Chihli.\n\nYuen Yuen, an Imperial Censor, Viceroy and Commander-in-Chief of Kwangsi, Kwangtung, Hunan, Kueichou and Yunnan; of -wei in Kiangsu; born about 1760.\n\nLo Yuen-wai, a chin-shih, Intendant of Grain for Kwangtung, of Nam Ye.\n\nShue Mau-kwun (Yue-fong), a chin-shih, Magistrate of San On, 1816—(?).\n\nSixth Edition was reprinted without its maps in the 1930s.\n\n* In which case a copy of this edition might be preserved among the clan archives.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204792, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "FENG CHAU \n\n83 \n\ncontributed a joss-stand table to the temple in the first year of the Tao Kwang period (1821) and a ferry from Shek Lung was one of the donors in 1878. Three local ferries are also listed on the tablet. According to local information36 two of them, each capable of taking a load of 40-50,000 catties (approximately 24-30 tons), sailed between Peng Chau and Chan Tsuen #in \n\nLANTAU \n\nYee Pak. \n\nTai \n\nTei Wan \n\nNim Shue Wan \n\nCheung Sha Lan \n\nPENG CHÂU \n\nHung Shui \n\nKau Shat Wan \n\nSILVER MINE \n\nBAY \n\n(Man Kok \n\nMILAL \n\n'NEI KWU CHAU \n\nPeng Chau and Surrounding Area \n\nthe Delta, whilst the third, which was smaller with a load capacity of 10,000 catties (about 6 tons), plied at need between Peng Chau and the local ports of Hong Kong, Kowloon, Cheung Chau and Tsuen Wan. The goods carried from the Delta towns were", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204822, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 125, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "105\n\nA RECONNAISSANCE OF MA WAN AND\n\nLANTAO ISLANDS IN 1794\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG AND A. SHEPHERD\n\nHistorical Background\n\nThe English East India Company started to trade at Canton at the beginning of the eighteenth century. By the last quarter of the century the trade had grown extensively, mainly because of the increasing demand for China tea in England. However, the more trade grew the more the Chinese officials at Canton controlled it through various regulations. Unfortunately many of these regulations were changed frequently, especially those concerning the dues and fees to be paid. The supercargoes of the East India Company were never certain how much money would be demanded of them from one year to another, and their complaints against what they often considered to be arbitrary exactions increased. At last the government of England was forced to take notice of the unsatisfactory relations existing at Canton between the supercargoes of the East India Company and the various Chinese officials. As a result it was decided to send an embassy direct to the Emperor Ch'ien-lung at Peking in the mistaken belief that if the Emperor knew of the grievances of the English merchants at Canton he would rectify them. At the same time the English government decided to use this opportunity to attempt to put the relations between Britain and China on a proper diplomatic footing as understood in the West. The man selected as ambassador was Lord Macartney, a skilled diplomat and administrator, who had been British Ambassador at St. Petersburg and recently Governor of the Presidency of Madras.\n\nIn order to impress the Chinese officials with the advanced state of civilization in Europe, and especially with Britain's skill in scientific inventions and technical achievements, Macartney was given a large suite which included a natural philosopher, an experimental scientist, a draughtsman, a metallurgist, a watch-maker, a mathematical instrument maker and a botanist. This was the first time that an English embassy had been sent to China, and certainly the first time that a group of Englishmen", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204823, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "106\n\nCRANMER-BYNG AND SHEPHERD\n\nhad the opportunity of travelling to Peking and observing life at the Court. It was realized that even if the main objects of the embassy were not achieved it was a splendid opportunity for obtaining first-hand information about various aspects of China. In fact, the embassy was something of a reconnaissance behind the Manchu curtain of exclusiveness, since Macartney took with him an army officer, Lieutenant Henry William Parish, who was trained to make plans and sketches and to take measurements. As one of his tasks Parish made a detailed survey of a section of the Great Wall which Macartney passed by on his journey from Peking to the Manchu Emperors' summer hunting-palace at Jehol?. Also included in the ambassador's suite was William Alexander, a promising young artist who was given the title of draughtsman,\n\nMacartney arrived at Peking in August 1793, and then proceeded to Jehol where he had an audience with the Emperor on 14 September. After being shown round the parks and pleasure gardens at Jehol he returned to Peking where on 7 October he received the Imperial reply refusing all the requests made in the state letter from King George III to the Emperor Ch'ien-lung. A few days later Macartney set out from Peking on his way to Canton escorted by Chinese officials. After a long journey by inland waterways he reached Canton in December, and finally in January 1794 he moved to Macao where he stayed until all the East Indiamen were ready to sail in convoy with H.M.S. Lion (64 guns), the warship which had brought the ambassador out to China.\n\nWhile waiting for the Indiamen to complete their loading Lord Macartney used his staff for various tasks. Thus Lieutenant Parish was instructed to draw up answers to question on the defences of Macao3, and also in February 1794 he was sent, together with William Alexander, to explore the coast of Lantao island and the small island of Ma Wan (called in his report Cowhee) in case it might be considered necessary to form a settlement somewhere in that area. The idea of obtaining an island was not a new one. It had been put forward unofficially in the past and it received official recognition in the instructions to Lord Macartney dated 8 September, 1792 where it was stated:\n\nᅡ", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204839, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "A RECONNAISSANCE OF MA WAN\n\nNOTES\n\n117\n\n1 For a more detailed account of British trade to Canton at this period see J. L. Cranmer Byng, An Embassy to China. Being the Journal kept by Lord Macartney during his Embassy to the Emperor Ch'ien-lung 1793-1794 (Longmans, Green, 1962), 4-17.\n\n2 Macartney's own journal printed in J. L. Cranmer Byng, op. cit.,\n\nFor Parish and Alexander see Appendix A, 313-16.\n\n111-112.\n\nJ. L. Cranmer-Byng, “The Defences of Macao in 1794: a British Assessment\" in Journal of Southeast Asian History Vol. 5 No. 1 (1964).\n\n4 Printed in H. B. Morse, The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China 1635-1834, 5 Vols. (O.U.P. 1926-9), I., 237.\n\n5 This report is preserved among the Macartney documents in the Wason collection on China and the Chinese at Cornell University, No. 371 (part). I wish to acknowledge my thanks to the Director of Libraries at Cornell for permission to reproduce this document in full. In doing so I have modernized the spelling and the use of capital letters. I also wish to acknowledge permission received from the authorities of the British Museum to reproduce Parish's sketch map from the original preserved in the British Museum, Add. MS. 19822 (art. 13).\n\n6 The Portuguese name of an island close to Macao which also gave its name to the anchorage there.\n\n7 An officer of the Bombay Marine who had been sent to Macao in 1793 in command of the Endeavour brig, one of two surveying ships, which were earmarked for the use of the embassy. The Jackall had sailed from England in 1792 as tender to the Lion. Both the Endeavour and Jackall sailed from Chusan to Canton in October 1793, but I have not discovered why Proctor was transferred to the Jackall or why the original survey ship, the Endeavour, was not used for this purpose.\n\n8 A large island about twice the size of the island of Hong Kong. The east coast of Lantao, although it has at least one good bay- Silvermine Bay is not sufficiently protected from the wind and is too exposed to the sea to make a good harbour for ships. Lantao Peak rises to approximately three thousand feet and is a useful local landmark. The Chinese name for the island is Tai Yu Shan.\n\n+\n\n9 Chek Lap Kok *#, a long island just off Tung Chung bay, See map facing page 27. Like other ports of Lantao it appears to have been more prosperous in the past than at present. The 1911 census gave its population as 77, of whom 55 were men. They probably worked in its stone quarries.\n\nto This refers to the Tung Chung valley, which included a fort between the villages of Ha Ling Pei and Sheung Ling Pei. Tung Chung ranked as a cheng M. See Rev. Krone \"A Notice of the Sanon District\" in Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Part VI (Hong Kong 1859) p. 82.\n\n+\n\n11 This is correct, since presumably Parish was referring to the head land of San Tau #. From here the coast runs sharply SW to Tai O.\n\n12 Two islands known as the Brothers, consisting of the West and East Brothers.\n\n13 In the vicinity of Tsing Lung Tau\n\n\"Green dragon head\",\n\non the coast of the New Territories between Tsun Wan and Castle Peak.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204842, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "120\n\nFORKE'S TRANSLATION OF THE LUN HENG'\n\nReviewed by D. LESLIE2\n\nThe Lun Heng\n\nof about A.D. 85, is the work of Wang Ch'ung £ (c. A.D. 27-96), one of the most original thinkers of Han China.\n\nMany, including Hu Shih and most western scholars, have praised his critical ability. In fact, this praise is not entirely justified. Wang Ch'ung, in this respect, falls far short of the Chou Confucian philosopher Hsüntzu (also Chuangtzu and Hanfeitzu). Han philosophy is generally considered to lack the originality of the classical Chou philosophers, and Wang Ch'ung, as Fung Yu-lan points out, was a child of his time. The most we can say is that he rises head and shoulders above his Han contemporaries in his critical abilities.\n\nIt is true that Wang Ch'ung demands proofs and verification by experience at all stages in his arguments, but his idea of proof and experience is insufficiently empirical. He does not seek out the facts. He believes some of the weirdest stories (that Duke Ai was changed into a tiger; that Huang Ti, the Yellow Emperor, was twenty months in the womb; that hares give birth via the mouth). As Marcel Granet has expressed it (in his La Pensée Chinoise, 1934, p. 580), \"son scepticisme a quelque chose de livresque\".\n\nWang Ch'ung's criticism is always based on pre-conceived postulates. Rather than reject the superstitions of his time, he merely reinterprets them in accordance with these postulates. Herein lies both his strength and his weakness. A good example is his denial (in his chapter 15 and elsewhere) of the many supernatural births accepted by his contemporaries. For, together with this denial, he accepts the factual truth of all the omens that accompanied these supernatural births. Omens, such as signs in the sky or lines in the hand (the Lun Heng incidentally gives the earliest extant reference to palmistry in China), the appearance of weird animals and plants, all mark, he believes, the rise and\n\n1 Lun-Hêng. By Alfred Forke. Paragon Book Gallery, New York, 1962. Pt. I, iv+577; Pt. II, vi+536. U.S.$20.00,\n\n2 D. Leslic is a Research Fellow in the Department of Far Eastern History, Australian National University, Canberra,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204843, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "LUN HENG\n\n121\n\nfall of great men and reigns. He similarly accepted the claims of divination, astrology and physiognomy (all rejected by Hsüntzu). But for Wang Ch'ung no less than for Hsüntzu there is nothing supernatural about any of these phenomena. Wang Ch'ung always demands a natural explanation. A further example which may help to clarify the difference between the naturalistic scepticism of Wang Ch'ung and of Hsüntzu is their attitude to ghosts and apparitions. Hsüntzu (in his chapter 17) denies any reality to ghosts or spirits of any kind. Apparitions are hallucinations of an inferior or diseased mind. Wang Ch'ung, on the other hand, is not sure whether ghosts and apparitions occur or not. He is inclined to accept that they do. However, if they do exist, he writes, they are not the ghosts of the dead come back for revenge as believed by most of his contemporaries. He outlines several possible explanations of the appearance of apparitions (in his chapter 65), probably selected because they do not accept the theory that ghosts are dead men's souls. Two of these theories are favoured by Wang Ch'ung. The first states that ghosts are a kind of hallucination produced by men's thoughts when they are sick and afraid. The other theory is that ghostly apparitions are omens. Wang Ch'ung cannot step out of his time and reject the widespread belief in ghosts, but he manages to give an explanation with a distinctive twist of his own. He suggests that ghosts are made up of the Yang fluid alone without the Yin, and hence are not real but mere \"semblances\" of reality.\n\nSo much for Wang Ch'ung's critical ability and scepticism. To turn now to his constructive philosophy, this has been underestimated, in particular by Fung Yu-lan. As a Confucian, Wang Ch'ung offers little that compares with Mencius' theory of man's nature or Hsüntzu's analysis of the value of ritual. His own suggestion, a compromise three-grade theory of human nature (taken up by Han Yü of the T'ang) is of no great significance. It was in any case already present, though less explicitly, in the thought of Tung Chung-shu and Huainantzu of the earlier Han. Similarly, as a Taoist, Wang Ch'ung, though clear and convincing, falls short of the subtlety of Chuangtzu. Nevertheless, we can agree with Li Shih-fan, in his criticism of Fung Yu-lan's History of Chinese Philosophy (see Yenching Journal of Chinese Studies 26, 1939, pp. 215-250, 286-8), that Wang Ch'ung's attempt", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204844, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 147, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "122\n\nD. LESLIE\n\nto marry a Taoist naturalistic metaphysics to Confucian rationalistic ethics marks a great step forward, even though it was only partially successful.\n\nThe Taoism of Chuangtzu was anti-rationalistic and mainly destructive; destructive of ethics and also a hindrance to the development of logic and to the search for truth. Fung Yu-lan has characterised the Taoism of Huainantzu, as opposed to that of Chuangtzu, as positive. This is even more true of Wang Ch'ung, who eschews all mysticism and supernaturalism. Similarly, Hsüntzu's emphasis on the Way of Man, equal partner with Heaven and Earth, led him to ignore the Way of Nature. The crucial difference between Chou and Han philosophers is exemplified by the difference between Hsüntzu and Wang Ch'ung. Both reject any divine or supernatural intervention in natural phenomena, but only the latter sought to explain the workings behind these natural phenomena.\n\nTung Chung-shu of the Han had already given an explanation of such phenomena as the cosmic and biological abnormalities looked on as omens. By Wang Ch'ung's time these omens were almost universally taken to be warnings and messages from Heaven. Calamities, such as floods or drought or plagues of insects, were the punishments which followed when these warnings were not heeded. Wang Ch'ung cannot escape the Han view of an interaction between man and Heaven. But he changes the explanation. Good and bad omens are certainly signs of good and bad government but not caused by them,\n\nFor the Han philosophers phenomena were governed by the rise and fall of the ch'i, both cosmic and human. In the hands of Wang Ch'ung's contemporaries this ch'i was very close to shen* and ching-shen** \"spirit\". For Wang Ch'ung himself however, the ch'i is a material fluid, the \"life's breath” in biological terms, the \"pneuma\" in cosmic terms. It has no shape or form but only substance. The claim of modern materialists to see a forerunner in Wang Ch'ung is in many ways justified. It is supported in particular by his theories of causation. These are closely tied to his concept of a material ch'i. A physical cause must, he claims, be adequate for the result, and must operate by contact of the chi. Where there is no physical contact causation is not possible,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204845, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 148, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "LUN HENG\n\n123\n\nHe still allows, however, of a kind of pre-established harmony between the omens and the human events to which they correspond (but do not respond). In his important chapter 10, he gives several other examples of phenomena which are linked together without any true physical causation. This last theory of one organic world in which all phenomena are rhythmically linked is typically Chinese, common to the Han and Sung philosophers. In fact, many of the ideas thought original to the Sung dynasty are found, some adopted unconsciously and others consciously, in Wang Ch'ung's Lun Heng of the Han. It is a mistake to suggest, as some scholars have done, that Wang Ch'ung was outside the main stream of Chinese thought.\n\nWang Ch'ung is worth reading as a philosopher in his own right. Moreover, his eighty-four essays are amongst the main sources for the more orthodox Han Confucianism; even though he attacks it, we learn as much about it from the Lun Heng as from any other work of the period. Much too is learned about the Taoist religious practices of the time from his chapter 24, in which he pours scorn on their methods to achieve immortality. The Lun Heng is essential reading for the Han intellectual scene.\n\nIt is also an invaluable work for the earlier legends and historical facts. Wang Ch'ung was an iconoclast who did not take even Confucius as infallible. In his Lun Heng, we have a source of independent value for the Chou period as well as for the Han.\n\nTo give a particular example. When Ssu-ma Ch'ien in his Shih-chi (book 47) describes the life of Confucius, he relies very heavily on the Analects, which he quotes extensively. These quotations have a limited value as confirmation of the saying as existing in Ssu-ma Ch'ien's time. But there are almost no passages where the text as transmitted in the Shih-chi differs from that as transmitted in the Analects as such. We can never be sure that later editors of the Shih-chi did not alter minor discrepancies of their text to fit the almost sacred Analects of Confucius. This doubt in the independence of our source is less strong in the case of the Lun Heng. There are slight variants between the quotation in the Lun Heng and the Analects itself. Moreover, several interpretations adopted by Wang Ch'ung are quite different from the orthodox Han interpretation given in the Analects.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204846, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "124\n\nD. LESLIE\n\nstandard commentary, the Lun-yü Chi-chieh ###. Quite often Wang Ch'ung's view is inferior, but occasionally he is clearly right and the orthodox view inferior. But in any case the independence in interpretation suggests that the text too has been transmitted independently.\n\nThis point is equally true for everything touched on by Wang Ch'ung in his huge book. The main topics discussed are:\n\nA 1. Fate, human nature, and man's endowment at birth (chapters 4, 6, 7, 8, 12, 13);\n\n2. Coincidence and luck (chapters 1, 2, 3, 5, 10, 53; but overlapping with the above section);\n\n3. Naturalism and spontaneity (in which he opposes purpose in the universe) (chapters 14, 15, 24, 54);\n\nB 4. Criticism of scientific ideas of the time (chapters 31, 32);\n\n5. Criticism of the theory of the correspondence and inter-action between man and Heaven (chapter 17-23, 41-49, 55);\n\n6. Criticism of historical legends and of books (chapters 16, 25-30);\n\nC 7. Divination and omens (chapters 9, 11, 50, 51, 52, 71);\n\n8. Eulogy of the Han dynasty, mainly by means of the omens which appeared in the Han and prove its eminence (chapters 56-60);\n\nD 9. Death and ghosts (chapters 62-67, 75-77);\n\n10. Criticism of superstitious avoidances (the spirits of the year, etc., cannot harm man) (chapters 68-70, 72-74);\n\nE 11. The nature of saints and sages, together with a discussion of knowledge and prediction (chapters 78-80);\n\n12. Discussion of talents and scholarship (chapters 33-40);\n\nF 13. Bibliographical and self-explanatory (chapters 61, 81-85).\n\nFor all these Wang Ch'ung gives opinions and counter-opinions, quotations and anecdotes. For the anthropologist, the Lun Heng is a mine of information; and as a source book of Chinese legends alone it is essential reading.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204848, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 151, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "126\n\nD. LESLIE\n\nannotated. The Lun Heng is over six times the size of Mencius and thirteen times that of the Analects (of which Waley's translation takes up 150 pages with 100 pages of comment). The task is clearly enormous. Until such time as a modern scholar can devote many years to this work alone, Forke's translation will remain indispensable.\n\nForke's \"Introduction\" (pp. 4-44) is still amongst the finest summaries of Wang Ch'ung's thought. It goes deeper than the wider-ranging general surveys of Chinese philosophy mentioned earlier, and consequently gives a more rounded picture of his contribution. The only comparable western summary is given by Li Shi Yi in his \"Wang Ch'ung\" T'ien Hsia Monthly 5, 1937, pp. 162-184, 290-307. After reading Forke, one may turn to the more specialised studies by Joseph Needham in his Science and Civilisation in China, Vol. II, 1956, pp. 368-386; and by myself on \"Technical Vocabulary\" (in my \"Contribution\" pp. 134-149); on Wang Ch'ung's biological ideas in \"Early Chinese Ideas on Heredity\" Asiatische Studien: Etudes Asiatiques 1/2, 1953, pp. 26-46; and on \"Les Théories de Wang Tch'ong sur la Causalité\" (to appear in 1964 in the Mélanges).\n\nSince Forke's work appeared, several annotated commentaries to the Lun Heng have been published. The best is undoubtedly the 1938 Lun-heng Chiao-shih by Huang Hui. Unfortunately this is almost unobtainable. A second-best is the 1957 Lun-heng Chi-chieh by Liu P'an-sui, based on work up to 1932. Both include the comments by earlier scholars such as Yü Yüch and Sun Yi-jang; and both give, in extensive appendices, passages from the Chinese works throughout the centuries which mention Wang Ch'ung. However, Huang Hui not only gives a fully punctuated text, but also the pre-Han and Han parallels, rarely given in Liu P'an-sui's edition, but many of which had been found independently by Forke, who also gives a valuable list of Wang Ch'ung's quotations from earlier sources. Huang Hui also includes the brilliant essay on Wang Ch'ung's reasoning by Hu Shih.\n\nThere is no need to go into details about the many recent books and articles in Chinese on Wang Ch'ung, since Timoteus Pokora has dealt with them in his excellent, mainly bibliographical essay \"The Necessity of a more thorough Study of philosopher", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204849, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "LUN HENG\n\n127\n\nWang Ch'ung and of his predecessors\", Archiv Orientalní 30, 1962, pp. 231-257. Useful studies of Wang Ch'ung's materialism, more or less Marxist in orientation, have been written by A. A. Petrov (1954 in Russian, translated into Chinese in 1956), Hou Wai-lu and others (1957), Yang Ch'ao Kuan Feng (1957), Cheng Wen (1958), and T'ien Chang-wu (1958).\n\nThere are a large number of articles on Wang Ch'ung in Japanese by Kimura Ikusaburo, Shigezawa Toshio, and others. But I only know of one book in Japanese, the Ronko no Kenkyu 論衡之研究 by Sato Kyogen 佐藤匡玄 (1956, self-published).\n\nGrammatical study of the Lun Heng, commenced by Karlgren and extended by myself, must await a full concordance. Besides the 1943 Index du Louen Heng by the Centre franco-chinois d'études sinologiques, there are now two Japanese indices by Kato Joken, Shigezawa Toshio, and others, both produced in 1961.\n\n(a) Ronko Koyu-Meishi Sakuin 論衡固有名詞索引\n\nThis, similar in size and scope to the French index, which gave an index of names and topics with a paraphrase of the immediate text, gives a full concordance of names only, subdivided into names of people, of places, of books, titles and reign periods. It also adds a valuable appendix of textual corrections.\n\n(b) Ronko Jirui Sakuin 論衡事類索引\n\nThis is a massive work, over twice the size of the Lun Heng itself, which collects together, under topic headings, all the passages from the various chapters concerning that topic. The main topics covered are philosophy (and religion), science, ancient books, history, government, and sociology.\n\nVery valuable for certain kinds of research, these three works still do not fulfil the function of a complete word-by-word concordance.\n\nThe republication of Forke's monumental work (at almost the same time as these new indices) will be of double value if it encourages other western scholars to go ahead and work on Wang Ch'ung and his Lun Heng, a key work for our understanding of ancient China.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204858, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 161, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "136\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nbrush and the most excellent ink, washed his hands and cleaned the ink stone as if to receive an important guest. He let the thoughts settle in his soul, and then he work” (page 46). Among other essays and jotting here translated should be mentioned Ching Hao's \"Notes on Brush-work\" and the Hua Yü Lu #4 (\"Notes on Painting\") by Shih-t'ao of the Ch'ing dynasty. One sentence from Shih-t'ao's essay is typical of his attitude: \"When the superior man borrows from the old masters, he does it in order to open a new road\n\nTwo illustrations gave me special pleasure: \"Misty Hills\" by Ch'en Shun and \"Peach-blossom Spring\" by Shih-t'ao (plates 18 and 19). The book is equipped with a full index of Chinese names, terms and books with their Chinese characters.\n\nThis new edition of an important work by the doyen of Western authorities on Chinese art can be recommended to all who are interested in Chinese painting and it serves as introduction to Sirén's magnum opus, his Chinese Painters, Leading Masters and Principles in seven volumes.*\n\nJ. L. C-B.\n\nTHE ART OF CHINESE POETRY. James J. Y. Liu. Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1962. 166 pages. 30/-\n\nMr. James Liu's book is a fine introduction to the poetry of China for the uninitiated, and a substantial source of information and enjoyment for the sophisticated.\n\nOf a moderate size, the book is divided into three sections. Part I consists mainly of information, Part II of interpretation and Part III of criticism. The subject is generously illustrated with short poems translated by Mr. Liu and others.\n\nA remarkable feature of this book is the way in which Chinese poems are translated. Mr. Liu has in many cases followed the original verse form and rhyme scheme, a difficult and painstaking process requiring considerable virtuosity and originality. What he does, goes contrary to prevailing fashion and one is not surprised to find the critic of the Times Literary Supplement, while maintaining the general excellence of the book, taking\n\n*Lund Humphries, 1956. Profusely illustrated,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204865, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "143\n\nPRESENTATIONS AND ADDITIONS TO THE\n\nLIBRARY\n\nCheng, J. C. Chinese Sources for the Taiping Rebellion 1850-1864. Hong Kong, 1963, From Hong Kong University Press.\n\nCohen, Paul A. \"Some Sources of Anti-Missionary Sentiment During the Late Ch'ing\". (Reprinted from the Journal of the China Society, Vol. 2.) Michigan.\n\nFrom the Centre of Chinese Studies, Michigan.\n\nCrump, James I. Edited by. Occasional Papers, No. 2. (Centre of Chinese Studies, Michigan.) Michigan, 1963.\n\nExchange.\n\nEndacott, G. B. A Biographical Sketch-book of Early Hong Kong. Singapore, 1962.\n\nForke, Alfred. Translated by. Lun-heng. Parts I-II. (Reprint, 2nd edition.) New York, 1962. From Paragon Book Gallery.\n\nHenderson, Norman K. Educational Developments and Research with Special Reference to Hong Kong. (Hong Kong Council for Educational Research No. 1) Hong Kong, 1963.\n\nFrom Hong Kong University Press.\n\nHenderson, Norman K. Statistical Research Methods in Education and Psychology. Hong Kong, 1964.\n\nFrom Hong Kong University Press.\n\nHsüeh, Chun-tu. \"A Review Article: The Years of Triumph.” (Reprinted from the China Quarterly, July-September 1962.) London, 1962.\n\nFrom Chun-tu Hsüeh.\n\nHunter, W. C. Journal of the occurrences at Canton during the cessation of trade at Canton in 1839. Manuscript in Boston Athenaeum, U.S.A. (Microfilm copy.)\n\nFrom E. W. Ellsworth.\n\nKirby, E. Stuart. Edited by. Contemporary China: Economic and Social Studies: Documents; Chronology; Bibliography 1961-1962. Volume 5, Hong Kong, 1963.\n\nFrom Hong Kong University Press.\n\nMackey, Sean. Edited by. Symposium on the Design of High Buildings. Hong Kong, 1963\n\nFrom Hong Kong University Press.\n\nMaulvi, Imam Ma Tat Ng. Edited by. Prayer Ceremony. (English, Chinese and Arabic.) Hong Kong, 1962.\n\nFrom L. A. Khan", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204873, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 176, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n151 \n\nevacuation (1662-1669). But it is certain that Tung Chung and Sha Lo Wan had a share in the incense trade which terminated with the evacuation. Wild incense trees can still be found but the art of making incense sticks has vanished.\n\nThe ancestors of the people living in the valley may have migrated into the area from the north in 1669 but the area has been, until recently, notorious for occurrences of malaria which claimed heavy tolls. The entire population may have been completely wiped out several times, as the oldest of the families has a family history of no more than seven generations.\n\nTung Chung came into the limelight again when Cheung Pao Tsai and his pirate band who had been using the bay as one of their bases to prey upon the coastal trade of the South China Sea, successfully repelled a Ching naval contingent after a ten-day battle in the Ping Chung Bay in the twelfth year of Chia Ching's reign (1807). The trouble was finally quelled in 1809 when Cheung Pao Tsai surrendered and his pirates were disbanded.\n\n2\n\nWith the suppression of the pirates, trade flourished. The Viceroy at Canton petitioned the Ch'ing Government in 1817 saying that \"Ta Yu Shan of San On District, an isolated island, is on the (trade) route of the ships of the \"barbarians\". Tung Chung and Tai O are the only places where these \"barbarian\" ships can anchor. A fort at Chi Yi Kok2 with a Captain(?) and soldiers from the Tai Pang Camp has been maintained but there is no garrison at Tung Chung. As the two places are very far apart, eight garrison houses should be built at the mouth of the Tung Chung Rivers and two batteries (the fort), seven garrison houses and one arsenal should be constructed on the foot of Shek Shee ShanJ. \"6 The petition was accepted and the work was completed in the same year. Whether the work was carried out as requested by the Viceroy has still to be proved. However, the fort has been relatively well preserved and seven old\n\n2 Fan Lau (), 24 miles from Tai O.\n\n3 Nan Tau (南頭), Po On District, 15 miles to the north of Lantau.\n\n4 The distance is 6 miles across the main watershed and about 9 miles along the coast.\n\n5 The idea was to prevent the \"barbarians\" from drawing fresh water for their ships.\n\n6 Kwangtung Annals (廣東通志), p. 2,530.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204915, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 23, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "18\n\nS. G. DAVIS\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\n1. Bard, S. M., Chiu, T. N., and So, C. L. \"Stone Ring at Loh Ah Tsai, Lamma Island, Hong Kong,\" Asian Perspectives, VIII.\n\n2. Ch'en Kung-che (1957). \"Archaeological Surveys and Excavations at Hong Kong,\" Kao Koo Hsueh Po, No. 4.\n\n3. Davis, S. G. (1952). The Geology of Hong Kong (Archaeology), Government Printers, Chapter XI, pp. 188-194.\n\n4. Davis, S. G. and Tregear, M. (1961). \"Man Kok Tsui. Archaeological Site, 30, Lantau Island, Hong Kong,\" Asian Perspectives, IV.\n\n5. Davis, S. G. (1962). \"Hong Kong University Team Archaeological Activities for Period 1958-61,\" Asian Perspectives, V, 53.\n\n6. Davis, S. G. (1964). \"Rock Carvings at Shek Pik, Lantau Island, Hong Kong,\" Asian Perspectives, VII, 19-21.\n\n7. Finn, D. J. (1933-1936). \"Archaeological Finds on Lamma Island, Hong Kong,\" The Hong Kong Naturalist, Reprinted 1958, Ricci Hall Publications, University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong.\n\n8. Heanley, C. M. (1928). \"Hong Kong Celts,\" Bull. Geol. Soc. of China, VII, 209-214.\n\n9. Heanley, C. M. and Shellshear, J. L. (1932). A Contribution to the Prehistory of Hong Kong and the New Territories.\n\n10. Heanley, C. M. (1935). \"Fields of Hong Kong,\" The Hong Kong Naturalist, VI, 233-239.\n\n11. Heanley, C. M. (1938). \"Letter to the Editor on Archaeological Finds in Hoifung,\" The Hong Kong Naturalist, IX.\n\n12. Laufer, B. (1909). Chinese Pottery of the Han Dynasty, American Museum of Natural History Publication, East Asiatic Committee.\n\n13. Laufer, B. (1914). Chinese Clay Figures, Part I, Chicago Field Museum of Natural History, Publication 154.\n\n14. Laufer, B. (1917). The Beginnings of Porcelain in China, Field Museum of Natural History, Publication 192, Anthropological Series, XV, No. 2.\n\n15. Lo, H. L. (1956). \"The Sung Wong Toi and the Location of the Travelling Courts by the Seashore in the Last Day of the Sung,\" Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol. 3, No. 2, 185-217.\n\n16. Maglioni, R. (1938). \"Archaeological Finds in Hoifung District, China,\" The Hong Kong Naturalist, No. 8, 208-214.\n\n17. Maglioni, R. (1940). \"Archaeology: New Nomenclature,\" The Hong Kong Naturalist, X, No. 2, 130-133.\n\n18. Maglioni, R. (1940). \"Some Aspects of South China Archaeological Finds,\" Proceedings of the Third Congress of Prehistorians of the Far East, Singapore, 209-229.\n\n19. Maglioni, R. (1952). \"Archaeology in South China,\" Journal of East Asiatic Studies, No. 2, University of Manila, Philippine Islands, 1-20.\n\n20. Meanelly, E. (1962). \"Excavations at Man Kok Tsui on Lantau Island,\" Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 2, 103-108.\n\n21. Schofield, W. (1935). \"Implements of Palaeolithic Type in Hong Kong,\" The Hong Kong Naturalist, VI, Nos. 3-4, 272-275.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204943, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "44\n\nSIR JOHN BOWRING\n\n(No. 3.)\n\nCANTON, 29TH JUNE, 1855.\n\nDEAR SIR,\n\nIn respect to the question of the Population of China, I have nothing new of any general application to the subject. It would be a good service to the statistics of the race, for Hienfung to make out a general census, as his grandfather did, now forty-three years after the last.\n\nThe visits made to villages and towns in this prefecture since the breaking out of disturbances last June, have strengthened rather than diminished one's faith in the accuracy of the census. Large towns, like Shihlung, Kiúkiáng, Kinchuh, Fuhshán, Sintsiun, and others, have been found to contain even larger numbers than the representations of the Chinese had led one to believe. Fuhshán occupies even more ground than Canton, rather than less; and several observers agreed in estimating the portion which was burned last autumn as large as the entire western suburbs of Canton. Sintsiun is estimated at Half a Million, though data are wanted to confirm this figure. You will see a list of villages enumerated by Mr. Bonney in the Anglo-Chinese Calendars for 1852 and 1853, all of which were situated within a radius of two miles of Whampoa, or on Fa-té island, west of Macao passage. Few spots in the world maintain a denser population than the delta of Pearl River, nearly all of which is included in the prefecture of Kwangshan, which is about one-ninth of the whole province. Its density of population doubtless is greater than any other equal area in the whole province; for if the whole contained as many, the entire amount could hardly be less than thirty millions instead of nineteen millions as now reckoned.\n\nThe Registrar General must needs be content with an approximate estimate, from the nature of the case, our inability to make minute personal examination, and the lapse of time since the last general census. Hue, I see, estimates the combined population of Wúcháng, Hányáng, and Hánkau in Húpeh, at the high figure of Eight Millions, if I remember aright, for I have not the book to refer to; this is more than I have seen any one else reckon it. He", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204962, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "THE DIALECTS OF HONG KONG BOAT PEOPLE\n\n63\n\n10 In KS the zero final is found in syllables of only two types where an initial consonant occurs without a following vowel. These two types are /m2/ 'not' and several words /ng/, as in [ng6/ \"Ave.\n\n11 The semivowels are unnecessary in SC and many other Kwangtung Province dialects since there are no contrasts of the type /y/ versus /i/. The analysis here turns on factors which Hockett (1955, pp. 59-60) terms syllable juncture and a concomitant predictability of syllable boundaries. In most Cantonese dialects, with no atonic syllables, it is simplest to delimit the syllable to the domain of one tone and to analyse any difference between non-peak [y] and peak [i] as the allophonic variations of a single phoneme. Chao's decision to retain the semivowels may rest on requirements of his romanization system.\n\n12 This is a possible exception in a rime group predominantly /i/.\n\n13 There is evidence in KS, and some other Cantonese dialects such as Toishan, to suggest that syllables ending in -iek, -eng may be colloquial readings as opposed to literary readings in -ik, -ing/. For KS I did not turn up any double readings for the same word so this hypothesis remains to be tested, but in the speech of Toishan City we find contrast of the type /mieng3/ 'name', usually standing alone, and /men6/ for the same character in more formal compounds. The tone /3/ on the first example is a Toishan changed tone from the regular /6/. The Toishan contours are /3/ high rising and /6/ low level. Compare also SC.\n\n14 This is the only example I have of this syllable final and may well be a loan reading. I include it pending further investigation.\n\n15 /m2/ is a common negative in a number of southern Chinese dialects but it cannot be traced to a form in the ancient rime tables. In KS, as in SC, it is the only form in syllabic /m/.\n\n16 As an example of similarities, we have the forms developed by the loss of initial /ng/ before ho-k'ou finals giving readings such as KS /ui5/ \"outside\". Compare Tung Kun /wi/ cited by Yuan (1960, p. 204) and probably taken from Wang Li.\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\nNote: These titles include only those items referred to in this paper. An excellent and possibly definitive bibliography on the Boat People, including some language data, see Ho Ko-en, 'A Study of the Boat People', Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol. V. No. 1 and 2. Hong Kong 1959-60.\n\n1. Chao, Yuen Ren (1947). Cantonese Primer. Cambridge, Mass.\n\n2. (1951a), \"T'ai-shan Yu-Jiao Hsü-lun\" (Preface to Materials on the Toishan Dialect), Kuo-li Chung-yang-yen-chiu-yüan Li-shih-yü-yen yen-chiu-so Fuso-ch'ung Chi-nien-te-k'an (Bulletin of Academia Sinica, National Research Institute of History and Philology, Special Printing in Memory of Institute Director Fu). Taipei.\n\n3. (1951b). \"Tai-shan Yü-liao” (Materials on the Toishan Dialect), Kuo-li Chung-yang-yen-chiu-yüan Li-shih-yü-yen-yen-chiu-so Chi-k'an (Bull. of Academia Sinica, Nat. Res. Inst. of Hist. and Phil.), Vol. 23, Taipei.\n\n4. Egerod, Søren (1956). The Lungtu Dialect. Copenhagen.\n\n5. Hockett, Charles F. (1955). A Manual of Phonology. Baltimore, This book is Memoir 11 of the International Journal of American Linguistics.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204963, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 71, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "64\n\n6.\n\n7.\n\n8.\n\n9.\n\nJ. MCCOY (1958). A Course in Modern Linguistics. New York.\n\nWang, Li (1932). Une Prononciation Chinoise de Po-pei. Paris.\n\nand Ch'ien Sung-sheng (1949-50a), “Chu-chiang San-chiao-chou Fan-yin Tsung-lun\" (A General Discussion of Local Dialects in the Pearl River Delta), Ling-nan Hsüeh-pao (Lingnan Journal), Vol. 10, No. 2.\n\nand Ch'ien Sung-sheng (1949-50b). \"Tai-shan Fang-yin\" (The Toishan Dialect), Ling-nan Hsieh-pao (Lingnan Journal), Vol. 10, No. 2.\n\n10. Ward, Barbara E, (1954). \"A Hong Kong Fishing Village,\" Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol. 1, No. 1. Hong Kong.\n\n11. (1965). “Varieties of the Conscious Model, The Fishermen of South China,\" The Relevance of Models for Social Anthropology. London. From the Association of Social Anthropologists Monographs.\n\n12. Wong, S. L. (1963). Cantonese Conversation Grammar. Hong Kong.\n\n13. Yuan, Chia-hua, and others (1960), Han-yü-fang-yen Kai-yao (The Principal Features of Chinese Dialects). Peking.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204964, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "65\n\nTHE SOUTHERN SUNG STONE-ENGRAVING\n\nAT NORTH FU-T’ANG\n\nJEN YU-WEN\n\nOn the southern tip of the small peninsula, North Fu-t'ang (Pak Fat-t'ang), on the eastern shore of Junk Bay, lies a stone-engraving dating from the Southern Sung Dynasty, one of the most famous historic relics in Hong Kong. The vernacular name for this place is Ta-miao (Tai-miu), or \"Big Temple,\" because a temple of T'ien-hou (T'in-hou), or \"Heavenly Queen,” is situated there. About half-way up the hill just behind this Temple, is located the large rock, five feet high, ten feet wide and five feet thick, hidden in the thick brush. On its flat surface facing the south, there are 108 Chinese characters engraved in nine vertical lines with twelve characters each. Each character is about four square inches in size. The entire surface covering the engraving is four feet two inches wide and three feet nine inches high. The engraving was done in the tenth year of the reign of Hsien-hsun (Ham Shun) of the Emperor Tu Chung of the Southern Sung Dynasty (A.D. 1274) — the date given at the end of the inscription. Just three years before this date, two of the Emperor's sons, who later successively succeeded him to the throne, were fleeing from the pursuit of the Mongols and had landed on the western shore of Kowloon Bay at the historic spot subsequently named Sung Wong Toi.\n\nThis stone-engraving is recorded in the Chia-ch'ing (Ka Hing) edition of the Gazetteer of Hsin-an (Sun-on) District, but details of the historic relic are not given in its description. The Genealogical Record of the Lin (Lum) clan of P'u-kang (P'u-kong) village in Kowloon, however, contains a narration concerning the place, the Temple and the stone-engraving which is very helpful for studying the history of this historic relic. Unfortunately, many of the characters on the stone as transcribed therein are not correct, leaving the readers still in the dark regarding the real meaning of the original text. As a matter of fact, a few engraved characters on the rock have been partially worn-out so badly that it renders some lines absolutely unintelligible.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204965, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 73, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "66\n\n: JEN YU-WEN : \n\nIn the summer of 1958 a number of Chinese and Western historians, writers, poets, reporters and government officers accompanying the author, who had taken the principal interest in and had organized the research project, made three trips to the place to see and study the historic object. As a result of painstaking research and study, we are now able to decipher and read every character engraved there and to understand the exact meaning of the whole text. The full text is rendered more clearly on the opposite page.\n\nThe inscription and engraving were done by the Administrator of the salt field, Kuan-fu-ch'iang (Kwoon-fu-ch'eung) a place which is identified as present-day Kowloon Peninsula. The text describes the Administrator's full name and position, his visit to the site, the construction of the Stone Pagoda on South Fu-t'ang (the islet south of North Fu-t'ang now officially named Tung-lung Island), the repairing and renewing of these two places successively by several persons, the erection of another stone tablet (now disappeared), and finally, the elaborate repairs carried out by a local celebrity, Lin Tao-yi (Lum To-yi), who caused the text to be engraved on the rock on the aforementioned date.\n\nLin Tao-yi was also responsible for the construction of the Temple of T'ien-hou at North Fu-t'ang. The author, after visiting the place, had the privilege of being invited by some of his descendants in Kowloon to read their Genealogical Record mentioned above. It was found that Tao-yi's great-grandfather originally hailed from P'u-t'ien (P'o-t'in), South Fukien, and was the first ancestor of their clan to migrate to Kwangtung settling down in Kowloon sometime during the Southern Sung period. His own son had had two sons, Sung-chien (Ch'ung-kin) and Po-chien (P'ak-kin). The two brothers engaged in the transportation business with large sailing vessels between sea ports along the coast and Kowloon. Once while returning south they met with a typhoon near the Fu-t'ang gap. The ship was wrecked and sunk, but they held on to the matshed-cover of the ship which kept them floating. On the cover was a tablet of the Goddess Lin Ta-ku whom they had been worshipping aboard the ship. They tied their loosened hair to it and swam to South Fu-t'ang. Landing in safety they firmly believed that the Goddess had saved their lives and immediately made the matshed-cover", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204968, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 76, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "STONE ENGRAVING AT FU-T'ANG\n\n67\n\nher temporary temple. Since then other sailors passing by went ashore to worship her, who, they believed, gave them every protection at sea. Later, they collected a sum of money to build a permanent temple there. Sung-chien, the first beneficiary, had become wealthy by then and contributed the principal share of the construction fund. Still later, in the second year of the reign of Hsien-hsun (1266) the local people, because of superstition, thought that another temple should be built on the shore of North Fu-t'ang. Tao-yi, the only son of Sung-chien, responded and constructed a much more elaborate temple there. Besides, he composed a poem commemorating the event and had it inscribed on a stone tablet which was erected by the side of the new temple. This monument has long been lost, but the temple remains there till the present day, of course having been repaired from time to time during the past 700 years.\n\nIts name has also been changed since the Goddess has been bestowed by Emperors of successive dynasties with different honorable titles from the plain Lin Ta-ku to Tien-hou (Heavenly Queen) which was given her by the Emperor K'ang-hsi (Hong Hei) of early Ch'ing. According to the Gazetteer of Kwangtung this is the oldest temple of T'ien-hou along the coast of the Province. Eight years after its construction, Lin Tao-yi, having made another effort to renew the whole vicinity and repair the Temple, requested the Administrator of the Kuan-fu salt field to prepare the inscription which he had engraved on the rock.*\n\nThe stone-engraving has distinct cultural value. In the first place, for students of the history of the Southern Sung Dynasty, the reference to the construction of the Stone Pagoda at South Fu-t'ang in the fifth year of the reign of Emperor Chen Chung of the Northern Sung (A.D. 1012) is particularly of historical interest and significance. This is because when the two young sons of Tu Chung, who would become the last emperors of Sung\n\n* The Goddess was the sixth daughter of Lin Yuan (Lum Yun), an official in Fukien (892-946). It was alleged that she had an innate supernatural power and could perform miracles in saving people from drowning at sea. She died at the age of twenty and henceforth was worshipped by sailors as their patron goddess. See the author's study of her story in Sung Wong Toi, A Commemorative Volume (1960), Chüan 5, p. 279ff (in Chinese).\n\nFor the author's detailed studies of the engraved rock, see the same volume, pp. 151-154, 268-280, 284-290.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204969, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 77, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "68 \n\nJEN YU-WEN \n\nas stated above, left Kuan-fu-ch'iang on the way to Ch'uan-wan (Ch'uen-wan) on the western shore of Kowloon in the year A.D. 1277, they stopped over at a place by the name of Ku-t'a (Ku-t'ab), or \"Ancient Pagoda.\" This fact had been recorded in some historical books, but where and what this place is has never been known, Now, with the revelation from this stone-inscription plus certain statements in the Genealogical Record of the Lin clan definitely referring to the Stone Pagoda, a sound conclusion can be drawn to the effect that Ku-t'a is identical to the present-day South Fu-t'ang, the northern shore of Tung-lung Islet. It is further reinforced by the fact that, according to tradition, local people used to call the said Pagoda by the name of Ku-shih-t'a (Ku-shek-t'ab) or “Ancient Stone Pagoda\" which was later abbreviated to Ku-t'a. With the discovery of the missing link a very knotty problem in the study of the itinerary of the last two emperors of the Southern Sung is rationally solved at long last, For this the value of this stone-engraving to historical scholarship is most pronounced. \n\nSecondly, from the standpoint of archaeology, this stone-engraving, done 690 years ago (1274-1965), is the oldest historic relic with a definite date in Hong Kong and Kowloon. (The history of Sung Wong Toi began three years later than this and the three characters were not engraved there until the Yuan Dynasty. The ancient tomb in Li-cheng-wu (Lee-chang-uk) appears to have a longer history, but the date is uncertain.) \n\nThirdly, from the standpoint of literature, its diction and sentences are excellent and the narration of no less than eight events in only 108 characters is terse and elegant. As a stone inscription, it should be ranked as an exemplary piece of literature of its kind. Moreover, the calligraphy possesses beauty, gracefulness and strength, being typical of the Sung style and akin to the penmanship of the celebrated poet, Su Tung-p'o. \n\nLast of all, considered as a work of art, the craftsmanship of the engraving is highly commendable. The cutting is deep and sharp, and even after having been exposed to the elements for nearly 700 years, almost all of the engraved characters remain intact. \n\nIn conclusion, this historic relic should by all means be regarded as a distinctive feature in the cultural history of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205009, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "108\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nuse all over the country, including Peking, are ching1 cheng4, meaning 'compete, competition' and cheng4ch'a2, 'struggle'. \n\nThe character ch'a2 means 'verbose, slander'. But Goodrich's dictionary links it with tsui3 to mean 'interrupt in speaking' (page 5). This is wrong. The correct character is 1, meaning 'insert, drive into', which is also pronounced ch'a2, but written differently. \n\nDespite the great number of character entries, I have chanced to discover that a rather commonplace character t'o3 (oval, elliptical), is missing. Only the list of abbreviated characters at the end of the book gives this character and its abbreviated form, but, of course, not its meaning. \n\nAlso missing is the character when pronounced k'a3 and used in the expression 1 k'a3p'ien4 to mean ‘card' or 'visiting card'. \n\nAnother defect of the dictionary is that there exists some minor inconsistency in the romanization system. The circumflex accent which is seen over ‘e' in ‘ên' and ‘êng' in almost all cases such as chên, fên, hên, jên, kên, mên chêng, fêng hàng 'shen' on page 17, kêng, mêng, shêng, têng \n\nis missing in 'leng' on page 120 and 'neng' on page 143. \n\nFinally, there is a misprint on page xvii. The title at the top of the page should read \"A Group Of Four Cycles A.D. 1804 - 2043\" instead of \"A.D. 1804 - 2064\". There is a difference of 21 years. \n\nJOHN T. S. CHEN\n\nJOURNAL OF ORIENTAL STUDIES, Vol. V, Nos. 1 and 2 (1959 and 1960), Hong Kong University Press, 1965. \n\nTwo articles in the Chinese language for which English summaries are given form the beginning of this volume. Ho Ke-en submits his research on the origin and geographical distribution of the Tan Tribe (Tan Chia) on pp. 1-40. A shorter article by Jao Tsung-i deals with the \"Calligraphy in the Tun-huang Scrolls\" and is accompanied by twenty-four plates presenting examples of calligraphy concerning varied subjects. \n\nFive studies in the English language follow on pp. 45-173. Herbert V. Guenther begins his \"The Philosophical Background", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205026, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\nTHE TSANG'S BIG HOUSE IN SHATIN \n\n125 \n\nThe Tsang's Big House, with its bluish bricks, green tiles, thick walls, strong iron gate, and a history of more than 120 years, is probably the oldest building in Shatin. It is fifteen minutes' walking distance from Shatin Market. \n\nThe Big House has an interesting history, which can only be touched upon in this note. Its site was formerly a deserted sandy beach near a Shatin hillside. The house was built by Tsang Kwan-man, who had immigrated from his native town in Wu-wah (24) to settle in Shaukiwan on Hong Kong Island. There he established himself in the stone quarry business, and soon became rich. Tsang later moved from the island which was ceded to Britain to live in Shatin, which then belonged to the District of Pao-an under Chinese jurisdiction. \n\nTsang used coarse sand to reclaim the beach from the sea, and built the Big House on the reclaimed site. Strong solid stones were used for the foundation, and bluish bricks for the surrounding walls, which were then plastered with the ashes of grass roots. Although it was built in traditional style, it is said to be no less strong and solid than modern skyscrapers constructed by machinery. \n\nWhen the Big House was first completed, it was inhabited only by Tsang and his wife. However, they employed many servants and workers to exploit the virgin land in the vicinity for productive purposes. They gave birth to six sons, and the descendants multiplied. The Tsang family on this site is now in its sixth generation. \n\nDuring the reigns of Emperors Chien-lung and Chia-ching in the Ch'ing Dynasty, the Tsangs often contributed gold to the Government in return for official titles. These were limited to a certain rank in the officialdom, and did not carry any definite appointment in authority or official duty, being somewhat similar to the title of Justice of the Peace conferred by the Hong Kong Government. With the official title the Tsangs were entitled to hang a guilded board in their Big House with characters Ta-fu ti (✯✯✯) carved on it, meaning \"The residence of an official,” distinguishing it from the houses of commoners.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205049, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 5, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "CONTENTS\n\nPAGE\n\n1\n\nPresident's Report for 1965\n\nHON. TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1965\n\nTRANSACTIONS OF THE BRANCH, 1965-66:\n\nA Plea for a Regional Approach to Chinese History:\n\nThe Case of the South China Coast\n\nThe Five Great Clans of the New Territories\n\nARTICLES CONTRIBUTED:\n\n- Sino-Western Contacts Under the Mongol Empire\n\n- The Foreign Relations of Buddhism in Modern China\n\n* The Hanlin Academy in the Early Ch'ing Period (1644-1795)\n\nOld British Kowloon\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nJ. NOLDE\n\nH. BAKER\n\n6\n\n9\n\n25\n\nH. FRANKE\n\n49\n\nH. WELCH\n\nA. L. Y. CHUNG\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\n-\n\n73\n\n100\n\n120\n\n-\n\n138\n\n159\n\nLIST OF Members\n\n-\n\n172", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205052, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 8, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "May 24\n\nJune 21\n\nSeptember 27\n\nOctober 25\n\nNovember 22\n\nProfessor C. D. Cowan\n\nA Chronicler of Traditional Malay Society: the unpublished journals of Sir Frank Swettenham 1874-76\n\nColour Films\n\n\"Mekong\" (by courtesy of Shell Company of Hong Kong Ltd.)\n\n\"Mount Kinabalu\" (North Borneo)\n\n(by courtesy of the British Council)\n\nMr. leuan Hughes\n\nLL\n\nRecent Visit to China\n\nDr. J. R. Jones\n\n++\n\nW\n\nGiuseppe Castiglione (1688-1766) Italian Artist and Architect in the Court of Ch'ien-lung\n\nSir Lindsay Ride\n\nAn Introduction to Macau\"\n\nDecember 5 Macau Tour\n\nThe Journal continues to maintain its high standard both of interest and scholarship. Our thanks are due to Mr. Uhalley and his Editorial Board for their good work in bringing out Volume V after it had been delayed owing to the editorial changes last year. Volume VI is well under way and may be expected by the autumn.\n\nOur library continues to grow. Mr. F. A. Nixon was generous again and presented two rare and valuable books, and soon we shall have the books for which The Asia Foundation made a grant of $2,850 last year. It is unfortunate that we do not yet have a room of our own in which we can house our accumulation of books and where they can be consulted and studied. Our library is at present housed in the Hong Kong University in the care of our Hon. Librarian Mr. H. A. Rydings.\n\nDuring the last six years the Council has undergone few changes. Last year we lost Dr. W. C. G. Knowles who with Mrs. Knowles had been one of the Society's firmest and most loyal supporters from the outset. When he retired last July his place on the Council was filled by Mr. Kenneth W. Robinson who", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205058, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 14, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "A PLEA FOR A REGIONAL APPROACH TO CHINESE HISTORY:\n\nTHE CASE OF THE SOUTH CHINA COAST Based on A Lecture Delivered on 4th April, 1966\n\nJOHN J. NOLDE\n\nEver since men such as Thucydides, or Ssu-ma Ch'ien, began to collect, analyze, and interpret historical documents, they have been, from time to time, vexed by a series of nagging questions: How valid and authentic are the documents I have used? How closely does the portrait I have painted of the past correspond to the real world of the people who lived in that past? Have I, in fact, really described what was \"going on\"?\n\nOr to put the question the other way: Is there not always a danger that the historian may be led by his documents to create a picture of the past that is far too broad and general to have any relevance for the people living at that place and at that time? I wonder, for example, whether the studies of the coming of the Varangians to Russia in the ninth century have much to do with the lives and loves of the people then living along the Russian river system; or whether detailed analyses of the political structure of Renaissance Italy have much to do with the way the average Italian really lived. In short, if \"history is man's memory of what men have said and done\", to use Carl Becker's phrase, with what accuracy does the historian's tale reflect what was actually said and done? Is not the historian's view of the past not always in danger of being distorted by the zeitgeist of his own era (as Becker again would have it), and that what he may think important was of little consequence to those living at the time?\n\nI don't doubt that the certain Big Events are important, especially in terms of the extent to which they explain the general course of history, why the stream of history seemed to run in one direction and not another. Furthermore, I would be the first to agree that such events as the Pelopponesian Wars or the French Revolution did dominate the life and thoughts of the peoples living in those places at that time. But is this always, or even usually, the case?\n\nThe author is Dean of the College of Arts and Science at the University of Maine.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205059, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "10\n\nJOHN J. NOLDE\n\nThe problem of historical relevance is especially troublesome in the field of modern Chinese history, where, I suggest, three distortive forces have been at work.\n\nThe first of these has been the tendency to think of China as a single entity, a monolithic whole, as if it had the cohesiveness of an England or a France. One example is a recent book on local government which treats the problem in terms of all China throughout the entire Ch'ing period. Another study is concerned with the techniques of imperial control in rural China, and while the treatment is limited to the nineteenth century, the author attempts to bring all China within his scope, presumably from Kwangtung to Sinkiang and from Yunnan to Shantung.\n\nThe problem is, of course, that China is not a uniform whole. The differences between north and south China are vast indeed, and the Kwangtung fishing village is as unlike a Hopei farming community as the life of a Loire valley peasant differs from that of a Swiss herdsman. No one questions the fact that there are universals in Chinese history and culture: the written language, Confucianism, ancestor worship. But the differences are surely as great as the similarities, if not greater: linguistic variations, differences in economic organization, religious ceremonies and festivals that are peculiar to special areas, even racial differences. Important, too, is the attitude of the people themselves on this point. The northerner may still hold the southerner, especially the Cantonese, in some contempt, and the Cantonese still speak of people from other provinces as wai sheng jen, “outside province people”.\n\nA second distortive influence, and this is closely related to the first, has been to give Chinese history a \"north China slant”. There has been a tendency to assume that the cultural, linguistic, social patterns, indeed, the very history of the north, were typical of all China, and even if it is admitted that other areas differ widely from these patterns, it is somehow assumed that the other patterns are aberrations, variations from the ideal. Furthermore, there has been a tendency to think that the problems of north China were the problems of all China and that the troubles of Peking officialdom were somehow important in other parts of the empire.\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205062, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 18, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "REGIONAL APPROACH TO CHINESE HISTORY\n\n13\n\nHis luck ran out, however, in 1807, when he was caught in a typhoon off Luzon. Part of his fleet was destroyed and Cheng himself drowned.\n\nLeadership of the pirate fleet fell to Cheng's wife, a kind of early nineteenth-century Dragon Lady, who may have accompanied her husband on his forays. Her chief lieutenant was a young Hsin Hui buccaneer by the name of Chang Pao-tsai. Unkind rumour had it that Chang was more than the lady's \"chief lieutenant\".\n\nUnder the leadership of Chang and the wife of Cheng I, the pirate fleet expanded its activities. It was divided into three divisions, each with a commander. Raids on coastal shipping were carried out with dispatch and precision, each division having been assigned specific areas of the coast. By 1810, Chang's fleet numbered six to seven hundred vessels, manned by as many as thirty to forty thousand men.\n\nNor were they concerned with just coastal shipping. No village or town along the coast was safe. Chang was apparently able to land elements of his navy at will at any bay or harbour from Mirs Bay to Hainan and as far up the river as Whampoa. There are differing accounts as to what his methods and motives really were. Some accounts, probably somewhat romanticized, make Chang out to be a kind of Chinese nautical Robin Hood, landing his men and appearing at village gates only to replenish their supplies of food and water, treating the people with kindness and honesty and refraining from terror. On the other hand, local histories record that more than one village was left in ashes and more than a little blood was spilled.\n\nWhatever way Chang Pao-tsai carried on his raids, the fact remains that the Ch'ing government was powerless against him. Time and again units of the Imperial fleet were sent in search of Chang's navy, only to return empty-handed and usually badly mauled. Once, in 1809, the Imperial navy did succeed in trapping a portion of Chang's fleet off Lantau, but clever seamanship and greater and more efficient firepower enabled him to break through without much damage.\n\nFinally, in 1810, the authorities resorted to the old political expedient... \"if you can't beat 'em, join 'em\". Governor-General", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205065, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 21, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "16\n\nJOHN J. NOLDE\n\nFirst of all, it is generally agreed that Imperial authority throughout the empire had begun to weaken during the latter years of the eighteenth century. After the era of the great Ch'ien-lung emperor, China was governed by two rather weak rulers. The sale of offices increased markedly in the latter part of the Chia-ching period and continued throughout that of Tao-kuang. Provincial authorities were being held in more and more contempt by the local populace and the gentry. We have, in short, a typical example of the setting in of a traditional dynastic decline. The mandate of heaven was running out for the Ch'ing Dynasty, and nowhere is this usually more apparent than in the outer reaches of the empire... the areas farthest from the Imperial center of power. Especially was this true in an area such as Kwangchou, with its linguistic, racial, and economic uniqueness. My guess is that Imperial control in Kwangchou had at best always been tenuous. Now it was almost non-existent,\n\n17\n\nSecondly, Kwangchou, during the 1820's and 1830's, suffered a series of severe natural calamities. In 1822 a disastrous fire swept Canton itself, doing incalculable damage. Beginning in the late 1820's catastrophic floods ravaged the area. In 1829 high tides \"to a degree unprecedented in the memory of the oldest inhabitant\", flooded the provincial city and swept away villages. Hundreds were drowned, and the rice crop was largely destroyed. An English-language journal reported that \"the loss of property far exceeds the sum of that sustained at the great fire of 1822\". The most serious of these disasters occurred during the summers of 1833 and 1834. Torrential rains raised the level of the rivers as much as ten feet above normal. Boats were reported navigating the streets of Canton. In July, 1833 10,000 lives were reported lost, 1,000 in the large town of Fushan alone. Most of the rice crop was lost in 1833 and the destruction of the mulberry-plantation-dykes in the southern part of Nan Hai Hsien resulted in the loss of the silk crop. The latter disaster would, of course, have long-range consequences. In September, 1833 the crew of the ship-wrecked vessel Bee, returning overland to Canton, reported \"the greatest possible distress among the inhabitants and a destruction of property such as has not been witnessed for many years\". The flood of 1834 was even worse and the loss of property and damage to the rice crop exceeded that of the previous", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205066, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 22, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "REGIONAL APPROACH TO CHINESE HISTORY\n\n17\n\nyear. So serious was the rice shortage that the Chinese officials were put in the humiliating position of having to ask the westerners if they would import rice from the south.21 To make matters worse, even the temperature played unkind tricks on the suffering people, for the local histories record a number of cold spells and heavy snow falls during these years.22 Both Chinese and western sources describe the swarms of beggars in and around Canton. In 1834 The Canton Register estimated the number of beggars in Canton at 5,000 and “it may be even twice that number.”23\n\nIs there any wonder that banditry and brigandage were abroad in the land?\n\nFinally, there was the opium traffic, and here the \"foreign impact\" may have had some relevance for the area. It is generally thought that since the traffic was illegal, it caused a significant outflow of silver. This, in turn, is believed to have brought about a decline in the value of copper “cash” in terms of silver and thus a general inflationary trend. Furthermore, since land taxes were fixed in terms of silver, the amount of \"cash\" required for taxes would, of course, have been increased. The effect of this upon the lower income groups is obvious. In addition, the traffic itself in this kind of smuggling operation must have had a powerful attraction for every pirate and brigand along the river and coast, and may have been a major cause of the increase of this kind of activity during the 1830's.\n\nIn short, there existed in this part of Kwangtung province all the ingredients that usually go into the making of open revolt and rebellion: a weak and discredited government, a series of unforeseen natural calamities, a disintegrating economy, and an alarming spread of banditry (which, of course, fed upon the first three).\n\nThis, then, was what was \"going on\" along the Canton River during these years. The foreigner and his trade were only a small part of the picture. In fact, I would hazard a guess that the Ch'ing Government's determination to stamp out the opium trade in 1839 was not so much an effort to eliminate opium as such but was, rather, a drastic attempt to do something to help restore order and authority in the land. Opium was only a part of a much", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205069, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 25, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "20\n\nJOHN 1. NOLDE\n\nof the six Englishmen, no one can deny that they did venture into the country-side in December, 1847, and that their bodies were found in the river several days later. But no one knows exactly what happened. They may have brought the attack on themselves by an ill-considered use of fire-arms, or they may have blundered into some kind of inter-village, or inter-clan, feud. In any case, we don't know that they were murdered simply because they were foreigners.\n\n30\n\nAs to the events of 1849, it may well be that they were organized not so much to keep the foreigner out of the city per se but to prevent serious rioting and looting within the city, which, the authorities well knew, could, and probably would, be turned against themselves. The presence of the barbarian with his goods and gold within the walls would attract every villain and trouble-maker for miles around.\n\nThe problem of the 1840's was the same as that which existed in the previous two decades: the continuing erosion of Imperial authority.\n\nChinese documents, most of them un-official, suggest a pattern of turmoil and tumult even exceeding that of the 1820's and 1830's. Triad outbreaks occurred in 1843 in the districts of Tung-kuan and Hsun-teh. In the latter, in December, \"above a hundred were killed and several hundred wounded\".31 Hsiang-shan district witnessed a serious Triad disturbance in 1844, as did P'an-yu in 1845.32 A high Chinese official, home on leave in Hsiang-shan reported that brigands ran wild in the White Cloud Mountains northeast of Canton and that the authorities were unable, or unwilling, to act.33 In 1846 the yamen of the prefect of Kwang-chou was attacked and looted.1⁄4 So serious had the situation become by that year that the Governor-General called a meeting of his chief advisors to discuss the matter. Apparently little was done, for it is reported that in 1847 a bandit chief in Hsiang-shan had gathered together more than 10,000 men and had established a \"puppet government\".35 One account notes that in 1847 and 1848 members of unlawful societies in hundreds and thousands, \"carrying tents and armed with swords\", were terrorizing the districts north of Canton.36 At the height of the \"entry\" crisis of 1849, Governor Yeh Ming-ch'en reported to Peking that should the foreigner be permitted to enter the city troublemakers", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205072, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 28, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "REGIONAL APPROACH TO CHINESE HISTORY\n\n23\n\nThis may violate some of the basic principles of the historian's craft. It means going beyond the documents, or at least reading into them interpretations which the documents per se may not warrant. It means reading between the lines. It may even mean attributing significance to the fact that a document does not exist. It means applying the principles of anthropology, sociology, agricultural economics, even psychology to events which occurred many years ago.\n\n....a tricky procedure at best.\n\nBut it may, in the end, bring us closer to what \"really happened\" than has heretofore been the case.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Ch'ü Tung-tsu, Local Government under the Ch'ing, Cambridge, 1962.\n\n2 Hsiao Kung-chuan, Rural China: Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century, Seattle, 1960.\n\n3 These are the districts (hsien) of Nan-hai, P'an-yü #, Hsun-teh 顺德, Tung-kuan 东莞, Hsin-an 新安, and Hsiang-shan 香山,\n\n4 Cf. M. Greenberg, British Trade and the Opening of China, London, 1951; P. C. Kuo, A Critical Study of the Opium War, New York, 1935; H. P. Chang, Commissioner Lin and the Opium War, Cambridge, 1964; etc.\n\n5 For account of this pirate's exploits see C. F. Neumann, History of the Pirates Who Infested the South China Sea from 1807 to 1810, London, 1831. This is a translation of a Chinese work entitled Ching-hai fen-chih 靖海氛志 by Yuan Yung-lun 阮永纶\n\n6 The Indo-Chinese Gleaner, July, 1821,\n\n7 The Canton Register, July 26, 1828.\n\n8 The Chinese Repository, June, 1834, p. 83.\n\n9 The Canton Register, February 18, 1828,\n\n10 Ibid., October 3, 1829.\n\n11 Ibid., December 12, 1829 and September 6, 1830.\n\n12 The Chinese Repository, June, 1832, p. 80.\n\n13 The Canton Register, March 8, 1828.\n\n14 The Chinese Repository, April, 1836, p. 566.\n\n15 Ibid.\n\n16 Ibid.\n\n17 Kwang-chou fu chih (广州府志), Canton, 1879 ed., chuan 81, p. 286.\n\n18 The Canton Register, June 18, 1829,\n\n19 For details see pertinent issues of The Chinese Repository, The Chinese Courier; The Canton Register; Kwang-chou fu chih, p. 306.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205073, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 29, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "24\n\nJOHN J. NOLDE\n\n20 The Canton Register, October 24, 1833.\n\n21 The Chinese Courier, September 14, 1833.\n\n22 Nan-hai hsien chih (*), 1910 ed., chuan 2, p. 52a. Hsum-teh hsien chih (MRA), 1853 ed., chuan 31, p. 20b.\n\n23 The Canton Register, May 20, 1834.\n\n24 The Chinese Repository, April, 1838, pp. 593-605.\n\n25 Italics mine,\n\n26 For the standard treatment see J. K. Fairbank, Trade and diplomacy on the China Coast, 1842-1854, Cambridge, 1953; Tong tekong, American Diplomacy in China, Seattle, 1964; E. Swisher, China's Management of the American Barbarians, New Haven, 1953.\n\n27 For details see pertinent British Blue Books such as Papers relating to riot at Canton in July, 1846..., 1847; Papers relating to murder of six Englishmen, 1848; Correspondence respecting insults in China..., 1857; etc. For the episode of 1849, see J. Nolde, \"The False Edict of 1849\", Journal of Asian Studies, May, 1961, pp. 299-315.\n\n+\n\n-\n\n28 Papers relating to murder....\n\n... PP. 17-18.\n\n29 The Chinese Repository, June, 1847, p. 320.\n\n+ 1\n\n30 The Foreign Office archives in the Public Record Office in London contain much material on this case which is not included in the published documents.\n\n31 G. W. Cooke, China: ..., London, 1858, p. 435. This is a translation by Thomas Wade of a memorial by the Chinese official Tseng Wang-yen 曾望颜.\n\n32 Ibid., p. 436.\n\n33 Ibid., p. 439.\n\n34 Ch'ou-pan i-wu shih-mo (*), Peking, 1930, chuan 75, pp. 11a-12b, 13a-14b; The Chinese Repository, January, 1846, pp. 51-52.\n\n35 Kwang-chou fu chih, 81, p. 43b.\n\n36 Cooke, p. 440.\n\n37 I-wu shih-mo, 79, pp. 46b-47a,\n\n38 G. Fox, British Admirals and Chinese Pirates, London, 1940, p. 92.\n\n39 Ibid., p. 94-95.\n\n40 J. C. D. Hay, The Suppression of Piracy in the China Sea, London, 1889, passim.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205094, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "THE FIVE GREAT CLANS\n\n45\n\n63 Ibid., In fact there was a second geomancer (of the eighth generation) cooperating in this plan,\n\n64 松柏朗\n\n65 Grant, op. cit., figs. VI(e) and (f). These figures also point to one of the mysteries of the New Territories—the settlement of the very rich upper half of the Lam Tsuen Valley by Hakka lineages, a phenomenon which denies the usual pattern of Punti monopoly of first-class land.\n\n66 Ibid., fig. IV(a).\n\n67 Ibid., fig. I(c), and p. 2. For a map see K.M.A. Barnett, \"Hong Kong before the Chinese” in JHKBRAS, Vol. 4, 1964.\n\n68. This moribund market was revived in 1925, and has thriven since 1949.\n\n69 元朗儅爐.\n\n70 大埔舊墟\n\n71 See Robert G. Groves, “The Origins of Two Market Towns in the New Territories\" in Aspects of Social Organisation in the New Territories, HKBRAS, Hong Kong, 1965, p. 17.\n\n72 Ibid., p. 18.\n\n73 For a brilliantly worked out study of marketing systems of this sort see G. William Skinner, “Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China” in The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. XXIV, Nos. 1-3, 1964-5.\n\n74 For some other ways in which they made the markets pay, see Groves, op. cit., page 18.\n\n75 See J. W. Hayes, \"The Pattern of Life in the New Territories in 1898\", JHKBRAS, Vol. 2, 1962, for an incomplete list of markets operative at the time. Sha Tau Kok and Shek Wu Hui are notable omissions.\n\n76.\n\n77 坑頭村-\n\n78 See, for example, Freedman, op. cit., pp. 66ff,\n\n79***. But they are often more in the nature of 'leaders' than 'representatives', a fact which is recognised in the title by which the villagers more commonly address them HE.\n\n80 The festival of Chung Yeung.\n\n81 Called ch'i l'ong.\n\n82 荃灣.\n\n83 See J. M. Potter, Ping Shan: the Changing Economy of a Chinese Village in Hong Kong, micro-filmed thesis for the degree of Ph.D. at the University of California at Berkeley, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1964.\n\n84 or T.\n\n85 As witness an incident a few years ago in San Tin, where, in an adultery case, a man was condemned by the villagers to drowning in a pig-basket in the pond. Timely intervention by the police was all that saved him,\n\n86 Rightly or wrongly the view persists in the rural areas that no contact with authority is good contact.\n\n87 A.\n\n88 FA. They are mentioned under the name of Sia-wu in Chen Han-seng, Agrarian Problems in Southernmost China, 1936.\n\n89 Quite what brought about the disappearance of this institution is not clear to me. Certainly it was not interference from the Government of Hong Kong, as witness the report by J. Russell dated 18th July 1886 and appended", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205100, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "SINO-WESTERN CONTACTS\n\n51\n\nsurviving specimen of a Middle Mongolian literary text, and an invaluable source on the customs and mores of the Mongols in their early formative period, has a lot to tell about the feuds and struggles of steppe tribes. But it remains singularly uninformative about the countries outside Mongolia. The campaigns against Russia, for example, are mentioned only in the most laconic terms. It is said in No. 274 \"they destroyed the towns of Ejil, Jayah and Meget\". Of these three only Meget, modern Mzcheti near Tiflis, is a town, whereas Ejil and Jayah are names of rivers—the Volga and the Ural respectively. And later similar confusion reigns between names of tribes and towns—the text mentions the \"population of towns like Asut, Sesut, Bolar and Man-Kerman Kiwa\". Asut are the As, the Ossetes; Sesut are probably the Saqsin; Bolar the Volga Bulgars; and Man-Kerman Kiwa means in Turkish the \"great town Kiwa\" which might refer to Sugdaq near Kaffa in the Crimea raided by the Mongols in 1223. All this shows a grandiose unconcern over countries that, after all, had become parts of the Mongol empire.\n\nThe situation is not very different if we turn to the Chinese sources. The dynastic history of the Yuan, Yuan-shih, compiled in 1368-1369 from existing records does not contain much on those parts of Asia that, at some time under Kublai Khan, had belonged to him who was also emperor of China. The compilers and historiographers whose work finally resulted in the Yuan-shih as we have it were mostly Chinese, and their attitude in writing a dynastic history was as a matter of course centered on China. It is perhaps significant that in the section reserved for foreign states in the Yuan-shih we find only entries of those countries which had always had ambassadorial contacts and so-called \"tribute\" relations with China, countries like North and South Korea, Japan, Annam, Burma and Champa. These were immediate neighbors of China. No special chapters were written on other Western states, even if they were dominated by Mongols—countries such as Persia or the Golden Horde or the Chagatai dominion of Central Asia. If they sent embassies or notifications the records must be looked for in the annalistic section (pen-chi). There are, it is true, a few data on Western Asia and even Russia scattered through the Yuan-shih, but they are extremely scanty. There is an appendix on the Western Regions to the section of political geography (YS ch. 63) where the kingdom of Uzbeg.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205104, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 60, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "SINO-WESTERN CONTACTS\n\n55\n\nthere, one which it takes one month to cross, the other one whole year. Their ships are so big that they can hold between 50 and 100 men. These people presented a wine beaker made from the egg-shell of a sea bird. If one poured wine into it the wine became warm immediately... The emperor was very pleased that these people had come from so far and gave them liberal gifts of gold and textiles.\n\nThis is quite an extraordinary story. But it is, in more than one way, typical of most descriptions of foreign countries in the Middle Ages. It is always the fanciful and fantastic that is given predominant attention, and travellers seem always to have made a point of telling yarns that they knew would impress their foreign listeners. This entire problem of cosmography in the Middle Ages, European and Chinese, cannot be understood without investigating some of the basic underlying concepts that invariably show up in descriptions of regions and peoples at the end of the world. The unknown is full of marvels, of mirabilia and portenta. But there is equally, as a rule, some factual basis for even the most fantastic notion, distorted as it is by transmission and tainted by preconceived concepts about the world. I should add here in an aside that the description of the Mongols in the European medieval Latin sources shows the gradual transition from the apocalyptic Gog and Magog concepts, derived from late Hellenistic lore, to the sober accounts of the travellers and missionaries. The Franks at Kublai Khan's court evidently tried to impress their Mongol and Chinese hosts by some tall stories. But there are certainly a few factual data that can help to elucidate this curious report. The reference to the constant daylight seems to imply that these people came from Northern Europe because of the short summer nights there. In my opinion these blonde and blue-eyed men were traders from either the Scandinavian countries or, which seems even more probable, from some Northern trading center like Novgorod. It remains a question what is meant by the two seas they had to cross. Did they reach Shang-tu by sea, that is via the Indian Ocean? Or are the two seas the Mediterranean and the Black Sea, or the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea? We do not know and perhaps never shall. The curious remark about flies and mosquitoes being born from wood reminds one strongly of the Medieval European notion, derived from Aristotle, according to which insects like flies and fleas come from wood.3\n\nPage 60\n\nPage 61", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205106, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "SINO-WESTERN CONTACTS\n\n57\n\nwith Chinese technique and art forms. This stone is so far the \"sole material monument\" of the Franciscan mission in medieval China. It has been suggested that there might exist another one. Christian tombstones from Ch'üan-chou were published some years ago, and it has been thought that the language on one of them is Latin. It must be Christian because the inscription begins with the sign of the Cross, but the attempt to read it as Latin and to regard it as the tomb inscription for Andrew of Perugia, the third suffragan bishop of Zayton — modern Ch'üan-chou — does not seem convincing. The only thing that can be said with certainty is that the inscription is not in Syriac script.5\n\nThere is, however, another mission from the West that reached China and where even the dynastic history of the Yuan has recorded their arrival. It is that of the papal envoy Giovanni da Marignolli, Bishop of Bisignano. A medieval manuscript in Prague has recorded the Western part of the story. This embassy, if we may call it that, was occasioned by a letter from some Alan Christians in China dated 11th July 1336. Some of the senders can be identified with persons mentioned in Chinese sources of the period. The Pope, Benedict XII, answered with a letter dated 13th June 1338, and Giovanni da Marignolli left Avignon — the papal see in those years — in December 1338. He travelled first to Constantinople and proceeded from there to the Crimea and the court of Uzbeg, Khan of the Golden Horde. Another station was Almaliq in Central Asia. Finally the papal envoy reached Khanbaliq (Peking) and was presented to the Emperor, Shun-ti. Giovanni presented the emperor with gifts, among them a Western horse. After a few years in China the envoy went back to Europe via India and reached Avignon in 1353. The Chinese annals have recorded the exact date of the audience when Giovanni met Shun-ti, or, to call him by his Mongol name, Togon Temur; it was August 19, 1342. The Chinese dynastic history calls the country Fu-lang, another way of transcribing the name of the Franks, that is, the Europeans. However, Giovanni's name and that of the Pope, are not mentioned by the Yuan-shih. In any case, this embassy seemed so important to the compilers of the dynastic history that they recorded it, and this means something because the basic documents for Togon Temur's reign were already lost at the time of the compilation of the Yuan-shih so that the annals for his reign are notoriously incomplete. But even so it does not seem", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205107, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 63, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "58\n\nHERBERT FRANKE\n\nas if the court historiographers and recorders recognized the importance of the mission. The Western horse, at least, impressed Mongols and Chinese alike. It was, if not one of the Flemish battle horses, certainly much bigger and stronger than the native breed of horses familiar to the Mongols. The court painter Chou Lang was commissioned to paint a portrait of the horse. This painting was still extant in the eighteenth century when the Jesuit Father Gaubil saw it; the Catalog of the Imperial Collections compiled in 1815 lists it. There is no trace of that painting left, but in a time when so many and sometimes stunning discoveries are made in China and Chinese archives we should not give up all hope of tracing this pictorial evidence of Giovanni da Marignolli's embassy. Apart from painting, there are many passages in fourteenth-century Chinese literature where allusion is made to the gift of Western horses to the emperor. Many poets of that time wrote poems praising this kingly gift and extolling the horse which, as one poet says, stood out like a camel among the other horses in the Imperial stables. At least a full dozen writers can be found who considered this horse important enough to be the subject of a poem. Almost invariably, allusion is made to the famous \"Heavenly Horses\" brought to China under the Han Dynasty from the Western Regions by Chang Ch'ien. Then, as under Shun-ti, the gift of a Heavenly Horse was regarded as an auspicious omen for the Imperial house and the emperor in particular. All this is completely in accordance with Chinese tradition. If far-distant countries send tribute, this shows that the Mandate of Heaven truly extends to the end of the inhabited world. One wonders what Giovanni da Marignolli would have thought, being the representative of the Vicar of Christ on earth, if he had known that his embassy served as the subject for a display of Sinocentric sentiment and an exhibition of pro-dynastic loyalty. The lucky omen of the Heavenly Horses turned out to be of not much avail, however. A few decades later, the emperor had to flee to the Mongolian steppes when the Ming troops took Peking. It remains, nevertheless, quite surprising that so many Chinese poets (there is hardly a non-Chinese among them) went to the length of writing hymns of praise of the dynasty when nobody forced them to, and it seems that at least among the literati, there was not yet much anti-dynastic and anti-Mongol feeling. In any case, it is striking how much this incident is treated in literature in a traditional Chinese way.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205108, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "SINO-WESTERN CONTACTS\n\n59\n\nand that the foreign country of Fu-lang itself did not arouse any curiosity among the writers. Europe, in any case during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, remained unknown to the Chinese. It was not until the arrival of the Portuguese, and, a little later, of the Jesuit missionaries in the sixteenth century that the two worlds were brought into closer contact. This relative disinterest in foreign countries is paralleled 100 years earlier by the poems of Yeh-lü Ch'u-ts'ai. He had been in Khwarezmia (today Russian Turkestan) with Chingis Khan's armies and wrote a number of poems on Western subjects. If one would put it in a flippant way, one would have to say that Yeh-lü in his poems seems to have been impressed not by the proud mosques and the ancient culture of that region but mostly by the grape wine and the water melons that were grown in Khwarezmia.\n\nIf we take the word Western in a broader sense than just European and include the Near East, then we find for the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries much more detailed information on \"Westerners\" and their influence on activities in China. Islamic civilization had some impact on China under the Mongols, and we have seen that certainly geography in China was flourishing, incorporating data on the non-Chinese world taken from Arab sources. The geographical interest of the Mongol court is also reflected in Kublai Khan's attempts to discover the sources of the Yellow River. Expeditions were sent and the reports that can be found in the dynastic history and also in another, private source the Cho-keng lu, printed in 1366 are a valuable source for the historical geography of the Ch'ing-hai region and Eastern Tibet. Islam had, of course, reached China much earlier, that is, under the T'ang in the eighth and ninth centuries A.D., but it was under the Mongol rulers that Muslims began to take part in Chinese life to a greater extent. The Muslim contribution to Chinese civilization under the Yüan seems to have been chiefly in the fields of science. Astronomy was highly developed in the Islamic countries. After the Mongols had conquered Iraq and Persia, not a few Muslim scholars went to China. A center for astronomy was the observatory in Maraghah (Azerbaijan) founded in or about 1258. Under the Ilkhan Hulagu or his successor a Marāghah astronomer, Jamal ad-Din, was dispatched to China with what may be called blue-prints for astronomical instruments. We find their Persian-Arabic names and a short description of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205112, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "SINO-WESTERN CONTACTS\n\n63\n\ntestify to their Oriental origin, such as the lute (from Arabic al-lūt, \"wood”), and even in our century we have witnessed the spread of Negro jazz over the whole world. A similar development took place in China, and there are many passages in Yüan literature where foreign music and musicians are mentioned.15 In this connection we should perhaps save from oblivion the name of one of these musicians from the Near East. We find her name in the Ch'ing-lou chi “Records from the Green Bowers\", an anonymous work dated 1364 which gives a list of the most popular courtesans under the Yüan, together with a description of their accomplishments. Among these ladies of easy virtue we find one solitary girl from the Western Regions mentioned among her many Chinese professional sisters. She was a Mohammedan girl by the name of Miliha (or Maliha) praised for her sweet and clear voice and her skill in singing. She was, alas, not beautiful, but we are told that she was a superb theatrical performer. The author of the book once made her acquaintance and was duly impressed by her acting.16\n\nThere must have been many influences from Near Eastern folklore that reached China under the Yüan. I shall quote here only two examples. A well-known Near Eastern folk-tale motif, that of the honest loser, the greedy finder and the Solomonic judge, can be traced both in European medieval and Chinese literature. It reached Europe via Spain through the Disciplina Clericalis of Petrus Alfonsi of Toledo (thirteenth century A.D.), a work which contains many Arab stories and anecdotes that subsequently became immensely popular in the West. Boccaccio has not a few stories from the Disciplina Clericalis in his Decamerone and also at least one motif in Shakespeare's Merchant of Venice, that of the three caskets, comes from that source. The story of the loser, the finder and the judge can be found in European literature in many versions, the classical German version being J. P. Hebel's \"Der kluge Richter\". In China we find this story in a text dated 1360. Here the story is set in a typical Chinese environment and being given some additional touches typical of China. The most interesting feature is, however, that the Chinese text does not present the anecdote as a mere story but as a historical event. The clever judge to whom the final solution of the case is entrusted was a perfectly real person, a circuit prefect from Kiangsi Province. This shows the Chinese tendency to attach literary clichés and even,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205113, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "64\n\nHERBERT FRANKE\n\nas in this case, fictional material to real persons. Their original personality image as given in the texts is therefore often obscured by a veil of conventional and sometimes even interchangeable topoi.17\n\nThe second example concerns a Yüan Dynasty play, the Sha-kou ch'üan-fu “To Kill a Dog in order to Admonish the Husband”. It could be shown that the plot of this play goes back to Near Eastern folk tale motif, that of the two brothers and the testing of their friendship. Also in this play the whole background is entirely Chinese, and at least one of the persons on the stage was a historical figure, a famous judge of the Sung Dynasty. But the similarity between the plot of the play and the Near Eastern folk tale (which also spread to Europe) is so close that allogeny, to use this term here, is ruled out. We may therefore assume that the story itself somehow found its way to China in Sung or Yüan times, and was adapted to a play.18 It is not impossible that other plays of the Yüan period will show similar influences in subject matter, but it would be premature to say anything definite because the study of Yüan plays has hardly begun in the West.\n\nTurning away from the more popular literature written in colloquial language to the traditional literary genres in the written language, we can be very brief. The literary activities of non-Chinese under the Yüan have long ago been studied by Ch'en Yüan who published his researches in 1923 and 1927, and Professor L. C. Goodrich has recently dealt with this problem, taking into account the pioneer work by Ch'en Yüan.19 Under the Yüan many writers of non-Chinese origin distinguished themselves as poets in Chinese and authors of Chinese works in general. This applies not only to Mongols, Uighurs and other Central Asians but also to Near Eastern Mohammedans and Christians. We have, under the Yüan, authors by the name of Sa’d-ad-daula, of Ya-ku (Jacob), of Shams, of Sadr and many others. In other cases the foreign names had been replaced by Chinese family names. One example is the case of Ting Hao-nien (1335-1424), who adopted the Chinese clan name Ting which sounded similar to the frequent Islamic appellation ad-Dīn “of the Faith” (e.g., Saif ad-Din, “Sword of the Faith”). One Nestorian Christian family called itself Ma which might be an approximate rendering of Syriac Mar, Master. They were of Turkish origin, coming from the Önggüt tribe that", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205114, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "SINO-WESTERN CONTACTS\n\n65\n\nhad been converted to Christianity somewhere in the eleventh or twelfth century. Christian tombs of Önggüt tribesmen have been discovered in Inner Mongolia near Olon Süme and in Ch’üan-chou (Fukien), mostly with Turkish inscriptions, in some cases also accompanied by a Chinese version of the inscription text. But whether Nestorian Christian, Uighur, or Mohammedan Arabs or Persians, all these foreigners became Chinese in a cultural sense. One would look in vain for traces of their foreign origin in their literary works. If they wrote Chinese poems, then these poems are indistinguishable from those written by native Chinese, much as in Medieval Europe when a poet wrote in Latin and thereby obscured his national characteristics. It is amazing to what degree this rapid acculturation was carried out in China. One could perhaps assume that members of a national community which had not yet developed a national literature of its own were easily attracted by Chinese literature; this would apply to the Mongols and some Turkish tribes. But it remains a singular phenomenon that even foreigners coming from a highly civilized country with a considerable literature of their own, such as Arabs or Persians, were so soon absorbed by Chinese literary culture. Nothing in the poems of Sa'd ad-Daula suggests even the slightest trace of a foreign origin. As a typical example, let me quote one poem by Jacob, Ya-ku, in Goodrich's translation:\n\n44\n\nThe path to the plum blossoms is short; snow has been falling. The ripples on the water are as smooth as peach leaves; it is favorable for ferrying across the river.\n\nOne whistle of a metal flute pierces the air above a thousand moonlit homes.\n\nTen reed matting sails ride before a wind of a myriad li.\"\nNothing could be more Chinese than these lines. And they are typical for the poetry written by foreigners. Things are similar in prose literature and philosophy. Foreigners tried to be as Confucian as possible, writing commentaries to the Classics and trying to live up to traditional Chinese ideals. And if they painted, their works were equally Chinese. At least one famous Yüan painter, Kao K'o-kung (1248-ca. 1310) came from the Western Regions, or rather his family did. He was born in Ta-t'ung (Shansi Province), rose to high offices, and became ultimately President of the Board of Justice. Kao was chiefly known as a landscape painter who carried on the tradition of Mi Fu and Tung Yuan, two famous", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205121, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 77, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "72\n\nHERBERT FRANKE\n\nNOTES\n\n1 On Europe and Europeans as mentioned in Chinese sources, see H. Franke in Saeculum, Vol. II (1951), pp. 65-75.\n\n2 W. Fuchs, The Mongol Atlas of China by Chu Ssu-pen, Peiping, 1946, Monumenta Serica Monographs, No. 8; J. Needham, Science and Civilization in China, Vol III, pp. 555-556.\n\n3 H. Franke in Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 112 (1962), pp. 228-232 (review of Leonardo Olschki, Marco Polo's Asia).\n\n4 Francis A. Rouleau, \"The Yangchow Latin Tombstone as a Landmark of Medieval Christianity in China\", Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 17 (1954) pp. 346-365.\n\n5 John Foster, \"Crosses from the Walls of Zaitun\", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1954, pp. 1-25. (pl. XII).\n\n6 Saeculum, Vol. II (1951), p. 74-75.\n\n7 J. Needham, op. cit., Vol. III, pp. 167-382.\n\n8 See for example, H. Franke, Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte Chinas unter der Mongolenherrschaft, Wiesbaden 1956, p. 34 (Nestorian surgeon).\n\n9 J. Needham, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 381, note (c).\n\n10 A. C. Moule, \"The Siege of Saianfu and the Murder of Achmach Bailo\", Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 58 (1927), pp. 1-28; Vol. 59 (1928), pp. 256-257.\n\n11 J. Needham, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 141.\n\n12 Yüan-shih ed. K'ai-ming, ch. 190, p. 6565, II/III. For the Ho-fang t'ung-i see Ts'ung-shu chi-ch'eng, Vol. 1486.\n\n13 A. C. Moule, op. cit.\n\n14 R. Loewenthal, \"The Nomenclature of Jews in China\", Monumenta Serica, Vol. XII (1947), p. 113.\n\n15 H. G. Farmer, \"Reciprocal Influences in Music 'twixt the Far and Middle East\", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1934, pp. 327-342.\n\n16 Ch'ing-lou chi, ed. Ts'ung-shu chi-ch'eng, Vol. 2734, p. 9.\n\n17 H. Franke, \"Der kluge Richter\", in Asiatische Studien, 1950, pp. 55-59.\n\n18 Renate Noethen, Das Sha-kou ch'üan-fu, München, 1961 (Diss.).\n\n19 L. C. Goodrich, \"Westerners and Central Asians in Yuan China\", Oriente Poliano, Rome, 1957, pp. 1-21; \"Western Regions Writers of Chinese Lyrics during the Yuan\", International Conference of Orientalists in Japan, No. VII (1962) pp. 17-21.\n\n20 L. C. Goodrich, Oriente Poliano, p. 15.\n\n21 O. Sirén, Chinese Painting, Vol. IV, New York/London, 1958, pp. 54-59, plates Vol. VI, Nos. 57-60.\n\n22 W. Fuchs, \"Analecta zur mongolischen Übersetzungsliteratur der Yüan-Zeit\", Monumenta Serica, Vol. XI (1946), pp. 34-39; W. Fuchs und A. Mostaert, \"Ein Ming-Druck einer chinesisch-mongolischen Ausgabe des Hsiao-ching\", ibid., Vol. IV (1939/40), pp. 325-329.\n\n23 E. Haenisch, Mongolica der Berliner Turfan-Sammlung, II, Berlin 1959.\n\n24 A. Mostaert and F. W. Cleaves, Les lettres de 1289 et 1305 des ilkhan Argun et Öljeitü à Philippe le Bel, Cambridge, Mass. 1962.\n\n25 M. S. Ipsiroğlu, Saray-Alben, Wiesbaden, 1964, pl. XLIV, No. 64.\n\n26 J. Needham, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 217-219.\n\n27 H. Franke, \"Some Sinological Remarks on Rashid ad-Din's History of China\", Oriens, Vol. 4, (1951), pp. 21-26.\n\n28 W. Franke, \"Zur Frage der Mongolen in China nach dem Sturz der Yüan-Dynastie\", Oriens Extremus, Vol. 9 (1962), pp. 57-68.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205122, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "73\n\nTHE FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM IN MODERN CHINA\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\n(This article is the preliminary version of a chapter in a forthcoming book, The Buddhist Revival in China. It deals with most aspects of its topic except for certain activities of T'ai-hsu, who is the subject of a separate chapter. Some readers may have personal knowledge of the events described and be in a position to add or correct. The author hopes that they will communicate with him at the East Asian Research Center, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, so that the chapter in its final form may be as complete and accurate as possible.)\n\nThe Ch'ing government frowned on its people having contact with foreigners almost as much as does the government in Peking today. From 1911 to 1950, however, there was a forty-year interlude during which foreigners could travel freely in China and the Chinese found it relatively easy to go abroad. This was also the period when foreign ideas and ways of doing things enjoyed the highest esteem, when the impact of the West was at its zenith. The Buddhist monastic establishment could not remain unaffected, although, being \"outside the secular world,” it was affected somewhat less than other segments of Chinese society.\n\nSometimes the foreign impact on Buddhism was circuitous--such as, for example, the Western military victories, which led to the call for modern secular schools, which led to the confiscation of monasteries, which led to the establishment of Buddhist associations, seminaries, and social action by the sangha. But in other ways foreign impact was direct. Chinese Buddhists entered into contact with foreigners for a variety of reasons and purposes.\n\nContact with Japan\n\nFrom the sixth through the seventeenth century imports of Chinese Buddhism had been entering Japan. In the late nineteenth the process was reversed. Japanese Buddhism began to be imported to China, partly because of the Japanese parishes that were springing up in the Treaty ports and partly because of the possibilities for the use of Buddhism as an instrument of foreign policy.\n\nCopyright 1966 by Holmes Welch.\n\nThe author is a Research Associate of the East Asian Research Center, Harvard University.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205124, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM\n\n75\n\nanti-Western anti-Christian united front among the people of the East. Visits were exchanged with Buddhists in Thailand, China, and India. In 1904 Dr. Inoue Entyu, after returning from a trip to India, proposed that the Japanese should establish a great Confucian-Buddhist university that would serve the whole Buddhist world and maintain branches in Korea, China, and Mongolia.\n\nOther possibilities for work in China were opened that very year. The Ch'ing government had been encouraging local officials to confiscate monastic property and use it for the establishment of modern schools. Chinese monks were looking desperately for a way to save their property. At this juncture a Japanese priest named Mizuno Baigyo advised them to start schools of their own in order to \"get the jump\" on the confiscators. He and other Japanese also suggested that protection might be obtained by applying to the headquarters of the Higashi Honganji sect in Japan; and indeed, the latter was pleased to accept the affiliation of some thirty-five monasteries in Chekiang province towards the end of 1904.5 It sent its representatives to protect them. A test case soon arose. Part of one Hangchow monastery was about to be turned into a technical school. On January 10, 1905, with a blaze of firecrackers, a large wooden plaque was installed over its front gate, reading: \"General place of worship of the Imperial Japanese Shinshu-Honganji sect.\"\n\nThis caused deep consternation among literati and officials throughout the province. The governor appealed, without success, to the Japanese Consul. The Japanese priests stood pat on their passports. Peking wrung its hands, but said that the Japanese would have to be respected. All that the local officials accomplished was the removal of the plaque; Japanese protection remained in force.\n\nThis was the signal for general resistance by the monasteries of neighboring provinces against the confiscation of their property. In Fukien and Kwangtung they began to place themselves under Japanese protection. Such immunity was the latter believed to confer that in Canton, on February 26, 1905, a school established on monastery land was completely destroyed by a group of infuriated Buddhists. The newspaper Shen-pao castigated the insolence of Chinese monks in accepting Japanese protection", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205130, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM\n\nRelations with Tibet\n\n81\n\nJust as Buddhism was used by the Japanese to serve political ends in China, so it was used by the Chinese to serve political ends in Tibet. After the collapse of the Ch'ing Dynasty the Tibetans considered themselves to be an independent nation. Successive Republican governments therefore endeavoured to persuade them that they were one of the five races of China and that Tibet was Chinese territory. In a rather poor hand Buddhism was one of the better cards. That is, the Chinese could argue that Tibet was bound to China by a common religion. This was not altogether factitious. For example, one of the rites for the dead most commonly performed by Chinese monks, the fang yen-k'ou, was partly of Tibetan origin. Mountains like Omei and Wu-t'ai Shan had long been equally sacred to Chinese and Tibetan pilgrims, and had provided the venue for a Sino-Tibetan syncretism. A visitor to Wu-t'ai Shan in 1911 wrote: \"The most curious feature of Buddhism on the Wutaishan is the amalgamating of Chinese Buddhism and Lamaism... doctrines borrow from one another in habits and arrangements... The structure of the temple is, for the greater part Chinese, but the form of the pagodas is mostly Indo-Tibetan. The interior, too, forms a mixture of Chinese and Tibetan. Chinese and Tibetan idols stand side by side, Tibeto-Mongolian inscriptions are next to Chinese ones, Tibetan butter lamps, praying cylinders, also boards on which the monks throw themselves for prayers, all such things are seen here in Chinese temples. In their services, too, one style blends with another.\"24\n\nBoth\n\nAlthough lama temples enjoying Manchu patronage were to be found in Peking and a few other Chinese cities, the indigenous Chinese Tantric sect had been suppressed in the Ming Dynasty. During the Republican period some Buddhist devotees became interested in reviving it, or rather in reintroducing Tantrism from Tibet and Japan, where it had been preserved intact. To them, as to some Europeans of that time, Tibet was a land of precious secrets, which they resolved to learn. It is difficult to ascertain the relationship between this personal interest and government policy. Which came first? How did each stimulate the other?", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205131, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "82\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\nThe earliest manifestation of the Tantric revival was perhaps a school of Tibetan studies that operated in Peking 1924-1925. Founded by T'ai-hsü and headed by his disciple Ta-yung, its purpose was to prepare people for further study in Tibet. Only a single class was graduated, most members of which got no further than the Tibetan borderlands, but at least three reached Lhasa: Fa-tsun, Neng-hai, and Ch'ao-i. They returned to China in the early 1930's.25\n\nFa-tsun became the principal of the Sino-Tibetan Institute outside Chungking. This had also been established by T'ai-hsü (in 1931) and had the same goal as his school in Peking — to prepare people for study in Tibetan monasteries but unlike the earlier school it received a government subsidy. It was perhaps the only Buddhist institution to enjoy this privilege during the Republican period.\n\nThe government displayed an even more open concern when in December 1936 the Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs Commission inaugurated a program for the exchange of Chinese and Tibetan monks. Two of the former were to be selected annually by the Chinese Buddhist Association and sent to Lhasa for five years' study, while two Tibetan monks were to be chosen by \"the local government of Tibet\" for study in China. Tibetans were brought not only to study, but to teach. Early in 1937 the Nationalists invited Shirob Jaltso, an eminent Tibetan scholar who was persona non grata in Lhasa, to deliver a series of lectures at five Chinese universities. \"This was the first time a Tibetan instructor had been provided for Chinese university students.\"26 Shirob, the Panchen Lama (also persona non grata in Lhasa), and several other Tibetan monks who resided in China at this period were accorded every courtesy (and presumably ample subsidies) by the Chinese Government. Some received official posts.27\n\nLhasa did not reciprocate. Rather naturally, it gave no political role to the Chinese who had been sent to strengthen its ties with the \"motherland.\" Nonetheless they were able to pursue their religious studies and to carry on other activities agreeable to all concerned. One of my informants, for example, had become interested in Buddhism as a young man. Although he came from a poor family in Nanking, he got to know Lü Ch'eng at the Metaphysical Institute (Nei-hsü Yuan). Lü urged him to go to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205139, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "90\n\n1897-1904 ― HOLMES WELCH\n\nChristian missionary to the Jews of Hamburg and Montreal, first as a Presbyterian, then as an Anglican clergyman; finally curate in an English country village.\n\n1904-1906 Odd jobs in London.\n\n1906-1909 Director of a large socio-economic survey of Belgium.\n\n1909-1915 Member of Parliament, speculator in Rumanian oil fields, forger of cheques,\n\n1915 Would-be German spy, who, after escaping from Britain, then escaped from the New York police.\n\n1916-1919 In English prison for forgery.\n\n1919-1922 Plotter in the Kapp Putsch in Berlin; salesman of information about other proto-Facist plots in several European countries; again in jail.\n\n1922 To the Far East.\n\n1922-1924 Advisor to a succession of Chinese warlords (Yang Shen, Wu P'ei-fu, Ch'i Hsi-yüan). Back to Europe, then to the U.S., then to China again, where he resolved to enter a Buddhist monastery.\n\n1925-1926 In Colombo, Ceylon, where he began to dress as a Buddhist monk and lecture on Buddhism; returned to Europe for an unsuccessful attempt to save his son from execution for murder in England.\n\n1927-1928 Buddhist missionary in San Francisco; then back to China.\n\n1928-1931 Whereabouts generally unknown, but sometimes living in Buddhist monasteries in Shanghai and Hangchow. From July 1929 to June 1930 on a tour of Europe, lecturing on Buddhism, dressed in Buddhist robes and signing hotel registers \"Chao-k'ung\".\n\nIn May 1931 he became Chao-k'ung officially when he was ordained at Pao-hua Shan, the most illustrious ordination center in China. The next year he went to Europe to collect disciples and arrived back in Shanghai with them on July 25, 1933.46 There were twelve of these disciples - English, French, Italian, and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205140, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM\n\n91\n\nAustrian, the women outnumbering men by about two to one. After he had given them a few months' training at his small temple in Shanghai, he looked about for a monastery that would ordain them. Arrangements were finally made at Ch'i-hsia Shan near Nanking, which agreed to hold a special ordination for their benefit in the autumn of 1933. About 140 Chinese were ordained at the same time. The ceremony lasted over forty days. It was not an \"easy\" ordination, such as those given to foreigners in Taiwan during the 1960's. Aided by an interpreter, Chao-k'ung's disciples went through most of the same training exercises as their fellow ordinees. The retired abbot of Chin Shan, Ch'ing-ch'üan, came to preside. Members of the diplomatic corps attended. \"Tens of thousands\" of lay visitors watched the rites, and many newspapers in Nanking and Shanghai published accounts of it.\n\nDespite this auspicious beginning Chao-k'ung never seemed to be able to shake off misfortune. Two of his disciples committed suicide, one died, others he expelled. Although three of them eventually returned to Europe and worked intermittently as Buddhist missionaries, they did not bring back more Europeans to be ordained, as many Chinese monks had hoped. Nonetheless the latter still speak of Chao-k'ung with affection and pride. For all his checkered career (of which they are largely ignorant) it was he who at the end of a century of Christian privilege had enabled them to turn the tables on the missionaries.\n\nRelations with Chinese Overseas\n\nThe overseas Chinese tended to be more conservative than their cousins at home. They did not face the task of modernizing China. The anti-religious movements that swept the mainland during the 1920's found few echoes in Singapore and Penang. Also, their roots lay not in the official classes, which had a commitment to Confucianism, but among the poor and uneducated. For both reasons they were more religiously inclined. In fact, except for food, clothing, and shelter, they spent more of their income on religion than on anything else.47 This was not only because of their religious inclinations, but also because of their cultural pride, which was all the stronger for residence in an alien environment. As some overseas Chinese families prospered,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205143, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 99, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "94\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\nI have not heard of other monasteries in China that had such wide-spreading or deep-rooted connections overseas as Ku Shan. It may have been unique. But it was extremely common for monks and lay pilgrims to go back and forth between overseas Chinese communities and the \"famous mountains” at home. Even at Wu-t'ai Shan near the Inner Mongolian border, one could find pilgrims from Singapore. In 1936, when Tai Chi-t'ao was on his way back from Europe, he stopped in Manila to lay the cornerstone of a new Buddhist temple sponsored by a group of overseas Chinese who, since 1930, had been serving as Philippines distributor for a Buddhist publishing house in Soochow. Here as elsewhere in southeast Asia, Buddhism was a link with the motherland.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 James Troup, \"On the tenets of the Shinshiu or 'True Sect' of Buddhists,\" Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, 16 (June 1886), 14-16.\n\n2 Takada, Giko, Chusi shukyo daido renmei nenkan (Yearbook of the Great Harmony Religious Alliance of Central China), Shanghai, 1943, p. 10. I am obliged to Dr. Ho Kuan-chung for making this book available to me.\n\n3 Yang Jen-shan, Yang Jen-shang chü-shih i-chu (Works of upasaka Yang Jen-shang), Peking, 1923, 1:5. This temple appears to have gone out of existence at some later date, since the Nanking branch of Honganji mentioned by Takada (see preceding note) was set up in 1938. A Japanese temple in Changsha was noted by Hackmann in 1911 (German Scholar in the East, London, 1914, p. 108). This is also unlisted by Takada.\n\n4. Franke, “Die Propaganda des japanischen Buddhismus in China”, Ostasiatische Neubildungen, Hamburg, 1911, p. 159. This article by Franke is the source of most of the information given in the text, pp. 2-4.\n\n5 This episode is also referred to in Yin-shun, T'ai-hsü tashih nien-p'u, Hong Kong, 1950, p. 35-36, where thirteen monasteries in Hangchow alone were said to have become affiliated with the Honganji. More investigation is needed.\n\n6 Takada, p. 14.\n\n7 There were twenty-six Chinese delegates, according to Yin-shun, T'ai-hsü, p. 203. The official head of the Chinese delegation and Chinese vice-chairman of the conference was Tao-chieh, under whom T'ai-hsü had studied twenty years before (Yin-shun, T'ai-hsü, p. 26 ff). T'ai-hsü may be pardoned, perhaps, for giving people the impression that he was himself the chief of the delegation. (See, for example, Young East 1.6 (November 8, 1925), 177; T'ai-hsü Lectures on Buddhism, Paris, 1928, p. 14,\n\n8 Young East 1.6 (November 8, 1925), 179-180.\n\n9 This and other information given here on the East Asian Buddhist Conference comes largely from Young East 1.6 (November 8, 1925), 176-177.\n\n10 Tokiwa Daijo, Shina bukkyo shiseki kinen shu (Buddhist Monuments in China, Memorial Collection), Tokyo, 1931, p. 203.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205144, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM\n\n11 Yin-shun, T'ai-hsü, p. 213.\n\n12 Eastern Buddhist 3.2 (July-September, 1924), 190.\n\n95\n\n13 Chinese lay devotees went to Japan to learn Tantric Buddhism from Shingon masters. Chinese monks went for academic study (two in 1936 and two more in early 1937; see Chinese Year Book 1937, Shanghai, 1937, p. 73.\n\n14 That is, the Chung-jih fo-chiao hui. At about the same time the Sino-Japanese Tantric Association (Ching-jih mi-chiao hui) was established. See Chinese Year Book 1937, p. 73.\n\n15 Takada, p. 14.\n\n16 Takada, p. 24-36, lists a total of eleven temples established between 1876 and 1937, but on p. 14 he speaks of ten temples having been set up before 1937 and of forty-nine (not forty-six) being in operation as of December, 1942. It seems clear that he does not include temples that have gone out of operation, like those in Nanking and Changsha (see note 2), and possibly those in Fukien. The only temple outside Shanghai that survived from the era before 1937 was the Honganji temple in Hankow, established 1906, which in 1942 had 1,200 Japanese and 150 Chinese parishioners.\n\n17 For example, in 1942 at the original Honganji temple in Shanghai the number of Japanese parishioners was 4,930 and the number of Chinese was zero. This temple was obviously not engaged in missionary work, but exclusively in serving the Japanese community.\n\n18 Two officers of the Ching-an Ssu in Shanghai are said to have been arrested and in Canton the abbot of the Liu-jung Ssu, T'ieh-ch'an, was executed.\n\n19 H. G. Quaritch Wales, \"Buddhism As an Instrument of Japanese Propaganda\" Free World 5.5 (May 1943), 428.\n\n20 Takada, p. 1, states that the alliance was set up in April 1937 in accordance with the policy formulated in October 1938. Perhaps the first date is a misprint.\n\n21 Takada, pp. 1, 4, 5. The changes in the bureaucratic status of the Great Harmony Religious Alliance appear to have been as follows. After being set up under the military authorities, it was transferred to the liaison office of the Central China Liaison Office of the Office for the Resurgence of Asia (Koain), which had been set up in December 1938 directly under the Cabinet in order to formulate policy on and handle relations with China. In April 1942 the Alliance was placed under the supervision of the Foreign Ministry through its representatives in Shanghai. In November 1942 it seems to have been returned to the Office for the Resurgence of Asia, when the latter was integrated into the Ministry for Great East Asian Co-Prosperity.\n\n22 Takada, pp. 24-36.\n\n23 The most significant absentee was Yüan-ying, the national head of the Chinese Buddhist Association (Shanghai, 1929).\n\n24 H. Hackmann, A German Scholar in the East, pp. 118-119. John Blofeld, who visited Wu-t'ai Shan in 1937, describes a monastery with several hundred monks where \"the main pavilion... was arranged in the Chinese way, but many services were held in a smaller building where purely Tibetan rites were performed\" (Jewel in the Lotus, London, 1948, p. 97).\n\n25 Fa-p'u, a disciple of Ta-yung, is stated to have reached Lhasa and earned a ko-hsi degree. Yin-shun, T'ai-hsü, p. 17.\n\n26 Chinese Year Book 1937 (Shanghai, 1937), p. 73.\n\n27 Shirob Jaltso, for example, was a member of the People's Political Council (1938-1949); an alternate member of the Kuomintang Sixth Super-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205145, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 101, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "96\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\nvisory Committee (1945-1949); and a vice-chairman of the Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs Commission (1947-1949).\n\n28 Probably he was not one of the two monks sent to Tibet for study earlier in 1937 (see p. 11).\n\n29 An interesting account of one such, Dorje Rimpoche, from Chamdo, who visited Hong Kong in 1935, is given in J. Blofeld, The Wheel of Life, London, 1959, pp. 40-56.\n\n30 The leading spirit of the society was Ch'ü Yang-kuang, formerly governor of Shantung and Chekiang and Minister of the Interior. This Bodhi Society (P'u-ti hsüeh-hui) had no connection with the Bodhi Society (P'u-ti She) established by T'ai-hsü in 1918.\n\n31 Chinese Year Book 1935-36, Shanghai, 1935, p. 1514, Huang was the editor of the Chinese Buddhist, \"an English magazine which was to link up China with foreign Buddhists.\" It ceased publication before he died in 1933.\n\n12 It was a common practice for Chinese monks to take their ordination vows a second or third time in order to strengthen their commitment to follow them, or in order to draw inspiration from an eminent ordaining monk. Hence, from the Chinese point of view, receiving the Theravada ordination meant supplementing, not replacing the Mahayana ordination.\n\n33 Their names were Pei-kuan, Teng-tz'u, Hsing-chiao and Chüeh-yuan. They were supposed to remain in Thailand four years. See Chinese Year Book 1936-37, Shanghai, 1936, p. 1446.\n\n34 Their Chinese religious names, followed by their Theravada names, were: Hsiu-lu (Kondanna), Wei-chih (Bhaddiya), Hui-sung (Vappa), Fa-chou (Mahanama), and Wei-huan (Assaji). Their later histories would make an interesting study in acculturation. Wei-huan disrobed within a few months and returned to China where he married. Eventually he became the principal English interpreter for the Chinese Buddhist Association established in Peking in 1953. Fa-chou married a girl of Dutch descent and eventually became a lecturer at the University of Ceylon. Hui-sung, who stayed longest, became mentally deranged. Wei-chih, after disrobing, went to Singapore, where he died during the war. Hsiu-lu, after disrobing, went to India where he pursued his studies at Santiniketan and/or Nalanda. Only the information about the first two is reliable. Another moot question is who sent them to Ceylon in the first place. Their Sinhalese hosts believed that they had been selected and sent by T'ai-hsü; and it is true that he acted as their guarantor (see Yin-shun, T'ai-hsü, p. 404). But another Chinese source states that their group was \"formed by the Chinese Buddhist Association in accordance with the proposal made by the Pure Karma Buddhist Association,\" both of which were housed in the same building in Shanghai. See Chinese Year Book 1936-37, p. 1446.\n\n35 Liao-ts'an (Dhammakiti) who went to Ceylon in 1945 returned to China about 1953 with Fa-fang's ashes, disrobed and became an instructor in Pali at the Chinese Buddhist Institute in Peking.\n\n36 Today many Theravada Buddhists have a very different attitude and publicly advocate tolerance and respect for Mahayana Buddhism. In 1956 the fourth Conference of the World Fellowship of Buddhists voted to abolish even the use of the terms \"Theravada\" and \"Mahayana\" (see Report of the 4th World Buddhist Conference, Kathmandu, no date, p. 2). There are some Theravadins, however, who even today believe that the world would be a better place if Mahayana was removed from it.\n\n37 He had gotten the information at first hand from Liao-ts'an (Dhamma-kiti) who had heard the complaints of members of the 1936 group. They are stated to have been novices (sha-mi) when they left China and the Theravada ordination they received on May 6, 1936 was also, apparently, the novice's ordination. Hence there would have been more justification for withholding the respect due to bhikkhus than in the case of Liao-ts'an and his fellow monk, who came in 1945. More information is needed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205148, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM\n\n48 Ts'en, Hsü-yün ho-shang nien-p'u, Hong Kong, 1962, pp. 21-22.\n\n49 Ts'en, Hsü-yün, pp. 40-43.\n\n99\n\n50 Ts'en, Hsi-yün, pp. 47-48. I have been unable to get confirmation of this story in Thailand; nor have I been able to confirm the related episode, in which Hsü-yün on his way to Bangkok that year met an Englishman who had been British consul in Teng-yüeh and Kunming and who gave Hsü-yün 3,000 pounds Sterling towards the expense of transporting a set of the Tripitaka back to Yunnan. The records of the Foreign Office in London do not appear to reveal who this may have been.\n\n51 White marble images from Burma and Thailand, termed in Chinese \"jade buddhas\" (yi-fo) have been popular in China during the past century. In the late 1890's a set of such images was made in India for a Chinese monk from P'u-t'o Shan, who spent the better part of three years at Oudh overseeing the work. So popular were these particular images that when they arrived in Shanghai, they were kept on exhibit in nearby Woosung at the request of the authorities as a large number of Chinese visit them daily, which was quite profitable for the railway.\" See Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 31 (1896-1897), 203. These may well have been the jade buddhas installed during the reconstruction of the Fa-yü Ssu on P'u-t'o Shan,\n\n52 Ts'en, Hsi-yün, p. 66.\n\n53 Cheng-lien, Ch'ang-chou T'ien-ning ssu-chih, Shanghai, 1948, 7:102. Cf. Chou Hsiang-kuang, History of Chinese Buddhism, Allahabad, 1955, p. 214,\n\n54 See Eastern Buddhist, 3.3 (October-December, 1924), p. 274. This is the earliest instance I have encountered of a Chinese Buddhist going abroad to study Theravada. Unlike Huang Mao-lin he is not stated to have had the goal of spreading Mahayana as well.\n\n55 For example in 1916 the head of the Chi-le Ssu, Pen-chung, led a group of his Refugee disciples to Ku Shan to receive the lay ordination: they numbered five out of the six upasakas and forty out of the 114 upasikas. This information comes from the 1916 ordination yearbook.\n\n56 See Yüan-ying fa-shih chi-nien k'an (Memorial volume for Yüan-ying), Singapore, 1954, pp. 13-14.\n\n57 However, they came from around Amoy rather than around Foochow, where Ku Shan was located.\n\n58 Chinese Year Book 1937, p. 74.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205149, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 105, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "100\n\nTHE HANLIN ACADEMY IN THE\n\nEARLY CH'ING PERIOD\n\n(1644-1795)\n\nA. L. Y. CHUNG\n\nThe Hanlin Academy of the Ch'ing Dynasty was one of the key departments of government at the capital of China. Its main functions emphasized the literary pursuits of the government, and its members enjoyed higher prestige than officials of the same rank in other administrative units. The brightest scholar-officials of the Empire were required to serve in the Academy for a certain time before they were given higher appointments in other departments. Consequently, the Academy served two purposes. It executed literary and educational work and served as a reservoir of potential officials for senior positions in other departments.\n\nThe origin of the Hanlin Academy dates to the Tang Dynasty when a specific institution was established by the government to be used for further study by officials. This institution initially was nothing more than a government educational centre, which it remained until the Ming Dynasty (A.D. 1368-1644). During the Ming, it assumed the responsibility of conducting almost all aspects of the country's literary work, from correcting examination papers and compiling books to writing praises of the emperor. Gradually, all important officials became associated one way or another with the Academy, which now occupied a much more important position in the Chinese bureaucracy.\n\nIn the Ch'ing Dynasty, the Academy functioned as it did in the Ming. In the early part of the dynasty, the Academy reached its fullest development, incorporating most of the practices of its predecessor. The period 1644-1795, that is, from the first emperor, Shun-chih, to the fourth emperor, Ch'ien-lung, was the zenith of Manchu rule. The government was efficient and the Empire was, by and large, at peace. The Hanlin Academy was effectively run. It is for this reason that this account of the Academy concentrates on the 1644-1795 time-period.\n\nMr. Chung received his M.A. degree from the University of Hong Kong and currently teaches history in the Colony.\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205151, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "102\n\nA. L. Y. CHUNG\n\nFurther research inside the Academy\n\nOne of the functions of the Academy was to give a group of high intellectuals a further chance to conduct research in the most favourable literary surroundings of the empire, where they were helped by good libraries, sufficient subsidies and experienced advisers. The establishment of the Shu-ch'ang kuan as a sub-department of the Academy had this object in view.\n\nThe lecturers in charge of the Shu-ch'ang kuan were all men of high rank. In the early years of the dynasty, they came exclusively from chancellors of the Three Inner Courts (Nei-san yüan). From 1670 onwards, the chancellors of the Hanlin Academy and senior officials of the Grand Secretariat joined the teaching staff and from 1722 onwards, presidents and vice-presidents of the Six Boards were sometimes called to serve as lecturers.3\n\nAs time went on, the need for more lecturers was felt, as their number was at no time more than four. Besides, the lecturers, mostly high dignitaries of the Empire, were occupied with their various government functions and were therefore unable to pay full attention to the teaching in the Shu-ch'ang kuan. In 1694 a number of assistant lecturers were appointed from junior members of the Hanlin hierarchy and from among the better students themselves. These assistant lecturers had more free time and were thus in a better position to help the students. They gave tests to the students twice a month.4\n\nThe students of the research institute, titled Probationers, were recruited from among the top scholars of the Civil Service Examination who, in addition, had to pass an Imperial interview before being admitted into the Shu-ch'ang kuan.\n\nOnce becoming probationers, the scholars were treated as a favoured group. They were not given any definite or permanent work to do. This means that they were free to study and observe government procedure and official behaviour at the capital. The government supplied them with books and stationery for their literary pursuits, while providing them with monthly subsidies to enable them to study without financial worry.\n\nIn the early years, all probationers were given lessons on the study of the Manchu language as well as the Chinese Classics.?", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205152, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 108, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "The Hanlin Academy\n\n103\n\nFrom 1647 onwards, probationers were required to study either the Manchu language or the Chinese Classics. The number of probationers taking the Manchu course, however, declined as time went on. In the reign of Yung-cheng, only about fifteen scholars were ordered to read the Manchu course, the rest, about forty, took the Chinese course.9 In the next reign (Ch'ien-lung), the aggregate number of probationers studying the Manchu course was about ten each year, and even this small number would sometimes be reduced, as those who took long sick leaves would change to study the Chinese course after their return.10\n\nThe qualification for taking up the Manchu course was physical rather than literary. Only the young and the good-looking with a pleasant voice were selected. Presumably, the reason for such a choice is that probationers studying the Manchu course would have more contacts with the Emperor and senior officials than the others. They were the persons likely to be selected as masters of ceremony in official ceremonies. In the pursuit of the course, the probationers would be called upon to study the \"History of the Liao dynasty, the Chin dynasty, and the Yüan dynasty\" (Liao Chin Yüan shih), \"the Sacred Edicts of the Emperor Hung-wu, the first Emperor of the Ming dynasty\" (Hung-wu pao-hsün), the \"Daily Exposition of the Meaning of the Book of Great Learning\" (Ta-hsüeh yen-i jih-chiang) and the \"Commentaries of the Four Books\" (Szu-shu chieh-i).11\n\n12\n\nProbationers doing research work on the Chinese texts took lessons in Chinese Classics, history and poetry. Together with those reading the Manchu language, they had to sit for a final examination after three years of study. Probationers studying the Manchu course were tested on their ability to translate from Chinese to Manchu and vice versa, whereas those reading the Chinese Classics were each ordered to compose a poem of set form or a piece of irregular verse and to write an argumentative discussion or an eight-legged essay.13\n\nNotice that the final examination of the probationers laid emphasis on the literary skill of writing essays and poems rather than on administrative knowledge. This was because of the need to distinguish \"real\" from \"false\" talent among the candidates. Themes on administrative problems, useful though they might be in testing the practical knowledge of candidates when they were original,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205153, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "104 \n\nA. L. Y. CHUNG \n\nhad been repeatedly set in more or less stereotyped form ever since the Han Dynasty. The examiners found it difficult to set questions, which had not been asked before. In contrast to the eight-legged essays which could be set on any line from the Four Books and the Five Classics, there was a limit to subjects which could be asked on administration. Since general statements about the subjects and reference to precedents of the past rather than specialised knowledge were required of the candidates, they tended to recite a number of model-answers about various aspects of government in general. For example, an answer on the prevention of floods did not necessarily go into the technical details of the problem in question. The candidates were expected to give rather general answers, quoting copiously from the Classics and citing precedent cases to support themselves. They might even conclude by saying that if social harmony could be maintained, there would be no more floods. This kind of humanistic approach to a technical question could be applied to nearly every aspect of administration. Thus, the limited number of theme-titles and the conventional way of answering them invited simple memory work in the examinations. This was the reason why the Ch'ing government tested probationers of the Academy with themes on poetry and verse. The authorities regarded the writing of a good poem or an exquisite eight-legged essay as a means of revealing candidates who were men of thought and good taste. As to the administrative knowledge necessary for the running of the government, the authorities maintained that this could be obtained after the scholars held permanent administrative positions.\n\nProbationers who took the final examination and passed it were given different assignments according to the results of the examination. The first class scholars were to remain in the Shu-ch'ang kuan as assistant lecturers. The second and third class graduates were called upon to serve in the Hanlin Academy itself as compilers and correctors respectively.14 The scholars securing a lower position than these three grades had to leave the Shu-ch'ang kuan and take up posts in government departments as secretaries or magistrates.15 The students who failed badly were compelled to repeat the course for another three years, or were forced to retire.16 \n\nIn the case of students taking the Manchu language course, their emphasis on translation fulfilled an administrative necessity.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205154, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "The Hanlin Academy\n\n105\n\nThe Manchus as alien conquerors were quick to master the Chinese language, but for official purposes, the need of translating Chinese documents into the Manchu language and vice versa was great in the early days. Many Manchu nobles and officials in the provinces knew but little of the Chinese classical language. Many Chinese local officials too had not read the Manchu language and therefore could not understand documents written in Manchu. Both groups certainly required the help of translators. The probationers versed in the two languages therefore filled the administrative gap, so to speak. As time went on, however, the Manchus became more familiar with the Chinese Classics and there was a gradual decline in the number of Hanlin probationers reading the Manchu language.\n\nOne of the best ways for Hanlin probationers to attain administrative knowledge came in an indirect manner. It was the favourable politico-literary atmosphere of the capital that gave opportunities for their acquisition of practical knowledge. In the first place, high dignitaries and prominent men of ability clustered in Peking, so that advisors and teachers were not wanting. Secondly, access to research materials was facilitated by the fine collection of books in government libraries at the capital. Moreover, scholars could purchase books fairly easily in Liu-li street, a place specially designed for selling books which might not be available elsewhere.18\n\nThe very prestige and honour bestowed upon the probationers and even more upon the active Hanlin officials had the effect of strengthening their confidence in the existing government. They were, as it were, the chosen few. They believed with justification that given time and opportunity they would rise high in the bureaucracy. With this assurance of future advancement, it may reasonably be conjectured that the majority of them would be quite eager to learn more about administrative affairs. In this respect, they were greatly assisted by the fact that they could spare the time to do so. After all, they had been holders of the Third Degree before entering the Academy and their literary research certainly left them time to care for other business during the three years.19\n\nThe Hanlins and the Emperor\n\nBesides setting up the Shu-ch'ang kuan and providing a training", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205157, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "108\n\nA. L. Y. CHUNG\n\nThe practice of ordering a number of Hanlins to become Recorders of the Emperor's Deeds found its origin in an edict by the Emperor K'ang-hsi in the first year of his reign (1662). He ordered two officials selected from the Academy, one Manchu and one Chinese, to attend him in monthly shifts.29 They were to record his actions both in the Manchu and the Chinese languages. Their writings were to be sealed in secret, and even the emperor himself was not permitted to see them.30 This may be regarded as the beginning of the Ch'ing Record Office and the first time the Manchus had set up this typical Chinese institution.\n\nOn the face of it, it was rather paradoxical for an autocratic monarch to devise a method whereby his own actions were recorded in black and white. The likely explanation is that the emperor strove to impress his people with his adherence to enlightened ideas. The Confucian precept of good government was that the monarch should live up to the moral standards prescribed for him by past sages. Officials and people would look up to him for example. Thus, if the emperor was moral and diligent, the Confucians maintained, the Empire would be at peace, with or without the application of the legal system. The Emperor K'ang-hsi therefore hoped to implant in his people's minds the impression that his actions were enlightened enough to be favourably judged by posterity. They would then be of the opinion that he had played well his part as a Confucian monarch. Moreover, the system of recording the emperors' actions had been practised for centuries. The emperor thought it desirable to follow the revered Confucian tradition.\n\nHowever, in the practical application of the system, the emperor seemed to be quite vexed by this \"spying duty\" of his own officials. He gradually departed from the strict observance of the system and thought out pretexts to circumvent its liberal tone. Using yet another Confucian idea that attendance on parents was natural and filial, he commanded the record officials not to follow him when he daily visited his mother in the Inner Court.32\n\nIn 1679, the emperor's doubts about the contents of these records were revealed by his inquiry whether any personal inventions and prejudices had been added to them. The record officials replied that the records were to be examined jointly by the twenty-two members together and that none of them would record official memorials privately. This, however, still did not", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205158, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 114, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "THE HANLIN ACADEMY\n\n109\n\nsatisfy the emperor completely and at last in 1718 the Record Office was abolished.33\n\nIn the Emperor Yung-cheng's time, the Record Office was re-established and its work of recording the affairs of the state seemed to go on without much interruption from the emperor. Moreover, we see the extension of its functions from recording the Emperor's deeds to include all important government affairs.\n\nIn the second year of the Emperor Yung-cheng's reign (1724), the government allowed the Record Office to record all important memorials from the government boards and courts, and edicts relating to them. The procedure was that on the last day of every month, each government department should send to the Record Office all papers containing memorials and important administrative affairs, giving the exact dates of their issue.34\n\nDuring the reign of the Emperor Ch'ien-lung, the Record Office functioned smoothly as in the times of the Emperor Yung-cheng. The only innovation made by Ch'ien-lung was that in 1740, owing to the multifarious functions of the record officials, who concurrently held posts as editors at various editing-centres and examiners at the Civil Service Examinations, four assistant record officials were enlisted from among junior members of the Academy to help in the work of recording.35\n\nThe reason for the change of attitude of the Emperor Yung-cheng and the Emperor Ch'ien-lung from that of their predecessor in regard to the Record Office may be explained by the growing confidence the two emperors had in the recording agency. The Emperor K'ang-hsi, though he himself had brought about the system, was suspicious of the record officials. Yung-cheng and Ch'ien-lung, however, found that, given the authority to record all events of the Empire, the recorders were still docile and loyal to the Imperial cause in their writings and would note down events in an Imperial tone. Moreover, even if they dared to put down undesirable comments, the Grand Secretariat, authorized to check the work of the Record Office (since the emperor as noted above was not given access to the records), would order their deletion.\n\nThere were in addition to the recorders a number of officials serving in an advisorial capacity to the emperor in the Inner Court. They were the Royal Attendants in the Inner Palace. In 1660", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205159, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "110\n\nA. L. Y. CHUNG\n\nthe Emperor Shun-chih decreed that Hanlin officials should attend the emperor as advisers inside the Palace precincts. A compartment in the Inner Court was reserved for them, where those on duty resided for the night. Several Hanlins at a time were to serve as Royal Attendants and they were to be on duty in rotation,36\n\nFrom 1677 onwards, the procedure was changed. Instead of coming by turns, two officials were selected to serve as permanent advisers. These advisers were appointed from among capital officials, including the Hanlins, by the emperor himself. Frequently, however, the two permanent attendants were not adequate and other Hanlin officials were called in to assist. In 1714 the Emperor K'ang-hsi indicated that he was not sufficiently familiar with the Hanlins. He ordered that they should do duty four at a time in the Inner Court when he resided at the Ch'ang-ch'un yüan, one of his estates near Peking, in conjunction with the officials serving as permanent advisers.37\n\nIn the Emperor Yung-cheng's reign, Hanlins attending the Inner Court were sent to the Imperial Court in shifts of four each during the time when the emperor performed state affairs, so that they might gain administrative experience. The Emperor Ch'ien-lung also made use of the practice for getting to know better the members of the Academy. He decreed in 1740 that they should attend the Inner Court for duty in rotation of twenty at a time. Later in the year, the number in each group was decreased to ten.28\n\nThe Hanlins could get in touch with the emperor in yet another manner. Serving as personal followers of the emperor, they were to accompany him in his various activities both within and outside of the capital. The outdoor activities of a Chinese emperor included visiting Imperial tombs, attending state ceremonies, hunting, etc.39 In 1711 it was decreed that in each royal expedition, Hanlins recommended by the Board of Civil Service would follow the emperor in order to gain experience.40\n\nFrom the above description of the functions of the Hanlins relating directly to the emperor himself, we see that at all times and in all places, the emperor was followed by a galaxy of scholar-officials of high literary attainments. This was purposely designed to enhance the majesty of the emperor.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205160, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "The Hanlin Academy\n\nThe Hanlins and the Literary Pursuits of the Chinese Scholarly Class\n\n111\n\nThe Hanlins played an important role in the compilation and composition of the majority of the Empire's publications. In this respect, they were rightly credited as the preservers of the venerable civilization of the Chinese Empire.\n\nIn the compilations of the Shih-lu (Veritable Record of the Present Dynasty) and the Sheng-yü (the Sacred Maxims), the Chancellor of the Academy would act as the assistant editor-general; while readers, expositors, compilers, and correctors would serve as editors.41\n\nIn compiling the Yu-tieh (Imperial Genealogy), Manchu, Mongol, or Chinese Bannermen, being members of the Academy, were to become editors. In editing other official compilations, the Chancellor would serve as the editor-general or assistant editor-general, while other members of the Academy were selected to serve as editors. Not one of the Ch'ing Government compilations could be produced without assistance from some of the Hanlins.42\n\nWe have just mentioned the compilation of major literary works by the Hanlins, but they were called upon to perform other literary functions as well, which required less time to complete. In fact, their assigned jobs included those of laureates and secretaries of the emperor. They were the authors of prayers and sacrificial addresses in various ceremonial acts of worship. They composed honorary and posthumous titles and patents of dignity for the emperors' chief concubines, princes, generals, etc. They laid down forms of new investiture and promotion. They performed inscriptions on the State seals and for the temples of various divinities. They wrote acknowledgments for official services and scrolls or tablets containing Imperial decrees for schools, charitable institutions, and temples throughout the Empire.43 They were also responsible for the translation of important official documents of the government from Chinese to Manchu and vice versa.44\n\nHowever, the most significant influences the Hanlins exerted over Chinese scholarship was their control over the Civil Service Examination. As the Hanlins were regarded as the most educated scholars of the Empire, it was natural that the majority of the posts concerning the public examinations were staffed by them.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205163, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "114\n\nA. L. Y. CHUNG\n\nlater, the Emperor Yung-cheng indicated to the Grand Secretariat that he would like to select several dozen of the elderly officials from the capital who were capable enough to give moral and ideological lectures to people in Shensi province,53 Among those selected, the majority were Hanlins. In 1743, the Emperor Ch'ien-lung followed his predecessor's example by despatching a sub-reader and a compiler of the Academy to be Instructors of Morals in a few prefectures in Anhwei and Kiangsu provinces:54 their cultural standard was considered inferior to other prefectures of the same provinces.\n\nThe Hanlins needed to manage administrative affairs within the Academy itself. There were a series of clerical tasks such as accountancy, filing and translation of documents, preparation work before meetings, which could not be done properly by clerks alone. The Hanlins chose among themselves those who were good in penmanship to help perform these functions. Usually four Hanlins were chosen and they were regarded as executive officials (pan-shih kuan). They had the additional responsibility of examining clerks and subordinates of the Academy for promotion consideration before presenting their cases for approval by the Chancellor. After 1777, when a set of the Szu-ku ch’üan-shu (Complete Book of Four Treasuries) was sent to the library of the Academy, they also were called upon to look after its use by the other members of the Academy.55\n\nThus, we see that some Hanlins had a hand in nearly all aspects of government at the capital. With activities ranging from the administration of the secretarial affairs of the Academy itself to the managing of state affairs, from their influence on a poor scholar to their impact on the emperor, from experience gained in the capital to a widening of outlook in the provinces, from a few lines of an inscription to voluminous compilations we can see how varied were the duties of the Hanlins and how important was the Academy in the administration of the Empire in the early Ch'ing.\n\nThe period after 1795 saw the gradual decline of the Ch'ing Dynasty, caused mainly by the lack of arable land and the increase of population on the one hand and the growing of foreign pressures", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205164, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "THE HANLIN ACADEMY\n\n115\n\non the other. The Manchu Government was mainly concerned with the vital issue of preserving the Empire. As there was a general decline in the efficiency of administration, the Hanlin Academy also became lax in some of its practices. The probationers, for example, were not given as much attention as before. Nonetheless, although there was general corruption and sale of offices in the late Ch'ing period, this did not affect the Academy, which continued to enlist the best scholars of the Empire, if we are to judge from the public examination results. Unfortunately, owing to the growing rigidity of the Civil Service Examinations and the narrowing of the syllabus for these examinations, the scholars who were successful were not necessarily the most promising potential officials. Whereas in the early Ch'ing, scholars sitting for the public examinations needed to answer discussion topics of an administrative nature, the scholars in nineteenth century China had only to write eight-legged essays which grew more rigid as time went on.56 Thus, the scholars, including the best of the candidates sitting for the examinations were quite narrow-minded, their knowledge confined to the Classics and their writing rather meaningless and of a uniform pattern. They formed the conservative elements of the Empire and were die-hards against government reform. The anti-foreign feelings of the late Ch'ing were to a certain extent fanned by some of these Hanlin scholars who, as a result of their prestige and ability to command respect, were able to muster scholars of the Empire against progressive moves of the government.57\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205165, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "116\n\nA. L. Y. CHUNG\n\nNOTES\n\n1 See H. S. Galt, History of Chinese Educational Institutions (London, 1951) pp. 364-65; also see K. S. Latourette, The Chinese, Their History and Culture (New Haven, Conn., Mar., 1945), pp. 187, 524-25,\n\n2 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku (64 chüan in 20 ts'e, 1805, reprint 1887), 17:4b-5b, 18:1b, 49:17b-21b.\n\n3 Ch'ing-ch'ao t'ung-tien (ed. by Chi Huang and others, 100 chüan. Shanghai, 1935 reprint), p. 2162. For further understanding of the Nei-san-yüan, see A. W. Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1943-44), vol. I, pp. 3, 308, 603.\n\n4 Shang Yen-liu Ch'ing-tai k'o-chü k'ao-shih shu-lu (Peking, 1956), p. 129; Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien shih-li (ed. by Li Hung-chang and others, 1220 chüan, preface dated 1886), 70:9a.\n\n5 See Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien (100 chüan in 10 ts'e, 1764 ed.), 84:1b.\n\n6 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:5b.\n\n7 Ch'ing-tai k'o-chü k'ao-shih shu-lu, p. 129.\n\n8 Ch'ing (Huang)-ch'ao wen-hsien t'ung-k'ao (edited by Yung Hsüan and others, 300 chüan, 1882, Shih-t'ang ed. from ts'e 841-1000), 47:19a,\n\n9 Ch'ing-tai k'o-chü k'ao-shih shu-lu, p. 129.\n\n10 Ch'ing (Huang)-ch'ao wen-hsien t'ung-k'ao, 50:32a-b; Ch'ing-shih (8 vols., Taiwan, 1961), vol. 2, 1314.\n\n11 Shang Yen-liu, p. 129.\n\n12 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:5b.\n\n13 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 24:5a-b.\n\n14 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:5b.\n\n15 Ku Ching-te Hsiu-ts'ai, chü-jen, chin-shih (Hong Kong, 1956), p. 30.\n\n16 Shang Yen-liu, p. 130.\n\n17 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 23:21a-b.\n\n18 Ch'u Tui-chih, Wang Hui-tsu chuan-shu (in Chung-kuo shih-hsüeh ts'ung-shu, Shanghai, 1934), pp. 48-49.\n\n19 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 18:1b.\n\n20 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:1b.\n\n21 Ch'ing shih, vol. 2, 1375.\n\n22 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien shih-li, 70:2a.\n\n23 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 21:7a-b.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205166, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 122, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "THE HANLIN ACADEMY\n\n117\n\n24 Wang Hsien-ch'ien, Tung-hua lu (509 chüan in 30 ts'e, Taipei, 1963), K'ang-hsi, 3:26. 王先謙:東華錄康熙朝,\n\n25 Ibid., 3:3a.\n\n26 Ibid., 3:13b.\n\n27 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 23:11a-b.\n\n28 Ibid.\n\n29 Ibid., 21:206.\n\n30 Ch'ing-shih, vol. 2, 1375.\n\n31 S. Van Der Sprenkel, Legal Institutions in Manchu China - A Sociological Analysis (London: Athlone Press, 1962), pp. 30-32. Also see J. K. Fairbank, The United States and China (New ed., completely rev. and enl.; Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1958), pp. 94-5,\n\n32 Wang Hsien-ch'ien, K'ang-hsi, 4:9a.\n\n33 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 21:22a-24a.\n\n34 Ibid., 24a-b.\n\n35 Ibid., 24b-25a.\n\n36 Ibid., 22:1b-2a.\n\n37 Ibid., 22:4a-4b.\n\n38 Wang Hsien-ch'ien, Ch'ien-lung, 3:34a.\n\n39 Ch'ing-shih, vol. 2, 1375.\n\n40 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:4a-b.\n\n41 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:3b.\n\n42 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 22:12b.\n\n43 W. A. P. Martin, The Hanlin Papers: Essays on the Intellectual Life of the Chinese (London: Trübner & Co., New York: Harper Brothers, 1880), pp. 24-26.\n\n44 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 23:20b.\n\n45 Consult Fa Shih-shan ... (16 chüan in 6 ts'e, preface dated 1799), Ch'ing-pi shu-wen ...\n\n46 Shang Yen-liu, p. 92; Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 24:19b-20a.\n\n47 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:4b.\n\n48 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 24:20b.\n\n49 Ibid., 24:28b-29a, 10a-10b.\n\n50 Ibid., 24:21a-21b.\n\n51 Ibid., 24:22a.\n\n52 Ta-Ch'ing li-ch'ao shih-lu ... (compiled by Man-chou ti-kuo kuo-wu-yüan, 4664 chüan, Tokyo, 1937-38), Shih-tsung, 44:9a-b.\n\n53 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 24:22b-23a.\n\n54 Ibid.\n\n55 Ibid., 24:24a-25a.\n\n56 Ta-Ch'ing li-ch'ao shih-lu, Shih-tsung, 15:15a-b; also see The Chinese, Their History and Culture, 531-533.\n\n57 See The Hanlin Papers and Ho Ping-ti, Studies on the Population of China, 1368-1953,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205188, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 144, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\nKUAN-TZU: A REPOSITORY OF EARLY CHINESE THOUGHT, Vol. I. By W. Allyn Rickett. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1965. xviii, pp. 269. Bibliography, Index. HK$45.\n\nThe Kuan-tzu is said to have been written by the famous statesman Kuan Chung who died around 645 B.C. Many chapters record social and economic reforms allegedly proposed by him to his ruler, Duke Huan of Ch'i who ruled from 685 to 643 B.C. Also included are proposals for the establishment of state monopolies over salt and iron, the different ways government might control currency and grain prices, and other measures advocating state interference in economic affairs.\n\nAccording to some scholarly studies the Kuan-tzu is really a work of collected writings by various writers, and therefore it could not have been entirely written by Kuan Chung. If this assertion is true, many chapters were probably written by Confucians, Mohists, Legalists, and Taoists during the third century B.C., although a few may have been written as early as the late fourth century, while some were probably produced during the second or even the first century B.C.\n\nOne reason why certain sections of the Kuan-tzu, written after Kuan Chung's death, were attributed to him is that he played a major role in strengthening the state of Ch'i. As soon as Duke Huan took over the government of Ch'i after a civil war, he appointed Kuan Chung as his chief minister. With his new power Kuan Chung was able to persuade the Duke to carry out political, military, social, and economic reforms which soon made Ch'i one of the most powerful feudal states of the day. By 680 B.C. Duke Huan was recognized as the lord protector or chief over the feudal lords. He had the responsibility of controlling the barbarian peoples on the frontier and ensuring that all states be loyal to the ruler of Chou. After the seventh century B.C. feudal society gradually disintegrated. It was during this period that Kuan Chung came to the fore as a new type of professional bureaucrat and political adviser to replace the former hereditary officials who", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205189, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n139\n\nhad time and again shown themselves to be inadequate for their tasks. His spectacular success as a reformer and adviser made him the hero of the writers of the time. It was probably for this reason that Kuan Chung is given full credit for authorship of the Kuan-tzu.\n\nSome chapters of the Kuan-tzu have been translated into Western languages. Many of these translations represent little more than paraphrasing, while others contain serious defects. Only a few translations meet the standards of modern scholarship. In the light of these difficulties, Professor Rickett has translated twelve of the existing seventy-six chapters in the Kuan-tzu in order to aid the Western scholar who wishes to consult the Kuan-tzu as a reference source or desires an accurate translation of certain important sections of the original text. These twelve chapters show the wide variety of materials to be found in the Kuan-tzu. Each chapter constitutes a valuable document for the study of early Chinese thought and institutions.\n\nThe Kuan-tzu is especially noted for its wealth of materials on early Chinese economic theory and policy. Aside from the many economic references scattered throughout the work, there are the Ch'ing-chung chapters which focus specifically on economic matters. Ch'ing-chung, meaning 'light and heavy', refers to the government policy of controlling the supply of coins in circulation to maintain price stability in order to ensure an adequate supply of grain and other commodities. This policy has been regarded as one of the earliest applications of the quantity theory of money. The Ch'ing-chung section and several other chapters relating to economic matters have already been translated under the direction of Lewis Maverick, a professor of economics at Southern Illinois University (Economic Dialogues in Ancient China: Selections from the Kuan-tzu, Far Eastern Publications, Yale University, New Haven, Conn., 1954). These sections are not among the twelve chapters translated by Professor Rickett. Professor Maverick, not being a Sinologist, arranged for two Chinese to do the translation. Despite the extensive coverage of this work, it is unsatisfactory in many ways. Aside from mistakes due to carelessness or poor proof-reading, there are many omissions and errors in translation. Many scholars have taken a great interest in the economic content of the Kuan-tzu, and it is hoped that Professor Rickett will produce a more satisfactory translation of these chapters in the near future.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205199, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\ndoing of proper things at the proper time.\n\n149\n\nOn the lighter side, and perhaps this is the main intention of the author, we are treated to a series of ‘delights'. A liberal dose of humour is always injected into each and every chapter. The author recollects, for example, and perhaps not without some pleasure, in Nigeria, how, one morning, the train in which he was travelling suddenly stopped in the dead of nowhere so that he, then acting-Governor, could have a leisurely breakfast without being jostled about. In the same breath, we can say that the book is very 'domestic'. The description of family life, in very pleasant and readable prose, is ever-present. We are privileged to know how Mrs. Grantham goes about re-decorating residences, how they loved and adored their cats and dogs but inevitably always have to part with them; and how they adored flowers and plants and how one species, found in Hong Kong, was named Camellia Granthamiana. Such pleasant reminiscences, which are very seldom found in other books, would greatly interest the reader, I trust.\n\nUniversity of Hong Kong\n\nWILLIAM WAUNG\n\nSEALS OF CHINESE PAINTERS AND COLLECTORS OF THE MING AND CH'ING PERIOD, Victoria Contag and Wang Chi-ch'ien. Hong Kong University Press, 1966. 726 pages. HK$200.00.\n\nThe re-issuance of this valuable and useful work in a revised and supplemented edition is a welcome event, if not to a very large public, at least to a growing number of appreciative individuals with more than passing interest in Chinese seals and painting. The original 1940 edition which contained upwards of 9,000 seal facsimiles, taken from authentic paintings in China by means of a finger-print camera, has for long been generally unavailable except for occasional rare copies at prohibitive prices. This edition adds a supplement containing many new seals copied from American private and public collections as well as additional information gathered in the intervening three decades.\n\nThe title is somewhat misleading, though in an easily forgivable way, for while the bulk of reproduced seals are from the Ming and Ch'ing dynasties, there are also included a number from the Sung and Yuan periods as well.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205205, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 161, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n155\n\ninto a sentence of his own. Of course this is not a criticism since such was the design of the compilers, but I offer it as a clarification of the nature of the work. This book is in fact a gigantic word list or vocabulary and as such it presents a maximum amount of material in a minimum of space. Any attempt to enlarge the definitions and to add examples would probably result in a multi-volume work selling at a considerably higher price.\n\nOn the whole this dictionary should prove a useful asset to anyone working from spoken Cantonese to English. My overall impression is favorable but the book raises in my mind several general questions concerning Cantonese lexicography which are worth discussing here. First, it seems to me high time that more dictionaries and grammars began to reflect the sound changes which have gained ascendancy in Standard Cantonese. I here refer specifically to the distinctions such as those between ch- and ts-, ch'- and ts'-, s- and sh-, -am and -om, sometimes -ek and -ik, etc. which are maintained in the orthography of this (and many other) dictionaries and grammars but which are not part of Standard Cantonese as spoken by the majority of the population of Canton and Hong Kong. Yuen Ren Chao (Cantonese Primer, 1947, pp. 18-9) notes that these distinctions are made by most of the \"foreign writers on Cantonese\" but that they are only a nuisance to the \"native teacher from Canton, since the pure dialect of Canton does not make such distinctions\". Nevertheless, Chao himself continues to use them on the grounds that they will help the student who later moves on to study Mandarin or certain other Cantonese subdialects.\n\nThere are dialects which keep these distinctions but Standard Cantonese is not one of them. Hong Kong has plenty of evidence of this orthography in many place names, but this shows up only in the English transliterations and a local born Chinese who reflects these spellings in his speech would be hard to find. To preserve these distinctions in a dictionary or grammar of Standard Cantonese is simply adding unnecessary time to the student's learning task and creating a point of potential confusion which would be very simple to avoid. For instance, if a student of Cantonese hears an unknown form which sounds to him like sik, he may find that he would have to look under the three dictionary entries of sik, sek, and shik in order to be certain that he had covered all the possibilities.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205209, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 165, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "159\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nON LOAN WORDS\n\nIn the Volume IV of the Journal (pp. 152-4) there are some interesting comments on \"Loan-Words in the Chinese Language.\" This is a fairly venerable subject for study. Our sinological journals have many disquisitions on it; Yule and Burnell's Hobson-Jobson (London 1903) contains many interesting tidbits; and such scholars as Laufer devoted many years to an inquiry into the names and history of imported plants (cf. his Sino-Iranica, Chicago 1919, and reviews and comments by Ferrand, Hopkins, Couling, and Pelliot.)\n\nThe peanut, which is mentioned in the first paragraph of \"Loan-Words,\" has an especially interesting history. Dr. Berthold Laufer made a contribution to the subject in 1906, I followed with another in 1937, and Prof. Ho Ping-ti wrote an especially helpful piece in 1955. See his paper entitled \"The introduction of American food plants into China,” American Anthropologist 57 (1955), 191-201. There he points out that the earliest reference to the peanut may be found in the Chung-yü-fa ‡✯ (Method of cultivating taro) by Huang Hsing-tseng ** (1490-1540), a native of Soochow. He translates the passage as follows:\n\n+4\n\nThere is yet another kind whose flowers are on the vine-like stem. After the flowers fall, [the pods] begin to develop [underground]. It is called lo-hua-sheng. Both are produced in Chia-ting county [near Shanghai].”\n\nAnother early reference which fortifies the testimony of Huang is in the Ch'ang-shu-hsien chih ** of 1539; it lists the peanut as a product of the region of Ch'ang-shu, in the prefecture of Soochow.\n\nDr. Ho goes on to remark that the name lo-hua-shêng #± 落花生 which means \"born from flowers fallen to the ground,” is used for no other plant in the hundreds of Chinese local histories and botanical treatises which he has consulted.\n\nThe peanut then, according to his researches, is the first plant from the New World to have been transferred and made\n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205210, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "160\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nat home in China. The Portuguese were doubtless responsible, together with Chinese merchants involved in the South Seas trade2. It became almost immediately popular and spread up and down the coast; it made a substantial contribution not only to the Chinese diet but also to China's economy. When I sailed on a freighter from China to the Mediterranean in September 1925, I was astonished to find that we took on 2,000 tons of peanuts in Tsing-tao, and sold them in Marseilles.\n\nIn closing, it may be added that another early name for the peanut is Ch'ang-shêng kuo*, fruit of eternal life. One enthusiastic commentator, who called himself Yü-so-Wêng‡A (the old man in a grass coat), wrote: \"If the lo-hua-shêng is constantly eaten you will give birth to many sons.\" This may help to explain part of its popularity in the one-time land of filial piety.\n\nColumbia University\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\nNOTES\n\n#\n\nIn all fairness it must be pointed out that Professor Hirosato Iwai of the Toyo Bunko holds that there are two earlier references to the peanut: one by Li Kao and another by Chia Ming (1180-1251) which he admits is dubious, and who flourished in the fourteenth century, dying at the age of 106 sui. Professor Ho informs me, however, that he considers neither text reliable.\n\n2 It is worth noting that Lin Hsi-yüan#, a native of T'ung-an, Fukien, who graduated as chin-shih in 1517 and who became one of the largest shipowners and overseas-merchants of his day, wrote in his Wên-chi4, or collected works, on the Portuguese traders who frequented the China coast in the years 1521-51: \"The Fo-lang-chi who came brought their local pepper, sapan-wood, ivory, thyme-oil, aloes, sandal-wood, and all kinds of incense in order to trade with our borderers.\" (C. R. Boxer, South China in the Sixteenth Century, 1953, xxiii.) Alas! that there is no mention of the peanut.\n\nSOME LOAN-WORDS IN CANTONESE\n\nIn Vol. 4 of the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (1964) there appeared an interesting note on \"Loan-words in the Chinese Language\" by Mr. K. M. A. Barnett. While sharing the author's enthusiasm for this kind of study and supporting his call for a chronology of the introduction into China of all plants whose names are qualified by the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205213, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 169, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n163 \n\nunder the name mani. Its cultivation in West Africa began early and it is not surprising that it spread quickly to the Arab countries of the Middle East. Some plant-geographers believe that it was introduced to India and Ceylon from China but there is as great a likelihood that it reached these three areas in Portuguese ships at more or less the same time. \n\nThe Arabic al-luimûn, adapted from Persian limu(n), is the source of such modern European forms of English as lemon, Spanish limón and Portuguese limão. The Cantonese ningmung may be derived from a Portuguese metropolitan or dialectal form. The modern Macanese form, used at the present in Hong Kong, is limang which appears in the Ao Men Chỉ Lüeh as lei-máng, according to Mr. Gomes's romanisation, \n\nThat the Cantonese form ends in mung and the Macanese in mang is not an unsurmountable obstacle, since, if the sixteenth century Cantonese borrowed the word from European Portuguese speaking the standard dialect of those times, they would have had some difficulty in pronouncing the syllable mão which probably sounded like mao uttered with the nostrils pinched. Such a sound could be represented equally well (or inaccurately) by the Cantonese sounds Mung and mang in all possible tones and reduced to writing by any convenient character chosen ad lib. \n\nThe authors of the Ao Mun Chi Lüeh had obviously some difficulty in representing this Portuguese suffix in their glossary of Cantonese terms. For example, cumarão (prawn) appears as kám-pá-long (cf. Hong Kong Macanese cambrang), tufão (typhoon) is recorded as tou-fóng (cf. Hong Kong Macanese tufang), jambolão (a kind of fruit) is iâm-po-long (cf. Hong Kong Macanese jambolang). In other places -ão appears as -eng as in si-tát-teng for cidadão (citizen) and a-ueng for afião (opium). More like the modern Macanese dialectal resolution are fu-káng (store) which is the Portuguese fogão, pronounced fogang in Hong Kong Macanese; ka-lá-sâng (trousers) from Portuguese calcão, carsang in Macanese. \n\nIn short, if the Cantonese name had been derived from the dialectal form we should have expected something like ningmang but if the borrowing was early and from a \"standard\" Portuguese pronunciation of limão the final syllable could have been heard", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205253, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "8\n\n7 November\n\nMr. Chang Teh-ch'ang\n\n“Li Tz'u-ming: The Man and his Diary — an analytical appraisal of an important private record in the late Ching Dynasty \"\n\nProfessor Olaf Skinsnes\n\nKwangtung Pottery\n\n28 November\n\n19 December\n\nDr. William Chan\n\n44\n\nCommercial Marine Fishes of Hong Kong\"\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205266, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 28, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "21\n\nTHE TRAVELLING PALACE OF SOUTHERN SUNG IN KOWLOON\n\nA lecture delivered on September 26, 1966\n\nJEN YU-WEN (KAN YAU-MAN)\n\nI am honoured by being invited to talk to you on a subject which deals with a very important episode in the local history of Hong Kong and Kowloon. In recent years I have done some exhaustive research work on this subject and I am glad to have this opportunity to share with you whatever little knowledge I have gained.\n\nIt is recorded in several Chinese historical books2 that Emperor Tuan Tsung of Southern Sung (宋端宗) arrived at Kuan-fu (官富) in the spring of A.D. 1277. According to Ta-Ch'ing I-t'ung Chi (大清一統志)\n\n\"There were over thirty travelling palaces of (Southern) Sung, and four of them can be located now. One of them was Kuan-fu Ch'ang\".\n\nThe problems confronting us now are: Where exactly was Kuan-fu Ch'ang? Why and how did the Sung Emperor go there? Where is the Travelling Palace to be located now? What other historical relics and sites can be found connected with the royal visit? etc. Before answering these questions, however, you should be acquainted with one of the most pathetic stories in the history of China in order to gain a clear understanding of the historical background.\n\nI. THE ROYAL REFUGEES\n\nThe story begins with the death of the 6th emperor of the Southern Sung Dynasty, Tu Tsung (度宗) in 1274, the 10th year of his reign, in the capital Lin-an (臨安), i.e. Hangchow. He was survived by the Queen Ch'uan (全皇后), a few concubines and four children: three sons and a daughter. The eldest son, Shih (昰), 7 years old, was reared by the concubine Yang (楊淑妃). The second son, Hsien (昱), 4 years old, was reared by Queen Ch'uan. The third son, Ping (昺), also 4 years old, was reared by the concubine Yu (俞淑妃). The daughter, probably", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205267, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 29, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "22\n\nJEN YU-WEN\n\nolder than Hsien and Ping, was also reared by Young, being the younger sister of Shih. Hsien, the 2nd son, by virtue of being the offspring of the Queen, was regarded as the legitimate heir to the throne according to Chinese tradition. After being crowned, the boy emperor named his new reign Tê Yu () beginning with the next year (1275).\n\nIn the first year of Tê Yu (1275), the Mongol army under the premier Pê Yen (16) invaded South China and after many victories marched toward the capital Lin-an in the winter. The imperial court was alarmed and evacuated the Emperor's two brothers and sister under the care of mother Young and their uncles.3 Before departure, the two princes received new titles: I Wang (1) and Kuang Wang (1), respectively. Early in 1276 the royal party left Lin-an in a hurry heading for the south. It was the beginning of an itinerary of constant flight which would last for three full years.\n\nShortly afterwards, Emperor Hsien and the Queen Mother Ch'uan surrendered to the Mongols who subsequently took them to Peking. The Mongol Emperor Kublai Khan gave the dethroned Sung Emperor the new title of Duke of Ying Kuo (). Years later he was forced to become a Buddhist monk, was banished to Mongolia and died in exile there. It was said that his own son, who had been adopted by a Mongolian prince, would eventually become the last emperor of the Yuan (Mongol) Dynasty. The Ex-Queen Mother Ch'uan became a Buddhist nun and died of old age.4\n\nWhen the capital Lin-an fell, the royal evacuees arrived at Wuchow (##), Chekiang. They continued their flight toward the south. They had to travel on foot for seven days and the two young princes were carried by their uncles on their backs all the way throughout the rough journey. After reaching Wenchow (), a city near the seashore, they stayed for about three months trying to rally loyal supporters there. A few did come, such as a high official Lu Hsiu-fu (✯✯✯) and generals Chang Shih-chieh (*) and Su Liu-i (***) each bringing soldiers along. An army of considerable size was mustered. The Premier Ch'en I-chung (1), who had deserted the court after the Mongols entered Lin-an, also reported his presence at Wenchow, which was his native city. In view of the grave situation created by the capture of the young emperor, which thus", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205268, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 30, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "THE TRAVELLING PALACE OF SOUTHERN SUNG\n\n23\n\nleft the country without a ruler, the ministers and generals, after consultation with their mother, the concubine Young, unanimously installed I Wang Shih as the Generalissimo of the state and his brother Kuang Wang Ping as his deputy. After a while, they decided to travel south by boat. When everything was ready for departure, the cunning premier Ch'en I-chung begged to remain behind, using the excuse that he must bury his mother who had just died in Wenchow. Everybody disliked him and took him for a coward. The impetuous and impulsive warrior Chang Shih-chieh thought up a cunning scheme: he ordered some of his soldiers to remove the coffin of Ch'en's mother and to place it on a ship. Consequently Ch'en had to follow, much against his will.\n\nIn the 4th month they arrived at Foochow, Fukien, In the next month they crowned I Wang Shih Emperor who thus became the last Sung emperor but one. He was then eight years of age. His posthumous name is Tuan Tsung, (*) by which I shall call him hereafter. From that month on, his reign was called Ching Yen (*). His younger brother Ping received the new title of Wei Wang (£), and his little sister, that of Princess of Tsin Kuo (+), while his own mother was properly honoured as the Queen Mother. They stayed in Foochow until the 11th month when news came that the Mongols were invading Fukien, so they sailed southward.\n\nAfter passing by Ch'uanchow (¥) and Amoy in Fukien and Ch'aochow (¶) (Swatow) and Chia-tsu-men (‡ƒ¶) (of Huichow) in Kwangtung, they entered the territory of Kwangchow-fu early in 1277. Passing by Mirs Bay (Ta-p'eng-wan (★*), northeast of Kowloon), the royal party probably went ashore for a short time to get a rest, since there remain a few historical sites by the names of Wang-mu chuang-t'ai (the Queen-mother's Dressing Table) and Wang-mu hsu (Queen-mother's Market). During the next two months they stayed at an island then called \"Mei-wei\". (This place at present is still unidentified.) In the 4th month (May 1277) the royal refugees landed at Kuan-fu Ch'ang accompanied by many descendants of former Sung emperors who had joined the royal party from different places along the coast.\n\nPage 30\n\nPage 31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205269, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 31, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "24\n\nII. KUAN-FU\n\nJEN YU-WEN\n\nWhere was Kuan-fu Ch'ang? It can be definitely identified with no other place than the eastern side of the Kowloon Peninsula. For several hundred years from Sung to mid-Ch'ing Kuan-fu was the official name of the area, while Kowloon was the vernacular name used by the local people. To avoid confusion, we must carefully differentiate Kuan-fu Ch'ang from Kuan-fu Tsai (stockade), Kuan-fu-shan (mountain) and Kuan-fu hsun-ssu (sub-district).\n\nKuan-fu Ch'ang meant Kuan-fu Field, one of the four salt-producing fields in the Tung-kuan District amongst the thirteen fields of the whole province of Kwantung in the Sung Dynasty. The area of the Field covered not only the entire peninsula but also the nearby islands, including the present Hong Kong. It was under the administration of an office in the stockade called Kuan-fu Tsai, the present so-called Kowloon Walled City. During the last years of the Emperor Tu Tsung (1265-75) the administrator of the field was Yen I-chang of Kaifeng, Honan Province, who had the engraved stone made at North Fu-t'ang in 1274, less than three years before the royal visit to Kuan-fu.6\n\nMy interpretation is that the name Kuan-fu has a political and economic meaning: “Kuan\" means Tung-kuan District and \"fu\" means rich. The field was thus christened by officialdom to signify the rich resources of Tung-kuan. Or else, it might signify the riches of the Emperor, for Kuan Chia was a popular term for the emperor. Anyway, it could not be a natural name and it may be inferred from this that the name of Kuan-fu Mountain, which was a long range of mountains with many hills, was adopted from the Kuan-fu Ch'ang and not vice versa. Researches into the Gazetteer of Hsin-an District, the writings of some historians and maps furnished by the Public Works Department of the Hong Kong Government lead to the conclusion that the Kuan-fu Mountain was along the western side of the Kowloon peninsula (see Plate 12). There were a number of hills of various heights inside the area and the highest, the rocky peak west of Ma-tau-wei Road, reaches a height of 405 feet. On the plain and in the valleys at the foot of the hills were separate salt-producing fields. Certainly, there were other such fields all over the Kuan-fu", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205270, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 32, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "The Travelling Palace of Southern Sung\n\n25\n\narea, e.g. some places on Lantau island (Tai-yu-shan) were salt-producing fields. All such fields, together with the people living in the villages, were under the administration of the Salt Administrator of Kuan-fu Ch'ang.\n\nIn the Yuan Dynasty, the political status of the Kuan-fu Field underwent a drastic change. Kuan-fu as an independent salt-producing area under a salt administrator was abolished and was incorporated into the Huang-t'ien (†) Field which was one of the original four fields in Tung-kuan. In the third year of the reign of Hung Wu, the first Emperor of Ming (1370), Kuan-fu's status was changed from that of a salt-field into a Hsun-ssu (3), a political sub-district still called Kuan-fu but under the charge of a Hsun-chien (K).\n\nThe name of Kowloon was not officially adopted until 1840 (Tao Kwang 20th year, in mid-Ch'ing), when Kuan-fu Hsun-ssu was changed to Kowloon Hsun-ssu under the charge of a Kowloon Hsun-chien, still under the general administration of the Hsin-an District. Three years later (1843) the Manchu Governor-general Ch'i-ying (**) constructed a city wall around the Kowloon Tsai (formerly the Kuan-fu Tsai) with the explicit purpose of warding off a British invasion. The wall was completed in 1847. It may be added that this city wall was demolished by the Japanese when they occupied Kowloon, using the stones for the construction of the extended air-field; but the so-called Kowloon Tsai still exists.\n\nIII. THE LANDING\n\nLet us now go back to May 1277.\n\n1277. The exact place where the royal party landed was along the beach on the western shore of the Kowloon Bay from the Sung Wong Toi Hill to To-kua-wan in the south. There were three villages along the coast, namely Ma-tau-kok (§i§}), Ma-tau-ch'ung (‚§§Ã¡Ã¦) and To-kua-wan (LA). They were fairly large in size and populated by many fishermen and workers of the salt-field. Upon the arrival of the royal party the local villagers extended to them an extraordinarily warm welcome. The Imperial Court rewarded them with some parasols made of yellow silk and embroidered with many Chinese characters, in gratitude for the enthusiastic reception and loyal protection they had received. Years later the original gifts wore", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205272, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "The Travelling Palace of Southern Sung\n\n27\n\nheight. The character toi was in a variant which has been mistaken by many people for tang (). Later, a further seven characters were added, vertically, on the right side, recording that repairs had been carried out in the ting mau year of the Ch'ing Emperor Chia Ch'ing (A.D. 1807). Of course, this means the re-engravement of the three original characters, for there was otherwise nothing to be repaired. The character wang (£) \"king\" should be huang (§) which stands for \"emperor\". It was first intentionally inscribed in that erroneous form in the history of the Sung Dynasty compiled by the Yuan officials where it was recorded that there were two Sung \"Kings\", implying that they were not recognised as Emperors perpetuating the Sung dynastic throne. This was a grave mistake subsequently pointed out by many Chinese scholars. We should use the character huang for \"Emperor\" instead. The naming of the Sung Huang Tai Garden and Sung Huang Tai Road by the Hong Kong Government is therefore correct.\n\nThe precise meaning of the name Sung Wong Toi is not easily ascertained. It has been alleged that the boy Emperor Tuan Tsung used to rest in the cave beneath the great rock and sometimes played hide and seek there with his small brother. The mound has been likened to a toi, a terrace or high building. One historian has asserted that a watch tower was built on the top of the mound to look out for the advent of the enemy, hence its name. This last theory is not credible since the mound itself was already high enough for watching over the sea to the east without the superstructure. In my own research work, a line has been found in the Hsin-an Gazetteer which gives a very useful hint for the interpretation of the name. It reads: \"There were three characters 'Sung Wong Toi', on the great rock which was beside the Toi\".12 In reverse the last part can be read \"the Toi was beside the great rock\". Therefore, neither the great rock nor the hill itself can be identified as the Toi. The logical conclusion cannot be anything but that a separate toi must have been constructed near the foot by the side of the hill and the big characters were later engraved on the great rock merely as an indication of the historic spot commemorating the visit of two Emperors. It might have been a real watch tower, for the rocky hill was not easy to climb for military purposes. But where exactly was the toi or tower is a problem which remains to be solved.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205274, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "The Travelling Palace of Southern Sung\n\n29\n\nSung Wong Toi Garden was finally completed in the winter of 1957. Acting upon the suggestion of the Chiu Clansmen's Association, most of whose members are the descendants of the early emperors and princes of the Sung Dynasty, whose family name was Chiu, the Government, with the valuable assistance of the Association, provided two stone tablets commemorating the Sung Wong Toi, one in Chinese and the other in English, on each side of the entrance to the garden. On the 28th December, 1959, a simple and dignified unveiling ceremony was held in the garden. The design and craftsmanship of the tablets are of the first quality. In particular the two dragons, symbolizing two emperors, were beautifully done. It was said that only a very few craftsmen in Hong Kong could have done them and that they should be ranked as one of the Colony's works of art. I had the honour of being asked to compose the Chinese text and to assist in translating it into English. I was also asked to compile and edit a book entitled Sung Wong Toi, A Commemorative Volume which was published in Chinese in 1960 by the Chiu Clansmen's Association.\n\nV. A FEW LEGENDS\n\nIn the text on the tablets above mentioned I stated that there existed a few historical sites connected with Tuan Tsung's stay in Kowloon. They may be of interest to you, in spite of their legendary character, if you are keen to know more of local history.\n\nNorth of the Sung Wong Toi rock it is said that there was a Chin-fu-jen mu (Lady Chin's Tomb). It is recorded in the Hsin-an Gazetteer that the Princess of Tsin Kuo, younger sister of Tuan Tsung, had been drowned nearby, or en route to Kowloon, and that a golden image of her was buried in that tomb. That was why it was called Lady Chin (Gold)'s Tomb. A large stone tablet was erected there with the name Chin-fu-jen engraved on it. I consider this as sheer legend, unsupported as it is by any substantial proof.\n\nTo the northwest of the hill is the popular Temple of Hou-wang (Hou-wang miao). Ch'en P'ei-t'ao, a famous scholar of Tung-kuan District in late Ch'ing, put out the theory that Yang Liang-chieh, uncle of Tuan Tsung, had died at sea on the way here; was subsequently buried at this spot; that he was posthumously given the title of wang (king); and that the local people built the temple in memory of his loyalty. I have found", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205275, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "30 \n\nJEN YU-WEN \n\nthat this legend is also ill-founded, because it has been ascertained that there are at least six other Temples of Hou-wang in Kowloon and the nearby island of Lantau. Moreover, there are other Hou-wang Temples in different districts of Kwangtung, and the images worshipped in them are different deified persons. But the decisive counter-proof of Ch'en's theory is found in a book written by Chou Mi, Kuei-hsin tsa-chi hsü-chi (B), 47a in early Yuan which records that in the last battle between the Sungs and Mongols at Ya-men in 1279, Young Liang-chieh perished at sea with the Emperor Ping (successor of Tuan Tsung) and other generals and ministers.14 \n\nAnother story tells how Emperor Tuan Tsung occasionally established his court at Yu-hsien-yen on Pê-ho-shan (Lé iao), northwest of Kowloon Tsai. There was a stone that looked like an armchair. Tuan Tsung used to sit on it as his temporary throne. From that time, the stone got the name “The Royal Armchair Stone\" (Yu-tso chiao-i shih #PERM ̄ ). This is a more reasonable tradition for a historic event although there is also no proof for it. \n\nVI. THE ERH-HUANG-TIEN VILLAGE \n\nThere was yet another historical site called Erh-huang-tien Village (in Cantonese Yi-wong-tin Two Emperors' Palace Village) which was closely related to the royal visit. Amongst the many old villages listed in the Hsin-an Gazetteer was the name Erh-huang-tien but written in the form, meaning Two Huangs' Store. Ch'en Pê-tao was the first scholar to point out that this was a mistake and should be Two Emperors' Palace. (The Cantonese pronunciations of huang for emperor and huang for yellow are the same, and in Mandarin tien for palace and tien for store are the same. The error in the Gazetteer may be ascribed to intentional alteration of the two characters to avoid political trouble in the Yuan dynasty which exterminated the last two emperors of Southern Sung.) This interpretation is acceptable. \n\nA few other writers in modern times in describing the historical sites in Kowloon have likewise confirmed the existence of such a village. It has been generally taken for granted that it was so named because the last two Sung emperors stayed there for some time, or constructed a palace there. Furthermore, the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205278, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "The Travelling Palace of Southern Sung\n\n33\n\nFirst,\n\nWhat in fact is the significance of this stone gate? According to Sung Hsueh-p'eng, in the original temple in the former Ma-tau-wei Village, which used to be populated by Chiu clansmen, descendants of Sung emperors and princes, there were two idols, one male and the other female, dressed as an emperor and an empress respectively. During the reign of Kuang Hsü in late Ch'ing, the male idol was clad in a gorgeous yellow robe embroidered with dragons. Later, the Chiu clansmen removed to another place and people of other clans came to live there until the evacuation of the population and the demolition of the whole village. It is, therefore, apparent that at least some members of the royal party did stay in the village during their visit to Kowloon. Secondly, apart from being the only historical relic besides the Sung Wong Toi stone commemorating the visit of the two emperors of Southern Sung in Kowloon, it marks the boundary line of the Kuan-fu Travelling Palace in the west. As a result of the valuable work done at the present site by the Government, we now have an additional attractive and distinctive symbol of the cultural history of Hong Kong and Kowloon.\n\nVIII. THE TRAVELLING PALACE\n\nOne must do away with the conception, rather the misconception, that by the word \"palace\" is meant a single, magnificent building for the residence or office of a king or emperor constructed to a beautiful design, of valuable materials and of gorgeous colours. The term \"travelling palace\" (literally translated from the Chinese hsing-kung) implies the place where an emperor stayed on his travels. Such was the Travelling Palace of Southern Sung in Kowloon (Kuan-fu).\n\nPerhaps a translation of the more detailed account of the Travelling Palace in Ya-shan written by one of the officials in the court at that time gives a clear view of what a travelling palace was like. In 1278, after arriving at Ya-shan, the mountain behind the Ya-men Bay where the Sungs met their last defeat from the Mongols, the royal party constructed the travelling palace. In the sixth month, they entered the mountain and chopped down trees wherewith to construct one thousand military houses and a travelling palace of thirty houses. In the compound, the central (or", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205279, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "34 \n\nJEN YU-WEN \n\nregular) palace, tien, was for the Queen Mother Young and was called by the name of Ts'u-yuan Tien (18. \n\nIt is reasonable to imagine that when they arrived in Kowloon their manner of life was practically the same as later in Ya-shan. The royal party with their attendants and the generals and ministers with their families went ashore followed by a number of royal guards, while the rest of the one hundred thousand soldiers had to stay on the boats. I believe that the royal party, including the mother Queen, Tuan Tsung, his younger brother and their closest attendants, were welcomed by the Salt-field Administrator, who was the chief official of the area, and accommodated in the better and more permanent houses in Kuan-fu Tsai. It is said that at the foot of the Kuan-fu Tsai Hill there was a large, flat stone which the Queen Mother used as her dressing table and hence it was called the Queen Mother's Dressing Stone, wang-mu shu-chuang shih (14†). The others had to live in the several villages and houses and huts which were hurriedly built with whatever materials were available in the area, such as bamboo, wood, mud, straw, stones, etc. No magnificent and beautiful palaces or mansions could have been built, owing to lack of time they stayed for only two months and want of the better class of building material. Such temporary houses must have spread all over the area. \n\nA close scrutiny of the earlier government maps show that the terrain in this area was very suitable for habitation. There was a brook which ran south from the northern mountainous area. There was another one running east from the valley between the two pincers on the northern end of the Kuan-fu Mountain. The two brooks converged on the western side of the Sacred Hill to form the Ma-tau-ch'ung, (i.e. stream), which then flows into Kowloon Bay. Thus there was enough fresh water for drinking, cooking and other purposes for thousands of people. It was in this large plain that the Kuan-fu Travelling Palace of Southern Sung was located (see map). \n\nIX. THE REST OF THE ITINERARY \n\nHaving encamped at Kuan-fu for two months from the 4th to the 6th, being the summer of 1277, the royal party, now threatened by the advent of the Mongols, moved on by boat with all", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205280, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "The Travelling Palace of Southern Sung\n\n35\n\nits followers to a nearby islet, Ku-ta (†) or Ancient Pagoda, Tung-lung Island.19 In the autumn they proceeded to Ch'ien-wan (*) which is now definitely identified as Tsun-wan (now written) along the western coast of Kowloon. Two months later, the Mongol army, which had been pursuing them along the shore, began to attack. The boy Emperor sailed to Hsiu-shan (ƒ), now known as Hu-men or the Bogue. Continuously under pressure from the Mongols, Tuan Tsung passed by Hsiang-shan District (at present Chung-shan) and reached Tseng-o (#4), south of Macao, where his ship was badly damaged by a typhoon. He himself fell into the sea but was rescued. The terrible shock led him to contract a fatal disease. He was sick on board ship until the spring of 1278, when the whole fleet sailed northward back to the harbour at the mouth of the Pearl River. By that time Canton had been recaptured by some royalists and so they felt safe enough to anchor and encamp at Kang-chou which is identified as Ta-yu-shan or Lantau Island20.\n\nTwo months later he died there. His younger brother Ping succeeded him on the throne and became the last emperor of Sung. He named the new reign Hsiang Hsing (#) and the 1st year began in the next month, still 1278. In the 6th month the new emperor had to sail away with the whole fleet southwestward until they arrived at Ya-Shan of the Hsin-hui District. Finally, in the 2nd month of the next year (spring 1279), they fought the last battle against the Mongol forces commanded by the arch-traitor Chang Hung-fan (K). As a result of the defeat the whole army perished. The boy Emperor with his royal seal was tied to the body of his prime minister, Lu Hsiu-fu, who plunged into the sea, to be followed by thousands of court officials in a mass suicide. When the Queen Mother Young heard of the tragic and heroic death of the Emperor she also drowned herself, thus ending the long reign of 315 years of the Northern and Southern Sung Dynasty.\n\nBefore concluding this talk let me point out that besides the above story there is a deep and important meaning to be derived from our study of the Travelling Palace of Southern Sung in Kowloon. Throughout the Sung Dynasty, China was frequently invaded by neighbouring foreign tribes. Almost every year there was war, not only against the Hsi Hsia (the Tangut), but also, in turn, the Liao (Khitan), the Chin (Nuchen) and the Mongols.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205281, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "36 \n\nJEN YU-WEN \n\nAt the close of Southern Sung, the last two emperors had to flee and seek refuge by the shores of the sea, from where they led a hundred thousand odd officials and soldiers in the noble endeavour to restore the empire. The Kuan-fu area, with the three big characters Sung Wong Toi still remaining, commemorates one of the last portions of Sung territory on which the two emperors stood. Shortly afterwards they met their ultimate defeat and the whole country was lost to a foreign tribe for the first time in China's history. But what we commemorate is not this unfortunate event in our national history; it is the spirit of nationalism and patriotism displayed in the last struggle of the Sung patriots for the recovery of the mother country.\n\nThe independence and freedom of China had a higher claim to their lives. This unconquerable spirit, expressed in the unceasing revolutionary efforts of the Chinese people to fight against the Mongols ever since the last days of Kuan-fu and Ya-shan, was finally crowned with success in the overthrow of the Yuan Dynasty less than 90 years afterwards. Today, when we pass through the ancient site of the Travelling Palace and look at the Sung Wong Toi monument, we see the symbol of this same spirit, which is the essential quality necessary for the survival of any nation on earth.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 This lecture is a condensation of my Chinese article Sung Kuan-fu Hsing-kung K'ou (†‡3hB) published in the Continent Magazine (†\nA), Taiwan, September, 1966.\n\n2 Such as Ch'en Chung-wei, Erh-Wang Pen-mo (RR#i, =±**), Shu Mou-kuan, Hsin-an Hsien-chih (Chia-ch'ing), Gazetteer of Hsin-an District (**T. **\n**BA), K'o Wei-ch'i, Sung-shih Hsin-pien (MM. ER #), Chang Hsu, Ya-shan Chih (HM, AJA), Nan Sung Shu (ET).\n\n* Mother Yu was never again mentioned in historical records; probably she had died.\n\n4 For references, details and discussions on the royal itinerary from beginning to end, see my treatise Sung-mo erh-ti nan-ch'ien nien-lu k'ou (**=*64***) in Sung Wong Toi, a Commemorative Volume (edited and compiled by myself), Hong Kong, 1960, pp. 122-174 (X£b444).\n\n5 It is alleged that there were eight mountain ranges spreading over the peninsula which look like running dragons (lung), and that when the boy Emperor stayed at the place, people pointed out that he himself represented the ninth, as an emperor was commonly believed to be symbolized by a dragon. But the more rational and reasonable interpretation for the origin of the name would be that there are altogether nine mountain ranges spreading over the peninsula. According to Hsi-nan I Chuan (§§ AM) in Hou-han-shu (**後漢書**), the Ai-lao-i (‡‡✯ aboriginal tribe Lao) in Yunnan Province called back “k'ou\" and seat \"lung\". Hence to them, Kowloon meant", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205282, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "THE TRAVELLING PALACE OF SOUTHERN SUNG\n\n37\n\n\"the back seat\". But before accepting this interpretation, one must verify the identity of the Yunnan Lao with the aboriginal tribe dwelling in Kow-Joon speaking the same language.\n\n6 See my article \"The Southern Sung Stone-engraving at North Fu-t'ang\" in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 5, 1965. At line 17 of the article \"before this date\" should read \"after this date\". The Chinese text on the engraven rock was given in my article, but was not accompanied by a literal translation, which now follows:\n\n[I] Yen I-chang of Ku-pien (K'ai-feng, Honan Province), being the administrator of this Field (namely, Kuan-fu Ch'ang), accompanied by Ho T'ien-chuch of San-shan (Foochow, Fukien Province), come to visit these two mountains (North and South Fu-t'ang). In the course of investigation, [I found, first, that] the stone pagoda (shih-ta, or colloquially called Ku-shih-ta and abbreviated to Ki-ta) at South T'ang was constructed in the 5th year of the reign of Ta Chung Hsiang Fu (i.e., of Emperor Tsen Tsung of Northern Sung, A.D. 1012). Next, Cheng Kuang-ch'ing of San-shan, piling up stones and chopping down trees, renovated the two T'angs. Again, T'eng Liao-chuch of Yung-chia (Wen-chou of Chekiang Province) continued the work. The ancient stone-tablet at North T'ang was established by Hsin P'o-ting of Ch'uan-chou (Fukien province) in the year wu shen but the reign [of what Emperor] cannot be ascertained. Now, Nien Fa-ming of San-shan and Lin Tao-i of this native place (i.e., Kowloon) continue the work. Furthermore, Tao-i can expand the former plan requesting [me] to establish another stone-engraving for commemoration [of the renovation]. Inscribed on the 15th day of the 6th lunar month in the year chia shu [i.e., 10th year] during the Hsien Shun reign (Emperor Tu Tsung of Southern Sung, A.D. 1274).\n\n7 Yuan Yuan, Kwangtung T'ung-chih, Haifang lüeh, chuan 2, kx. Ak Ma. 40%. Shu Mou-kuan, Hsin-an Hsien-chi, chuan 7, Chien-shu lüeh 建署累\n\n8 Ta-ch'ing Hui-tien, Kuan-chih kao. 76.\n\n9 Research notes by the late Sung Hsueh-p'eng (4) who had done much research work on the local history and geography of Hong Kong and Kowloon. A portion of the notes was generously recopied and given to me.\n\n10 Ibid.\n\n11 T'u-shu Chi-cheng, Chih-fang-tien (811A.AZ) records that \"This was the old engraving of Yuan times”.\n\n12 Chuan 18, Sheng-chi-lüeh BAY.\n\n13 Before 1941 there were three streets at this place, called \"Sung Street\", \"Ti (Emperor) Street\" and \"Ping Street\". (Apparently Emperor Ping was mistaken for Tuan Tsung (Shib). As the history of Southern Sung in Kowloon had been rather obscure, the mixing up of the two names was not very unlikely; even the Hsin-an Gazetteer made the same mistake. This whole area including the three streets was levelled during the Japanese occupation to facilitate the extension of Kai-tak airfield.\n\n14 See Jao Tsung-i, Kowloon yũ Sung-chi shih-liao ✯‡, ^*‡‡‡£ #, Hong Kong, Universal Book Co., 1959, p. 105.\n\n15 Wu Pa-ling, Sung-t'ai kan-chiulu 4*. *4434 in Sung Wong Toi, a Commemorative Volume, p. 108.\n\n16 By the side of the cliff a low-cost housing estate has been recently constructed south of the new Fu-ning Street (3##), east of the now Fuk-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205283, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "38 \n\nJEN YU-WEN \n\ncheung Street (###) and west of the new Shing-tak Street (##). The main entrance to the estate is directly west of the junction of Shing-tak Street and Ma-tau-kok Road. These buildings are constructed on the very site of the Two Emperors' Palace Village (No. 8 in the map). \n\n17 Ibid., p. 108. \n\n18 Ch'en Chung-wei, Erh-Wang pen-mo. \n\n19 See my article, \"The Southern Sung Stone-engraving at North Fu-t'ang\" in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 5 (1965). \n\n20 There has been a different theory, from the Ming Dynasty down to the present, that Kan-chou (A) is a small island commonly called Nau-chou (4) south of Hua-chou (#1) near Kuang-chou-wan, but I do not agree with this. See Sung Wong Toi, a Commemorative Volume, pp. 175-206, 313f., 323-301 for my lengthy discussion and argument with Jao Tsung-i, the present exponent of this theory. See also Jao, op. cit., chuan 5, pp. 51-83 and Lo Hsiang-lin, ★ R★ Hsiang-kang Ch'ien-tai-shih, Hong Kong, Institute of Chinese Culture, 1959, pp. 92-94. [This book has been translated into English and its title is Hong Kong and Its External Communications Before 1842]. Professor Lo's conclusion agrees with mine. \n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205284, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "39\n\nPRINTING - A NEW DISCOVERY\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\nIn 1963 the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society published a paper of mine entitled \"The development of printing in China and its effect on the renaissance under the Sung dynasty (960 - 1279).\" Recently a new find was made which, if confirmed, pushes back the history of block printing some fifteen years, possibly more. The discovery occurred last October when certain Korean scholars noticed that a stone stupa known as Sokka Tap 釋迦塔, at Pulguk sa 佛國寺, had been damaged. On investigation they found a printed Buddhist sutra hidden in its interior. (See plates 5 and 6) It was in the form of a scroll made of thick mulberry paper, mounted on a piece of bamboo, lacquered at each end. The text is some 630 cm. long and 6 cm. wide, the printed portion being 5.3 cm. in width. The exact length cannot be determined as the scroll has not been fully unrolled due to its poor condition. In fact, about one third has suffered serious damage from worms; the rest of it, however, is in fair condition. Later examination revealed that the printing had been executed by means of a series of woodblocks, twelve in number, each about 20 or 21 inches in length. Then the separate pieces of paper had been joined together to form a continuous scroll, just as was the text of the famous Diamond Sutra of 868, discovered in 1907 at the cave library of Ch'ien-fo-tung near Tun-huang (west China) by Sir Aurel Stein, now at the British Museum. The scholars who have pronounced this an authentic piece of printing are Professors Kim Sanggi and Yi Hongjik, members of the Cultural Assets Preservation Committee, Ministry of Education, Seoul.\n\nIn the cavity of the stupa there were, besides the scroll, reliquary vessels, Buddhist images, tiny pagodas, incense sticks, pieces of silk, etc. (See plate 7). They seem to be typical of the period not only in Korea, but also in China and in Japan. These items are important discoveries in themselves, and deserve further study.\n\nThe text is well known. Its title in Chinese is Wu kou ching kuang ta to-lo-ni ching (in Sanskrit: Raśmivimalavaviśuddhaprabhā dhāranī). It was first rendered into", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205285, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "40\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\nChinese by Mi-t'o-hsien tu, a monk from Tokhara in central Asia, who lived at Ch'ang-an (then capital of China) from 680 to 704, after which he returned home. These are the years when the Empress Wu (reigned 684-704) ruled the land. This fact\n\n武后 is important as the Empress foisted certain strange characters upon her Chinese subjects. One at least of these appears in the sutra: for (heaven; the elements sun, moon, and earth appearing inside an old form for ); this helps to establish the genuineness of the text. Now the stupa seems to have been erected at the same time as the temple itself, which was completed in 751. Unfortunately no date has so far been found on the text, as was the case in the above-mentioned Diamond Sutra of 868. There seems little reason to doubt the mid-8th century attribution, however, as the calligraphy of the scribe who brushed out the characters for the woodblock is like that of other literary remains of mid-T'ang provenance (found at Tun-huang and elsewhere), and the scholars reporting the discovery assert that the artifacts found together with the text showed no sign of a disturbing hand.\n\nIf then the date of 751 or earlier may be accepted, Korea has revealed evidence for printing which pre-dates the evidence from Japan. As may be recalled, the exact dates for the printing of the charms distributed by the Empress Shōtoku are not exactly known but they run between 764 and 770. (See the discussion in my revision of Thomas Francis Carter, The Invention of Printing in China and its Spread Westward, 2nd edn., Columbia University Press 1955, chapter 7.) Add to this another remarkable fact: both the Japanese empress and the unknown individual responsible for the printing at Pulguk sa made use of the same sutra. They must have considered that it had unusual powers. The main difference between the texts is that the Korean made much more use of it. His runs to twenty feet or more as against eighteen inches in the Japanese examples. The width of the two texts is almost identical (2 inches). These measurements may be compared with the sutras printed about two centuries later; one group, found in the pagoda of a monastery at Hu-chow (Chekiang) bearing a date equivalent to 956, and others found in the Thunder Peak Pagoda near Hangchow, dated 975. The first measured 2.5 inches in width (inner portion 1.95 ins.), length not specified; the second 2.8 inches wide and 6 feet 9 inches long. Incidentally the items dated 956 were also dhāranīs taken from the sutra translated by Mi-t'o-hsien.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205300, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "EXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN HAKKA SOCIETY\n\n55\n\non New Year and the grave festivals. This kin group, spanning over several localized major lineages might be called a 'composite lineage',13 a 'maximal lineage', or more conveniently 'clan'.\n\nMaurice Freedman, in his analytical description of kinship structure and organization in the south-eastern provinces of China, recognizes latent possibilities of wider spans of kin bonds:\n\nPast connections which were traced between lineages through fission might be made the basis for some sort of clan grouping, but there was no regular framework for the expansion of a segmentary system beyond the limits of a local group.14\n\nThe\n\nFreedman's supposition comes true in the actual case. Lau clan could hardly be described in terms of organization or function; but still there is a clear concept of the Lau people as contrasted with other groups bearing the same or other surnames. This Hakka clan is then a loose 'we-group'; rather a concept than an organization. Common ancestor worship is the social ceremonialism expressing this unit, based on sentiment of common descent.15\n\nVisits to the village of origin should have a symbolic aspect, comparable to the visits to the graves at the Ch'ing Ming and Chung Yang festivals in spring and autumn.16 The fact that ceremonial bonds connect localized lineages requires an analytical recognition of the clan. I prefer the term 'clan' to 'maximal lineage'. The Hakka concept of clan tsung-tsu (M) -- is one of an everlasting unit with a fixed foundation antedating what could clearly be remembered, while segmentary lineages tend to depend on historical processes of settlement. The latter emerge on a scale of generations provided by the clan.\n\nThere is good reason to focus particular interest on the process of segmentation. Freedman has traced\n\nthe intimate connection between the endowment of ancestral halls and lineage segmentation: a new segment came into being when property was set aside to finance a hall for it. ...lineage segmentation in this fashion was an aspect also of differentiation, in the sense that any section of a segment which wished to mark a new identity for itself on the basis of its superior status vis-à-vis other sections could turn itself into a sub-segment by establishing a hall,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205318, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "EXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN HAKKA SOCIETY\n\n73\n\n2 There are indications that this mountain area at one time was inhabited by non-Chinese Yao people; Barnett 1957, p. 261. The present inhabitants, however, are all Hakka- and Cantonese-speaking Chinese, settled here for only about 300 years.\n\n3 The estimated average price for local unmilled rice is (1965) HK$28 per picul for first crop rice. The corresponding figure for second crop rice is HK$36 a picul.\n\n4 Chiu 1964, p. 77.\n\n5 Bot. Report 1906, p. 221.\n\nIt could be added that a fish hawker is touring the area daily. He is from Sai Kung and his route includes Grass Field Village and Plum Grove Village. There are also other occasional peddlers, trading in food and sweets. Some shops can be found at the mining workers' settlement at Ma On Shan. Fishermen call at the pier there every morning. People from Big Stream Village often take advantage of these facilities.\n\n7 S., D. W. 1900, p. 202f. See also Tregear & Berry 1959, p. 12ff, and Hayes 1966, p. 128f.\n\n8 In a village just outside Canton, \"almost all those who went to work on ships were Wongs. This was chiefly due to the functioning of kinship relations in economic life. One who knew of an opportunity in one's own occupation usually recommended it to a kinsman. A Lee already engaged in business in Hong Kong would hire his own relatives as help or recommend them to fellow businessmen who might need help. A Wong in the 'hard labour' business, an activity tightly controlled by secret societies, or in marine work, did the same for his own kinsmen.\" Yang 1959, p. 73.\n\n9 Lockhart Report, p. 557. Census 1911, p. 103.\n\n10 Skinner 1964/65, p. 202. For further details, see Groves 1965a and 1965b.\n\n11 The Ng people in Plum Grove Village have no connections with the former Grass Field people of the same surname.\n\n12 The coastal area of Kwangtung was the scene of a dramatic mass deportation, executed by the Ch'ing occupants as a counter-measure in the struggle against raiding Ming loyalists. This course of action was carried out from 1661. Eight years later the coastal strip was declared open for settlement and an active policy by the Viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, A Ke-min, lured immigrants to the waste lands. The main influx of Hakka to the New Territories was in the following decades. If this is correct it may be that the Lau people appeared in this area during the course of this re-occupation. See Hui 1963, p. 89ff.\n\nSee Hui 1963, p. 89ff. However, Professor Freedman (1967) has quite correctly pointed out that the data are by no means conclusive on the effective evacuation of the area.\n\n13 Skinner 1964/65, p. 37.\n\n14 Freedman 1958, p. 50.\n\n15 In the Hakka village in the Tolo Harbour area, studied by Jean Pratt, at the Chinese New Year 'all the men go to the lineage hall in a village across the valley, where they claim their ancestors lived. Pratt 1960, p. 149. But note supplementary information in Freedman 1966, p. 41; this issue, however, has no bearing on my argument. Similar social ceremonialism seems to have occurred among the Cantonese-speaking Punti population. See Hayes 1962, p. 28.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205322, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "EXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN HAKKA SOCIETY\n\n77\n\nincome of this man is then at least HK$25. It is also interesting to note that costs in the villages are often estimated in terms of British currency.\n\n40 See e.g. Baker 1965, p. 30.\n\n41 Marriage connections were then cast outside the standard market area of Tai Po. This is in contradiction to an assumption by G. W. Skinner (Skinner 1964/65, p. 36), who suggests that standard marketing communities were endogamous in traditional times.\n\n42 Sometimes children by this mating were brought back to the village. In Big Stream Village there is a man whose mother was a Jamaican woman, and his features are quite distinct. However, I have the impression that he is fairly well integrated in the village. He was, for instance, the only male I saw performing ancestral rites at the graves at the Ch'ing Ming festival. He is working as a policeman in Sha Tin. Otherwise I have not come across any secondary marriages in the valley.\n\nREFERENCES\n\nBAKER, H.\n\n[1965] 'Marriage and the Family', Aspects of Social Organization in the New Territories, (Hong Kong, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch) n.d.\n\nBALL, J. DYER\n\n1925 Things Chinese, or Notes Connected with China, 5th edn, rev. by E. C. T. Werner, (Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh).\n\nBARNETT, K. A.\n\n1957 'The People of the New Territories', Hong Kong Business Symposium, a Compilation of Authoritative Views on the Administration, Commerce and Resources of Britain's Far Eastern Outpost, J. M. Braga (ed.), (Hong Kong, South China Morning Post).\n\n1958 'Introduction on Hong Kong Place-names', Hong Kong Gazetteer to the Land Utilization Map of Hong Kong and the New Territories, with Chinese and English Names, T. R. Tregear (ed.), (Hong Kong, University of Hong Kong Press).\n\nBot. Report 1906\n\n1907 'Report on the Botanical and Forestry Department for the Year 1906', Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong 1907, (Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., Government Printers).\n\nCensus 1911\n\n1911 'Report on the Census of the Colony for 1911', Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong 1911, (Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., Government Printers).\n\nCHEN TA\n\n1939 Emigrant Communities in South China, (New York, Institute of Pacific Relations).\n\nCHIU TZE NANG\n\n1964 'Land Use in the Extreme East of the New Territories', Land Use Problems in Hong Kong, S. G. Davis (ed.), (Hong Kong, University of Hong Kong Press).\n\nEITEL, E. J.\n\n1895 Europe in China, The History of Hong Kong from the Beginning to the Year 1882, (London and Hongkong, Luzac and Co.).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205347, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "102\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\n2 This figure is given in the table at p. 145 in Sessional Papers, i.e. Papers laid before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, for 1906 (Hong Kong, Noronha & Co., Government Printers) included in \"New Territories: Land Court, Report on Work from 1900 to 1905\". The figure is for all private lots demarcated, and includes house lots as well as agricultural land.\n\n3 Colony Census of 1911 in Sessional Papers 1911, pp. 103 (22, 26 and 37-38).\n\n4 See Extracts from a Report by Mr. Stewart Lockhart on the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong in The Hong Kong Government Gazette, 8 April 1899 at p. 541. Also Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (JHKBRAS), Vol. 3 (1963), pp. 144-145 and Vol. 4 (1964), pp. 146-150.\n\n5 This information is based on my own extensive enquiries in the Hong Kong region. They corroborate the usual accounts given in many books, among them E. T. Williams, China Yesterday and Today (London etc., Harrap & Co., 1923) pp. 118-136, Chapter VI, \"The Village Republic\" and E. T. C. Werner, China of the Chinese (London, Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1920), pp. 161-165, \"Local Government”.\n\n6 See p. 12 and notes 15-17 of my \"The Settlement and Development of a Multiple-Clan Village\" (Shek Pik on Lantau Island) in Aspects of Social Organisation in the New Territories (Hong Kong, Hong Kong Branch of Royal Asiatic Society, n.d. but 1965),\n\n7 See also my note \"Village Credit at Shek Pik, 1879-1895\" in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, No. 5 (1965), pp. 119-122, for interest rates of 50% of principal per annum, simple interest, from a money loaning Tong in the same area. This Tong's varied means of doing business are paralleled in the surviving papers showing Cheung Kwong-chuen's agreements with local farmers,\n\n* See Ping-ti Ho, The Ladder of Success in Imperial China, Aspects of Social Mobility, 1368-1911 (New York, Columbia University Press, 1962), pp. 33-38, \"It would not be an exaggeration to say that in Ch'ing times practically anybody who could afford a little over 100 taels could obtain the chien-sheng title and the right to wear the scholar's gown and cap\", p. 34.\n\n* For more details of the area see my article \"A Mixed Community of Cantonese and Hakka on Lantau Island\" in Aspects of Social Organisation in the New Territories, cited at note 6 above.\n\n10 His name heads the list of twenty-six persons who presented a commemorative red and gilt board on the occasion of the last major repair to the Tin Hau temple at Ham Tin, Pui O dated the equivalent of 15 January 13 February 1915.\n\n11 For a brief account of this village see the article referred to in note 6 above.\n\n12 The Census of 1911 lists 5,694 Cantonese and only 944 Hakka out of an estimated land population of 6,710. See Sessional Papers 1911, p. 103 (22). I have my suspicions about the Hakka figure but have not yet counter-checked by other means. For alleged Cantonese domination see inter alia K. M. A. Barnett, \"The Peoples of the New Territories\" in J. M. Braga (ed) The Hong Kong Business Symposium (Hong Kong, South China Morning Post, 1957), pp. 261-265, and G. N. Orme's \"Report on the New Territories 1899-1912\" in Sessional Papers 1912, p. 44 where he says that the imposition of British rule led to the freeing of the neighbours of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205397, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 159, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "152\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nA CANNON FROM THE END OF THE MING PERIOD\n\nYour Honorary Editor has suggested that I write a short piece about the cannon recently found near the Sino-British frontier about twenty miles from Kowloon. I do so with some hesitation, as I have not seen the piece and it has probably already received some attention, including a translation of the inscription. Nonetheless here is my rendering of the latter:\n\n\"Weight: 300 catties.\n\nConstructed on the 26th September 1650 by the following: Wu, Superintendent of Inland Seas, Chief Military Commissioner, installed (?) as Ting-hai General,\n\nTu, Governor General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, by imperial order.\n\nFan, Regional Commander of Kwangtung and guardian of the imperial heir (?),\n\nHsiao Li-jen, Local Commander of military operations, Su, Chief of bureau (?), Chief of military commission.”2\n\nIt is of some interest to note that the names of Tu, Fan, and Hsiao Li-jen appear also on the inscription of the cannon dated June/July 1650, found in Kowloon Bay in 1956.3 So far I have not been able to identify any of these individuals, especially since four of the five are listed by their hsing only. Doubtless they would all have owed their appointments to one or other of the Ming princes who were trying to uphold the authority of the tottering dynasty. One of these was Chu I-hai (Prince of Lu), then with headquarters at Chusan, captured by the Manchus on October 15, 1651. Another and more likely one was Chu Yu-lang (Prince of Kuei) who at this date held his court on boats at Wu-chou. Canton, after a siege of eight months, was taken by the Ch'ing forces on November 20, 1650.\n\nThese, as may be imagined, were parlous days for the house of Ming. Not alone for the surviving members of the imperial family, but also for the local population and the foreigners in their midst.4 One may surmise that the casting of cannon in the summer and early autumn of 1650 was a singularly difficult and hazardous one. But cannon and their casting were well known to the Chinese in this and earlier times.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205398, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n153\n\nLong before the arrival of the Europeans in south China (1514) the Chinese were manufacturing cannon. Examples of them, some bearing fourteenth century dates, may be seen in museums in north China. The earliest one known, bearing a date equivalent to 1332, is housed in the Historical Museum in Peking. For an illustration see my short article in ISIS55(no.180), June 1964, pp. 193-4. At the beginning of the sixteenth century a new type appears, apparently introduced from Java or Cochin-China. It is known in Chinese literature as fo-lang-chi (or Farangi-Franks), the name applied slightly later to the Portuguese. This type is remarked as early as 1510. (Cf. Pelliot in T'oung Pao, 1948, pp. 199-207.) In the struggles against the Japanese and other pirates who infested the coast during the Chia-ching reign (1522-66) these cannon were frequently put to use not only on land but also at sea. (See Chao Shih-chen, Shen-ch'i p'u i, published 1598. Chao knew what he was writing about, as he was a drafter in the Grand Secretariat at the court in Peking, concerned with military defense, and is said to have manufactured some firearms himself.) Ming dynasty illustrations of war vessels sometimes show cannon mounted on deck. (See Mao Yüan-i, Wu-pei chih, published 1621, chüan 117. Mao was an expert on military affairs, and saw service both in Liao-ning and Fukien.) In the effort to repel the Manchu invaders in the north the Ming court sought the aid of both the Spanish and the Portuguese. Huang K'o-tsuan, for example, reports that when he was serving in the ministry of war (up to 1619) he recruited people from Luzon who could manufacture cannon; they made twenty-eight pieces, which he sent up to the northeast frontier in Manchuria. These must have been formidable (or Huang was trying to impress his superiors) for one cannon is said to have weighed over three thousand catties, and a shot could dispose of some seven hundred barbarians! (Ming shih-lu, Hsi-tsung, 4/29b. I owe this reference to Dr. Ray Huang, visiting professor at Columbia University.)5\n\n*\n\nThe importation of cannon and cannoneers from Macao about this same time is well known. In 1621 the well-known Christian convert and high official Hsü Kuang-ch'i ordered a shipment sent up to Peking, and a year later he recommended that the Jesuit fathers, Nicolo Longobardi and Manuel Diaz, proceed to Macao to purchase ten cannon and a few soldiers to operate them. In", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205399, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 161, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "154\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n1626 the Manchus were stopped in their tracks at Ning-yüan by the foreign artillery. But this setback was not to last very long. They saw the usefulness of these weapons and set about casting some themselves. These proved effective in the conquest of the northern frontier (1643-44) and in the years to follow as their armies plunged on down across both the Yellow and Yangtze Rivers to Kwangtung and Kweichow.\n\nColumbia University\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\nNOTES\n\n1 In this I have consulted Mr. C. N. Tay of the American Museum of Numismatics, New York City.\n\n2 The inscription on the cannon is given below. This cannon was found lying on open ground in the Tsiu Keng sub-district in the northern part of the New Territories. It was reported by Mr. R. E. dos Remedios, Senior Land Assistant in the District Office, Taipo in August 1966. The cannon was completely exposed and must have been in this condition for a long time. It is not clear how it came to be there.\n\n* This cannon, which was mentioned in passing in the note on the Tung Chung Fort, at p. 148 of Vol. 4 of the Journal (1964), was dredged from the sea in 1956, either from Kowloon Bay in the course of work on the extension to Hong Kong airport or from Fat Tong Mun (otherwise called Joss House Bay) in the approaches to Hong Kong Harbour—sources differ. It is now mounted with a plaque in Chinese and English outside the Central Government Offices (East Wing), Hong Kong. It was heavier than the one recently discovered; 300 catties as compared with 300 catties. The Chinese inscription, which is much the same, is also given below.\n\n4 An insight into the happenings of these troubled times is preserved in the family record of the Tsui (徐) clan formerly of Shek Pik on Lantau island, to which their ancestor had removed in the 16th Century. The family came from Mong Ngau Tun (望牛墩) in Tung Kwun district (東莞) where they had settled in the Sung dynasty from Kiangsi province. There was fighting in Tung Kwun against the Manchus after their success in the North. The record which gives no precise date for this occurrence, though it must have been within a few years of the change of dynasty in 1644 — reads\n\n—\n\nSau Yeung-kap, a civil officer, and Li Shing-tung, a general, instigated an uprising against the new dynasty in Tung Kwun. As the revolt gathered momentum, oxen and horses were killed for food, and rice and corn became as expensive as pearls. For miles, one could see nothing animate; the fields were covered with dead bodies. In some places, human flesh was eaten by the starving people, and piles of human bones filled the ruined houses.\n\nA detachment of the Manchu army was sent to besiege the district city, then occupied by the rebels. In the conflict that ensued, human beings were massacred as though they were ants, and law-abiding people and bad characters alike were destroyed.\n\nFortunately, our clansmen, then living at Mong Ngau Tun, escaped this calamity. However, many of our former neighbours and fellow-natives in Ming Ka Lane lost their lives and [as the record says in another place] all the dispensations of the previous dynasty were regarded as scrap paper.\n\n(I am grateful to Mr. Gilbert Louie for this translation. Ed) Readers will note that Li Shing-tung (Li Ch'eng-tung) is mentioned in Prof. LO Hsiang-lin's Additional Note where he is described as Governor of Kwangtung.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205400, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 162, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "Page 162\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n155\n\n5 Professor Goodrich has written subsequently, \"It so happens that a cannon inscribed with a date equivalent to the spring of 1620, and bearing the names of Generalissimo Ch'en Liang-pi (a native of Kuangtung who died in 1644 in the collapse of the Ming) and Huang K'o-tsuan, is now in the Woolwich Museum, London,\n\nInscription on the Tsiu Keng cannon (recovered 1966)\n\n永 欽 管局都督府 曆 年 九月一日 造 督 總鎮宮保府 院 定海將軍 杜 范 督 理 重 府 百 片\n\nInscription on the Kowloon Bay cannon (recovered 1956)\n\n永 欽 總 督 理 衷 掛定海將軍 印 府 廣東總鎮宮保府范 督兩廣部院杜造 都 六月 督 參 將 蕭 利 仁 管局都司何興祥 朕日 重 五百斤\n\nNotes 2-4 have been added by the Hon. Editor with Professor Goodrich's consent. The photographs (plates 10 and 11) are by courtesy of the District Officer, Tai Po (Mr. T. J. Bedford) whose assistance is gratefully acknowledged by the Editor.\n\nPage 162", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205401, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "156\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nADDITIONAL NOTE to the above, kindly supplied by Professor LO Hsiang-lin, Professor of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, at Professor Goodrich's suggestion and the Hon. Editor's request.\n\nProfessor Lo writes:\n\n“I am pleased to provide a note on Tu, Fan and the Superintendent of Inland Seas, Chief military commissioner, installed as Ting-hai General. I regret that I have not been able to identify the other two persons, namely Hsiao Li-jen and Su.\n\nTu, Fan and the Superintendent of Inland Seas also appeared on the inscription of the cannon constructed in June 1650, discovered in 1956, for which I have written a short treatise entitled \"Researches on a Cannon made in the Fourth Year of the Yung-li Period of the Southern Ming (1650 A.D.), in Hong Kong”, (in Chinese) Ta-hsüeh Sheng-huo★ Vol. II, No. 10 (January 1957). For detailed information the reader may refer to my treatise on the cannon discovered earlier.\n\nTU, GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF KWANGTUNG AND KWANGSI ✯t, who re- 1648 and offered\n\nTu can be identified as Tu Yung-ho † †¤, a follower of the Governor of Kwangtung. Li Cheng-tung volted against the Ch'ing dynasty in Canton in his allegiance to the Emperor Yung-li (Chu Yu-lang *. formerly prince of Kuei) of the Southern Ming dynasty. When Li Cheng-tung died in the following year, the Ming emperor appointed Tu as Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi with his head-office at Canton. Thereupon Tu took up the responsibility of leading his men in their fight against the army and fleet sent by the Ch'ing government to crush the revolt. The Ch'ing general Shang K'o-hsi laid siege to Canton in February of the fourth year of Yung-li (1650). To check the enemy's advance, Tu used the two forts built by Li Ch'eng-tung which stretched out into the sea outside the city of Canton. However an officer under Tu conspired with the Ch'ing army and assisted the latter to land on December 2nd. The forts fell into the hands of the Ch'ing army and the city met the same fate. Tu and his fleet consisting of several hundred vessels made their escape through the sea route and headed for Kiungchow ] (the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205402, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 164, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n157\n\nisland of Hainan). An account of the historical episode mentioned above is given in Yang Lu-yung *, San-fan Chi-shih Pên-mo *, Chüan 3, The entry on the Southern Expedition of the Imperial Army; and in Wan Jui-lin *, Nan-chiang Yi-shih 40#, Chüan 4 (A brief account of the history of the Kwangtung Province), the Prince Yung Ming, Part One (edited by Li Yao 李瑤).\n\nAs the date of construction of this cannon was 26th September, 1650, it must have been cast for the express purpose of fighting the Ch'ing army during the siege of Canton.\n\nFAN, REGIONAL COMMANDER OF GUARDIAN OF THE IMPERIAL HEIR(?) KWANGTUNG\n\nAND\n\nFan's full name was Fan Ch'êng-ên ✯✯&. He was the traitor who conspired with the Ch'ing army during the siege of Canton. He caused the leakage in the embankments so that the Ch'ing army was able to land by stepping on floating logs and eventually took over the forts at Canton. When Shang K'o-hsi entered the city of Canton, Fan went up to surrender to him. See Yang Lu-yung, op. cit. and Wan Jui-lin, op. cit.\n\nWU, SUPERINTENDENT OF INLAND SEAS, CHIEF MILITARY COMMISSIONER, INSTALLED(?) AS TING-HAI GENERAL.\n\nWu may be a mistranscription of hsi, which together with yin Ep, signify the official credentials. In my opinion these titles of Superintendent of Inland Seas, Chief Military Commissioner installed as Ting-hai General do not refer to any particular person but were given to the cannon itself. It was the custom in the Ming dynasty to confer the title of 'ta chiang-chün' (the great general) on a new type of cannon called the fo-lang-chi (Franks) which the Chinese had learnt to manufacture in the sixteenth century. (See Chang Ting-yu 張廷玉, Ming Shih 明史, Chüan 92, military affairs, section 4). This tradition persisted in the Ch'ing dynasty and the fo-lang-chi type of cannon was invariably called 'The great general'. (See Ch'ing Wên-hsien T'ung-kao 清文獻通考, Chüan 194, military affairs, section 16.) This cannon constructed by Tu must have been cast according to the fo-lang-chi type. It is natural therefore that this cannon would have been conferred with the titles mentioned in the inscription.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205419, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 181, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "174\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nthe facts now available and his deftness in finding the right key to unlock the often unsuspected treasure contained in the traditional material, have enabled him to give us the main plot.\n\nFor the complete story we must wait, says Freedman. A satisfactory study of the lineage must rest on a study of China as a whole and for this we await the method: the great synthesis between sinology of history and the social sciences. We await too, in this connection, the day when China will again be open to scholarship (and we await the published results also of the many studies which have been conducted in recent years in the New Territories by students of the social sciences and which are relevant to the problems of this book and to other topics on Chinese society).\n\nBut there is something we could still do while awaiting such events. The author says that in an ideal world somebody would be paid to gather in or copy all that remains now—for not only paper perishes but inscribed stones and boards are removed and lost. When information to be culled from these sources is combined with data from British documents and the memories of old men (also being rapidly lost to us) there will be an opportunity to say something illuminating about this corner of southeastern China in the last years of the Ch'ing dynasty.\n\nIn talking of scholarship and China opening up again, Maurice Freedman ends on what he calls himself, a messianic note: the day will come. One would like to be equally messianic about the preservation and collection of our New Territories records. But perhaps one may at least hope the day will come for this too, and before it is too late.\n\nHong Kong, 1967,\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\nTAIWAN FEASTS AND CUSTOMS. A hand-book of the principal feasts and customs of the lunar calendar on Taiwan. Michael R. Saso, S. J., the Chabanel Language Institute, Hsinchu, Taiwan (Formosa), 1966, pp. iv, 93.\n\nWe by no means know all there is to know of the popular religion of China. Even if things were different: if we could go there to gather the necessary material, and if indeed popular", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205421, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 183, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "176\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\npopulation is involved in all this and its relationship to the institutional life of the society. There are a few useful pieces on such matters however. A section worth mentioning here is on the city gods who are second only in importance on the island to the goddess Ma Tsu. The section includes a detailed description of the temple to the city god in Hsinchu,\n\nIt appears that before the Ch'ing dynasty set up official law and order in Taiwan the need for public control in the early days of immigration was met largely by the city gods and their temples. In some cases temple attendants became the administrators of local justice and a group of bone-healers (associated with the temples?) the police force. Their shops in Taiwan, says the author, still display swords and helmets associated with their former role. Mandarin officials sent by the Ch'ing court in Peking had first to report to the city god temple and ask permission for any changes in local administration, and this went on until the Japanese curtailed the activity during their administration. Not only did the city gods \"take the place of the Imperial government\" in the early days, but \"each were given titles and enfeoffed (sic) with their territories\" (p. 58).\n\nThe resident in Hong Kong might be interested particularly in a section on Ma Tsu, who has assumed something of the status of patron saint in Taiwan. Ma Tsu, in fact, is none other than T'in Hau, \"Goddess of Heaven\" who is so important here to the boat population. The author gives us various legends of her origin which are popular in Taiwan and show us why she should have such importance for sea-faring folk (interestingly enough T'in Hau is similarly known as Ma Tsu in Macau and some believe Macau is in fact named after her). It is also interesting to note that those seven \"fairies\" known as the Seven Sisters in Hong Kong and worshipped by girls looking for husbands appear in Taiwan as the Seven Old Maids, with a particular role in care of children.\n\nIt is my impression that this book is probably written more with the interests of the foreign visitor or new foreign resident to Taiwan in mind, and perhaps those also of people working in Christian missions on the island. However, even if not directed especially to the research worker or resident elsewhere, there is much in this account to repay study by them. Hong Kong, 1967.\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205422, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 184, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS \n\n177 \n\nBUDDHISM IN CHINA, A HISTORICAL SURVEY, Kenneth K. S. Ch'en, Princeton University Press, 1964, pp. xii, 560, £5 (U.K.) \n\nWith perfect candor, and absolutely no insinuation of disparagement, it may be said that this book with its 486 pages of text and 43 pages of bibliography is not a work of original research but a conscientiously and painstakingly written, highly informative and engagingly readable general survey of a vast subject, based on the international Buddhistic publications in Chinese, Japanese, English, French and German. The author does not propose to settle any thorny or esoteric problem or penetrate into the obscure recesses of any occult doctrine, but gives an interesting account and all its ramifications with an almost cyclopaedic richness. He tells us the whirligig of Buddhist fortunes under the various dynasties, and especially the foreign dynasties - Northern Wei, Liao, Chin and Yuan; the involvement with politics—both on the ruling side and the rebelling side; and the close relationship with the various branches of Chinese culture: art, literature and philosophy. There is a concluding chapter of 16 pages on 'The Contributions of Buddhism' which is necessarily sketchy. The glossary of Buddhistic terms and the list of Chinese Names and Titles in Chinese script—though incomplete—are helpful to the reader. \n\nAs examples of the cyclopaedic interest of this book, two items especially may be mentioned: how Maitreya was naturalized to become Mi-lo-fo, and got involved with insurrectionary societies; and how Avalokitesvara was metamorphosed from, until the 10th century, a male into from then onwards a female. \n\nThere has been a legend in which it is alleged that Chinese culture has been completely indigenous and that China has refused to accept anything from outside. Such a legend exists and is prevalent because it is fostered both by domestic nationalistic, if not chauvinistic, pride and by the lack of historical knowledge on the part of foreigners. In fact, ever since the Bronze Age, China has had cultural intercourse with foreign cultures; the unearthed bronze articles of that period testify to that. Chinese music was notably influenced by outsiders. Many current popular, and many extinct classical, musical instruments are not native; the very names betray a foreign origin. Quite a number of the Chinese classical lyric measures bear appellations which have no", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205424, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 186, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS \n\n179 \n\nThe reprint, in so attractive an edition, of Derk Bodde's translation of the Annual Customs and Festivals of Peking by Tun Li-ch'en is most welcome. In setting himself the task of compiling information on the day to day life of the capital the Manchu author must have had a premonition of change, and that much that he recorded would be forgotten. The disastrous war with Japan in 1894 had laid bare China's shortcomings, and the efforts of K'ang Yu-wei to reform the structure of the Empire by modernisation had been thwarted by the old Empress Dowager. The country was seething with discontent at foreign encroachment, and the Boxer movement threatened to provoke the \"carving of the melon\" by the European powers and the loss of independence. The decay of the dynasty was accompanied by the disintegration of temples and architectural monuments for want of funds for maintenance, a process much accelerated by the advent of the Republic in 1912. Within a few years only the renting of the famous monasteries in the Western Hills as week-end residences by foreigners saved them from ruin, whilst many centres of pilgrimage mentioned by the author have since completely disappeared. \n\nThough the archaeologist may throw light on a vanished civilisation by the study of inscriptions and works of art, he cannot reveal its day to day life in the way that Chaucer's Canterbury Pilgrims depict mediaeval English society. Tun's record has a similar value since, though it is just over sixty years, or a 'Cycle of Cathay', since he recorded the highlights of each lunar month, there would be little he would recognise were he to revisit the scene of his life's activities. \n\nIn the original preface to Tun's book, written by his friend and fellow student Jun-fang Shu-t'ien, his wide interest in, and knowledge of, ancient customs is cited in commendation of the work, and the reader will be struck by the thoroughness with which the subject is treated. \n\nBeginning with New Year's eve the author describes the ceremonies for celebrating the coming season, and all the festivities appropriate to the Holiday Moon. The great temples, within and in the vicinity of the capital, are described as the annual festival of their patron saint comes round, and the appropriate dishes for the feast are invariably given. Even the belief that the consumption of candied crab apples is a prophylactic for coal-gas poisoning is recorded.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205426, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n181\n\nappendices. The first, Appendix A, is on the Chinese calendar, with a table of the twenty-four fortnightly periods,\n\nThe only criticism of this is the third column giving the approximate date in the Chinese calendar. This presumes New Year to fall on 20th February, the last possible day, throwing forward everything on an average by a fortnight.\n\nAppendix C, furnishing a list of the names of Fireworks, Pigeons, Popular forms of entertainment, Melons, Crickets, and Chrysanthemums is most intriguing. Valuable varieties of pigeons are the \"Toad-eyed grey,\" \"Square-edged unicorn\", and \"Wild duck of the Great Dipper\". Poets have similarly exercised their ingenuity in finding epithets for the Flower of the Ninth Moon for they include \"Purple Tiger whiskers\", \"Concubine of the Hsiao and Tsiang Rivers,\" and \"Wild Goose settling on level sand.\"\n\nIn short, Tun Li-ch'en has left us a vivid picture of life as it must have been lived in the capital for centuries before the violent impact of the western world. It was to change soon after. Within twelve years the Imperial fishpond, Wang Hai Lou, had filled up and was a snipe marsh, whilst in another decade it was walled-in as an experimental agricultural establishment. Again, the emancipation of women through the abolition of foot binding, and their escape from the purdah of the mud-walled compound killed all those forms of entertainment which could only be enjoyed in the home. The famous Shadow play, which he describes as bringing tears to women's eyes, was virtually extinct thirty years later, smothered by the cinema.\n\nTun's study of the human side of the ancient capital is an admirable supplement to the work of two foreigners who spent the best part of their lives there, namely — Arlington and Lewisohn's In search of old Peking.\n\nHong Kong, 1966,\n\nN DU BREUIL\n\nAs noted in the President's Report earlier in this volume Madame du Breuil, former Peking resident and a member of our Council, died in 1966.\n\nPRELUDE TO HONGKONG, Austin Coates. London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1966, pp. xi, 232. 40/-.\n\nIn view of the recent events in Macao and Hong Kong this book has a certain topical relevance. It covers the period from", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205427, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 189, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "182\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nWeddell's foray at the Bocca Tigris in 1637 until the exchange of ratifications of the Treaty of Nanking between Ch'i-ying and Pottinger on the newly ceded island of Hong Kong in June 1843. In this short book of 232 pages the author has mainly confined himself to retelling the part played by British subjects in the growth of foreign trade at Canton and the events which finally led to the cession of Hong Kong. He emphasizes the major role played by Macao in these events but without providing much information of interest not already known. Even the picturesque details of life in Macao which one might expect from Mr. Coates' known ability as a descriptive writer are few and far between.\n\nIn the main this is a simple account of how the British eventually gained Hong Kong, and in telling this story the author has traversed, in a brief space, the same ground that was covered by H. B. Morse in five volumes. The information is so compressed that one wonders whom the author had in mind when writing this book. Two hundred eventful years for which a mass of original documents in Chinese, Portuguese and English exist cannot satisfactorily be cut down to fit such a slim volume. Moreover, the author has resolutely made no concessions to scholarly readers, since the book contains almost no footnotes and no references to support the author's statements and judgments, and no details of the documentary sources from which quotations have been made.\n\nThe style of the writing may give some clue to the public for whom this book was designed; it is one of ‘imaginative reconstruction' based on the author's own sensibility rather than on thorough historical research and evidence supported by exact references. For instance, describing a Chinese official who could speak Portuguese he writes: \"No description of this one survives, yet we see him clearly. He is obviously Chinese, yet his youthful association with foreigners has changed something of his expression.... We cannot help being amused by his subtle understanding of his own people's weaknesses and shortcomings.” (p.9) This method is admirable in an historical novel but is out of place in what purports to be a factual account. At times the style tends to be rather arch, as though the author felt it necessary to sugar-coat his narrative in order to make it acceptable to the weaker students. The following examples show the kind of tricks he employs: \"But Weddell, a weather-beaten sea dog as tough as they come, was not a man to be taken in by a civil service answer\" (p.5). \"Let us", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205428, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 190, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n183\n\nagain draw back the curtain and look at what lay concealed behind it\" (p.11). “At this point we must take another look behind the scenes\" (p.29). On Anson's seizure of the Spanish galleon bringing treasure from Acapulco to Manila he writes that \"to the weird, unreal mandarinate of China it appeared horrific\". \"Weird' and 'unreal' to whom? To the English at that time, or to the Chinese people, or to the author alone? There is no evidence on which to base these epithets. They have meaning only in the author's own mind. On the same page he writes of the \"dastardly\" opinion which the Chinese were forming of Anson, But dastardly from whose point of view? Who is justified in calling it dastardly? Next an example of the author's jocular style: \"The failure of the Amherst embassy and we enter the final straight\". Finally an example of the author's oracular style: “A sense that there was no turning back seeped into the till then strangely changeless atmosphere, and in the extraordinary way in which one thing led to another, both in England and China, soon practically nothing was the same.”\n\nIt would be tedious to challenge the author on the many dubious statements and judgments which mar this book - it would also require a very long review. But any reader with an enquiring mind and a regard for historical accuracy will constantly find himself irritated into asking \"Where is the evidence for this statement?\" In some places the author is simply inaccurate. Thus, in one of his rare footnotes, he states: \"Governors usually, but not always, ruled two provinces, in this case Kwangtung and Kwangsi, the Eastern and Western Kwangs; thus the Governor of the Two Kwangs\". In fact there was a Governor-General (tsung-tu) for the two Kwangs and a Governor (hsün-fu) for each province. This is an elementary mistake which a knowledge of the Chinese sources would have corrected. Similarly, a greater familiarity with the Chinese scene would have saved him from writing \"the Summer Palace in the Western Hills near Peking\", when in fact it lies in the plain between Peking and the Western Hills. Also in the brief chapter on Lord Macartney's embassy to China he mentions that Macartney \"presented to the Grand Secretary a short memorandum of the points he was authorized to raise. But which Grand Secretary? There were six members of the Grand Secretariat when Macartney was in Peking in 1793. Clearly he means Ho-shen, the favourite minister of the Emperor Ch'ien-\n\n++", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205477, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 19, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "14\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\nwith property, counter-solidarities might emerge and quarrels arise between the different groups, each trying to undermine its rivals. And even if peace could be kept within the community, the very solidarity of the lineage group could enhance the possibilities of conflict with outside communities. Quarrels between persons in different villages could become quarrels between lineage groups themselves, and feuds between such groups over property rights were sometimes intense in southeast China, leading to considerable destruction of property. Feuding between lineage groups drew the attention of the State which, although originally supporting lineage organization as one means of regulating the rural area, attempted by the late Ch'ing period to limit its development by dividing up lineage land over a certain size,\n\nThe control over community affairs and the economic life of a village which a land-owning ancestral hall complex could exert in a multi-lineage village was more likely to be limited by rivalry with other kin-groups in the village, or to be resented by the other groups and lead to strife. A case illustrating this was described to me for a village in San-hsing, Kwangtung. The village consisted of branches of two unconnected lineages occupying separate parts of the village. One was rich and had a hall association with land; the other was poor, with no hall, and members rented land from the first group. My informant, a woman from the village now living in Hong Kong, said that the two groups have been continually engaged in quarrels arising over matters of land rights and rent. As a result, men went away to work elsewhere, and even whole families (such as her own) left the village permanently.\n\n2. State Cults and Rural Identity\n\nThe State recognized that with central administration ending at the district level and villages running many local affairs, interests of the rural people could run counter to its own. Local officials, far from control of the centre, might not always carry out duties in regard to the local population as intended. To encourage solidarity between rural areas and the wider polity, a number of ideological controls were devised. One was the promotion and support of cults to deceased worthies of both national and local note, and local people were encouraged to recommend names of those deceased among them noted for loyalty and virtue.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205491, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 33, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "28\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\nThe following short description of how some sects related to territorial units comes mainly from my own investigations and examination of sectarian documents in Singapore and Hong Kong. The groups I studied are off-shoots of a widely ramifying system sometimes called Hsien-t'ien Ta Tao, \"The Great Way of Former Heaven\". It contains many sects going under different names. The sects of this religion were found in many parts of China and copied the State system of territorial administration in dividing up areas for administration with lodges descending to the level of the district. Below the district, however, the groups had other centres for members and based, as in Buddhism and Taoism, on pseudo-kinship organization. Provision was thus made for China-wide organization, although it is doubtful whether any sect extended over the entire country at any time.\n\nThe system appears to have worked as follows: administrative lodges existed usually, and where feasible in the face of campaigns of suppression which were waged from time to time against them, in the chief towns of provinces, counties and districts. The \"capital”, however, was not necessarily the same as the imperial capital but might be the town where the sect developed originally or to which it had been forced to remove its head office because of State activity against it. Until the late '50s of the nineteenth century, sects were headed by a patriarch who ideally resided in the main lodge but sometimes lived in another remoter place to escape attention by the State. In the records of some of the sects, the patriarch is compared to an emperor. It is often claimed he was an incarnate Buddha. Under the patriarch, there were various officers administering the branch lodges. All administrators had to hold degrees known as “lotus degrees\" to be eligible for such posts, although not all \"degree\" holders were administrators. Examinations for these degrees were in religious knowledge and techniques, which included knowledge of their own sutras (sometimes written in code) and Taoist type \"hygiene\" and Ch’an Buddhhist type meditation. Degrees have elaborate titles in many of the sects and are likened in their literature to degrees for State examinations. Administrative posts are sometimes compared to those occupied in the State administration by governors, judges and magistrates.\n\nMany sects are \"vegetarian\", that is to say they require degree-holders to practise permanent vegetarianism and also sexual", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205498, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "CHINESE RELIGION AND RURAL COHESION\n\n35\n\nAlthough religious sects are said to have been involved at times in political rebellion, one wonders how efficient they were in military operations. They certainly encouraged excessive bravery. Members of the White Lotus were said to be morbidly unafraid of death, but this would not necessarily make for efficiency, of course.4 Presumably, in selecting leaders for military manoeuvres, less emphasis would have to be placed on religious qualifications—“degrees”—and more on war-like skills. This might sometimes have led to rivalry within the sect; the type of person attracted by sectarian ideology and religious skills would not necessarily be an efficient military leader (unless he were himself a retired military leader), and might have to take a back-seat. A strong ideology, although knitting people together, encouraging bravery and sanctioning militant action, might bring its own problems for military success. The records I have seen show there were sometimes conflicts over ideological interpretations: the “work” to be undertaken by a sect at a particular time. Some local leaders planning rebellion in the name of Heaven were declared unorthodox by others, and the action was not supported by all divisions of the sect.\n\nThe Nien was certainly militarily successful for parts of its career, but little evidence is given that it was in fact a sect: an organization with an ideology and rituals. Although it is said to be an offshoot of the White Lotus, there is no information on religious meetings or ritual materials. It may be that the Nien was in fact a secret society rather than a sect: an organization using religious elements to support an ultimate secular aim rather than one taking up a secular cause to support an aim ultimately religious.49\n\nSecret Societies\n\nSecret societies have a form of organization which might have been more efficient, or less inefficient, for rebellious purposes than the majority of religious sects. The group usually known in English as Triad societies, which have a similar form of organization and ritual, and were strong in Fukien and Kwangtung, had in the nineteenth century, rebellion as their major goal; their motto was “Overthrow Ch'ing, restore Ming”. Religion appears to have always been confined largely to their rituals of initiation, and a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205504, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "CHINESE RELIGION AND RURAL COHESION\n\n6 Ibid., p. 329.\n\n41\n\n7 When carrying out research on lineage villages and communes in 1964 by interview of immigrants in Hong Kong, I questioned respondents on the surname composition of their village of origin. In many cases it was stated that people of a single surname lived in the central part of a village and those of other and various surnames lived beyond boundaries of old village walls, or beyond their previous location where they had been pulled down.\n\n8 Freedman, Lineage Organization, p. 105. But he adds that politically and ritually the lineage was a centralized unit within which the peace could usually be kept.\n\n9 Hsiao, op. cit., p. 329.\n\n10 Ibid., p. 227. As early as the eighteenth century it was found necessary to scrutinize names recommended carefully. It was suspected that officials serving in the imperial capital and who came from the same province as the persons under consideration were inclined to favouritism.\n\n11 Ibid., p. 228 and p. 229.\n\n12 Ibid., p. 228.\n\n13 Ibid., p. 225.\n\n14 On the earth god see E. T. C. Werner, A Dictionary of Chinese Mythology (Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1932) pp. 527-528.\n\n15 Some of these were deified Sung and Ming figures of note and not all stood for solidarity with the Ch'ing dynasty.\n\n16 See his Village Life in China: a Study in Sociology (New York, Fleming H. Revell Co., 1899) pp. 136-138.\n\n17 Hsiao, op. cit., p. 226.\n\n18 Ibid., p. 278.\n\n19 Ibid., p. 279.\n\n20 Op. cit., p. 138.\n\n21 For example, Hsiao, op. cit., p. 280.\n\n22 Ibid., p. 279.\n\n23 Ibid., p. 281.\n\n24 Ibid., p. 231.\n\n25 Ibid., p. 230.\n\n26 Cf. Chan Wing-tsit, Religious Trends in Modern China (New York, Columbia University Press, 1953) p. 81.\n\n27 Some aspects of Buddhist \"kinship\" are discussed in Holmes Welch, \"Dharma Scrolls and the Succession of Abbots in Chinese Monasteries\" T'oung Pao, vol. L, Liv, 1-3, 1963, pp. 93-149. At the time of writing this paper little else was available on this form of organization in the published literature and I rely largely on my own research notes and documents shown to me during this research. Since that time Welch has also published The Practice of Chinese Buddhism, 1900-1950 (Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1967) and chap. IX particularly has additional relevance.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205505, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "42\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\n28 Information on the Shuntê anti-marriage movement is scattered and unsystematic, but for brief information on it and also its connexion with religion see J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese: or Notes Connected with China, 5th ed. rev. E. Chalmers Werner (Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1925) section on marriage, pp. 367-76; p. 375.\n\n29 See C. K. Yang, Religion in Chinese Society: a Study of Contemporary Social Functions of Religion and Some of their Historical Factors (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1961) chap. XII.\n\n30 Ibid., p. 333.\n\n31 Cf. John Blofeld, The Jewel in the Lotus: an Outline of Present Day Buddhism in China (London, The Buddhist Society, 1948) p. 58.\n\n32 The Religion of the Void was brought to Singapore from China and specialises in cure of drug addiction. On this religion see Hsü Yün-tsiao, \"The Religion of the Void”, Journal of the South Seas Society, Vol. X, Pt. 2 (No. 20) (in Chinese). English version in same issue, tr. Chiang Liu. In Hong Kong the Green Pine Religion aims to cure disease.\n\n33 The most factually detailed work on sects is by J. J. M. de Groot, Sectarianism and Religious Persecution in China: A Page in the History of Religions, 2 Vols. (Amsterdam, Johannes Müller, 1903-4), reprinted by Literature House, Ltd., Taipei, Taiwan, 1963). For discussion of alternative names of sects and evidence of sectarian connexions through names, see my \"The Great Way of Former Heaven: a group of Chinese secret religious sects\", Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. XXVI, Pt. 2, 1963, pp. 362-392, at pp. 384-6.\n\n34 See Chiang Siang Tseh, The Nien Rebellion (Seattle, University of Washington Press, 1954). The preface by Renville Lund contains reference to White Lotus connexions.\n\n35 Op. cit., vol. 1, p. 210. George Miles writing of the Yao-ch'ih sect (my evidence shows it to be an off-shoot of Hsien-t'ien Ta Tao) states that members had vegetarian halls but he says they were usually in isolated villages where men and women were found in constant residence. See his \"Vegetarian Sects\", in The Chinese Recorder, Vol. XXXIII, No. 1, 1902, Pp. 1-10.\n\n36 See Sidney D. Gamble, Ting Hsien, a North China Rural Community (New York, Institute of Pacific Relations, 1954) p. 414.\n\n37 Belonging to Lo Chiao (Lo Religion)—a sect named after one of its important early patriarchs (and related to Hsien-t'ien Ta Tao), described by Suzuki Chusei in \"Rakyo ni Tsuite\", Tōyō Bunka Kenkyujo Kiyō (Tokyo), No. 1, 1943, pp. 441-501.\n\n38 Gamble, op. cit.\n\n39 See de Groot, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 231-241 on funeral rites of the Lung hua sect.\n\n40 Gamble, op. cit.\n\n41 See for example Hsiao, op. cit., p. 231f, and p. 233.\n\n42 Yang, op. cit., p. 226.\n\n43 Chiang, op. cit., p. 37.\n\nDe Groot, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 308.\n\n45 According to Chiang the Nien emerged as community defence groups.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205507, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "44\n\n# THE HANKOW STEAMER TEA RACES\n\nT. J. LINDSAY*\n\nClipper ships, with their vast spread of canvas, racing home with the season's China teas have earned the admiration of artists and the narrative skill of many authors. But the steamer tea races from Hankow have attracted much less attention. Endurance of the crews aloft in clippers catches the imagination more than the endurance of the stokehold gangs, and the development of reliable and fast ocean-going steamers is not as picturesque a subject as that of the sailing ship.\n\nNevertheless, at the time, the annual steamer tea race from Hankow caused excitement enough in Far Eastern waters. Although steamers also sailed laden with tea from Foochow and from Japan, it was the race from the centre of China, with the first hazardous leg down the Yangtsze to Woosung, that held the public interest. Until 1869, when the Suez Canal was opened, the Clipper ship could hold its own with the steamer service to China via the Cape. But the much shorter route afforded by Suez, which cut across the wind routes and so was suitable only for steamers, meant the end of sailing vessels in the high-value cargo eastern trade.\n\nThe steamer tea races resulted in a reduction of transit time from Hankow to London from sixty-one days in 1870 to thirty-one days in 1883 (see Table I), although in later years a few more days were added to the passage. The account of the races in the following pages covers the eleven-year period from 1877 to 1887.\n\nEvery year in the beginning of May came Hankow's short period of excitement and glory. The tea buyers from Shanghai and England, the chuszes,† arrived to pit their wits against the Chinese\n\nMr. Lindsay joined Butterfield and Swire in Shanghai in 1933. He studied Chinese in Peking in 1934, served in Shanghai and Tsingtao, and was interned in Shanghai during the Pacific War. He was transferred to the firm's Hong Kong office in 1949 and was Staff Manager until he retired in 1966. He was a Councillor and Hon. Treasurer of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society until his retirement, and is M.A.\n\n† The newspapers use chaszes without characters. Matthews Dictionary gives ch'a shih (*) as the name for tea-tasters. The tea-taster was usually the tea-buyer, so perhaps the phrase \"tea-merchant\" would best cover it.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205532, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 74, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "FURTHER NOTES ON THE SUNG WONG T'OI\n\n69\n\n4. Twenty metres south-east of No. 3 is a small stone on which only two characters could be deciphered:\n\n山 本\n\n? 2 ?\n\nThis may mark the boundary of a grave site, as do the stones on other hillsides marked 山界.\n\n5. Grave inscription on the south ridge of the hill:\n\n邑 香 梁氏孺\n\nThis commemorates a deceased wife, from the Leung family, of Heung Shan district, now Chung Shan. Her husband may have been an official.\n\n6. An inscription of some length on a tile which stood in a cup-like hollow on the west slope of the hill commemorates the repair of a grave by the Ch'an family in the autumn of the 21st year of Kwang Hsu, 1895. The 'repair' can have been little more than nominal as there was no cement or building material such as is usual on graves.\n\n7. At the foot of the path leading to the modern archway stands a T'o Tei altar bearing the following inscription which clearly refers to the historic associations of the hill;\n\n宮王大 洪恩施福澤 聖德顯威靈\n\n8 & 9. Two boulders on the south-east side of the hill-top each bear the same brief inscription:\n\n記 王\n\n10. Twenty metres north of Inscription No. 1 is a flat boulder bearing the characters:--- 號 I\n\n11. A boulder on the south-east of the hill bears a single carved character:\n\n英\n\nThese last four inscriptions evidently date back to a time prior to the passing of the Sung Wong T'oi Ordinance in 1899,* when\n\n* Ordinance No. 3 of 1899. For the text see Hongkong Government Gazette, 18th February 1899.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205548, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "FAN LAU AND ITS FORT\n\n85\n\nLau, meaning \"division of flows\" and the name of that point on the southwestern tip of Tai Yu Shan, describes accurately and specifically the abrupt change of colour of the sea off the point, from a clear green to a muddy brown, as any traveller from Hong-kong to Macau can attest. The name Fan Lau is not only appropriately but propitiously applied. In fung shui the confluence of streams or sea currents is considered auspicious (conversely, a site flanked by forking streams is not considered lucky). Fan Lau, situated as it were at such a confluence, is considered a lucky site; hence the presence of a fort, a temple, and a settlement.\n\nConditions must have deteriorated in the Chu Kong estuary some sixty years after the return of Ch'ing control in 1669, for we hear of the garrisoning and reinforcement of troops in Tai Yu Shan in 1730 to shore up existing coastal defences there. \"In the 7th year of Yung Cheng (1730) forts were constructed on two hills, to deploy garrisons for their defence and to reinforce the troops garrisoning Tai Yu Shan, thus forming an angle similar to that made by the horns of an ox, to serve the exterior defence of Macau and the Boca Tigre\". The Kai Yik Kok fort must have been one of the two strong points mentioned, the other being probably the fort at Tung Chung. The analogy between the location of the fortifications of the estuary and the shape of an ox's horns is interesting. A glance at a map of the Chu Kong estuary would show Macau (in reality, the Heung Shan district forts) and Fan Lau to be the tips of those horns. Both these strategic areas cover the entrance to the estuary. The Boca Tigre (Fu Mun19) at the apex of the near-isosceles triangle formed by these three points, served as the pivotal central fortification.\n\nWe know too, that the Fan Lau fort was designated as the administrative boundary between the San On District and the Heung Shan District on the other side of the estuary from Fan Lau. A map of the Chu Kong estuary in the O Mun Kei Leukaz depicts the Kai Yik Kok fort with the accompanying caption “San Heung Fan Kai” (***), meaning \"This is the dividing boundary between the San On and the Heung Shan districts\".\n\nIt is very likely that some of the fort's soldiers were allotted plots of land for their own use. Another interesting possibility is that the soldiers and officials appointed to preserve law and order came from the very ranks of rebels and pirates who had previously\n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205549, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "86\n\nARMANDO M. DA SILVA\n\ndefected to the government cause, and that as a reward, their land holdings were recognized officially by the government. This is a very Chinese approach to the problem of pacification. The Cheng 鄭 family of Fan Lau claims to have ancestral connections with Cheng Lin Fuk 鄭連福 and his son, Cheng Yat 鄭一, both notorious pirates from Tai Yu Shan, who terrorized the Chu Kong estuary during the latter half of the 18th century. The Cheng family still owns the land nearest to the old fort, which may suggest that this family had ancestors who were also on the government side (plate 10). The garrison could not have existed for long without food and it is reasonable to suppose that the padi fields of Fan Lau supported the soldiers from the fort (plate 11).\n\nThere are reasons for believing that the Kai Yik Kok fort may have pre-dated the Coastal Withdrawal of 1662, and that it may have been a Ming rather than a Ch'ing fort. Some confirmation of this is afforded by a series of nautical charts in the Mo Pei Chi (A). The preface to this work is dated 1621, but it was not presented to the throne until 1628. However, it has been shown that the charts almost certainly date from the first half of the fifteenth century.\n\nMany of the place-names in that section of the charts pertaining to the Chu Kong estuary are identifiable when checked against similar or equivalent place-names found in the maps of the 19th century editions of the Kwong Tung Tung Chi, San On Yuen Chi, Heung Shan Yuen Chi and O Mun Kei Leuk, but the reader must be warned on two points. First, place-names may differ in both pronunciation and orthography in different sources. Yung Hai is written as 容海 on the Mo Pei Chi charts, but as 雍海 on the maps of the Kwong Tung Tung Chi. A second point to remember is that adjoining districts on one island are not infrequently depicted as separate islands. The Kwong Tung T'ung Chi carries a map of the San On district, for instance, which marks Tai Yu Shan, Tung Chung and Kai Yik Kok fort as separate islands, whereas the last two places are in fact both located on Tai Yu Shan. It is obvious that the place-names on these maps serve not so much to pin-point localities as to mark well-known landmarks and stopping places. Navigation in these waters depended not on nautical instruments, but on the experience of pilots familiar with key channels and navigational landmarks, such as headlands and mountain peaks.\n\n*Plates 12 and 13 also relate to this article.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205552, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 94, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "FAN LAU AND ITS FORT\n\n$9\n\ni.e. great island, by the Chinese; the town Toongchung on the north shore opposite Chulocock I. is the largest on the island\"\n\nOn the other hand, it seems by this date that the fort was already abandoned since one of the British officers who came out to China for the hostilities of 1841-42, has this to say of it in an account of his experiences:\n\n14\n\nAt the S.W. part of Lantou (sic) we saw, on a height, the remains of an old walled fort, supposed to have been one of the haunts of the famous Coxinga, the pirate However, the fort could not have been abandoned for very long since a repair tablet inside the Tin Hau temple at Fan Lau dated the 2nd summer month of the 25th year of Chia Ch'ing (11th June -9th July, 1820) records contributions by officers of the\n\n21\n\nas it is described thereon. Both these records can only apply to the Fan Lau fort.'5\n\nWhen the Hong Kong Government surveyors arrived at Fan Lau in 1904 after the New Territories were ceded to Britain, they found the fort still abandoned. In the Block Crown Lease Survey, it is described as \"old fort, ruins, waste\".16 It had probably not been re-occupied since the early part of the 19th century.\n\nIt can now be argued that the Kai Yik Kok fort is a Ming dynasty fort built sometime before 1573, possibly abandoned, but rebuilt again in 1730, captured by pirates and re-taken by govern-ment forces sometime between 1810 and 1815, and then refurbished, refortified, and garrisoned until some time before 1841-42, by which time it was already again abandoned.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Also known to the villagers as Yuen To Shan (#ll) or \"the hill from which to watch the arrival of distant boats\". There is a level spot high above the village, which, according to tradition, was used by observers to watch for incoming vessels proceeding up the Chu Kong or Pearl River estuary.\n\n2 The locations of these various strongpoints can be plotted from the text and maps in the Coastal Defence sections of the 1864 edition (map circa A.D. 1822) of the Kwong Tung Tung Chi\n\nthe 1819 edition of the San On Yuen Chi M £ M ; the 1827 edition of the Heung Shan Yuen Chi ₺ 4B #; and the 1800 edition of the O Mun Kei Leuk * 1938 #. The last three works contain maps of varying dates from earlier editions.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205553, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "90\n\nARMANDO M. DA SILVA\n\nIt will suffice here to say that the exterior defence of the Chu Kong estuary consisted of a series of forts, customs-stations and guard-posts in the Lo Man Shan 老萬山, Kai Pong 鷄澎, Sam Chau Mun 三洲門, Ngoi Ling Ting 外伶仃, and the Tam Kon ## groups of the outer off-shore islands. The civil administration ruled from Nam Tau, the district city of the San On district. The military administration was centred at Tai Pang, on the western arm enclosing Tai Pang Hoi (Mirs Bay). The civil administration operated on a north-south axis, as against the east-west axis of the military coastal defence system. This is understandable when one realizes that the military could facilitate their control of the coast-line by establishing easy communications by water running the length of the coast-line from strongpoints on strategic head-lands and the offshore islands.\n\n3 For the Chinese characters of place names of some locales in the vicinity of Tai Yu Shan see map 3. For names of places within the present territory of Hong Kong see A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1960).\n\n4 So far as I know there has been no published study of this fort by Hongkong's local historians, except for a brief mention in one work which states that Kai Yik Kok fort was of Ch'ing dynasty date. Lo Hsiang-lin, Hongkong and its External Communication before 1842, (Hongkong, Institute of Chinese Culture, 1963) p. 172.\n\n5 The principal ingredients of this cement are clam and oyster shells which are crushed and burnt to produce slaked lime. The lime is then mixed with fine sand to produce a holding cement. Shells and fine sand are common to many local beaches and are, apparently for this purpose, used in lime kilns.\n\n6 San On Yuen Chi, kuen 22, under section on Coastal Defence reads:\n\n看復界後海絮籹寧而設險更捻周密雖今之汎地 及設兵皆與舊制不同而大嶼山雞翼角炮臺南頭 炮臺赤濘炮蠱最為餓要\n\n7 Fan Lau is also known as Shek Sun meaning \"boulder growths\", a reference to the numerous residual boulders at Kai Yik Kok,\n\n8 Luis Gomes, Monografia de Macau (Macau, 1951), a Portuguese translation of the O Mun Kei Leuk p. 70. \"No 7° ano de long Tcheng (1730) construiram-se fortalezas nas duas montanhas, distribuiram-se as guarniçoes para a sua defensa e foram reforçadas as tropas que guarneciam Tai-U-San formando assim como que um angulo semelhante ao que e constituido pelos chifres dum boi, para servir de defensa exterior de Macau e o Boca Tigre\",\n\n9 J. J. L. Duyvendak, \"Sailing directions of Chinese voyages\" T'oung Pao, vol. 34 (1938) pp. 230-237; and \"The true dates of the Chinese maritime expeditions in the early fifteenth century\", T'oung Pao, vol. 34 (1938), pp. 341-412.\n\n10 The district of San On (新安) was formed in the sixth year of Lung Hing (隆慶) ie. 1572-73, Fourteen years later, in 1587, the San On district gazetteer was written by Yan Tai-kon (縣太君), the District Magistrate. Various editions followed. The latest edition was published in 1819. This gazetteer provides the best primary source of information on pre-British Hongkong. Chapters (kuen) XIV and XXII deal with Coastal Defence. These are chapters of special interest to historical geographers.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205554, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "FAN LAU AND ITS FORT\n\n91\n\n11 A lorcha is a specialized fighting craft from Macau that combined a Western-style hull (for speed and maneuverability) with Chinese batten sails and rigging (for easier sail-handling and disguise).\n\n12 Charles F. Neumann, History of the Pirates (š), who infested the China Sea from 1807 to 1810, (London, John Murray, 1831) P. 58.\n\n13 J. R. Morrison, A Chinese Commercial Guide (Canton, Office of the Chinese Repository, 1848) pp. 70-71.\n\n14 The Last Year in China to the Peace of Nanking as sketched in Letters to his Friends by a Field Officer actively employed in that Country (2nd edition, revised, London, Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans 1843) pp. 51-52.\n\n15 There is, in addition, the possibility that the fort had a temporary garrison in 1834 see the imperial directive given respecting defence and patrolling at Lantau and Macao quoted by J. L. Cranmer-Byng in his brief note \"An old fort at Tung Chung on Lantao Island” in J.H.K.B.R.A.S. Vol 3 (1963) pp. 144-145.\n\n16 Hong Kong Government. New Territories Administration. Block Crown Lease Demarcation Districts 322 and 327, Shek Sun village, Lantau Island.\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY CITED\n\nJ. J. L. Duyvendak, \"Sailing directions of Chinese voyages\", T'oung Pao vol. 34 (1938), pp. 230-237,\n\n\"The true dates of the Chinese maritime expeditions in the early fifteenth century\", T'oung Pao vol. 34 (1938), pp. 341-412.\n\nLuis B. Gomes, Monografia de Macau, Macau, 1951.\n\nHongkong Government. A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hongkong, Kowloon, and the New Territories, Hongkong, 1960.\n\nLo Hsing-lin, Hongkong and its External Communications before 1842. Hongkong, 1963.\n\nJ. R. Morrison, A Chinese Commercial Guide, Canton, 1848.\n\nCharles F. Neumann, The History of the Pirates who infested the China Sea from 1807 to 1810, translated from the Chinese original, London, 1831.\n\nCh'ing dynasty work:\n\nChinese Sources\n\nMo Pei Chi (AA) A.D. 1621\n\nThe provincial Gazetteer of Kwangtung:\n\nKwong Tung Tung Chi (♬✯ ih sk) 1864 edition\n\nThe District Gazetteers for the following:\n\nSan On Yuen Chi (%) 1819 edition\n\nTung Kwun Yuen Chi ✯✯✯) 1797 edition\n\nHeung Shan Yuen Chi (3) 1827 edition\n\nO Mun Kei Leuk (39 1932) 1800 edition", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205575, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "112\n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR.\n\na table.\" In case one might raise the question of the Mongol experience, as perhaps a singular exception, Sun elsewhere explicitly affirmed that they too were absorbed by the Chinese, thanks to the fact that \"the character of the Chinese race was higher than that of other races.\" In making this point Sun incidentally raises a further historical question when he says that the Ming dynasty \"fell twice\" to the Manchus.*\n\nOf course, one might surmise that some of Sun's historical distortions are generalizations intended for forensic effect. The exaggerated assimilation concept may be in this category, as well as such claims as \"Everyone in China, beginning with emperors and kings, and ending with the common people, even robbers and pirates, all have been able to value and delight in literature as an art.\"5\n\n6\n\nBut such observations by Sun, as well as the stress on China's erstwhile moral power for absorption, are also part of a more general idealized appreciation of the past in which history and mythology blend indistinguishably together. As a matter of fact, history seems to be, for Sun, an almost dimensionless pastiche to which reference might be made indiscriminately. Thus the manifold allusions to the legendary emperors and to other historical personalities and folk heroes, without the slightest demonstrated concern for accuracy or authenticity. The \"Emperor Fu-Shi\" wrote the \"Eight Diagrams,\" thus initiating the Chinese written language. Of all the emperors throughout Chinese history only “Yao, Shun, Yu, T'ang, Wen Wang and Wu Wang\" were the ones \"who shouldered the responsibility of government for the welfare and happiness of the people.\" The statement \"you have all read a good deal of Chinese history; I am sure almost everyone here has read particularly The Story of the Three Kingdoms,\" with striking ingenuousness prefaces a brief story illustrating Chu-kuo Liang's \"splendid character,\" but neglects to suggest the difference between evidence provided by historical documentation and the imaginative renditions of fictional literature. Recounting the contributions of the legendary figures of Sui Jen Shih, Shen Nung, Hsien Yuan and Yu Ch'ao Shih, respectively the alleged inventors of cooking, medicine, clothing and housing. Sun declared: \"So in Chinese history we find not only those could fight becoming king; anyone with marked ability, who had made new discoveries or who had achieved great things for mankind, could become king and organize the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205579, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "116\n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR.\n\nspeaks of its use by the secret societies. He said that since the secret societies saw \"the impossibility of overthrowing the Tai-Tsings, they seized then on the idea of nationalism and began preaching it, handing it down from generation to generation. Their main object in organizing the Hung-Men societies was the overthrow of the Tai-Tsing dynasty and the restoration of the Ming dynasty. The idea of nationalism was for them auxiliary.\"16 Perhaps this is but a reflection of the obvious fact that his own nationalistic spirit along racial lines had been artificially wrought. Sun, after all, had not initially been anti-Manchu. His memorial of 1894 to Li Hung-chang, suggesting reforms, contained no such references. Yet, characteristically, Sun would bury this fact in the recounting of his own personal history, for ignoring the memorial to Li Hung-chang altogether, he said in his Memoirs that his anti-Manchu revolutionary course had begun in 1885, nine years earlier.17\n\nAnd so, Sun's use of history, when it is an effect of nationalism or is influenced by it, must necessarily reflect his unusual and uncertain appreciation of nationalism itself. Sun the iconoclastic revolutionary was not as Liang Ch'i-Ch'ao, for example, alienated from a tradition he had personally and deeply known.18 He did not, therefore, feel as intensely the lingering emotional tie to it. He was consequently less disposed to an indulgence in too heavy a dose of cultural nationalism, in trying to preserve a semblance of identity for China in the face of extensive borrowing from the modern West.\n\nBut of course, Sun did feel the need to make some prideful assertions regarding what he believed to be superior features of China's past. We see in this a certain amount of cultural nationalism, but Sun's purpose as often as not had a practical political purpose in mind. He asserted, for example, the superiority of China's ancient virtues. “Loyalty, Filial Devotion, Kindness, Love, Faithfulness, and such are in their very nature superior to foreign virtues, but in the moral quality of Peace we will further surpass the people of other lands.\"19 Such is the source of the old moral power by means of which China could absorb the barbarians of the past. Likewise in politics, Sun declared that China had “a specimen of political philosophy so systematic and so clear that nothing has been discovered or spoken by foreign statesmen to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205581, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 123, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "118\n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR.\n\ntorical accuracy, either for detail or theory, a reflection of Sun's indifference to the past and the problems its recovery poses. Nationalism can be the cause of historical distortion, but it might be kept in mind that it is not necessarily the only such cause when history is written by nationalist revolutionaries. As history itself, the subject can be considerably more complex,\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Sun Yat-sen. Memoirs of a Chinese Revolutionary. Taipei: China Cultural Service, 1953, p. 82.\n\n2 Ibid., p. 55.\n\n3 Ibid., pp. 38-39.\n\n4 Sun Yat-sen, The Three Principles of the People: San Min Chu I. Taipei: China Publishing Co. (no date), p. 37.\n\n5 Memoirs, p. 37.\n\n6 Ibid., p. 38.\n\n7 San Min Chu I, pp. 117-118.\n\n8 Ibid., pp. 118-119.\n\n9 Ibid., p. 122.\n\n10 Chang Chi-yun, Chinese History of Fifty Centuries, Vol. I, Taipei: Chinese Artistic Printing Office, 1962, pp. 47-48.\n\n11 San Min Chu I, p. 163.\n\n12 Ibid., p. 57.\n\n13 see Maurice Meisner, Li Ta-chao and the Origins of Chinese Marxism, Harvard University Press, 1967, p. 170.\n\n14 see Lyon Sharman, Sun Yat-sen: His Life and its Meaning, New York: John Day, 1934, pp. 286-289.\n\n15 Leonard Hsü, Sun Yat-sen: His Political and Social Ideals, Los Angeles: University of Southern California Press, 1933, p. 207.\n\n16 Memoirs, p. 148.\n\n17 Ibid., p. 143.\n\n18 see Joseph R. Levenson, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and the Mind of Modern China, Harvard University Press, 1959.\n\n19 San Min Chu I, p. 41.\n\n20 Ibid., p. 42.\n\n21 Memoirs, p. 79.\n\n22 San Min Chu I, p. 84.\n\n23 Memoirs, pp. 79-81.\n\n24 San Min Chu I, p. 111.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205593, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 135, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "130 \n\nJ. NACKEN \n\nCongee. As they pass your door you have your choice. Here comes the first, crying Mai 'chü 'hüt 'chuk:* the next, Mai' yü *shang 'chuck,† etc. You may have pigs' blood congee, fish congee, mulberry-root flavoured congee, or barley, or kidney or pork and a variety of other congees. \n\nI may be allowed to here remark that all street cries are also heard on the water. When you see a man paddling his own canoe among the Chinese shipping, you may know that the articles he has for sale are the same as these sold on shore. As these hawkers do not come within the regulation which is in force on shore, I cannot say how many there may be. They simply have a small boat license; their lungs are so good that I hear their cries pretty distinctly in my house up the hill, and they assist their cousins on shore to swell the number of cries considerably. Some of these are of bad character; they will paddle out to the foreign shipping, having concealed bottles of samshoo under their heaps of sugar-cane or pine-apples. They bargain with the sailors and will steal if opportunity offers. \n\nThe second batch of hawkers who have articles of food for sale go out in the hours that precede the two principal Chinese meals at 9 a.m. and 5 p.m. There are firstly the sellers of vegetables. In spring they sell celery, coarse greens, water cresses, salad, spinage, and bean sprouts. In summer; pumpkins, squash, cucumbers, egg plant, popaga‡, lotus root§, bamboo sprouts, many kinds of beans, etc. In autumn: caraway plant, pepper, potatoes, taro, various cabbages etc.; and in winter: mustard plants, white greens, colewort, parsley, onions, garlic, scallion, etc. \n\nMai tau' fu' is a cry heard very frequently. This bean curd is often the only \"sung\" on the table. It is made of bean flour, prepared with salt, gypsum, and water, then pressed between two boards, and sold in little square pieces at one cash each. \n\n* ⭑## [The diacritical marks in the text are difficult to read from \n\nthe microfilm, Ed.] \n\n广费魚生粥 \n\n+ *** \n\n$ # This is a very good vegetable, which is not yet found, as far as \n\nI know, on European tables. This root, after being dried and powdered, forms the well-known arrow-root, \n\n|| 費荳腐 \n\n, ie, whatever is on the table besides the rice. \n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205600, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n137\n\nof the kind in which members of the actual family participate: members attend each other's birthdays, anniversaries of death, and so on, and visit back and forth among the various vegetarian halls in the \"family\" group on such occasions. Membership, then, provides real social satisfactions as well as security.\n\nBut a further attraction of vegetarian halls, which is offered by the sect only, is rank. The inmates of halls of Hsien-t'ien Tao differ in one important sense from those of the Buddhist faith. Buddhist halls are a fairly late development in the religion and were built to house lay-members of the faith: individuals not wishing to take the full vows of the clergy but wishing to live a life of abstinence. Halls of Hsien-t'ien Tao, however, exist not only for lay-members, although many of the inmates hold no office or rank in the religion; they exist also, and more importantly, for those who have taken religious degrees and hold rank. It is for such rank that special religious tasks are necessary and they include Ch'an Buddhist type meditationary activities and Taoist exercises for breath circulation and control. It is reckoned that such persons need special living facilities for their purpose and the majority of the sect's rank-holders live in vegetarian halls at least on an occasional basis: men as well as women.\n\nRank in the sect is undoubtedly an attraction to many of the unattached women residents of the halls of Hsien-t'ien Tao. Rank-holders do not shave their heads as do the Buddhist clergy, or wear special robes, except for certain ceremonials, and like the lower members of the sect they refer to themselves as \"laymen\". They do, however, distinguish non-rank-holders, using the term hu-tao: \"helpers of the way (sect),\" for them. Rank-holders may have a good deal of responsibility for teaching and spreading the religion. You may be surprised to know that there are amahs, occupying a humble position in secular society, who are, in their religious life, rank-holders enjoying not only the respect, but also the obedience of many other women, to whom they might be religious \"masters\". This brings us to the question of the religious beliefs of Hsien-t'ien Tao and what, more precisely, it is a sect of.\n\n[1.\n\nAFFILIATIONS AND BELIEFS OF Hsien-T'ien Tao\n\nHsien-t'ien Tao is one of a large group of sects tracing themselves either to a common pair of founders, a monk and layman", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205607, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "144\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nheld the third highest of six ranks which may be taken by members of the sect (the two highest are reserved for men only). This rank is known as Yin-ên (314) “Conducting (or Guiding) Grace\" and entitles the holder to the middle name of Ch'ang (g). For a full list of ranks in various of the sects see \"The Great Way of Former Heaven......\" by Marjorie Topley, cited below.\n\nThis lady's father, said to have been an ordinary tenant farmer, and a native of Fa Yuan district, Kwangtung, had held the Chêng-ên rank in the sect, one below his daughter's. He died in the second year of the Republic (1913-14) and the daughter, his only child, followed him into the religion. Photographs of both these persons can be seen at the hall.\n\nThe founder of this hall was also said to have been in charge of the YEE WOH hall (*) in Canton, but on the Japanese occupation of South China in 1937-39 she and a body of her followers removed permanently to the WING LOK T’UNG in Ngau Chi Wan.\n\nOne of the present inmates of this hall was previously with the founder in Canton, having followed her into the sect at the age of 9 (she is now over 60 years of age). Her mother was said to be a cousin of the founder.\n\n2. Kam Ha Ching She (#4)\n\nThis hall was built in the 16th year of the Chinese Republic (1927-28). The founding lady was of the same rank as the founder of the above hall and like her had previously been in charge of a vegetarian hall in Canton, the SHUI WOH T’ONG (#) before coming to Hong Kong.\n\nThe SHUI WOH T'ONG and the YEE WOH T'ONG above, form part of a group of halls of the sect known to members as the “WOH groups\", because they each have WOH as part of their name. They are not to be confused with the secret society of this name.\n\nThe establishment of the KAM HA CHING SHE was said to have been a result of an increasing following among women from Hong Kong who visited the founder in Canton. Deciding to establish a hall in the Colony she set up the MAN YUAN T’ONG (*) on a floor in rented premises in Third Street, Hong Kong island, probably about the year 1910. The growing number of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205609, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 151, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "146\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nThe halls are all substantial buildings, somewhat simpler in style than the usual run of Chinese temples and they do not declare themselves obviously as religious institutions. Once inside, however, their religious nature is obvious from the images one sees immediately in the main downstairs shrine room where one enters.\n\nA few words are in order here on the deities worshipped by members of the sect and particularly in the vegetarian halls, for one of these deities effects the lay-out of the hall itself.\n\nWomen inmates may worship any god or goddess popular with them in a private capacity, and some have pictures and small images of such deities in their own sleeping quarters. Hsien-t'ien religion has itself incorporated, however, a number of gods and goddesses and Buddhas and Bodhisattvas into its worship. Kuan-yin is commonly found in halls of the sect and was in fact found in the halls in Ngau Chi Wan. Popular Chinese triads such as: Sakyamuni, Lao Tzu and Confucius (Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism) are also common and appeared in the lower shrine room of the WING LOK TUNG. The sects relate various gods and Buddhas to each other by the theory of reincarnation: one god is the reincarnation of another, or of a Buddha in a different age. They are also related to each other by their cooperation in the work for Truth in a particular \"Truth\" epoch.\n\nA goddess peculiar to the sects of the religion exists, however. In this sect she is known as \"Golden Mother of the Yao Pool\" (Yao-ch'ih Chin-mu). In other sects she is known by different names: several simply call her \"Venerable Mother\" (Lao-mu), while Kuei-ken Men \"The Sect of Reverting to the Root [of Things]\" calls her \"Unbegotten Venerable Mother\" (Wu-shêng Lao-mu). Some sectarian leaders have told Marjorie Topley that they can tell when a particular sect split off from others in the religion by the term of address they use for \"Mother\". Mother is supposed to change her name every few years or so in order to prevent the unorthodox off-shoots from obtaining access to her. Any message sent to her under the incorrect name will fail to arrive. More sophisticated members say, however, that this goddess is in fact a symbolic representation of the Void: out of which the cosmos, and with it, Absolute Truth, emerged. But to most ordinary members, particularly female members, she is a goddess of great compassion and power and they sometimes identify her with Kuan-yin.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205610, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n147\n\nIt is in connexion with worship of “Mother” that the lay-out of the shrine rooms in vegetarian halls of the sect is important. Mother must be placed higher than any other deity and should occupy a room to herself (or occasionally shared with Kuan-yin with whom, as we have said, she is sometimes identified). This means that halls of the sect should whenever possible be built on two storeys, with \"Mother's\" room on the upper storey. This was so in the case of all the halls visited. Usually, one of the popular triads is housed in the main downstairs shrine-room (occasionally one finds an image downstairs of the many-armed Chun-t'i: “Goddess of Dawn\" supposedly of Buddhist origin, but she was not present in the halls visited).\n\nUpstairs besides the room dedicated to “Mother\" there is often a shrine also for the soul-tablets of past members.\n\nMembers of the Society were fortunately permitted to visit all shrine rooms (some halls do not permit outsiders to enter the \"Mother\" room).\n\nRelations between the Halls and the Ngau Chi Wan Village\n\nThere is a certain amount of inter-action between the halls at Ngau Chi Wan and the village of this name which, though on the fringe of urban Kowloon and augmented by neighbouring squatter huts and factions, is still largely inhabited by the descendants of founding Hakka families who came to this spot in the mid-eighteenth century and after. The annual festival of the god of the main village temple (said to be a Ch'iu Ch'au deity whose image was brought up from the sea off Ngau Chi Wan by village fishermen a long time ago) occurs on the 25th of the 2nd lunar month. At this time the inmates of the halls visit the opera performance that is held in a matshed on open ground in front of the KAM HA CHING SHE and worship at the portable shrine that is brought on these occasions from the temple half a mile away. Our visit took place just before this festival and already the bamboo structure on which the matshed for the opera was to be built, was being erected. A large temporary cooking stove had also been constructed for the occasion for serving vegetarian food (which Marjorie Topley gathered in conversation with some of the inmates was contracted for by the village temple association from the vegetarian halls).\n\nAgain, at the Festival of Hungry Ghosts on the 7th of the 7th moon, it is “traditional” practice for about 100 students from the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205628, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 170, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n165\n\nhe charged two or three cash a chih, with food and a place to sleep as was the custom. That was a lot of money for a man to earn; he could live for a week on one day's labor.\n\nAt page 53 it is mentioned that a few years later, at or about the Boxer time, the Old Weaver no longer came to the Chu home to weave cloth each winter, and that no one took his place, it being then cheaper to buy British or foreign cloth in the market.\n\n1. For descriptions of hemp spinning wheels from Chekiang see pp. 167-169 of Rudolf P. Hommel's China at Work... (New York, The John Day Company, 1937). Photographs of two such wheels are at pp. 170 and 171. I have not yet come across any such relics from the Hong Kong region.\n\n2. The Hakkas of Hing Ning district, mentioned above, appear also to have played a large part in weaving foreign cotton yarn imported via Swatow. Consul F.S.A. Bourne in his section of the Report of the Mission to China of the Blackburn Chamber of Commerce 1896-7 (Blackburn, The North-east Lancashire Press Company, 1898) at pp. 153-4 mentions them as using foreign yarn for weaving cotton cloth \"sent down the Canton East River past Hui-chow Fu to Fatshan where it is dyed black and called ch'ung-ch'ang-ch'ing i.e. imitation long black. This cloth, like that of which it is a copy, is very largely exported to Singapore.\"\n\n3. For local, i.e. Hong Kong, place names see A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1960).\n\nHong Kong, 1968.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nTHE TUNG CHUNG FORT (LANTAU ISLAND, HONG KONG)\n\nFor earlier references in NOTES AND QUERIES see Vols. 3 (1963) and 4 (1964) of this Journal at pp. 144-145 and 146-152 respectively.\n\nIn late January 1966, I heard of, and spoke with, an old lady aged 90 sui (歲) born on 2nd October 1877. She had spent all her days in the Tung Chung valley, having been born in Wong Ka Wai and married into Sheung Ling Pei village. A series of questions...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205643, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "180\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nBACKHOUSE, E. and BLAND, J. O. P.\n\nAnnals and memoirs of the court of Peking, from the 16th to the 20th century. London, Heinemann, 1914.\n\nBALL, J. Dyer.\n\nThings Chinese; or, Notes connected with China. 5th ed., rev. by E. Chalmers Werner. Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1925.\n\nBELCHER, Sir Edward.\n\nNarrative of a voyage round the world, performed in Her Majesty's Ship Sulphur, during the years 1836-1842, including details of the naval operations in China from Dec. 1840 to Nov. 1841. Publ. under the authority of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty. London, Colburn, 1843, 2 vols.\n\nBERNARD, W. D.\n\nNarrative of the voyages and services of the Nemesis, from 1840 to 1843; and of the combined naval and military operations in China: comprising a complete account of the Colony of Hong Kong, and remarks on the character and habits of the Chinese, from notes of W.H. Hall, London, Colburn, 1844. 2 vols.\n\nBISHOP, John L., ed.\n\nStudies in Chinese literature. Cambridge, Mass., Harvard U.P., 1965.\n\nBLAND, J. O. P., and BACKHOUSE, E.\n\nChina under the Empress Dowager; being the life and times of Tzu Hsi, compiled from state papers and the private diary of the comptroller of her household. New and rev. cheaper ed. Boston, Houghton Mifflin, 1914.\n\nBODDE, Derk.\n\nChina's first unifier: a study of the Ch'in dynasty as seen in the life of Li Ssŭ († 208 B.C.). Hong Kong, University Press, 1967.\n\nBOUCHOT, Jean.\n\nScènes de la vie des Hutungs; croquis des moeurs pékinoises. 2e éd. Pekin, [Nachbaur] 1922.\n\nBREDON, Juliet.\n\nHundred altars. Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1936.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205645, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 187, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "182\n\nCOHEN, Paul A.\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nSome sources of anti-missionary sentiment during the late Ch'ing. Ann Arbor, Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan [1962?]\n\nExtract from China Society, Taiwan. Journal, v. 2.\n\nCOHN, William.\n\nChinese art. London, The Studio, 1930.\n\nCOHN, William.\n\nChinese painting. London, Phaidon Press, 1948.\n\nCOLE, Fay-Cooper.\n\nThe peoples of Malaysia. New York, Van Nostrand, 1945.\n\nCOTES, Everard.\n\nSigns and portents in the Far East. New York, Putnam, 1907.\n\nCOULING, Samuel.\n\nThe encyclopaedia sinica. Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1917 reprinted 1964.\n\nCOWDRY, N. H.\n\nPlants from Peitaiho. [Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1922] Reprinted from Royal Asiatic Society. North China Branch. Journal, v. 53, 1922, pp. [158]-188.\n\nCROSSMAN, Carl L.\n\nA design catalogue of Chinese export porcelain for the American market. Salem, Mass., Peabody Museum, 1964.\n\nDAVID, Armand.\n\nJournal de mon troisième voyage d'exploration dans l'Empire Chinois. Paris, Hachette, 1875. 2 vols.\n\nDAVIS, S. G., ed.\n\nEconomic geology of Hong Kong. Hong Kong, University Press, 1964.\n\nDAVIS, S. G., ed.\n\nLand use problems in Hong Kong: a symposium. Hong Kong, University Press, 1964.\n\nDAVIS, S. G. and TREGEAR, Mary.\n\nMan Kok Tsui (†); archaeological site 30, Lantau Island, Hong Kong. Hong Kong, University Press, 1961.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205651, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 193, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "188\n\nHOÀNG, Peter.\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nA notice of the Chinese calendar, and a concordance with the European calendar. 2nd ed. Zi-ka-wei near Chang-hai, Catholic Mission P., 1904.\n\nHOBSON, R. L.\n\nHandbook of the pottery and porcelain of the Far East in the Department of Oriental Antiquities and of Ethnography. [London, British Museum] 1937.\n\nHODGSON, Mrs. Willoughby\n\nHow to identify old Chinese porcelain. 4th ed., enl. London, Methuen, 1920.\n\nHong Kong et la côte chinoise, du Tonkin à Ning-po... Paris, Hachette, 1910.\n\nHONG KONG. University. Institute of Oriental Studies.\n\nChinese tomb pottery figures: catalogue of exhibition... 26th-28th September, 1953. Hong Kong, University Press, 1953. (Institute of Oriental Studies. Catalogue series, no. 1)\n\nHOSIE, Dorothea, Lady.\n\nTwo gentlemen of China: an intimate description of the private life of two patrician Chinese families... London, Seeley, Service, 1924.\n\nHSUAN Tsang (玄奘)\n\nSi-yu-ki: Buddhist records of the western world. Tr. from the Chinese of Hiuen Tsiang (A.D. 629) by Samuel Beal. Popular ed. London, Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner, [189-?] 2 vols. in 1\n\nHSUEH, Chün-tu\n\nA review article: the years of triumph. London, 1962. Reprinted from China quarterly, no. 11, 1962, pp.225-235. Presentation copy inscribed by the author in Chinese.\n\nHUANG, Raymond\n\nIntonation in idiomatic English, for Chinese students in south-east Asia; by Raymond Huang in collaboration with A. W. T. Green. Hong Kong, University Press, 1964- v.1 only.\n\nHUCKER, Charles O.\n\nChina: a critical bibliography. Tucson, University of Arizona P., 1962.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205652, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 194, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "The Library\n\n189\n\nHUMMEL, Arthur W., ed.\n\nEminent Chinese of the Ch'ing period (1644-1912). Washington, D. C., Government Printing Office, 1944. v. 2 only.\n\nHUNTER, Guy.\n\nSouth-East Asia — race, culture, and nation. Publ. for the Institute of Race Relations, London. London, Oxford U.P., 1966.\n\nHUNTER, W. C.\n\nThe 'fan kwae' at Canton before treaty days, 1825-1844. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1965.\n\nReprint of original ed., London, 1882.\n\nHUNTER, W. C.\n\nBits of old China. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1966. Reprint of original ed., London, 1855.\n\nJARRETT, V. H. C.\n\nFamiliar wild flowers of Hongkong; illus. with photographs by the author... [Hong Kong] South China Morning Post [1937]\n\nJENYNS, Soame.\n\nA background to Chinese painting. London, Sidgwick & Jackson, 1935.\n\nPresentation copy inscribed by the author.\n\nJENYNS, Soame.\n\nChinese archaic jades in the British Museum. London, British Museum, 1951.\n\nPresentation copy inscribed by the author.\n\nJENYNS, Soame.\n\nLater Chinese porcelain: the Ch'ing dynasty, 1644-1912. 3rd ed. London, Faber, 1965.\n\nJENYNS, Soame.\n\nMing pottery and porcelain. London, Faber, 1953. Presentation copy inscribed by the author.\n\nJOCELYN, Robert, Viscount Jocelyn.\n\nSix months with the Chinese expedition; or, Leaves from a soldier's note-book. London, Murray, 1841.\n\nJOHNSTON, Reginald Fleming.\n\nBuddhist China. London, Murray, 1913.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205659, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 201, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "196\n\nSUNG, Z. D.\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nThe symbols of Yi King; or, The symbols of the Chinese logic of changes. Shanghai, China Modern Education Co., 1934.\n\nSWALLOW, Robert W.\n\nSidelights on Peking life. Peking, China Booksellers Ltd., 1927.\n\nTENG, Ssu-yü, and BIGGERSTAFF, Knight.\n\nAn annotated bibliography of selected Chinese reference works. Rev. ed. Cambridge, Mass, Harvard U.P., 1950. (Harvard-Yenching studies, v. 2)\n\nTENG, Ssu-yü, and others.\n\nJapanese studies on Japan and the Far East; a short biographical and bibliographical introduction, prepared by Teng Ssu-yü with the collaboration of Masuda Kenji and Kaneda Hiromitsu. Hong Kong, University Press, 1961.\n\nTHOMPSON, Robert Wallace.\n\nO dialecto português de Hongkong. Lisboa, Centro de Estudos Filológicos, 1961.\n\nTHORBECKE, Ellen.\n\nPeople in China; thirty-two photographic studies from life. London, Harrap, 1935.\n\nTREGEAR, Thomas R.\n\nA survey of land use in Hong Kong and the New Territories. Hong Kong, University Press, 1958.\n\nTROTSKY, Leon.\n\nProblems of the Chinese revolution ... Tr. with an introd. by Max Shachtman. 2d ed. New York, Paragon Book Gallery, 1962.\n\nReprint of 1st ed., 1932.\n\nTUN, Li-ch'en (E)\n\nAnnual customs and festivals in Peking, as recorded in the Yen-ching sui-shih-chi. Tr. and annotated by Derk Bodde. 2nd ed., rev. Hong Kong, University Press, 1965.\n\nU.S. Library of Congress. Science and Technology Division.\n\nMainland China organizations of higher learning in science and technology and their publications: a selected guide. Comp. by Chi Wang. Washington, D.C., U.S. Government Printing Office, 1961.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205660, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 202, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "The Library\n\n197\n\nWADDELL, L. Austine.\n\nThe Buddhism of Tibet; or, Lamaism, with its mystic cults, symbolism and mythology, and in its relation to Indian Buddhism. 2nd ed. Cambridge, Heffer, 1934.\n\nWALKER, Egbert H.\n\nFifty-one common ornamental trees of the Lingnam University campus: a guide to the more important local trees. Canton, Lingnam University, 1930.\n\nWANG, Ch'ung (1)\n\nLun-hêng (3) Tr. from the Chinese and annotated by Alfred Forke. 2nd ed. New York, Paragon Book Gallery, 1962.\n\nReprint of previous ed., Leipzig, 1907-11.\n\nWEALE, B. L. Putnam, pseud.\n\nIndiscreet letters from Peking; being the notes of an eye-witness [to] the siege and sack of a distressed capital in 1900. New York, Dodd, Mead, 1907 reprinted 1919.\n\nWELCH, Holmes.\n\nThe parting of the way: Lao Tzu and the Taoist movement. Boston, Beacon Press, 1957.\n\nWERNER, E. T. C.\n\nMyths & legends of China. New York, Brentano, 1922.\n\nWHITAKER, K. P. K.\n\nTsaur Jyr's “Luohshern fuh\". London, Taylor's Foreign P., 1954.\n\nReprint from Asia major: a British journal of Far Eastern studies, new series, v. 4, pp. 36-56.\n\nWIEGER, L.\n\nRudiments [de parler et de style chinois] 2e éd. Imprimerie de la Mission Catholique, 1905. vol. 4: Morale et usages only.\n\nWILKINSON, H. P.\n\nThe family in classical China. Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1926.\n\nWILLETTS, William.\n\nChinese art. Harmondsworth, Penguin Books, 1958.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205685, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 227, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "Plate 5. View of mouth of the Ma T'au Ch'ung from the top of \n\nSung Wong T'oi, 15th May 1937.\n\nPlate 6. Sung Wong T'oi. Earth ditch and rampart. North side of \n\nhill; in N.E. corner. Kowloon Peninsula. About 1927.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205703, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "Council in February of this year, and more recently both Mr. J. S. Lee and Mr. M. S. Cumming have resigned owing to their many other commitments, and in the case of Mr. Cumming owing to the likelihood of his being away a good deal from the Colony during the year. Of the original Council of 1959 there are only two left - Dr. Marjorie Topley and myself. The Council is a hard-working body; it meets at least once a month and its activities involve a great deal of time and labour. It is essential for the future of the Society to fill the vacancies with persons who have real interest in the work of the Society and are prepared to share the work in furthering its interests.\n\nIn concluding I want to thank all my colleagues on the Council for their unremitting work, the British Council for their traditional help in a variety of ways and for the use of their premises for the meetings of the Council and their Library to house the greater part of the Society's books, and last but not least Mrs. O'Hara, also of the British Council, for her ever-willing and ready help and secretarial work which have been most valuable.\n\n28 April, 1969.\n\nLectures in 1968 comprised:-\n\n15 January\n\nProfessor Michael Sullivan.\n\n\"The Cave Temples of Maichishan (with slides).\n\n26 February\n\nJ. R. JONES\n\n\"The British Treaty with Siam of 1855\"\n\n16 March\n\nMr. Robert Bruce.\n\nVisit to Chinese Vegetarian Halls (chai-t'ang) and the Sects of Former Heaven (Hsien-t'ien Tao).\n\n18 March\n\nDr. Philip Mao.\n\n\"Some Aspects of Ching Dynasty Porcelain of the Kang Hsi, Yung Cheng & Ch'ien Lung Periods\" (illustrated with slides).\n\n8 April\n\nAnnual General Meeting.\n\n29 April\n\nMr. T. C. Cheng.\n\n\"Chinese Unofficial Members of the Legislative and Executive Councils in Hong Kong up to 1941\".", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205736, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "36\n\nR. G. GROVES\n\nzation, the other with the implications of marketing systems for social structure. Both are relevant to an understanding of the mid-nineteenth century militia movement and the resistance to British forces entering Hong Kong's New Territories at the end of the century.25 The remainder of this article will be devoted to a consideration of the two subjects.\n\nThe Mid-Nineteenth Century Militia Movement.\n\nWakeman, in his analysis of this subject, distinguishes three types of militia. The first comprised yung (勇), or braves, Yung were hired mercenaries who, when officially employed, were commanded by regular officers and tended to fight as closely supervised auxiliaries to the regular forces. Tung-kwan Hsien, Kwang-tung, had a particular reputation for producing such 'bare-sticks' and sent recruits to fight the British in both 1840 and 1899. The second type of militia were gentry-sponsored t'uan-lien (團練). They were raised at Government's request or by its authority and tended to be under close official supervision, although frequently retaining considerable independence of action in the field. The third type of militia, described by Wakeman as \"genuine t'uan-lien”, might be more appropriately termed ‘local corps'26. Although their existence may have been sanctioned or countenanced by Imperial officials, they were frequently formed on local initiative and particularly during the later years of the nineteenth century were largely independent of government control. Subsequent discussion will be principally concerned with the second and third types of militia.\n\nThe t'uan-lien which assembled at Canton in 1840 were composite organizations. They came from the counties of Nan-hai, P'an-yü, Hsiang-shan, and Hsin-an and, in theory, were created by the implementation of the hu-ch'ou-ting (戶抽丁) system. This seems unlikely as the entire force was assembled within ten days. In fact, the hu-ch'ou-ting system had been \"superimposed on preexisting local militia\"27 An example is provided by the t'uan-lien (local corps) of San-yuan-li, which were “organized under 'banners' (旗), usually inscribed with the characters 'righteous people' (義民) and the name of the particular village\n\neach of the t'uan-lien represented someone's own village. The irregulars tended to retreat or advance behind the banner of their particular town.... \"28\n\n1", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205764, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "64\n\n71 Papers.... Despatches\n\nR. G. GROVES\n\n+\n\n*\n\nop. cit., p. 68.\n\n72 Correspondence..., op. cit., p. 167.\n\n73 Ibid., p. 297. Skinner postulates models of intermediate marketing systems in which each intermediate market is ringed by six standard markets. Skinner, op. cit., Part I, pp. 23f.\n\n74 Correspondence\n\n75 Ibid., p. 296.\n\n76 Ibid., p. 380.\n\n+\n\nI\n\nP\n\n1\n\nop. cit.,\n\np. 295.\n\n77 Wakeman, op. cit., p. 39.\n\n78 See, for example: Spector, Stanley, Li Hung-Chang and the Huai Army, Seattle, University of Washington Press, 1964, Folsom, Kenneth E., Friends, Guests, and Colleagues; the Mu-Fu System in the Late Ch'ing Period, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1968.\n\nSince writing this article, and further to note 37, Dr. Hugh D. R. Baker's study, Sheung Shui: A Chinese Lineage Village has now been published (London, Frank Cass & Co, Ltd., 1968).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205801, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "101\n\nTHE LINGUISTIC AND LITERARY VALUE OF THE MING DYNASTY ‘MOUNTAIN SONGS'\n\nJOHN MCCOY*\n\nPoetry, and the rhyming dictionaries compiled to aid the poet, have presented the linguist with the bulk of his material pertinent to the problem of reconstructing earlier forms of the Chinese language. Of course other aids have been used, such as the evidence of the fan-ch'ieh system of describing character pronunciations by dividing them into initial and final sound segments, the help provided by foreign language data, and the clues from the phonetic elements in the characters. However, the major breakthrough was made with early rhyming dictionaries. Karlgren's great contribution to the history of the Chinese language, his reconstruction of Ancient Chinese, was principally an analysis of the system set up in the Ch'ieh Yün, the Kuang Yün, and other early rhyme books. To this system he assigned phonetic values by positing forms generally consistent with modern dialect pronunciations.\n\nThe value of Karlgren's tremendous scholarship cannot be overemphasized, but note should be made that it does not tell us all we will ever want to know about antecedent forms of the present-day dialects of Chinese. Two aspects of his approach lead us to continue our search for corroborating and supplementary materials with which to increase our knowledge about early Chinese.\n\nFirst, Karlgren's Ancient Chinese must be thought of as a textual reconstruction rather than a linguistic reconstruction, and we ideally want both to fill out our picture. Secondly, for a number of reasons we can assume that the phonology expressed in the formal rhyming dictionaries diverged to some degree from the actual spoken forms of the time.\n\nThe difference between a textual reconstruction and a linguistic reconstruction is the difference between the interpretation and\n\n* Dr. McCoy's article \"The Dialects of Hong Kong Boat People: Kau Sai\" appeared in Volume 5 of the Journal. He is Associate Professor, Division of Modern Languages, Cornell University. This paper is a revised version of one read before the Association of Asian Studies at Philadelphia in March 1968.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205803, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "MING DYNASTY 'MOUNTAIN SONGS'\n\n103\n\nwritten by the literati rhymed often by academic fiat rather than in accordance with actual dialect pronunciations and the conversational styles which we know must have been spoken at the time.\n\nThis is not entirely the case since in the verses of the classical poets we often find deviation from the patterns of the rhyming dictionaries. Still the norm held true to the accepted versions, and as time passed the accepted version remained relatively stable while the living language went through a series of sound changes. There is even reason to assume that the earliest rhyming dictionaries may have preserved archaisms or dialect pronunciations, or otherwise mixed the information in a way that would complicate Karlgren's Ancient Chinese. For example, we know from the preface to the Ch'ieh Yün that this important rhyming dictionary was the product of an informal committee composed of members who represented several regional dialects. Presumably a situation like that might lead to a levelling process and the final results might be to some extent an overall pattern of several speech forms rather than a consistent recording of a single dialect.\n\nIn summary, the first proposition is that Ancient Chinese as now reconstructed should be paired with a proto-Chinese developed by the comparative method of modern linguistics. One can look forward to the time when the necessary spoken language data will be gathered and the preliminary reconstructions of individual Chinese proto-dialects will be completed. The second proposition is that the standard rhyming dictionaries can be expected to diverge in greater or lesser degree from any standard spoken language of their time. This second point suggests to the linguist that an ideal target for research might be poetry outside the intellectual, classical tradition. In other words, we can look to folk poetry since in that genre we will more likely be dealing with colloquial rhymes having no reference to the educated patterns of the rhyming dictionaries. This type of poetry would provide rhymes which are so useful in reconstructing earlier forms of Chinese, yet it would be much less likely to present some of the problems of the more artificial rhyming dictionaries. It is a safe assumption that original folk poetry would represent the everyday speech of the area from which it comes rather than any prestige second language of the educated class.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205805, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 111, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "MING DYNASTY 'MOUNTAIN SONGS'\n\n105\n\nnumber of syllables used to fill up this eight beat line. (Note that from this point on I am referring specifically to the Ming Dynasty collection of Mountain Songs and not to the genre as a whole.) The line may consist of as few as six characters, divided into two groups of three each with a pause on the fourth and eighth count; or it may number as many as 12 or 13 characters in various combinations of one, two, or three characters per beat. In these latter cases there are usually a number of grammatical markers and functor words which were apparently unstressed and run together rapidly without breaking the rhythmic beat. It is important to make proper identification of the unstressed syllables in order to maintain the eight count line in all these poems.\n\nLonger Mountain Songs are found in the collection which are either multiples of the four line basic verse or the basic verse with rhythmic phrases inserted, usually between lines two and three.\n\nThe rhyme scheme is typically ABCB or AABA. There is no hesitation about using the same character to rhyme with itself, and in one case I found the same character used in all three rhyming positions in one song. This may not sound so elegant as the classical poem, but at least in the particular song it was a very effective emphasis of a special point.\n\nIt is in subject matter that the Mountain Songs make the biggest break with the tradition of classical poetry. The predominant topic is that of boy-girl situations and the treatment is invariably humorous and often even bawdy. Only rarely since the Classic of Poetry 2000 years earlier is there such preoccupation with romantic love, and with the possible exception of the Tzu Yeh Ko of the Nan Pei Ch'ao Period, seldom does one find such humor in dealing with the subject. Here we get a picture of a hearty people who do not take themselves too seriously. They seem to find fun in many things and they have a gift for putting their fun into words.\n\nIn the Mountain Songs the humor is subtle more often than coarse. Although the verses may be risqué or even highly suggestive, there is none of the heavy-handed attention to pornographic detail as in Chin P'ing Mei or Jou P'u T'uan. The entire effect is carried by double entendre and pun, but the intent is obviously to make the listener laugh. The spirit is similar to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205809, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "MING DYNASTY 'MOUNTAIN SONGS'\n\n109\n\nThis first poem begins with a common type of phrase, outside the rhythmic pattern, which identifies the speaker when special indication is needed. Some linguistic points to observe are: 1) The use of the character †, (M) tzŭ “son, child', here a verbal suffix indicating attainment of a goal or completed action. Later we will see more clearly this function as an aspect marker comparable to the Cantonese jôh *.\n\n2) Note the pun on the word 'weasel' with (M) láng chῑ 'young gentleman' substituted for the character (M) láng † 'wolf'. 3) The use of the particle (S) tē indicate an adverbial relationship in the phrase (M) chiao chiao li chῑao § hērt ·\n\n4) And finally, note how much better the cackling comes through in a southern dialect pronunciation of the phrase in note 3) above: (S) kōq kōg.\n\nII.\n\n娘兩箇並行,\n\n兩朵鮮花囉裏箇強.\n\n囡免道池裏藕嫩好,\n\n娘道沙角菱老香.\n\n\"The woman and the daughter were walking along side by side,\n\nTwo fresh flowers, which one is nicer?\n\nThe daughter says, Of the lotus roots in the pond, the tender ones are better;\n\nThe woman says, Of the lily bulbs from the sand spit, the older ones are sweeter.\n\nNote in this poem:\n\n1) The use of (M) erh meaning here 'daughter' and also functioning as a nominalizing suffix in the phrases meaning 'daughter', 'lotus', and 'lily'. There is apparently a contrast of stress for the same form in these two functions, both matching the Mandarin usage.\n\n2) The function of (M) ko both as a measure and as an attributive marker. This corresponds to the usage of a number of Chinese dialects.\n\n3) The dialect expression (S) lo-li meaning 'which one, where'.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205810, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "110\n\nJOHN MCCOY\n\n4) The character (S) nü. I interpret this to be (M) nü 'woman' read in a slightly different way, probably equivalent to the 'changed tone' phenomenon in Cantonese. Compare here the Shanghai usage yang-nü-nü- ‘doll' contrasting with (S) nü-ning 'woman' showing two pronunciations for the element nü. Morohashi records this form in his great dictionary, Dai Kan Wa Jiten, and glosses it as a Wu dialect variant meaning simply 'woman',\n\n5) (M) shã chiao ling erh I found in the dictionaries as 'water caltrop'. Here I exercised a little poetic license on the assumption that the English name for this plant is rather obscure.\n\n約約到月上時,\n\n邦了月上子山頭弗見渠,\n\n咦沸知奴處山低月上得早\n\n咦弗知郎處山高月上得遲。\n\n'I agreed with my sweetheart to meet when the moon came up.\n\nWhy is it that the moon is on the mountain tops but I still don't see him?\n\nI wonder if it could be because in my place the hills are low and the moon rises early,\n\nOr is it because at his place the hills are high and the moon rises late?'\n\nNote in this poem:\n\n1) The character, at the beginning of the second line, which I have reconstructed as na-, I find this form in Morohashi where it is described as an alternate for the character (M) nà meaning 'that, those'. It seems to have a slightly different connotation in the Mountain Songs, more like the interrogative form of the same character in Mandarin, nă. From an analysis of the various contexts in which it appears in my texts I translate it as 'why' or 'how is it that'. 2) Note the use of the character (M) ch'u meaning 'he'. The only significant point here is that in this dialect I would expect (S) yi-, although forms related to ch'ü are found in a number of Wu dialect areas.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205811, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "MING DYNASTY 'MOUNTAIN SONGS'\n\n111\n\n3) Note the character probably pronounced (S) yi-咦, appearing at the beginning of lines three and four. Here we are fortunate in that Feng Meng-lung gives us a gloss indicating the meaning to be equivalent to (M) yù X, but since (M) yù is used elsewhere in the Shan Ko I interpret this character to mean ‘either ...or.\n\n别人笑我無老婆,\n\n你弗得知我破飯籮淘米外頭多,\n\n好像深山裏野鷄路宿,\n\n老鴉鳥無窠到有窠。\n\n‘Others laugh at me because I have no wife.\n\nYou could not know that when I wash rice in my broken strainer much more leaks out than stays inside.\n\nIt is like the pheasant in the deep mountains who sleeps anyplace along his path,\n\nOr the crow who has no nest yet can nest anywhere.'\n\n1) Referring to prostitutes by various names of wild birds is common in many dialects. I assume the reference also applies here.\n\n娘又乖,姐又乖,\n\n喫娘提箇石滿房篩\n\n小阿奴奴拚得馱郎上床馱下地,\n\n兩人合着一雙鞋。\n\n‘The mother is clever but the daughter is clever, too.\n\nSo when mother took some lime and sifted it all over the floor of my room.\n\nI dared to carry my lover pickaback, into bed and out,\n\nTwo people joined together wearing just one pair of shoes.'\n\n1) The character (M) ch'i吃 at the beginning of line two here functions as a passive marker much like (M) pěi 被.\n\nPage 117\n\n \nPage 117\n\nPage 117", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205812, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 118, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "112\n\nVI.\n\nJOHN MCCOY\n\n師姓齊,姐姓齊,\n\n贈嫁箇了頭也姓齊,\n\n齊家囡嫁來齊家去,\n\n半夜裏番身齊對齊。\n\n\"The groom was named Ch'i, the bride was named Ch'i,\n\nWith the dowry was a serving girl, also named Ch'i.\n\nCh'i family girls came in marriage into a Ch'i family.\n\nThrough the middle of the night it was bodies turning, Ch'i against Ch'i,'\n\n1) Here the surname (M) ch'i\n\nis an obvious pun on the 'navel'. Feng records another\n\nhomophonous word (M) ch'i version in which the surname (M) máo, also meaning 'fur, body hair', is substituted throughout for ch'i,\n\n2) of some anthropological interest is the single surname wedding which took place in this poem. Although frowned upon by Chinese tradition, this type of marriage probably occurred from time to time throughout China.\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\nChao, Yuen-ren (1928). Studies in the Modern Wu-Dialects. Tsing Hua College Research Institute Monograph No. 4. Peking.\n\nFeng, Meng-lung, compiler, Shan Ko (Mountain Songs). From the Ming-Ch'ing Min-ko Shih-tiao Tsung-shu (Collection of Ming and Ch'ing Folk Songs and Popular Lyrics), Peking (1962).\n\nKarlgren, Bernhard (1915-1926). Études sur la Phonologie Chinoise. Leiden.\n\nMartin, Samuel E. (1953). The Phonemes of Ancient Chinese', Journal of the American Oriental Society Supplement, No. 16,\n\nEditor's Note:- The Chinese text at I-VI above are photographic reproductions from the author's MS.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205847, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 153, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "# THE SAN ON MAP OF MGR. VOLONTIERI\n\n147\n\nthe characters in such a way that ambiguity or overcrowding was successfully avoided. However, Liang's commendable standard of calligraphy was not matched by his ability to translate and hence the references to the lead mine, Canton River and ‘As far to Canton' were expressed only in English. Was it the intention of Volonteri that these should remain so, or had he overlooked these particular items? This is but a trivial point compared with the fact that in at least three cases the local place-names recorded in English were neglected by the Chinese scribe who, in turn, independently inserted more than twenty references to villages, islands and mountains, unaccompanied by their transliterations. It is of interest to note that practically all these incongruities, like the others mentioned earlier, occurred in western San On, the area which must have been less familiar to both partners.\n\nIt is not the intention of this introduction to the Map of the San On District to belittle in any way the splendid effort and significant contribution of Mgr. Volonteri, but it is hoped that by pointing out some of the limitations in the information, the value of this magnificent piece of work as a fundamental document in the study of the history and geography of San On could be enhanced.\n\nAcknowledgement.\n\nThe author wishes to express his gratitude to Professor M. Freedman and Professor M. J. Wise for pointing out to him the existence of the Map in the R.G.S. Collection and for commenting on the manuscript; to Brigadier R. A. Gardiner, Keeper of the Map Room, for providing a copy of the original map as well as making available a wide range of cartographic material; to Fr. J. M. Tai, S.J., for locating important sources of reference; and to Mrs. L. Quartermaine, for translating excerpts of the biography from the Italian.\n\nREFERENCES*\n\nHayes, J. W. 1962 The pattern of life in the New Territories in 1898. J. R. Asiat. Soc. (Hong Kong) 2.\n\nHong Kong Government 1961 A gazetteer of place-names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories. Hong Kong Government Printer.\n\nJournal of the Mission of the Propaganda of the Light Kuang-tung yu-ti Ch'uan-tu (Atlas of Kwangtung Province). Chinese text, 1967.\n\n* These are given in the form used in the original printing. Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205878, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 184, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "178\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nand clubs, on their families, and on their ties with home. All these contain much of interest, though there are many points small and large on which one might quibble, from the trivial matter of the delusion which the author has that Chinese restaurants in general serve Chinese food which derives its virtue from Cantonese culinary supremacy (p. 28), to the important matter of omitting to mention that many Chinese employees receive in cash their total wage, their employers paying for them their tax, National Insurance, etc. over and above the wage (p. 81).\n\nMore important is the lack of organisation of the approach to this subject. One has the feeling that little attempt was made to extract meaning from the facts with which Mr. Ng presents us. If there had been, then surely they would have been presented differently? Certain basic considerations seem to have been neglected. Why London? for instance. Granted that London is an important centre for Chinese immigrants, why is it so? and how is it possible to study London as a centre without reference to the area of which it is a centre? Would not The Chinese in Britain have been a more valid topic? (Of course, the research worker's time and finances are important factors here, but there should be justification for the choice of field.) Again, was it not possible for Mr. Ng to approach this subject from an angle which would give more meaning to the whole to impose a pattern on it, as it were? To be constructive, could he not have started with the individual and worked outwards from there? the three case studies in Chapter IV are very enlightening.\n\nSince the work for this study was done (in 1963-64) the situation of the Chinese in Britain has changed a great deal. There seems to have been achieved a greater degree of coalescence (particularly in the provincial cities), political awareness has heightened, the Hong Kong Government has attempted to help its people overseas, the Gerrard Street area of London has become more and more clearly defined as a Chinese centre (the world's only new Chinatown?), and so on. There is call now for much more detailed and wide-ranging study of the field; and whoever undertakes it will be fortunate in having Mr. Ng's general survey to start from.\n\nSchool of Oriental and African Studies,\n\nMarch, 1969.\n\nHUGH D. R. BAKER", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205880, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 186, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "180\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nMost of the periodicals have been received in exchange for our own journal, and form a valuable portion of the collection, many of the titles not being easily accessible elsewhere in Hong Kong. Exchange agreements were made with the following three additional institutions: Monumenta Serica Institute, Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, and Instituto do Luis Camões, Macao.\n\nThe following is a list of titles added to the Library of the Hong Kong Branch since the publication of the previous list in volume VIII of the Journal. Items marked* are kept at the University Library, and the remainder at the British Council.\n\nALISJAHBANA, S. Takdir.\n\nA41\n\nIndonesia: social and cultural revolution. Kuala Lumpur, Oxford U. P., 1966.\n\nC517\n\nCH'EN, Yüan (†)\n\nWestern and central Asians in China under the Mongols; their transformation into Chinese (R$). Los Angeles, Monumenta Serica, 1966.\n\nCHINA. Laws, Statutes, etc.\n\nC531\n\nTa Tsing leu lee (#1); being the fundamental laws and a selection from the supplementary statutes of the penal code of China ... Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1966.\n\nCOLLIS, Maurice.\n\nC71\n\nWayfoong: the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation. A study of East Asia's transformation, political, financial and economic, during the last hundred years. London, Faber, 1965.\n\nDOOLITTLE, Justus.\n\nD69\n\nSocial life of the Chinese; with some account of their religious, governmental, educational, and business customs and opinions with special but not exclusive reference to Fuhchau. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1966.\n\nEITEL, Ernest J.\n\nE36e\n\nEurope in China: the history of Hongkong from the beginning to the year 1882. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1968.\n\n*FERREIRA, José dos Santos.\n\nF38\n\nMacau să assi, Macau, Tipografia da Missao do Padroado, 1967.\n\nGILES, Herbert A.\n\nG47g\n\nGems of Chinese literature. 2d ed., rev. and greatly enl.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205881, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 187, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "THE LIBRARY\n\nTaipei, Literature House, 1964.\n\nHENSMAN, Bertha, and MACK, Kwok-ping (AMA)\n\n181\n\nH52\n\nHong Kong tale-spinners; a collection of tales and ballads transcribed and translated from story-tellers in Hong Kong. Hong Kong, Chinese Univ. of Hong Kong, 1968.\n\nHILL, Dennis S.\n\nH645\n\nFigs (Ficus spp.) of Hong Kong. [Hong Kong] Hong Kong University Press, 1967.\n\n*KOLLARD, J. A.\n\nPAM K81\n\nEarly medical practice in Macao. Macao, Inspecção dos Serviços Economicos, Agencia de Turismo, 1935.\n\nMARTIN, W. A. P.\n\nM383\n\nA cycle of Cathay; or, China, South and North, with personal reminiscences. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1966.\n\nMAYERS, William Frederick,\n\nM46\n\nThe Chinese reader's manual: a handbook of biographical, historical, mythological and general literary reference, Taipei, Literature House, 1964.\n\nMAYERS, William Frederick, ed.\n\nM46 t\n\nTreaties between the Empire of China and foreign powers; together with regulations for the conduct of foreign trade, etc. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1966.\n\nMICHIE, Alexander.\n\nM624\n\nThe Englishman in China during the Victorian era, as illustrated in the career of Sir Rutherford Alcock many years consul and minister in China and Japan, Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1966.\n\nMORSE, Hosea Ballou.\n\nM88 t\n\nThe trade and administration of the Chinese Empire. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1966.\n\nREMER, C. F.\n\nR38 f\n\nThe foreign trade of China. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1967.\n\nWHISSON, Michael G.\n\nW576\n\nUnder the rug: the drug problem in Hong Kong. A study in applied sociology. [Hong Kong] Hong Kong Council of Social Service, 1965.\n\nWILLIAMS, S. Wells.\n\nW727\n\nThe Chinese commercial guide, containing treaties, tariffs, regulations, tables, etc., useful in the trade to China & Eastern", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205882, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "182\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nAsia; with an appendix of sailing directions for those seas and coasts. 5th ed. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1966. YULE, Sir Henry.\n\nY95\n\nCathay and the way thither; being a collection of medieval notices of China. New ed., rev. throughout in the light of recent discoveries by Henri Cordier. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1966.\n\nThe following bound volumes of periodicals are now located in the British Council Library, Gloucester Building, where they may be consulted. They are not available for loan.\n\nAsia major, London, vols. 9-11, 1962-1965,\n\nEast and West, Rome, vols. 14-17, 1963-1966.\n\nFrance. Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique. Bulletin signalétique.\n\nSec. 21: Sociologie, etc., vols. 16-18, 1962-1964. Sec. 24: Sciences du langage, vol. 19, 1965.\n\nJapan quarterly, Tokyo, vols. 10-14, 1963-1967. Journal of Asiatic studies, Seoul, vols. 8-10, 1965-1967. Monumenta serica, Los Angeles, vols. 19-25, 1960-1966. Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Stockholm. Bulletin,\n\nvols. 1-4, 1929-1932; 38-39, 1966-1967.\n\nRoyal Asiatic Society, London. Journal, 1957-1966.\n\nRoyal Asiatic Society. Korea Branch. Transactions, vols. 34-39, 1958-1962.\n\nSarawak Museum journal, vols. 9-14, 1960-1966.\n\nSinologica, Basel, vols. 7-9, 1962/63-1966/67.\n\nTōhō Gakuhō, Kyoto, vols. 32-39, 1962-1968.\n\nTsing hua journal of Chinese studies, Taipei, new series, vols. 2-6, 1960/61-1966/67.\n\nThis collection comprises 14 different titles, and 75 vols. (bound in 60).\n\nHong Kong, 28 April, 1969.\n\nH. A. RYDINGS,\n\nHon. Librarian.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205943, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 23, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "18\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\nHsieh's proposal approved, the emperor appointed him editor, and associated with him a staff of 147 assistants. For seventeen months they toiled diligently; then, on December 13, 1404, they submitted to the throne the first draft, entitled Wên-hsien ta-ch'êng. The emperor, however, was not satisfied. He ordered work resumed, adding two other scholars as co-directors of the enterprise: Yao Kuang-hsiao (1335 - 1418) and Liu Chi-ch'ih (1346 - 1423). The staff too was enlarged to the number of 2,169. On December 14, 1407, Yao submitted the Wên-hsien ta-ch'êng once more to the emperor. By this time it had grown in size to 22,211 chüan, bound in 11,905 pên. His majesty showed his satisfaction by bestowing on it the title Yung-lo ta-tien. But it was still not quite finished. A year later he contributed a preface, now included in the table of contents (an additional 60 chüan), in which he used the phrase \"completed in the winter of our sixth year\" (i.e., 1408). In this preface the number of chüan is given as 22,937. (The table of contents, excluding its own 60 ch., gives the figure as 22,877 ch. in 11,915 pên.) Obviously the editors had added some 700 chüan in the interim between Dec. 14, 1407, and the writing of the preface (Dec. 17, 1408).\n\nThe original was stored in the Wên yüan ko, Nanking, and a copy began to be made ready for printing in 1409. The cost was found to be so prohibitive, however, that this plan was abandoned. Woodblocks for a small number may, on the other hand, have been engraved. (This is the assertion of the eminent official and collector, Tuan-fang (1861-1911), who informed Professor Paul Pelliot that at one time he had seen more than one hundred chüan in printed form.) Following the removal of the capital, the YLTT was taken in 1421 to Peking and stored in the Wên lou in the palace area. In May 1557 a fire destroyed three palaces in the imperial precincts. Happily this work survived; it was then shifted to the historiography office.\n\nFive years later (Sept. 11, 1562), because of the danger of another conflagration, Emperor Chu Hou-ts'ung (1507-67) ordered the making of another set, with the calligrapher Ch'eng Tao-nan in charge of more than one hundred scribes delegated for this service by the ministry of Rites. Other responsible persons were Kao Kung (1512-78) and Chang Chü-cheng (1525-82). As this work is essentially a mammoth", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205944, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 24, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "MORE ON THE YUNG-LO TA-TIEN\n\n19\n\ndictionary, the characters were arranged under four main tone groups, based on the Hung-wu chêng-yün, sponsored by the first Ming emperor. Kao Kung oversaw the first and second tone-groups, Ch'in Ming-lei (1518-93) the third, and Ch'en I-ch'in (1511-86) the fourth. On May 23, 1567, Hsü Chich (1494-1574), then chief grand secretary, submitted the duplicate copy to the throne. Great rejoicing must have ensued, for the shih-lu records a long string of honors and emoluments presented on that day to high officials at court. The original was now stored in the Wên yüan ko (Peking) and the duplicate in the Huang shih chêng (office of imperial 皇史宬 archives). In 1594 a number of scholars, among them Lu K'o-chiao (a chin-shih of 1577 and currently chancellor of the National University), agitated for the installation of a bureau for the compilation of a history of the Ming dynasty. Following the approval of their proposal, several historians began to busy themselves with various aspects of the work, and gather documents for their research. Lu at this time recommended that the YLTT be printed, the labor of doing so to be parcelled out to publishers in various parts of the country. Regrettably his suggestion, along with the initial proposal of a dynastic history, was never consummated, at least in Ming times. The war in Korea against the Japanese invaders, incursions by the Mongols in the north-west, and insurrections in the south-west were all then in progress, and the resources of the empire could not bear so heavy a burden. At the end of the dynasty, during the occupation of the capital by the rebel Li Tzu-ch'eng (d. 1645), the original set was entirely put to the flames, and a considerable portion of the duplicate (about one-tenth) likewise destroyed.\n\nFor over a century silence reigns, Ch'ing dynasty scholars seeming to be totally unconcerned about the YLTT. Then in 1771/72 Chu Yün (1729-81) suggested to the Ch'ien-lung emperor first that he launch a similar and even greater enterprise, and later that certain rare books contained only in the YLTT be reproduced in the new work, which came to be known as the Ssu-k'u ch'üan-shu. The emperor was pleased to accept both suggestions; as a result, 385 works in 4,946 chüan were made an important part of the latter. By this time only 9,677 volumes were available (although a report of Nov. 9, 1794, records\n\n+", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205945, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 25, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "20\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\nthe number as 9,881 pên). In addition, the Wu-ying-tien press in the palace printed with movable type 286 works known only in manuscript in the YLTT. From this point on the story of the YLTT makes generally sad reading. The librarians of the Hanlin Academy during the next one hundred years must have been pretty careless in their custodial duties, for, by 1894, according to an entry in the diary of the statesman Wêng T'ung-ho (1830-1904), hardly more than 800 pên were left. During the siege of the legation quarter six years later, the Chinese made an attempt to storm the British legation by setting fire to the Hanlin, immediately to the north of the legation compound. Thousands of books in the library were consumed in the blaze, but many too were picked up by Europeans, Americans, and Japanese in the legation quarter, and either taken to their homelands, or, in the case of the British minister, returned to the authorities in Peking. In the troubles incident to the overturn of the Manchus (1911), others were dispersed; so that by 1912, when Aurousseau made his report, he recorded only sixty pên in the Metropolitan Library and four in the library of the Ministry of Education.\n\nToday the situation is much better, as there has been an effort to reproduce and make generally available copies of the volumes which have found their way to major collections, mostly public, such as the Library of Congress, the British Museum, the Bodley, the Toyo Bunko, the National Library of Peking, and the National Central Library. These include the volumes returned to the mainland by the authorities in the USSR in the flush of post World War II friendship: eleven volumes delivered in 1951 and fifty-three in 1954. The learned world now has available for study two facsimile editions of extant works, one brought out in Peking in 1960 in 730 chüan under the sponsorship of Kuo Mo-jo (1892-), and a second issued in Taipei in 1962 in 742 chüan, edited by Yang Chia-lo (1913-). Several lists of surviving volumes of the YLTT have been published, the latest being that of the venerable Japanese scholar, Iwai Hirosato, in a festschrift published in his honor: Tenseki ronshū (Tokyo 1964), 1-70. His census lists 799 chüan. A few others have come to light which he did not include. In September 1963 The British Museum Quarterly announced the acquisition of one volume containing chüan 6933 and 6934, a gift from the estate of Captain Francis Garden Poole, who", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205946, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 26, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "MORE ON THE YUNG-LO TA-TIEN\n\n21\n\nserved in the Legation Guard in Peking in 1900. The Chester Beatty Library (Dublin) has three volumes not otherwise accounted for (chüan 803/4, 805/6, and 10,110/1). The Wason Collection of Cornell University has chüan 13,853, and the National Central Library, Taipei, has chüan 7527, which Yang Chia-lo failed to reproduce. The number at present count then is 809 chüan out of the original total of 22,877 chüan (not counting the table of contents which has been separately published).\n\nWhat subjects are covered in the volumes that have been saved? Practically everything that concerned the Chinese around the year 1400, but in fragmentary fashion. Thought, morals, poetry of several kinds, frontier people (the Hsiung-nu and Hu, for example), geography, surnames, government, law, the spirits, biography, divination, architecture (gates, bridges, halls, storehouses, walls, offices), villages, capital cities, history, burial customs, astronomy, botany, grain, military matters, Buddhism, Taoism, travels, bronzes, food and drink, caves, dreams, scholars, drama, sacrifices, clothing, mathematics, images, carpentry, post stations, shamans, literary collections. Dr. Walter Swingle, writing on the YLTT in the Report of the Library of Congress (1922-23), asserted: \"It combined all existing Chinese books that were available to Yung-lo, excepting novels and possibly some plays.\" Fortunately, his remark was found to be in error when the Library of Congress acquired (1935) from the collection of Dr. H. A. Giles, professor of Chinese at Cambridge University, a copy of a \"short historical novel, Ch'ieh-fên-lu and a hsü-lu, purporting to describe the experiences of Sung Hui-tsung, made captive by the Chin in 1127.\" (The son of Dr. Giles, Lancelot, was in the British Legation during the siege in 1900, and doubtless picked it up then.) The first notice of the famous play P'i-pa chi (The Lute Song) also appears in a volume of the YLTT. Professor Pelliot has characterized as one of the most important volumes saved the sections from a great Yuan dynasty encyclopaedia (Ching-shih ta-tien, published 1331), including a part on courier stations (jamči), now in the Toyo Bunko. Among other interesting works saved, generally fragmentary, are geographical. Francis D. M. Dow of Australian National University has recently drawn attention to certain gazetteers preserved: one of the prefecture of Soochow, published in 1379, for example; and years ago (1929) the Metropolitan", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205947, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 27, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "22\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\nLibrary of Peiping reported on its copy of the local history of Shao-hsing-fu, Chekiang (YLTT ch. 7963). One must also mention the excellent use made by Professor Jao Tsung-i of chüan 11,907 (preserved in Peking) in his article on \"Some place-names in the South Seas in the Yung-lo ta-tien.\"8 Finally, because everyone is interested in Marco Polo and the authenticity of his record of travel, let us mention the discovery in chüan 19,418 of the YLTT by two Chinese scholars of the names of the three envoys from the Mongol court of Persia who were dispatched in 1290 to Kubilai in Cambaluc to convey the Lady Kukachin (Marco's Cocachin) to Tabriz to become the bride of Argon. Their names, rendered in Chinese transcription, correspond fairly closely with those preserved in Marco's account. His name and the names of his father and uncle, unfortunately, were not considered of sufficient importance to receive mention. Hopefully we may expect more enlightenment on China's past as these rare volumes are further explored.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 For example, Leonard Aurousseau in Bull. de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient XII: 9 (1912), and both Walter Swingle and Arthur W. Hummel in Reports of the Library of Congress, 1922-23, 1935-36, 1940, etc.\n\n2 Wang Chung-min1 has recently identified 246 of these individuals, including the three principals, in an article entitled \"Yung-lo ta-tien tsuan-hsiu jen k'ao,”†^#, Wên-shih★★ 4 (June 1965), 17 ff. (Mrs. Lienche Tu Fang kindly drew this to my attention.)\n\n3 Bull. de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient IX (1909), 828, n.3.\n\n4 Communication to the author, dated 15th Oct., 1969, from the curator, D. Zichy.\n\n5 I owe this to Mrs. Delano Young (née Yang Chin-yi) who received the information from a member of the staff of the Library.\n\n6 Extracts of books were distributed under different tone groups.\n\n7 A Study of Chiang-su and Che-chiang gazetteers of the Ming Dynasty (Canberra 1969), p. 5.\n\n8 Symposium on Historical, Archaeological and Linguistic Studies of Southern China, South-east Asia, and the Hong Kong Region (Hong Kong 1967), 191-7.\n\n9 Yang Chih-chiu and Ho Yung-chi, \"Marco Polo quits China,\" Harvard Jo. of Asiatic Studies IX (1945), 51. See also Yule-Cordier, The Book of Ser Marco Polo (London 1903), I, p. 32.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205948, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 28, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "MORE ON THE YUNG-LO TA-TIEN\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY OF IMPORTANT WORKS CONSULTED\n\nMing shih-lu (Taiwan ed., 1962-66), Tai-tsung 0393, 0627, 1016;\n\nShih-tsung 8413; Mu-tsung 0204; Shên-tsung 5040;\n\nYung-lo ta-tien mu-lu (Peking 1960), preface;\n\nSsú-k'u ch'üan-shu tsung-mu (1930), 137/3a;\n\nKuo Po-kung, Yung-lo ta-tien k’ao (Changsha 1938, rev. ed. Taipei 1967);\n\nWu Kuang-ts'ing, Scholarship, Book Production, and Libraries in China (618-1644), manuscript (Chicago, Dec. 1944);\n\nPaul Pelliot, T'oung Pao 20 (1921), 175-77.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205952, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 32, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "LORD ELGIN AND THE TAIPINGS\n\n27\n\nThe next evening, the squadron anchored off the city of T'ai-p'ing, also in Taiping hands, after having previously silenced some other forts a few miles below under equally questionable circumstances. Nevertheless, at T'ai-p'ing a request came to the British from the Taipings for assistance against the Imperialist war junks. The request note referred to its writer as \"your younger brother\" and was addressed to \"your Excellencies the Foreigners.\"12 In reply, Elgin sent a note recalling what had happened the previous day at Nanking, indicating that this had been a \"warning to all who may be hereafter minded to interfere with the ships of Her Majesty.\"3 For their part, however, the Taipings apologized for the firing at Nanking, explaining that it had been a mistake. Assurances were also given that the mission would not again be molested. Elgin conceded that he believed the Taipings to be sincere.14 Their request for assistance, however, was ignored.\n\nTwo days later, on November 23, the English arrived at Wu Hu, where they paused and sent ashore Thomas Wade \"to ascertain the disposition of the insurgents\" and \"in particular to determine if supplies could be obtained.\"15 This proved to be another instance of unmitigated presumption on the part of the visitors, and we see this by reading the English account only. Even though the Taipings' suggestion as to the form in which the request be made (a letter to the Taiping chief) was ignored by the English, the Taipings were still quick in making available the requested provisions. In spite of this gracious and generous Taiping hospitality, Wade's report of this visit is filled with language prejudicial to his hosts. There is not the slightest indication that appreciation was felt, or expressed.16 The squadron continued its progress up the Yangtze,\n\nThe next clash, at Anking, remains a classic instance of international effrontery. As the English ships approached this city it was under attack by Ch'ing forces, an assault that may have been coordinated with the English arrival. According to eyewitness Laurence Oliphant: \"It seemed that the Government troops had received notice of our approach and had determined to take advantage of it, in order to make a grand attack upon Ngan-king…\". Aside from these circumstances, not mentioned in most accounts of the affair, Elgin himself knew that the Taipings", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205954, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "LORD ELGIN AND THE TAIPINGS \n\n29 \n\nbetween Thomas Wade, whom Elgin had sent ashore in company with Laurence Oliphant, Horatio Lay and Alexander Wylie, and the Taiping officer, Li Ch'un-fa.25 The impression is left, after reading the account, that Wade had indeed engaged in relatively important communication with the Taipings, and thus the English had taken good advantage of the opportunity to discuss matters with the Taipings and gain full and useful intelligence. In examining the official record of the trip itself, however, we find that Wade had, in fact, spent only fifteen minutes in conversation with Li. During this time Wade refused refreshments, even though his ride to the site of conference had taken a good part of the day. We find that in the precious little time that remained for conversation, Wade asked irrelevant but provocative questions, e.g., by asking to see Yang Hsiu-ch'ing, the Eastern King, who was known to have been dead for two years already.26 \n\nWhen Wade took leave of his Taiping hosts their leader once again “begged” that the Taiping garrison be informed of any future trips to Nanking by the English, so that future collisions might be averted.27 This, fortunately, was considered a “reasonable request” by Elgin, who later had made notices in Chinese which stated the nationality and character of English vessels and which would be delivered by each ship on arrival at Nanking and Anking.28 \n\nNo effort was made by Elgin, or by Wade, to discuss any serious matters with the Taipings or to meet personally with any of the higher authorities, except that the landing party did ask to see Hung Hsiu-ch'uan, the T'ien Wang, expecting, apparently, that they would be ushered in to his Court at once. The Taiping request for the party to remain overnight so that this could be arranged was declined. Actually, much of the information about the Taipings that is contained in Wade's report seems to have come from the party's conversation with its guide, a man of low, probably enlisted rank, who seems to have gossiped freely. \n\nNor did the visitors discuss with the Taipings another document of major significance which was sent to and received by the English at Wu Hu.29 This document, in poetic style and of great length, was written by Hung Hsiu-ch'uan himself. That it was addressed specifically to Elgin incidentally reflects well upon the Taipings' intelligence system and communications network.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205955, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 35, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "30 \n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR. \n\nThe English neglect is of special interest and not without significance, for although the document was written by Hung Hsiu-ch'uan, and was translated by Wade, yet it did not occasion even a minimal formal acknowledgment of receipt, either from Elgin, to whom it was addressed, or verbally from Wade during his visit in Nanking. \n\nThis document reveals significant information which should not have been so lightly dismissed by the English diplomats. Most importantly it was addressed to Elgin in polite Chinese fashion (though Ch'ing or traditional officialdom could never have been so polite) as 'Imperial Commissioner of a Superior Nation' shang-kuo ch’in-ch'ai ta-ch'en,30 Thus it signified a marked tendency of the Taipings in this period to emphasize the equality of other nations with Taiping China. The tone of writing is throughout conciliatory, and refers to foreigners as brethren in distinctly friendly terms. Taiping ministers, in it, were enjoined to entertain foreigners with ceremony. And while the adjective \"younger\" was also used with the term \"brethren\" this need not have implied inequality in an international sense. This is because Hung was giving in this document a religious lecture to foreigners as individuals. His special role as religious leader permitted him, by his reckoning, to use this mode of address in speaking to others. There were no pretensions to universal supremacy, nor was there any mention of foreigners bringing tribute. The document really marked a new and significant stage in Taiping foreign relations. However, as the English neglected even a courteous acknowledgment of the document, so they never bothered distinguishing important and necessary distinctions in it. Instead, subsequent writers have rested content with prejudicial interpretations of its \"fanatical\" religious content. Wade could not forebear remarking upon its \"very small literary pretension and indifferent handwriting.\"31 \n\nAt every point of personal contact between the English and Taipings on this trip, the latter never failed to exhibit a spirit of cooperative accommodation and outright friendliness to the English. No place in the record is there a word to contradict this, even from the obviously prejudiced Wade himself. And Elgin was sensitive to such things. Earlier he had written that he always made a point to ask persons who had penetrated the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205956, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "LORD ELGIN AND THE TAIPINGS\n\n31\n\nChinese interior of the treatment they had experienced. He admitted that \"almost invariably\" the answer was \"that at points remote from those to which foreigners have access, there was no diminution, but on the contrary, rather an enhancement of the courtesy exhibited towards them by the natives.\"32 While these visitors all need not have been referring to Taiping areas, it is a fact that the only exception to this apparent rule during Elgin's own trip on the Yangtze was at Hankow, which was under Ch'ing control. Elgin noted that in this city \"we thought we detected symptoms of the old disease of antipathy to foreigners, though of a very mitigated type.\"33 The English encountered objections to their entering the walled city of Wu-ch'ang,34 and when they walked about Hankow, were treated to the spectacle of having their Chinese official companions \"severely bamboo\" anyone who came near the foreigners, even if only to gratify understandable curiosity.35 Effort was made to prevent the mission from making purchases of local products of any kind.36\n\nElgin's general conclusions as the result of this trip were that there was \"little or nothing of popular sympathy\" for the Taipings, and that the majority of the population was desirous of peace and commerce. The first conclusion is obviously based upon the flimsiest and most suspect evidence, while the latter is merely a gratuitous observation. Our evaluation is harsh, but is based squarely upon a consideration of the motives and circumstances of the expedition, and on reflection upon the composition of the mission itself, with its heavy anti-Taiping bias (there was even a Ch'ing official accompanying the mission). With this background understood, it is a wonder indeed that Elgin himself would not have been more critical of the testimony garnered along the way, for Elgin had pondered the problem of the credibility of such information. His reflection on one aspect of the subject, some present-day interviewers on the China scene might agree, has a certain timeless applicability:\n\nChinamen of the humbler class are not much addicted to reflection, and when subjected to cross-examination by persons greedy of information, they are apt to consider the proceeding a strange one, and to suspect that it must be prompted by some exceedingly bad motive. Moreover, having been civilized for many generations, they carry politeness so far, that", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205957, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "32\n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR.\n\nin answering a question it is always their chief endeavour to say what they suppose their questioner will be best pleased to hear. If therefore the knowledge of a fact is to be arrived at, it is, above all things, necessary that the inquiry bear a tint so neutral that the person to whom it is addressed shall find it impossible to reflect its colour in his reply. He will then sometimes, in his confusion, blunder into a truthful answer, but he does so generally with a bashful air, indicative of the painful consciousness that he has been reluctantly violating the rules of good breeding. A search after accurate statistics, under such conditions, is not unattended with difficulty,38\n\nElgin, however, never seemed to think equally critically of the information brought for his consideration about the Taipings. While it is of utmost importance what opinions such high-ranking English decision-makers were forming of the Taipings, it need not be supposed that the foreign community in general at this time was similarly influenced. We have the account of a relatively high ranking English naval officer which stated quite explicitly: \"When Lord Elgin returned from his expedition up the Yang-tze-kiang in 1858, his high-handed policy toward them at Nankin, Ngan-king, and elsewhere, was much disapproved of by a large section of the community, and it was thought that he had hardly done justice to them.\"39\n\nOne might legitimately raise the question again as to the purpose of the mission. We have already given the ostensible reason: to investigate suitable trading ports and trade conditions along the river. But this seems implausible. With a full-scale war taking place along the greater part of the lower Yangtze Valley, it was unlikely that such an investigation would prove of much value. The mission was premature in another respect as well, for it took place before the treaty was ratified, an observation that is especially to the point since the Ch'ing government did not, in fact, ratify the treaty. Actually, Elgin had two underlying purposes. First, he believed that the trip would confirm that the Emperor had in principle conceded the opening of the river, thus inducing the Chinese to take steps to put the treaty into effect. Second, Elgin reportedly believed that the trip would aid the Imperial cause against the Taipings since the \"opening", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205959, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 39, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "34 \n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR., \n\n12 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 231, Inclosure No. 1, Shanghai, January 6, 1859, BB, IX, 454. \n\n13 Ibid., Inclosure No. 2, p. 455. \n\n14 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 228, p. 445. \n\n15 Ibid., Inclosure 1, p. 447. \n\n** \n\n16 Wade, in adjoining sentences, says that \"The prices put upon the articles we named were not exorbitant and, \"This part of our errand done we took our leave, glad to escape from the pressure of this most disorderly mob, and the offensive atmosphere they created.\" Ibid., p. 448. \n\n17 Oliphant, II, 361. \n\n18 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 228, p. 445, \n\n19 Oliphant, II, 362-364. \n\n20 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 228, p. 446. \n\n21 Ibid. \n\n22 Ibid., Inclosure No. 2, pp. 448-449. \n\n23 Ibid., Inclosure No. 4, p. 450. \n\n24 Lindsay Brine, The Taeping Rebellion in China, London, 1862, pp. 226-228. Despite his reputation for relatively dispassionate reporting Brine makes similar omissions in discussing other episodes as well. In discussing the visit at Wu Hu he uses only passages from Oliphant that reflected poorly on the Taipings without mentioning that the Taipings graciously complied with the request for supplies - pp. 223-226. Regarding the bombardment of Anking, Brine does not mention that the Imperialists were attacking the city simultaneously -- pp. 220-221. \n\n25 Only the surname of the Taiping leader is given in Wade's account, which is the basis of the other versions of this visit, That it was Li Ch'un-fa is a surmise concurred in by Jen Yu-wen in personal conversation with the writer. As a lieutenant of Li Hsiu-ch'eng it is likely that Li Ch'un-fa was well-disposed toward foreigners, as indeed, he seems to have been depicted in Wade's own account. \n\n26 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 228, Inclosure No. 5, pp. 450-452, \n\n27 Ibid., p. 451. \n\n28 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 232, Inclosure of Elgin to Seymour, Shanghai, January 6, 1859, BB, IX, 455. \n\n29 This poem was not included in the Blue Book collection of documents, but was subsequently translated and printed in Oliphant, II, 334-341, and in Brine, pp. 229-236. It will soon be made available once again among Franz Michael's documents of the Taipings to be published in the near future. The Chinese text, which should be consulted, for the English translation is inconsistent, is found in Jen Yu-wen, T'ai-p'ing Tien kuo tien-chih t'ung-kao (TPTKTCTK), Vol. II, 881-883. \n\n30 We learn of the use of this specific form of address from Chester Cheng's recording of the cover letter in his book on Taiping documentary materials in the United Kingdom. Unfortunately, Cheng does not mention the important poem itself - Chester Cheng, Chinese Sources for the Taiping Rebellion 1850-1864, Hong Kong, 1963, p. 150. It is possible that the word shang was used as an honorific in place of the more usual kuei, a word that may have been proscribed by the Taipings because of its phonetic similarity to kuei meaning devil.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206008, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 88, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "CHINESE EMIGRATION AND THE DECK PASSENGER TRADE 83\n\nlanded in Cuba alive. Losses of up to 40% were not uncommon on such voyages, and it is not surprising that the emigrant trade was sometimes called the \"Pig Trade\".*\n\nMost of this emigration continued to be in sailing ships as the early steamships were not particularly popular in the emigrant trade; it was thought the passengers were not landed in such good condition as from sailing ships. The number of days at sea was not so important as the number and condition of the passengers landed. It is probable, however, that like the contemporary objections against carrying tea in steamships, the objections against steamships in the emigrant trade were mainly based on prejudice.\n\nBetween the 1840's and the 1870's, when emigration to South America and the West Indies was practically uncontrolled, conditions on the long passage from the China coast were as bad as those on the notorious 'Middle Passage' of the African Slave Trade. Sometimes they were so intolerable that the Chinese rose in revolt, and attempted to kill the captain and crew. Sometimes they would set the ship on fire, hoping either to capture the ship or escape in the confusion. Emigrant ships were usually provided with barricades on deck in those days, like those on convict ships, to prevent the coolies from attacking the officers' and crews' quarters, a device later adopted as an anti-piracy precaution on late 19th and early 20th century emigrant ships in the South-east Asian trades.\n\nDuring this same period Indians were emigrating to the West Indies, Mauritius, Fiji, and other places, and the Indian section of the emigrant trade has been studied more intensively than the Chinese. The Indian trade was not subject to such great abuses as the Chinese, as it was under more effective control at each end. Indians were also more amenable to discipline, so there was less danger of revolt on Indian emigrant ships. Their passivity and personal habits, however, made them more liable to illness, and the greatest dangers in the Indian emigrant trade\n\n* S. Wells Williams, Chinese Commercial Guide (Hong Kong, 1863) pp. 223-224, shows that coolies for the American countries were known as \"chü-tsai ## or pigs\" among contemporary Cantonese \"by an allusion to their [i.e. the Cantonese] mode of catching and carrying off swine in round baskets\". It is not known whether this phrase, which is still remembered today as 7, is of earlier origin. Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206018, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "CHINESE EMIGRATION AND THE DECK PASSENGER TRADE 93\n\nislands of Nauru and Ocean Island; and the other is the Pilgrim Trade from Malaya to the Red Sea Port of Jeddah. The passengers in this latter trade are mainly Malays, who travel in near-luxury conditions comparable with European tourist class. Food and accommodation are suited to Moslem tastes and prejudices, an Iman travels on the ship, and there is a mosque provided in the accommodation.\n\nLater Chinese emigration to South-east Asia was largely the result of the economies imposed on the region by the European colonial powers, and the agricultural and industrial development which these powers initiated. On achieving independence at various times after 1945 each country has attempted with varying degrees of success - to weaken the economic and political position of their Chinese populations, and in the early 1960s Indonesia even attempted their repatriation on a substantial scale. It is in this country that the Chinese have been subjected to the harshest and most cruel treatment, with thousands being killed in pogroms reminiscent of the worst years in Indonesia and the Philippines in the earlier period. It may be that the contribution of the overseas Chinese to the economic development of South-east Asia, has in these latter years at least been counter-balanced by the political instability caused by their presence, but for this they are not wholly to blame.\n\nNOTE\n\nAn account of the Ch'ing government's attitude towards the emigration of its subjects is given at pp. 26-29 of Victor Purcell's The Chinese in Southeast Asia (London, Oxford University Press, 2nd edition, 1965).\n\nIn his well-known work, The Middle Kingdom (London, W. H. Allen & Co., revised edition, 1883) vol. 1, pp. 278-9 S. Wells Williams states that \"The obstacles put in the way of emigrating beyond sea, both in law and prejudice, operate to deter respectable persons from leaving their native land. Necessity has made the law a dead letter, and thousands annually leave their homes.\" He then quotes the following striking passage from W. H. Medhurst's China: Its State and Prospects (1838). \"Emigration is going on in spite of restrictions and disabilities, from a country where learning and civilization reign, and where all the dearest interests and prejudices of the emigrants are found, to lands like Burmah, Siam, Cambodia, Tibet, Manchuria, and the Indian Archipelago, where comparative ignorance and barbarity prevail, and where the extremes of a tropical or frozen region are to be exchanged for a mild and temperate climate.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206071, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 151, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "146\n\nS. F. BALFOUR\n\npeoples. They too are an ancient population living on the seaboard without any trace of their earlier habitat. But as we have seen in the first chapter they have been so overwhelmed by the force of Chinese culture that not a trace remains of their original customs. However it is proposed to show that some aspects of their life might suggest a connection with the \"Indonesians\", however far fetched the theory may be,\n\nThe Tanka boats must be of recent design, and they were probably evolved as a result of contact with foreign peoples, even as late as the Portuguese. The eyes painted on the prows of Hoklo boats may also point to earlier contacts, although it is possible that this custom evolved quite independently. What seems more likely to be the survival of an earlier boat is the “dragon boat” or huge canoe used by the Tanka, Punti and Hoklo in their yearly festival.\n\nThis festival occurs on the 5th of the 5th month when the 'dragon' constellation is highest in the sky and celebrates the death of a poet Chü Yûan who drowned himself in a river in Hunan because his King would not take his advice. But it is difficult to understand the connection between the poet and the rather war-like parade of boats accompanied by the beating of a drum and throwing of rice into the waters. In fact, the festival appears more likely to be an annual sacrifice to a fishing god, or in places where rice culture depends upon irrigation caused by floods, to an agricultural god. Its distribution (in connection with the Chü Yuan legend) is confined to South China and to Szechuan. In Fukien, besides the poet a famous general is sometimes commemorated. Remembering the tendency of all religions to adapt new gods to old customs, we may be justified in discounting Chü Yuan from the festival's origin,\n\nThe regatta is formed by a number of very long canoes paddled to the rhythm of a drum beaten in the middle of the boat by some forty to eighty half naked men. It is unlike any other Chinese feast and the canoe and style of paddling are more reminiscent of Polynesian methods than of Chinese. Similar regattas exist all over the Indonesian regions; in Pnom-penh, for instance, it is almost identical (see accompanying illustrations),* and the first mention of the feast in Chinese literature occurs in books written\n\n* Plates 17-18.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206077, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 157, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "152\n\nS. F. BALFOUR\n\nTheir presence in Tongkin and Annam attracted traders from the South Seas and from India. The later Han history mentions that in A.D. 132 the towns of Jih Nan farthest south in Annam, Chiu Chên and Chiao Chih were focal points of navigators. \"Cattigara\" was mentioned by Ptolemy about this time as the port of the Chinese; it has been identified with Chiao Chih or Hanoi. Traders came to it from India and from Yeh T'iao or Java. During the 3rd or 4th century these foreign traders penetrated as far as Canton.\n\nBut the Chinese did not do more than encourage the foreign traders to come. What coastal trade existed must have been carried on by the aborigines, who were practically unaffected by the Chinese conquest. These aborigines, particularly in the seas between Annam and Canton, turned themselves into pirates and harassed the early western traders to an enormous extent.\n\nAn independent centre of trade remained in Min Yüeh which was practically untouched by the Chinese until the T'ang dynasty. This centre must have been in touch with the civilised region of Wu, at the Yangtze mouth, and no doubt had contacts further with Japan. Little is known about it, but its importance must have been very great and it was lasting. Even in the Middle Ages Marco Polo referred to South China as Manzi or the Land of the Man-Tzů. In one or two ways the modern Fukienese show traces of contact with Japanese culture in their use of wooden utensils for instance. It is quite likely that the porcelain, especially the glazed type, found in our region was imported from the North East.\n\nWhen the Han dynasty broke up in A.D. 220 the empire they had founded from Canton to Indo-China was disrupted. The garrisoned towns were emptied of troops during the civil wars of the Three Kingdoms period, and right up to the T'ang dynasty the Chinese never regained their imperial hold over the South coast. The region was therefore left to the semi-tutored aborigines and to the foreign traders. There is no evidence at all of any settlement of peasants. The Cantonese language is not an archaic form of Chinese, and some of the eldest sub-dialects, for instance that of T'oi Shan district, do not point to a pre-Tang population. We must therefore recognise a break between the Han and Tang dynasties when the aborigines continued their tribal life and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206078, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 158, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH \n\n153\n\nmigrations, keeping only a semi-Chinese culture in the walled cities such as Pun Yü.\n\nEven in the Tang dynasty from the seventh to the tenth centuries it is not possible to trace any record of migration of peasants from the North. The earliest families must have died out or have been cut off so completely that they forgot their kinsmen. The settlement of peasants was accompanied by much fighting with the aborigines. At that time elephants and crocodiles existed in South China. The vegetation was tropical and the work of deforestation for agriculture was tremendous.\n\nHowever, the task was begun by soldiers. At various points garrisons were established by the T'ang emperors to protect the coastal trade and to keep the natives in order. These garrisons were known as T'un (屯) or soldiers who were settled on the land. We shall be able to give an example of the importance of these garrisons in attracting the settlement of peasants when we describe the history of Tun Mun or Castle Peak.\n\nThe colonisation of Fukien by Chinese peasants occurred much more rapidly than that of Kwangtung. There is in fact no record of any conflict between the aborigines and there is reason to believe that the Chinese were even welcomed by the inhabitants, In fact Min Yüeh became during the T'ang dynasty a Chinese colony. The Chinese settlers must have intermarried with the inhabitants. The cause of this may well have been the migration south west into Kwangtung of the early fiercer tattooing and water-fighting aborigines due to the pressure of more civilised peoples. In any case the blending of the Northern Chinese and Min Yüeh cultures had the effect of making the Chinese for the first time a maritime nation. During the Tang dynasty the Chinese began to build boats and to open a new centre of trade, Ch'üan Chow, which began to compete with the older centres of Canton and Chiao Chih.\n\nBut to return to Nan Yüeh. During the T'ang dynasty until almost the 10th century the pure Chinese population of this region must have been comparatively small. It consisted of garrisons, officials appointed to collect dues from the foreign traders, traders and exiles. In addition, there must have been a large semi-Chinese\n\n10 Li Chi-Formation of the Chinese People.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206082, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 162, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH\n\n157\n\nbegging bowl. However, since the first reference to Buddhist worship on the mountain occurs in 954, when an officer of the garrison called Ch'an carved a figure of Buddha which he put in a cave, we can assume that its Buddhist connotations were created by the Chinese soldiers. Before being a Buddhist hill it was made famous as a sacred spot by the visit of Han Yü, the famous Confucian scholar and one of the greatest names in Chinese literature.\n\nHan Yü was brought up in North China in the same region as Confucius, for whom he had the greatest veneration. He was a particularly intransigent type of philosopher who disliked all signs of mysticism. In 820 he attacked the Emperor for installing a relic of Buddha in the palace. \"I am not so naif as to think Your Majesty is deceived by Buddhism,\" he wrote. \"This ceremony is no more than a pageant got up to please the people, and how could your august wisdom deem it anything else?\" For these scathing remarks he was sent into exile to Chao Chou, which was then one of the most remote outposts of the T'ang Empire. On his way, whether coming or going, he passed by this region, and according to the Topography, \"ascended the mountain of T'un Mun and looked over the vast unfathomable ocean and the forests and waters and felt that it was indeed a sacred spot.” This local tradition is confirmed by a passage from one of his poems which describes a storm at sea with the lines:\n\n\"Tun Mun is a high mountain they say,\n\nBut even the waves swallow it up.\"\n\nHan Yü held an official post at Chao Chou. Although the place is outside our region it is worth while illustrating the conditions then prevailing in South China by quoting from his famous ‘Address to the Crocodiles.\" Han Yü was asked by the aborigines to drive away crocodiles by throwing charms into a river. His address to the crocodiles was thrown into the river by the chief of the garrison. Part of it reads as follows:\n\n\"If the crocodiles have any intelligence they should listen to the words of the prefect of Chao Chou. The great ocean spreads in the South. There live huge whales and monster birds, tiny shrimps and little crabs: all creatures find space and nourishment therein. If the crocodiles start in the morning they will reach the sea by nightfall. I conjure them, if they", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206084, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 164, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH \n\n159 \n\nthe conditions which reigned during that time were most undesirable. The text reads as follows;\n\nMemorandum presented to the High Commissioner on the harmful practice of pearl fishing:- \n\n\"Wei Ying having seen that officials are being appointed to conduct the harmful practice of pearl fishing humbly presents his views on the subject for consideration.\n\n\"In Kwangtung province, Tung Kun District, there is a place called Mei Chu Ch'i which is not recorded in any text except by the Cabinet Secretary Ch'an Chün in the Annals of the Sung dynasty, who stated that in the 5th year 5th moon of T'ai Tsu of Sung (A.D. 965) the military post at Mei Chuan was abolished. A footnote states that Liu Chang (Emperor of the Southern Han dynasty) recruited 3,000 persons from the coastal region to gather pearls under the military post named Mei Chuan and that every year a great number were drowned. On account of this it was abolished.\n\n\"I note that when the false Emperor of the Southern Han dynasty, Liu Chen, usurped Kwangchow, the Sung Emperor in the 2nd moon of the 4th year of Hai Pao sent a general called Pan Mei and recaptured Kwangchow forcing Liu Chen to surrender, he then abolished the military post of Mei Chuan in the 5th moon of the 5th year. It was not that the Sung Emperor did not prize pearls but simply because of the harm to the country and people which made it imperative to stop the practice of fishing for them. If only expert divers could gather the pearls, why then was it necessary to organise a military post of 3,000? Because martial law was used to drive them to their death. Pearls are produced from oysters several fathoms beneath the sea and wherever there are oysters many water creatures and dangerous fish protect them. The method of gathering them is to tie stones onto a man and lower him into the sea so that he will sink quickly. Sometimes he gets pearls and sometimes not. When he suffocates he pulls the rope and a man in the boat hauls him up. If this is done a fraction too late the man dies. If he happens to meet dangerous sea creatures he cannot avoid their attacks. Besides out of one hundred oysters opened there are hardly one or two pearls", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206090, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 170, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH\n\n165\n\nsaved by their uncle, a man called Yang Liang-chieh, and made their way with their mother to Foochow which they reached at the beginning of 1276. Their position was by no means hopeless. Most of Southern China was still loyal to them and they had hopes of reaching Canton before the Mongol armies and forming a line of resistance along the whole coast. With them was a famous statesman and writer Wen T'ien-chiang whose influence was very great. They had a considerable army; according to some accounts, it consisted of 170,000 regulars and was increased by 300,000 volunteers, and their court and retinue included a chief minister, Ch'en I-chung, and the general Chang Shih-chieh who recognized the eldest son as Emperor and were prepared to fight for him.\n\nAt Foochow they left behind a force under Wen T'ien-chiang and went first by sea to Chuan Chow, the port which had been a centre of foreign trade during the Sung dynasty. But here they found the local authorities hostile to them and carried on to Chao Chow. There a Mongol force appeared and tried to cut them off but they escaped in their boats and reached K'ap Tze Mun where they landed and marched inland with the idea of getting to Canton, but again they found the local authorities lukewarm and not to be trusted. They took ship and reached a place called Mui Wai in Kwangtung province.\n\nMui Wai or Lam Wai, as it is sometimes called, was undoubtedly in our region. The Topography says that the ruins of the travelling court were still to be seen there. But it has been impossible to identify it. On a map contained in the Topography it is set in the sea just opposite the Kowloon peninsula and from descriptions in texts it appears to be very near Kowloon.* It was densely wooded at that time. From what evidence there is one might suppose it was a part of Hong Kong island, or else one of the peaks to the north of Fat Tong Mun which was mistaken for an island or possibly in the neighbourhood of Mui Wo on Lantau, since the two names are euphonious. Wherever it was, the Emperors and their court appear to have settled there for one or two months, crossing several times by boat to a place on the mainland where they settled in the fourth moon of the year 1277.\n\n18 梅蔚 or 监蔚\n\n* See plate 19.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206092, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 172, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH\n\n167\n\nof Lantau as being the place where many loyal servants of Sung are buried.\n\nThe same scholar who identified the marquis Yang also states that the elder of the two kings died on Lantau. But this cannot be correct.22 The place of his death is Kong Chow and there is no reason to identify it, as he had done, with Tai Yü Shan or Lantau. After the defeat at Ts'ün Wan the movements of the fugitive court are not very clear and there are contradictions in the various accounts, but it seems that they fled as far as they could westwards from the battlefield. During their journey they met with a storm as a result of which the eldest Emperor, who was afterwards given the title of Tuan Tsung, fell sick. The texts on the subject often state that the storm they encountered was a typhoon, but commentators have been careful to point out that typhoons do not occur in winter and that it happened in the 12th moon. However, this is most unimportant.\n\nThe Mongol armies were bent on catching the Emperors since their death was to mean the end of all resistance in South China. The chief minister, Ch'en I-chung, who had accompanied the court so far, deserted them and fled to Annam, and many other desertions must have occurred at this time. Their army, which is said to have numbered 200,000, was concentrated mostly in boats and commanded by Chang Shih-chieh, somewhere west of the Canton estuary. A Mongol fleet equipped at Canton was searching for them in the estuary. Tuan Tsung died in the 4th moon of the year 1278. He was then eleven years old. His brother was declared Emperor by the chief minister Lu Hsiu-fu. He was eight years old.\n\nThe last Emperor Wei Wong or Ti Ping, to give him his posthumous title, still had a slender chance of regaining his kingdom if Wen Tien-chiang, the minister who was organising resistance on the Kiangsi-Fukienese border, had been able to gain a battle. In the 3rd moon, Wen Tien-chiang had advanced as far as Kan-chow and there was a chance of his being able to attack Canton and relieve the pressure on the Emperor's army. The new\n\n21 廣東新語\n\n22 Professor Hsu Ti-shan has, however, just published an article in which he reaffirms this theory. (See X).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206094, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 174, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH\n\n169\n\nwhich had belonged to the last Emperor and in it the seal of the dynasty which was brought back as a token of the complete extinction of Sung. At Ch'ek Wan on the peninsula called Nam Shan just north-cast of our region there is a tomb which purports to be that of Ti Ping. It bears the inscription \"Grave of the Little Emperor Hsing Hsing24 of Sung\" and it is tended by a family named Chiu which was the surname of the Sung emperors. There are graves of both Tuan Tsung and Ti Ping in other places along the coast of Kwangtung province and it is not certain that this one is genuine. Most likely it was a \"garment grave\" containing some relic of the Emperor and made to deceive his enemies as to his real burial place.\n\nMany Chinese families in the district claim to be descended either from royal blood or from ministers and soldiers of Sung. These claims may be unsubstantiated individually but the fact that they are made in the mass points to a tradition that much of the Sung army settled in South China after their defeat. It may be asked whether the Tang family helped the Emperors whose kins-men they were. Tang Shou Tsu who lived about this time was a minor officer in the Yuan armies and probably fought against Sung. The Tang family nevertheless lost its paramount influence in Tung Kun district after these events, and this may be the reason why members of the elder branch settled more permanently at Kam Tin and in other parts of the region.\n\nVIII. T'UN MUN AND THE PORTUGUESE\n\nMention has been made in a previous section of the prevalence of pirates in the South China Seas in early times. The earliest record of any piratical action within the region is as early as the 10th century when a pirate named Wu Ling Kuang attacked T'un Mun but was defeated. A later event was a revolt of the population of Lantau Island in 1278 when the Yuan government attempted to enforce a monopoly of the salt production and arrested the private salt makers. It is recorded that soldiers tried to land on the island but were prevented by means of wooden stakes placed along the coast, and that the Tanka inhabitants then sailed up the estuary and attacked Canton. The civil population fled, but the sailors defending Canton, by using incendiary arrows\n\n24 The reign title of Ti Ping.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206097, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 177, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "172 \n\nS. F. BALFOUR \n\nDuarte Coelho, a captain who arrived at T'un Mun a little before Fernando d'Andrade, had had to fight no less than 35 engagements with local pirates, and his fleet was almost decimated by pirates while he was away in Canton. Besides pirates, they had to put up with a local boycott. The inhabitants had refused to help when their ships had been wrecked in a typhoon and gave them no provisions. It was natural that Simon Andrade decided to solve these problems by building a fort with forced labour and by making raids on the pirates' bases. The Chinese themselves recognised this, for one of the arguments that was put before the government for continuing trade negotiations was that the Portuguese were suppressing piracy at Lo Man Shan and other places. \n\nThe Chinese officials might in fact have tolerated the outrages committed by Simon Andrade if he and his companions had not designed to annex territory at T'un Mun and organise a trading colony under the Portuguese flag. The inscription with the arms of Portugal had been one of the signs of this intention; the fort Andrade built was another. The Chinese government, which had heretofore encouraged colonies of foreign traders, now felt that their liberality was being exploited. A Chinese text explains the situation as follows: \"Some time near the end of Ching Tê's reign (1506 to 1522) a people not recognised as tributary to China known as the Feringhis (1) together with a crowd of riff-raff filtered into the harbours between T'un Mun and Kwai Ch'ung and set up barracks and a fort, mounted many cannon to make war, captured islands, killed people, robbed ships and terrorised the population by their fierce dominion over the coast. Their ambition being to annex territory they made a survey and set up boundary stones and tried to administer the various other foreign traders within this area.\"28 \n\nIn this text Kwai Ch'ung must refer to a village of that name south-east of Tsün Wan and opposite Tsing I Island. The harbour between the mainland and Tsing I Island is one of the most sheltered in the whole region and must, I think, have been one of the main anchorages of the foreign ships. The place referred to as T'un Mun O is Castle Peak Bay itself and this was undoubtedly the place where the subsequent battle between the Portuguese and \n\n28 Chang T'ien-tse connects these boundary stones with the tablet bearing the Portuguese arms mentioned by Barros.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206100, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 180, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH \n\n175 \n\nthe Tsing dynasty (from the 17th century until modern times) continued to be bound up with coast defence. \n\nThe Tanka were still a source of disorder during the whole of this period. Their chief centres appear to have been Tai O and Tung Ch'ung on Lantao Island. One of the differences between this period and earlier ones is that in their attacks on shipping in the Canton estuary they were helped by the Hoklo boatmen whose migration to centres in the west such as Heung Shan and Hainan Island had been under way for some centuries. \n\nThe disorders, however, should not be exaggerated just because they figure large in the official history. The Tanka and Hoklo were for the most part fishermen and those who took to piracy were probably forced to do so from distress. The peasants and traders on shore were without doubt a peaceable population as they are now, whose greatest desire was to avoid trouble and to carry on their industrious occupations. \n\nBut from the very beginning of the dynasty the coastal population was looked upon by the government with extreme suspicion. They were accused of being in sympathy with the cause of the Ming dynasty which was still being kept alive in certain centres along the coast. The Manchu government was never able to muster a good enough fleet to defeat the Ming remnants. Just as at the end of the Sung dynasty the coastal shipping had been the last refuge of the defeated dynasty, the last hope of the Ming dynasty was centred in a fleet which they based at Formosa where they were entirely independent. It occurred to the Manchus that the only way to avert the danger was to move the entire population of the China coast inland and to fortify the coast more completely. This colossal undertaking was put into practice without much organisation and without a thought of the suffering it entailed. The official reason given was the danger of pirates and the necessity of protecting the population against them, but a courageous official called Wang Lai-jên pointed out in a petition that the evacuation only increased piracy: \n\n\"I have been two years in my post\", he wrote, \"and have never heard of any piracy. It has arisen only since the evacuation. If the people are allowed to return the so-called pirates will sell their swords and buy cows.\" He added “It \n\nPage 180\n\nPage 181", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206101, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 181, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "176\n\nS. F. BALFOUR\n\nis not an effective way of fighting pirates to give up territory, such useless tactics have never been heard of before in history.”\n\nThe hypocrisy of the official excuse is also pointed out by the scholar Ch'ü Ta-chün, author of a book on Kwangtung province30 which contains many satirical comments on the Manchus. He writes:\n\n“A Manchu self-styled official arrived who proclaimed himself greatly concerned with the protection of the people from marauders. The fact of the matter was of course that Formosa remained unconquered.”\n\nThe evacuation was announced by a proclamation giving the people three days in which to remove behind a boundary which had been set up roughly 50 li from the coast. This was disregarded and soldiers had to be marched in to drive the people away. At the same time the coastal defences were organised into a line of fortifications only a few miles from each other. Many of these mounds of earth and stone must still be visible on the hills. The people evacuated had no food or lodging provided for them. The fishing boats were prevented from entering or leaving the rivers by a line of stakes set across them. There appears to have been no attempt at organising relief. Some local magistrates tried to assign places for the refugees to live but there was too little land available for such a vast number. As a result, large numbers died, others trekked inland; whilst a good many managed to avoid the boundary guards and returned to their villages.\n\nA second and more stringent evacuation then took place. The boundary was placed even further inland and everyone was made to leave their homes. Twenty-four villages whose population remained were severely punished and the people were threatened with death if they returned. A large number died from ignorance of the official decrees since they were not adequately circulated and not all could read them. The soldiers after removing the population had instructions to pull down the houses and build forts and towers with the bricks. Ch'ü Ta-chün describes the distress over the boundary as follows:\n\n30 廣東新語 - 屈大鈞著", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206102, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 182, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH\n\n177\n\n\"At first the people thought they would soon return and tried to stay together, but when they saw that there was no hope they began to separate. Sons were sold for a bushel of rice, daughters for a hundred cash. Speculators were able to buy people into slavery for practically nothing. Those who were young and strong were made to join the army. The authorities looked on the people as so many ants.\"\n\nThe evacuation had in fact led to more disorder on the coast than there had ever been before.\n\nIn 1663, for instance, the Tanka fishermen who were prevented from earning a living revolted all over the Canton estuary and at one time attacked Canton itself. They were defeated in this neighbourhood and retired to Mirs Bay, where they menaced the town of Tai P'ang. At the same time, a revolt was organised near Sha T'in in our region, which spread as far as Kun Fu Cheung or Kowloon City. It is obvious that these disorders must have prevented the troops from building adequate fortifications.\n\nIn spite of this, however, the evacuation lasted from 1662 to 1669. During this time, enormous numbers perished, and others were forced to go far inland to obtain food. The Topography states that only 2,172 males were allowed to remain (presumably as soldiers), and no women or children during the whole of this period. These figures include the whole of San On district, and they are perhaps exaggerated and give too ideal a picture of the effectiveness of the evacuation, such as local officials would have felt themselves bound to present, and it seems most probable that more of the population may have remained. I have heard from a source that cannot be checked that the area west of the Tai Lam Ch'ung valley was not affected. This would include most of the fertile land held by the Tang family, and it would be natural that this part of our region, which is nearer to the Canton estuary than any other, would have been less suspected than the islands and wilder parts of the mainland of helping the Ming cause. These places, except in so far as they harboured rebels, may have been entirely emptied.\n\nThis fact, if it is a true one, will explain why so many Punti villages in that area were abandoned and later colonised by Hakka. The attached map (see T'ien Hsia Vol. XI, No. 4)* shows\n\n*Plate 16 here.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206103, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 183, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "178\n\nS. F. BALFOUR\n\nthat the Hakka immigration embraces a wide area north and east of our region and several islands. In some cases old Punti villages have entirely disappeared but the land then cultivated has been taken up by Hakka who have built their own houses. In others Hakka have entirely superseded the Punti after a period during which they shared villages. It seems most probable that the evacuation gave to the Hakkas an unexpected chance of taking up land in the places where it had been abandoned.\n\nThe return from evacuation was allowed partly because it had led to greater disturbance than before and partly because of the loss in taxes, which was estimated at 300,000 taels. The first to suggest it was the Hsün Fu or Inspector-General Wang, part of whose petition has already been quoted. The result of his outspoken criticism was that he was disgraced and ordered to return to Peking. He did not do so and died, probably by suicide, in Kwangtung after writing a valedictory address to the Emperor in which he stated as a dying request that the people be allowed to return to their homes. Wang is worshipped in this region and with him the Viceroy of Kwangtung, Chou, who personally inspected the situation in the winter of 1668 and petitioned that the boundary be removed before the fortifications were completed instead of after as had been previously decided, owing to the distress of the inhabitants. Two months later this was allowed.\n\nThe fortifications alluded to have all disappeared. They should not be confused with the more modern Chinese forts which can be seen here and there in the region. The fort at Kowloon was built in 1810 and the present city walls only in 1856. The fort at Tung Ch'ung, which is one of the best preserved, dates from 1817 as does the one at Kai Yik Kok on the south western tip of Lantau*. The reason given for the building of these forts was to protect the coast against foreigners.\n\nPiracy continued to be practised by the Tanka during the intervening centuries. A few of the pirates' names are preserved in the \"Salt Water Songs\" which the Tanka sing in their anchorages. One of these is about a woman pirate, called Cheng I\n\n* But see, for the Kai Yik Kok fort, Armando da Silva's recent article \"Fan Lau and its Fort: An Historical Perspective\" in this Journal Vol. 8, (1968) pp. 82-95. Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206104, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 184, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH\n\n179\n\nSao, and her confederate, Cheung Pao Tsai, who equipped a fleet of foreign-style ships and held off an attack of government ships for a week in Tung Ch'ung harbour. Another is about a pirate called Wang whose treasure remains hidden in an inaccessible cliff in the most westerly of the Lema or Tam Kon Shan group of islands.\n\nA final word must be said about the Hakkas. Their advent has certainly been the most important modern development in the history of the population. Many families who arrived just after the evacuation are now indistinguishable from the Punti since they talk and dress like them. The later arrivals have, however a distinctive dress and several different sub-dialects of the language. They tend more and more to encroach on the land of the Punti. Hong Kong Island, which was originally owned by the Tang clan, was found by the British almost entirely inhabited by Hakkas, who paid no rent and as far as is known received themselves the compensation for some of the land. Lantao Island which has been recently depopulated owing to malaria is gradually being filled up with Hakka squatters. The only part of our region which seems immune from their encroachment is the belt of fertile land chiefly owned by the Tang clan in which the history of the Chinese population of our region apparently began.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206139, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 219, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "212\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nTRADITIONAL CHINESE PLAYS, Volume 2, translated, described, annotated and illustrated by A. C. Scott, Longing for the worldly Pleasures, Ssu Fan, Fifteen Strings of Cash, Shih wu kuan, University of Wisconsin Press, Madison, Milwaukee and London, 1969, pp. X, 156.\n\nThe second volume is translated with all the same accompaniments that we find in the first one. But the two plays chosen are not Peking operas. They belong to another kind of opera which was predominant in China from the end of the XVIth century to the end of the XVIIIth. The music was softer than in Peking opera and the main instrument for accompanying the singing was the flute. As in more ancient forms, the sung parts were written on different types of melodies, with verses of unequal lengths. The literary character of these verses made them difficult for a popular audience to understand. And this type of opera, created at K'un-shan, near Suchow, was later overcome by the success of the genre elaborated at the capital and favoured by the court.\n\nBut this K'un-ch'ü, as it is called, remained for years part of the training of a good Peking opera actor. The famous actor Mei Lan-fang tried to revive it around 1915-16 and again later in 1933 with the great actor Yü Chen-fei. After 1949 a new troupe of K'un-ch'ü was formed, which put on Fifteen Strings of Cash in 1956, with the actor Wang Ch'uan-song as the clown, Lou the Rat.\n\nLonging for worldly Pleasures comes from a Buddhist story: a nun, put in a monastery, escapes to find her paramour. Fifteen Strings of Cash is a detective story from storytellers' repertoires: Lou the Rat commits a murder to steal and puts the blame on the stepdaughter of the murdered man. But a good judge, disguised as a fortune-teller, confounds him.\n\nThe interest of these books lies not so much in the translation of four librettos as in all the information about costumes, make-up, and the movements made by the actors at each moment. Consequently, the work is not just one more translation, but, first and foremost, a handbook; and a good one for anyone wanting to put on and adapt Chinese plays for a foreign audience, instead of being interested in Chinese opera as a museum piece or as an...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206207, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 24, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "18\n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR.\n\nHope exclaimed that: \"Everything had been done to assist the Imperialists (i.e. the Ch'ing forces) in the defense of the town, except the use of force, in their favor.... His dismay led him to observe \"how utterly useless such measures prove, in consequence of the cowardice and imbecility of the Mandarins.\" The only real obstacle in the path of the Taiping approach was of a minor diplomatic character. Upon learning of the Taiping move toward Ningpo, representatives of the three countries of Great Britain, France and the United States decided to visit the two Taiping commanders, each of whom was approaching the city from a different direction. The representatives proclaimed their neutrality and announced their expectation that foreigners would not be injured or annoyed.2 They also tried to dissuade the commanders from taking the city. But the Taipings, who had already been similarly dissuaded months earlier, were now much more determined. While they had also several months earlier undertaken not to approach within 30 miles of Shanghai for the duration of the year, the agreement did not apply to Ningpo. The most the foreign representatives could get for their effort was an agreement that the Taipings would delay their attack, which had been scheduled for the following day, for a period of one week. The motive for the requested delay is not entirely clear, but it could have been for the purpose of buying sufficient time for naval support to arrive at the city. As things turned out, however, a British naval vessel failed to arrive until the afternoon of the day on which the Taipings finally moved into the city. The foreigners had simply underestimated the Ch'ing troops' timidity. But if the Taipings could not be kept out of Ningpo, the foreigners did receive adequate assurances that their persons and property would be respected and protected. Taiping General Huang Ch'eng-chung was explicit on this point, indicating that should any of his troops disobey his orders to this effect, the offender could be arrested by the foreigners and on being handed over the culprit would summarily be decapitated. Taiping General Fan Yu-tseng was equally accommodating. He said that he would issue strict orders forbidding his men from injuring foreign persons and property, and he furthermore assured the Western representatives that trade would be allowed to continue as usual, \"with the additional advantage of being conducted on a fairer footing.\"3", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206210, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 27, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "The Taipings at Ningpo\n\n21\n\nShanghae, as we consider it quite unsafe to proceed to Ningpo through the pirate fleet, though we shall be quite safe in going to Shanghae, although it will be a long and tedious journey.” The agent and his companions did make their way to Shanghai, with their silk, and were everywhere treated in a friendly manner by the Taipings. Another writer reported to the North China Herald that he had been given a pass in order to conduct trade in the environs of Ningpo, and transmitted the assurances of a Taiping officer in charge of the district through which he passed that \"he would do his best to protect traders and he hoped before long to regain the confidence of the population, and see business again restored...\"13 As it turned out this particular reporter did run into some difficulties in the course of his business trip, but in the end received “adequate apology\", and another pass to travel again later on.\n\nYet despite such a positive record, the Taiping achievement at Ningpo marks a watershed in their relations with the foreign powers. Far from viewing the Taiping occupation as an experiment to determine their governmental capacity, the British only awaited an appropriate opportunity to retake the city on behalf of the Ch'ing government. And except for the initial candidly favorable appraisals of Taiping behavior, most subsequent reports were calculated to portray a negative image of the insurgents. Thus, despite the surprise of the rapid Taiping conquest and signs of Taiping reasonableness in dealing with foreigners and their promotion of the all-important trade, it seems evident that the British very early began to make preparations for the inevitable showdown. But first they were preoccupied elsewhere. A few days after the fall of Ningpo, for example, Admiral Hope again visited the Taiping capital at Nanking where he sought a renewal of the agreement for the Taipings to respect the thirty-mile limit in the environs of Shanghai. The Taipings refused to comply, primarily because of their concern that the Ch'ing forces were using Shanghai as a base of operations in the civil war. The correspondence between the Taipings and the British on the occasion of this visit to Nanking is further evidence that the latter were simply provoking the Taipings. And although the Taipings remained anxious to avoid an armed confrontation or to give rise to any pretext for one, they still firmly sought to protect their interests with dignity.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206215, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 32, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "26\n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR.\n\nabout in the preceding three days, beginning with a request apparently from the Ch'ing tao-t'ai of Ningpo for British and French naval support for his impending attack on the city. Consul Harvey noted that this was \"an extraordinary coincidence,\" and one that \"was far too good an opportunity to be thrown aside and lost.\" The attack was to consist primarily of the vessels of a famous pirate of the region by the name of Apak who had gone over to the Manchus. Some effort was made to conceal the joint nature of the attack at the outset, for Captain Dew wrote for the record that he told his Ch'ing collaborators that since the rebels had refused his demands he had no objection to their fleet passing up river, \"but that they were not to open fire till well clear of our men of war.\"28 The fiction of this position was made clear by subsequent events, and by other evidence. The ultimatum of May 8, stated that had the demands been agreed to, the English and French should have felt bound in honour to prevent an attack on the Taipings from the settlement side by approaching Ch'ing forces \"which in countless numbers and heavily armed ships advance to attack you.\" The ultimatum proclaimed neutrality unless fire came from the battery or walls opposite the settlement on the advancing Ch'ing forces \"(thereby endangering the lives of our men and people in the foreign settlement).\"29\n\nIt is of interest to note how this exchange of correspondence was characterized by Consul Harvey and Captain Dew. Harvey said that \"... the whole tenour of their letters was as bad and sarcastic as it was defiant,” and he assured his respondent “that nothing could have been more friendly, reasonable, and patient than the tone of our letters, as well as of all our demands on the Taipings.\"30 Dew was a bit more candid, for as he reported later: \"I now commenced a lengthy correspondence with the Taiping chiefs, which was met on their side by the most subtle reasoning and arguments soon convincing me that but one argument, viz: that of cannon balls would avail with them....\" The two men substantiated their interpretation of events and attitude in the correspondence with two memoranda written by an interpreter. The first, based upon \"information supplied by certain respectable natives,\" claimed that General Fan had been sent from Nanking “to turn the foreigners out of Ningpo.\"32 The second memorandum purported to be extracts of a speech made by General Huang\n\n31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206216, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 33, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE TAIPINGS AT NINGPO\n\n27\n\nwhich included the alleged declaration: “In the event of an outbreak of hostilities, every man who brings in a foreigner's head, shall receive a reward of 100 dollars, and he who kills ten foreigners, shall be raised to the rank of Ta-kwan....\"33 No explanation, naturally, is given on how this alleged speech was recorded; nor is the identity of the recorder mentioned.\n\nThere is one more piece of evidence that casts serious doubt upon the contention that the British had any intention to remain neutral in the impending conflict. A Chinese by the name of Cheng A-fu who was in the employ of the British, perhaps as a servant or interpreter of Consul Harvey, was commissioned by the British to organize an armed force of three hundred so-called \"green hats\" who could be used in an attack upon Ningpo. This information comes from an account written of the Ningpo episode by a Ch'ing official, Hsü Yao-kuang, who was an administrative officer in Chekiang,34\n\nOn the 9th of May, the Ch'ing fleet captured Chinghae, then advanced up river and laid-to directly in front of the Foreign Settlement where it made preparations for an assault on Ningpo across the river. The foreigners were informed that the attack would take place the following morning.35 Thus the British and French were aware that when the attack did take place the advancing Ch'ing fleet would necessarily draw fire from the city, and this would endanger the English and French vessels and the settlement. Had Captain Dew adhered to his pledge of neutrality on April 27, in which he had said: “you may rest assured that no breach of friendly relations shall emanate from our side,” or if he had wished to remain apart from the contest, he should certainly have withdrawn his ships from the line of fire.\n\nThe events of May 10th are the most interesting of all. On that day Captain Dew was to write to Admiral Hope that he had \"found it necessary to capture the city of Ningpo....\" Dew recorded that it all began at 10 in the morning with fire from the Taipings. Dew's assumption that the fire emanated from the Taipings is unquestioning. But did the Taipings fire the initial shot? We know now for a fact that they did not. For Cheng A-fu, the employee of the British, plotted with the pirate Apak to fire upon the foreign vessels, in order to create the impression that the Taipings had done so. This would \"provoke\" the foreigners", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206217, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "28\n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR.\n\nand justify their active support of the attack on the city. This then is what happened on the morning of May 10th. According to the Ch'ing official, Hsü Yao-kuang, the provocative shots were fired at a foreign vessel and actually killed two foreigners.36 Dew jumped to the conclusion or feigned to believe that it was the Taipings who had done the firing, and immediately joined in the fight. Dew's own account is nonchalant, noting merely that the Taiping guns were silenced and that he then went to dinner at noon. At 2 p.m. storming parties mounted the walls, and at 5 p.m., after all opposition had ceased, the \"Governor” (probably the tao-t'ai) and Ch'ing soldiers landed from their junks. Dew turned the city over to the Manchu official and withdrew his men.37 The disposition of the Ch'ing troops during this attack is implicit in this report, but another unofficial source was more explicit, reporting that the Chinese allies could not be made to move toward the walls, so that in the end, even the actual breaching of them had to be undertaken by foreign troops.38 Obviously, under the circumstances of such an attack by Ch'ing forces, the Taipings had little alternative but to return fire toward foreign vessels which were interspersed among or in close proximity to the pirate fleet, both as the action began and as it continued.\n\nAfter a determined resistance, and after both of their generals, Huang and Fan, had been badly wounded, the Taipings retired from the city. The contrast between what happened during the retaking of the city at this point and the record of the Taiping seizure of the city several months earlier is interesting. It will be recalled how universal had been the favorable comments regarding the bloodless Taiping takeover. As for this latest occupation, the report of the correspondent for the China Mail speaks eloquently: \"The rebels retreated through the west gate; the pirates then entered the city and began the work of destruction, and in a few hours did more damage than the rebels did in the whole of the five months that they had possession.\" The same account goes on to speak of the executions and the tortures that were perpetrated over the next couple of days, and notes specifically that the British Consul's Chinese servant was \"one of the principal murderers and torturers of the poor fellows found in the city.\"39 Cheng A-fu was subsequently given the status of a petty official in Ningpo, as a reward for his service.40", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206218, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 35, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE TAIPINGS AT NINGPO\n\n29\n\nNingpo, for a long time had been a difficult city to administer, but the Taiping occupation seems in retrospect to have been an exceptional period. To better appreciate this it is worth considering Ningpo in a somewhat broader perspective. For example, a year and a half before the Taipings took the city, a Jardine Matheson Company agent reported that the Ch'ing officials were unable to control the pirate-infested countryside.41 Three months after the Taipings left Ningpo, the Jardine agent gloomily reported that trade was bad and would remain so until \"a stop was put to the squeezing on the part of the Imperial Authorities.\"42 Six months after the departure of the Taipings, the agent revealed that Ningpo was in the throes of civil chaos. The unpopular tao-t'ai had been forced into hiding following a dispute with men from Frederick Townsend Ward's so-called Ever Victorious Army. The situation was resolved by Captain Dew who actually had to reoccupy the city. Dew and Harvey ignominiously had to search long and hard to find the affrighted Ch'ing official.43 Small wonder then, that the Jardine agent's report of January 1863, speaks of how the country people of Ningpo are now fondly recalling that the Taipings had always paid for what they took.44\n\nJudgment on the victorious expulsion of the Taipings from Ningpo has been varied. Consul Harvey congratulated himself:\n\nFor my part, let me state that it will be a source of great satisfaction and I may add, of pride, in after time to think that I have been placed in a position to use my feeble pen, and to have exercised my humble powers (always within the limits of my official duties) in weakening and undermining, as perseveringly and indefatigably as I have been able, the most gigantic imposture and the most blasphemous structure that ever disgraced ancient or modern pages.45\n\nForeign Secretary Russell, from London, also congratulated Harvey for the \"judgment, courage, and temper, which he displayed on all occasions....\"46 Another influential writer on these events termed Dew's accomplishment \"a brilliant feat of arms.\"47 But the Hong Kong Daily Press, for one, expressed the view of many contemporaries: \"There never was a falser, more unprovoked, or more unjustifiable act than the taking of Ningpo by the allies from the Taipings. It should, in fairness, be recorded to the eternal disgrace of Captain Roderick Dew, of HMS En-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206219, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "30\n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR.\n\ncounter.\"'48 But, of course, this act cannot be laid exclusively to Captain Dew. Another contemporary source charged perhaps more penetratingly that the Taiping possession of Ningpo was \"peculiarly adapted\" to thwart British Minister Frederick Bruce's \"schemes for aiding and abetting\" the Ch'ing side in China's civil war. The source noted that Taiping possession of the seaport would enable them to deprive Shanghai of the greater proportion of the customs duties, which not only might now be diverted into their own exchequer, but would frustrate the object of Mr. Horatio Lay's mission to London where he was seeking to put together an Anglo-Chinese flotilla to be used against the Taipings, and \"destroy the main stay of the Imperial cause.\" The Taipings would also be able to obtain needed war munitions. Finally, they would have the opportunity to dispel \"the illusion of their being inimical to foreign trade.\" This source concluded that from \"such cogent reasons\" Admiral Hope came to agree with the Minister's views, and \"resolved on the recapture of the place by fair means or foul.\"49\n\nSmall wonder that the story of the Taiping occupation of Ningpo has received little subsequent attention in Western historical accounts of the Taiping period. When it has, it has too often been sadly distorted. It is not a happy episode to think about. But however that may be, it is an historical experience that is well worth reflection upon. It was a passing moment of history which, in a telescoped span of time, rather accurately reflected a larger contemporary story. It demonstrated that Chinese revolutionaries of the early 1860s had the capacity to achieve major objectives against a weak established government, including the conquest of much of the territory of the richest provinces in the lower Yangtze River basin and the seizure of a principal seaport. It also demonstrated that the Taipings did treat foreigners respectably well and promoted trade, which was, after all, the matter of greatest importance to foreigners. It also proved that neither the apparent military nor the civil capabilities of the revolutionaries made much difference to those key foreign officials who were determined to assist the weak established government. Finally, it showed that the intervention of foreign powers made a great deal of difference in the ultimate outcome of the civil war in China. At the most, the experience at Ningpo from December 1861 to May 1862 suggests the story in microcosm", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206222, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 39, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "DEBATE ON NATIONAL SALVATION: \n\nHO KAI VERSUS TSENG CHI-TSE \n\nCHIU LING-YEONG* \n\n(A lecture delivered to the Branch on 22nd June, 1970) \n\nIn July 1886, Tseng Chi-tse the retiring Chinese Minister to Russia and Great Britain wrote a most controversial article which appeared in the January 1887 issue of the Asiatic Quarterly Review in London under the title 'China, the Sleep and the Awakening'. This was before he left London for China.1 It is believed that this article was written under the guidance of Sir Halliday Macartney, Tseng's interpreter and political adviser. \n\n2 \n\nIn his article, Tseng tried to explain that the weakness of China at that time was due to her sleepiness and had nothing to do with her old age or physical deficiency. Tseng began by quoting contemporary China Hands' opinion concerning the Ch'ing Empire: \n\nThere are times in the life of nations when they would appear to have exhausted their forces by the magnitude of efforts they had made to maintain their position in the endless struggle for existence; and from this, some have endeavoured to deduce the law that nations, like men, have each of them its infancy, its manhood, decline, and death. Melancholy and discouraging would be this doctrine could it be shown to be founded on any natural or inevitable law. Fortunately, however, there is no reason to believe it is. Nations have fallen from their high estate, some of them to disappear suddenly and altogether from the list of political entities, others to vanish after a more or less prolonged existence of impaired and ever-lessening vitality. Among the latter, until lately, it has been customary with Europeans to include China. Pointing to her magnificent system of canals silted up, the splendid fragments of now forgotten arts, the disparity between \n\n* Dr. Chiu is Lecturer in the Department of Chinese, University of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206237, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 54, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "48\n\nCHIU LING-YEONG\n\nThe opinion of Tseng Chi-tse expressed in his article was thoroughly criticized by Ho Kai, as shown above, on the basis of his personal judgment and also his knowledge of the Western world acquired during his residence in Hong Kong and stay in England. Ho Kai's article was, indeed, an important proclamation on China's reforms, and his criticism was very logical and sincere. In his conclusion he said that every word in his article had been uttered with sincerity and without the slightest malice or ill-feeling. Ho Kai also reminded Tseng Chi-tse that it was no use to hide China's defects and to defer the remedy. He hoped Tseng would realize that if a man wore a sword and put on a coat of armour it did not prove that he was a knight. In conclusion, Ho Kai urged Tseng Chi-tse to read a passage which he extracted from the work of Mencius and Analects as a guide of his policy.\n\n「王如施仁政於民,省刑罰,薄稅斂,可使制梃,以撻秦楚之堅甲利兵。」...... 「上下交征利,而國危矣。」...... 「苟為後義而先利,不奪不餍。」... 「保民而王,莫之能禦也。」...... 「足食足兵,民信之矣。自古皆有死,民無信不立。」...... 「羿善射,奡盪舟,俱不得其死然禹稷躬稼而有天下。」\n\nThese passages may be rendered as follows; after Legge's translation:\n\n \n If your Majesty will indeed dispense a benevolent government to the people, being sparing in the use of punishments and fines, and making the taxes and levies light, you will then have a people who can be employed, with sticks which they have prepared, to oppose the strong mail and sharp weapons of the troops of Ts'in (#) and Ch’ü (#).\n \n \n Superiors and inferiors will try to snatch the profit one from the other, and the kingdom will be endangered.\n \n \n If righteousness be put last, and profit be put first, they will not be satisfied without snatching all.\n \n \n The love and protection of the people; with this there is no power which can prevent a ruler from attaining it.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206238, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 55, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE DEBATE ON NATIONAL SALVATION\n\n49\n\nThat there be sufficiency of food, sufficiency of military equipment, and the confidence of the people in their ruler from of old, death has been the lot of all men; but if the people have no faith in their rulers, there is no standing for the state.\n\nI (4) was skilful at archery, and Ao (R) could move a boat along upon the land, but neither of them died a natural death. Yu (§) and Chi () personally wrought at the toils of husbandry, and they became possessors of the kingdom.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 For Tseng Chi-tse, see Arthur W. Hummel, Eminent Chinese of Ching Period Vol. II, pp. 746-747; Lee En-han, Tseng Chi-tse ti wai-chiao, Taipei, 1966.\n\n曾紀澤的外交\n\n2 Cf. Boulger D. C., The Life of Sir Halliday Macartney. London 1908.\n\n3 Boulger D. C., op. cit., pp. 433-435. Papers which published Tseng's work include the China Mail in Hong Kong, the North China Herald in Shanghai and the China Times in Tientsin. In Hong Kong, Tseng's article appeared in the China Mail only. However, many historians have mistaken the Daily Press of Hong Kong for the China Mail. This confusion first appeared in Ko Kung-chen's Chung-kuo pao-hsüen shih, Shanghai, 1927, Ch. III, p. 20. Recent Japanese scholars in the field of modern Chinese Studies have followed Ko Kung-chen's mistake. Cf. Onogawa Hidemi - \"Kai Kei Ko Reien no 'Shinsei Rongi'\" Oriental Studies in honour of Juntaro Ishihama on the occasion of his seventieth birthday, Kansai University, Osaka, 1958 pp. 121-133; Watanabe Tetsuhiro, \"Kai Kei Ko Reien no 'Shinsei Rongi'\" Ritsumeikan bungaku, Journal of the Ritsumeikan University, Kyoto (1961) pp. 59-75.\n\n4 Tseng's work was translated into Chinese by Yen Yung-ching and Yüan Chu-i. Both were graduates of the Peking Tung-Wen Kuan. The title of the Chinese version is Tseng-hou Chung-kuo hsien-shui how-hsing lun; cf. Hsin-Cheng chen-chüan ch'u-pien; Tseng-lun shu-hou fulu; Huang-chao hawi wen-pien, chuan i, pp. 32-37; North China Herald, Vol. 38, No. 1021, Feb. 16, 1887, p. 181; Dispatches From U.S. Ministers to China, Microcopy No. 92, The National Archives of the United States, Roll 80, No. 340, Denby to the Secretary of State, March 21, 1887.\n\n5 North China Herald, Vol. 38, No. 1023, March 2, 1887 p. 229.\n\n6 Ibid. Vol. 38, May 27, 1887, p. 569,\n\n7 Foreign Relations of the United States, 1887, No. 158, Denby to Bayard, March 8, 1887, pp. 196-197. Dispatches from U.S. Ministers to China, Microcopy No. 92, Roll 80, No. 328, Denby to Bayard, March 8, 1887. Denby further pointed out that Tseng purposely ignored the importance of the evangelical missions in China in his article. Denby believed that Christian activities were directly supported by foreign powers in China. The priests were always acted as the mediators between the Western Powers", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206239, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "50\n\nCHIU LING-YEONG\n\nand the Chinese authorities. However the State Secretary, Thomas F. Bayard, was very pleased with Tseng's friendly attitude to the United States in his article. Cf. Foreign Relations of the United States, 1887, No. 168, Bayard to Denby, May 7, 1887.\n\n* Ho Kai (Ho Ch'i) was born on 12 March, 1859, the fifth son of the Rev. Ho Jun-yang. Ho Kai obtained his Bachelor of Medicine and Master of Surgery degrees from the University of Aberdeen in Scotland, 1879, and was admitted to Lincoln's Inn on 29 April, 1879. He was called to the Bar on 25 January 1882. Ho Kai was admitted to practice as a barrister in the Supreme Court on 29 March, 1882 after he returned to Hong Kong. From 1882 onward, Ho Kai appeared to be an educationalist, reformist, revolutionary etc. Ho died in September 1914. At the time of his death he was a Member of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong and had been knighted for his public services in 1912. See the account given at pp. 12-16 of T. C. Cheng's \"Chinese Unofficial Members of the Legislative and Executive Council in Hong Kong up to 1941” in JHKBRAS Vol. 9 (1969). After Ho's article was published in the China Mail on 16 February, 1887, it was translated into Chinese entitled \"Shu Tseng Hsi-hou Chung-kuo sheng-shui hou-hsing lun-hou\" by his friend Hu Li-yüan (1848-1916) and was published in the Hua Tsu Jih Pao on 11 May, 1887. Most of Ho Kai's writings like Hsin-cheng chen chian was written in English and was translated into Chinese by Hu. For Ho Kai, see Chiu Ling-yeong, The Life and Thought of Sir Ho Kai, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Sydney, March, 1968; Onogawa Hidemi, op. cit.; Watanabe Tetsuhiro, op. cit.; Fang Hao, \"Ch'ing-mo wei-hsin cheng-lun-chia Ho Ch'i yü Hu Li-yüan”清末維新政論家何啟與胡禮垣, Hsin Shih-tai 新時代, Taipei III, 12 (1963) 20-25; Hsiang-Kang yali-shih Ho Miao-ling Na-ta-su i yüân ch'i-shih chou-nien ki nien, 1887-1967, Lo Hsiang-lin, Kuo-fu ti kao-ming kuang-ta, Taiwan, 1965, pp. 115-132, Kuo-fu chih 1a-hsüeh shih-tai, Taiwan, 1954, pp. 5-13; B. Harrison, (Ed): The First 50 Years, University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1962 pp. 5-23; Llyod E. Eastman, \"Political Reformism in China before the Sino-Japanese War\", Journal of Asian Studies, Volume XXVII, No. 4, August 1968, pp. 695-710. André Chih: L'occident Chretien vu par les Chinois vers la fin du XIX siécle (1870-1900), presses universitaires de France, Paris, 1962, pp. 42 and 47. Hu Pin, Chung-kuo chin-tai kai-liang chu-i ssu-hsiang, Peking, 1964. pp. 82-84, pp. 173-182. Jen Chi-yü, “Ho Chi Hu Li-huan ti kai-liang chu-i ssu-hsiang” in Chung-kuo chin-tai ssu-hsiang shih lun-wen, Shanghai, 1958, pp. 75-91.\n\n中國近代思想史論文集 Liu Yü-sheng, Shih-tsai tang tsa-i, Peking, 1960, pp. 163-164. Immanuel C. Y. Hsü: The Rise of Modern China, New York, Oxford University Press, 1970, pp. 425 and 543. Harold Z. Schiffrin, in his book entitled Sun Yat-sen and the Origins of Chinese Revolution, University of California Press. Berkeley, 1968, also has a lengthy chapter dealing with Ho Kai's relations with Sun Yat-sen,\n\n9 Chung-kuo chin-tai ssu-hsiang shih ts'an-k'ao tzu-liao chien-pien, Peking, San-lien Shu-tien, 1957, pp. 174-175.\n\n10 Cf. Chung-Fa Chan-cheng, Chung-kuo shih-hsüeh hui Comp., Shanghai 1955, Vol. I; Ah Ying (Ed); Chung-Fa chan-cheng wen hsieh chi, Chung hua Shu tien, Shanghai, 1957, pp. 3-6.\n\nLi Ting-yi, Chung-Kuo chin-tai shih, Taiwan, 1959, pp. 153-162; Liu Feihua, Chung keo Chin-tại Chiến-shih, Peking, 1954, pp. 117-125.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206282, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 99, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\nTiuchau merchant, Ko Mun Wo\n\n93\n\nalias Ko Cho Heung\n\nof the Yuen Fat Hong. He was the founder of the firm which established itself in Hong Kong about 1858 and developed an extensive business in the importation of rice from Siam. It soon became one of the wealthiest Chinese firms. In 1881, Ko Mun Wo was the sixteenth highest rate payer, and when he died the year following, the value of his estate was estimated at $163,000. After his death the business was continued by his four sons.\n\nTang Pak Yeung\n\n16\n\nalias Tang Kam Chi was the youngest member of the first Tung Wah Hospital Committee. He was a merchant in the chartering firm of Kwong Lei Yuen. He had received an English language education. He was not a large property owner, nor does his name appear in other lists of the elite.\n\nTHE COMPRADORES GROUP\n\nThe compradores were an important new class which arose in the nineteenth century in the port cities of China. A recent study by Yen-p'ing Hao entitled The Comprador in Nineteenth Century China, Bridge between East and West (Cambridge, Mass., 1970) shows how influential this group became in providing capital for the introduction of modern forms of communication, industry, mining, banking and journalism in the late Ch'ing Dynasty. The origin of the compradore system is in the Co-Hong organization through which China channelled all trade with foreigners before the opening of the Treaty ports in 1843. The compradores were recruited from the Canton and Macao area. A large majority of the most influential compradore families were from the Heung Shan District near Macao. When the foreign firms came to Hong Kong they brought with them their compradores. As trade increased on the China coast, the compradores were provided with an opportunity to accumulate considerable capital. This they invested in real estate and in Chinese commercial firms.\n\nThe late Ch'ing Dynasty was often in financial difficulties. One method of raising income was through the sale of official degrees. The compradores and merchants of the port cities, who formed a newly-created bourgeois nouveau riche group within", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206285, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 102, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "96\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nWong Shing, newspaper editor and manager of the London Mission press; and Cheung Achew, a wealthy carpenter.29 The Rev. Ho Fuk Tong and his family lived at the nearby compound of the London Mission Society. In time this area around Peel, Graham, Gage Streets and Hollywood Road became a centre for Parsee and Indian merchants, as well as European brothels. Some of the old families stayed on, but the opening up of the area bounded by Wyndham, Wellington and Pottinger Streets by the Dents provided a needed location for the houses of the better Chinese. After the Peak was developed in the 1870s and 1880s, the wealthy Chinese moved up to Mid-levels occupying the mansions of the Europeans who moved to the Peak.\n\nOf the individuals who had their family residence in the former Middle Bazaar area were two who were on the organizing committee of Tung Wah Hospital, Wong Shing and Ho Asek alias Ho Fai Yin #alias Ho In Kee. Ho Asek first appears in Hong Kong records in 1849 when he purchased a lot in Tai Ping Shan. At the time he was compradore of the opium firm of Lyall, Still and Company. It failed in 1867 and Ho Asek embarked upon his own business ventures under the firm name of Kin Nam. According to a newspaper account, he was subject to a $2,000 “squeeze” from the mandarins during the second Sino-British War.30 He traded extensively in opium as well as rice, and in 1871 held the gambling monopoly from which within a year he realized a $28,000 profit. In an action brought against him in 1871, he testified that he operated with a capital of $200,000.31 In 1868 two of his employees were brought before the court on a charge of extortion. In the evidence presented it was stated that about September 1866, some influential Chinese started a system of subscription or unofficial taxation to support district watchmen. The city had been divided into two sections, East and West. The West District was superintended by Tam Achoy and Ho Asek, \"a most respectable and honest trader”. A shopkeeper resisted the pressure put upon him to contribute and brought the charge of extortion against two of Asek's employees who had been collecting for the scheme. The court gave judgment in favour of the defendants.32 Ho Asek was still a member of the Kai Fong Committee in 1872. He died in Pang Po (likely Ping Po+), Shun Tak District in 1877. His wife was granted letters of administration on his estate, but she being blind, gave her power", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206303, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "114\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\n19 C.O. Series 129-78, No. 113, 24 Aug., 1860.\n\n20 Tam Achoy was survived by five sons: Tam Kung Ping alias Tam Ping Kai, died 1887 at Canton, Tam Mo Seen, Tam Yun Yeen, Tam Kee Chun, and Tam Lin Tai. The latter had been adopted by Achoy's fourth wife in 1865.\n\n21 Tang Aluk was survived by a daughter, the wife of Hu Yu Chan; a son Tang Tung Shang alias Tang Pak Shan, died 1899; and a grandson Tang Yeung Mau, the only son of Tang Shau Shan alias Tang Kau Chun. Some of the court suits revolved around whether the deceased son Tang Shay Shan was a natural or an adopted son of Tang Aluk. The family retained much of its real estate holdings up to the present.\n\n22 C.O. Series 131-2.\n\n23 The China Review, Vol. 1 (1872) p. 171.\n\n24 K. G. Tregonning, Under Chartered Company Rule (Borneo 1881-1946) (Singapore, 1958) Chap. 1.\n\n25 The China Mail, 23 July, 1891.\n\n26 Ibid., 17 Oct., 1861.\n\n27 For details on the Chiu (Hsü) family see: Hsü Jun, (Chronological Autobiography of Hsü Jun), #M. #****†# (1927).\n\n28 See my article \"The Chinese Settlement of British Hong Kong\", Chung Chi Bulletin, No. 48 (May, 1970), pp. 30-31.\n\n29 For notice of Cheung Achew see Chung Chí Bulletin, No. 45 (Dec., 1968) p. 11.\n\n30 The China Mail, 9 Dec., 1858.\n\n31 Ibid., 19 Dec., 1871; 7 Feb., 1872.\n\n32 The Daily Press, 4 Nov., 1868.\n\n33 Li Chin-wei, editor (A History of Hong Kong, 1848-1948) £34. điều (Hong Kong, 1949), p. 271.\n\n34 The Daily Press, 23 April, 1880.\n\n35 Archives of the London Missionary Society, London, South China, Box 8, 23 Sept., 1876.\n\n36 C.O. Series 133-5.\n\n37 The name of Ho Tsin Shin does appear on a list of contributors to the Berlin Missionary Society Chinese Vernacular School Fund in 1868 and 1869,\n\n38 For reference to these various aspects of the career of Ho Shan Chee see The Daily Press 24 July, 1868, 20 Sept., 1878, The China Mail 28 Feb., 1882.\n\n39 For details of the career of Ho Kwan Shan see The Daily Press 4 Oct., 1871.\n\n40 The China Mail, 28 Aug., 1891.\n\n41 A biographical sketch of Ho Kai is found in Wu Hsing-lien, (The Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong) AA, SEP^S^ (Hong Kong, 1937).\n\n42 The Hong Kong Telegraph, 3 Sept., 1891.\n\n43 The information on the family of Wu Ting Fang is from the Archives of Presbyterian Missionary Society, New York. The exact relationship is deduced from probable evidence rather than having been directly stated in the sources, At the marriage of Ng Achoy and Ho Amooy, 14 Jan.,\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206304, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\n115\n\n1864, at St. John's Cathedral, Hong Kong, there were two Chinese witnesses, Ho Tsun Shin (father of Ho Mooey) and Ng Akwong (presumed brother of Ng Achoy and the former student of the Presbyterian Mission School).44 See biographical notice written by Wu Ting Fang, The Daily Press, 28 Aug., 1905.\n\n45 Lo Hsiang-lin, Hong Kong and Western Cultures (Tokyo, 1963), pp. 49-50.\n\n46 The Daily Press, 2 Feb., 1874. A biographical notice of Wang Tao appears in A. W. Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period (Washington, DC., 1943), p. 836.\n\n47 The Daily Press, 20 Feb., 1864.\n\n48 Wah Tsz Yat Po, 7 Aug., 1902. Details of the life of Wong Shing are from various references to his activities in the reports of missionaries in the Archives of the London Missionary Society.\n\n49 For a biographical account of Leung Tsun Tak see my article “Commissioner Lin's Translators”, The Chung Chi Bulletin, No. 42 (June, 1967), pp. 32-35.\n\n50 For a more extended biographical account of Wei Akwong see my article “An Early Hong Kong Success Story: Wei Akwong, the Beggar Boy”, The Chung Chi Bulletin, No. 45 (Dec., 1968), pp. 9-14.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206310, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "The District Watch Committee\n\n121\n\ncorrupt than regular police18: Chinese could at least understand the rationale of the tariff and no doubt accepted it as a normal condition of life in their time.\n\nIt was, however, J. H. Stewart Lockhart19, the occupant of the combined posts of Registrar General and Colonial Secretary at the end of the century, who perceived the strategic importance of a Chinese advisory council for the colonial government and who, at the same time, helped strengthen and expand the network of committees and boards on which prominent Chinese sat. In 1891 Lockhart took a decisive step: he recommended that twelve Chinese gentlemen, including such influential Chinese as Dr. Ho Kai (Ho Ch'i), Wei Yuk (Wei Yü), and Ho Fook (Ho Fu), should be appointed by government to form a far stronger committee20 than the informal body that had supervised the Force since its inception, so as to improve co-operation between the force and the Registrar General's Department. As Lockhart stressed in his report for 1891, 'it is hoped with the aid of the Committee the efficiency of the District Watch will be increased, and that the advice of the gentlemen forming the Committee will be of great assistance to this office in dealing with the affairs of the Chinese community'. The following year he was pleased to note that ‘its advice on several important questions connected with the affairs of the Chinese community has been of great help to this Department'. Lockhart saw the Committee, then, as a key advisory body for his own department and, it follows, for the colonial government in general. In this, it appears, he was strongly supported by the rich compradore, Wei Yuk, an unofficial member of the Legislative Council and a collaborator of Lockhart's. Wei Yuk had urged that a new committee should be nominated and that this reorganised committee should be given official recognition, backing and status.22 I have been unable to ascertain the names of the members of the Committee before 189123 but I suspect that many must have been nonentities in the eyes of the Registrar General and prominent Chinese local worthies and local leaders rather than Chinese conspicuous for great wealth, prestige and power24.\n\nIt is not possible to reconstruct Wei Yuk's reasoning at this date; nevertheless it is plausible to surmise that Wei Yuk understood that the tighter the connection between the Committee of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206324, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 141, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE DISTRICT WATCH COMMITTEE\n\n135\n\n4 The first census of the Island in 1841 gave a population of 5,650. In 1844 the population was given as 19,009. See Historical and Statistical Abstract of the Colony of Hong Kong, 1841-1931, Hong Kong, Noronha, 1932. The validity of the first census has been questioned by G. R. Sayer in his Hong Kong: Birth, Adolescence, and Coming of Age, London, Oxford University Press, 1937, p. 104.\n\n5 The China Review, vol. 1, 1872/73, p. 333.\n\n6 Ibid., p. 334.\n\n7 E. J. Eitel, Europe in China, The History of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Kelly and Walsh, 1895, p. 282. The Man Mo Temple stands at the western end of Hollywood Road. It was originally a shrine patronised mostly by fishermen before 1841. For a description of the temple see Charles J. H. Halcombe, The Mystic Flowery Land, London, Luzac and Co., 1896, ch. xxvii. The temple was run by a committee appointed by the Five Districts and the committee used to hold an annual ceremony at Mount Davis for the dead... in celebration of the gods of literature and war: see the Hongkong Government Gazette (henceforth cited as the Gazette), 12 February 1879, p. 52. The properties of the Man Mo Temple were transferred to the Tung Wah Hospital by the Man Mo Temple Ordinance, No. 10 of 1908. Before the committee of the Tung Wah Hospital was organized, the Man Mo Temple Committee appears to have been recognised as representing the opinions of respectable Chinese.\n\n9 J. W. Norton Kyshe, History of the Laws and Courts of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., 1898, vol. 2, p. 86. See also the reports of the Registrar General for 1866 and 1867 in the Gazette.\n\n9 Ibid., p. 86.\n\n10 In 1867 the police force consisted of 89 Europeans, 377 Indians (chiefly Bombay sepoys) and 132 Chinese, many of whom were employed as marine police. See Eitel, op. cit., pp. 445-6.\n\nAs late as 1893 there were only two European policemen who could act as proper interpreters and only five who could speak some Chinese. See the Report of the Commission on the Po Leung Kuk, Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., 1893, p. 81.\n\n12 Correspondence on Hong Kong Gambling Houses, London, H.M.S.O., 1869, p. 21.\n\n13 Eitel, op. cit., p. 447.\n\n14 Gazette, 6 January 1872. The Police Commission set up by MacDonnell was not unanimous: broadly it agreed to recommend an Anglo-Chinese police force. The recruitment of Chinese police had been strongly advocated by Dr. Legge, as most likely to bring good understanding between the government and respectable Chinese', G. B. Endacott, History of Hong Kong, London, Oxford University Press, 1958, p. 160.\n\n13 Osbert Chadwick, Reports on the Sanitary Conditions of Hong Kong, London, H.M.S.O., 1882, p. 42.\n\n16 'Registration of Chinese Partners', Hong Kong Sessional Papers (henceforth cited as Sessional Papers), No. 43 of 1901, p. 22. The text reads: 'Head and District Watchmen employed to patrol the streets by day and by night, are to be recommended by the Chinese themselves, because they know whether they are trustworthy or not. If these men, however, should fail to maintain their good character and should be found to be unfit for the post by the Chinese residents of the district to which they belong, they should be dismissed at any time, in order that they may have something to fear'. The translation is clearly a bad one.\n\n17 In 1883, the Registrar General, Frederick Stewart, used the district watchmen to conduct an enquiry into all Hong Kong schools. In the 1897", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206326, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "The District Watch Committee\n\n137\n\nto be the richest man in Hong Kong. When Ho Tung retired as chief compradore to Jardine, Matheson's in 1900, Ho Fook succeeded him. Ho Fook's assistant was Ho Kom Tong, another of Ho Tung's brothers. The members of the District Watch Committee were members of a small circle of businessmen, often related through ties of blood or marriage. When the Tai Yau Bank was established in 1914 with a paid-up capital of $6,000,000, the proprietors were named as Lau Chu Pak, Ho Fook, Ho Kom Tong, Lo Chung Shiu and Chan Kai Ming. Lau Chu Pak was compradore to A. S. Watson and Co., chairman of the Po On Commercial Association and chairman of the Chinese General Chamber of Commerce; Chan Kai Ming was manager of the Opium Farm; and Lo Chung Shiu, assistant compradore to Jardine, Matheson and Co., was Ho Fook's brother-in-law. All were or became members of the District Watch Committee.\n\n22 T. C. Cheng writes that Wei Yuk 'was very much concerned about law and order among the Chinese masses because in those early days riff-raff and political refugees from South China continued to come into Hong Kong. Thus it was at his suggestion that the District Watch Force was founded in 1888. Mr. Cheng appears to be mistaken about the date and is no doubt referring to the ordinance of that year, no. 13 of 1888 rather than to its proper date of origin. Wright and Cartright, Feldwick, and Professor Woo all state that the Committee was formed on Wei Yuk's suggestion. See: T. C. Cheng, 'Chinese Unofficial Members of the Legislative and Executive Councils of Hong Kong up to 1941', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 9, 1969, pp. 17-18; Arnold Wright and H. A. Cartright, Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong Kong, Shanghai and other Treaty Ports, London, Lloyd's Greater Britain Publishing Co., 1908, p. 109; W. Feldwick, ed., Present Day Impressions of the Far East and Prominent Chinese at Home and Abroad, London Globe Encyclopedia Co., 1917, p. 576; Professor Woo Sing Lim, The Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Five Continents Book Company, 1939, p. 4.\n\n23 Unfortunately all the records in the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs were destroyed or lost during the Japanese occupation and hence anyone trying to reconstruct the history of the District Watch must work mostly from scraps of information found in government publications, newspapers, books.\n\n24 My guess is that a large number were traditional Chinese merchants from the Five Districts operating on a relatively small scale. The Committee after 1891 represented the views of a more westernised and modernised elite with a knowledge of modern business techniques and modern financial manipulations. Dr. Ho Kai, for example, played the stock exchange with great success and speculated in many fields, particularly land development. He was, properly speaking, a financier although his occupation is often given tout court as lawyer. He had also qualified in medicine at Edinburgh but gave up the practice of medicine soon after his return to Hong Kong in 1882 because of Chinese resistance to western medicine.\n\n25 In 1903, for example, the Committee opposed the re-introduction of the night-pass system but suggested other remedial measures (see Index to Correspondence (General Register) 1894-1904, Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., 1909, p. 100). In 1909 'at the request of the District Watchmen Committee, children who are hawking without a licence are on their first offence sent to the Registrar General who cautions their guardians. This procedure seems to have proved effective in each case' wrote the Registrar General in 1909. It is worth noting that both Registrar General and Committee wanted to end the night-pass system and were opposed by the Captain Superintendent of Police, who was unsuccessful. As for hawkers, very few Chinese regarded them as a serious menace although colonial administrators", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206330, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 147, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE DISTRICT WATCH COMMITTEE\n\n141\n\nin the Colony. In 1948 they were taken over by the Medical and Health Department.\n\n58 G. W. Skinner, Leadership and Power in the Chinese Community of Thailand, Ithaca, New York, Yale University Press, 1958, p. 79.\n\n59 James Michie wrote: \"The means taken to conciliate the Chinese (in Hong Kong) must be deemed on the whole to have been successful. There was first police supervision, then official protection under a succession of qualified officers, then representation in the Colony Legislature and on the Commission of the Peace. The colonial executive has wisely left to the Chinese a large measure of a kind of self-government which is more effective than anything that could find its expression in votes of the Legislature. The administration of purely Chinese affairs by native committees, with a firm ruling hand over their proceedings, seems to fulfil every purpose of government.\" The Englishman in China during the Victorian Era, Edinburgh and London, William Blackwood, 1900, vol. 1, pp. 280-1.\n\n60 The Labour Advisory Board was established in 1937 and consisted of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs, the Secretary and Cashier of His Majesty's Naval Yard, the Assistant Director of Supply and Transport of the China Command, a representative of the Public Works Department, the Manager of the Taikoo Sugar Refinery, the manager of the Hong Kong Electric Company, and the manager of the Taikoo Dockyard. The members consisted entirely of representatives of large government departments and employers of labour. The board rarely functioned.\n\n61 The Chinese General Chamber of Commerce was founded in 1896 principally by Ho Kai and Wei Yuk. It was called at first the Chinese Merchants Bureau. In 1913, after a period of decline, a new building costing $40,000 was erected in Connaught Road. After 1913 the Chamber became one of the most influential bodies in Hong Kong, and many members of the District Watch Committee served at one time or another on its executive committee. The Chinese Club was founded in 1899 by Sir Robert Ho Tung and modelled on the European Hong Kong Club. A description of the Club's premises is to be found in Mrs. Archibald Little, The Land of the Blue Gown, London, T. Fisher Unwin, 1902, p. 323: \"We were taken by the Committee into an upper room, where European comforts of curtains and cushioned arm-chairs were judiciously intermingled with Cantonese elegances of black carved wood and landscape marble.\" Mrs. Little was a member of the Anti-Footbinding League or Natural Feet Society.\n\n62 See G. William Skinner for a detailed analysis of Chinese associations. See especially ch. 6 of his Leadership and Power in the Chinese Community of Thailand.\n\n63 For Overseas Chinese associations, see important works by the following: Maurice Freedman, \"Immigrants and Associations: Chinese in Nineteenth Century Singapore,\" Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 3, no. 1, 1960, and Chinese Family and Marriage in Singapore, London, H.M.S.O., 1957; G. W. Skinner, Chinese Society in Thailand: An Analytical History, Ithaca, New York, Cornell University Press, 1957, and Leadership and Power in the Chinese Community of Thailand, Ithaca, New York, Cornell University Press, 1958; William E. Willmott, The Political Structure of the Chinese Community in Cambodia, London, The Athlone Press, 1970; and Edgar Wickberg, The Chinese in Philippine Life 1850-1898, New Haven, Conn., Yale University Press, 1965.\n\n64 See Wilfred Blythe, The Impact of Chinese Secret Societies in Malaya, London, Oxford University Press, 1969.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206333, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 150, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "144\n\nJ. C. Y. WATT\n\nquality of the glazes and bodies of the Nim Shu Wan finds than those of Kowloon City. However, Lung-ch'uan type celadons and soft white wares are so far not found in Nim Shu Wan.\n\nTHE MAIN TYPES OF FINDS\n\nFinds from Kowloon City Area\n\n(a) Lung-Ch'uan type celadons. These are usually white coloured porcelains with transparent green glazes. Their shapes and potting characteristics would place them in the group of celadons which have so far been attributed to the Southern Sung. One of the diagnostic points may perhaps be mentioned. The dishes and \"incense burners\" usually have a wide horizontal rim which is slightly concave on the upper surface so as to form a trough to retain the glaze. (see diagram in article referred to in note!). The corners of the rims thus appear paler under the glaze than the centre part of the flat surface of the rim. This is connected with the technique called “Ch'u Chin” (a term equivalent to “raised rib\") by the investigators of the Lung-ch'uan kilns in 1956-61. The walls are usually decorated with raised designs under the glaze so that the designs stand out paler than the rest of the wall.\n\nA curious class of pottery may be described in connection with the Lung-ch'uan celadons. This consists of a group of green glazed bowls with moulded lotus petals on the outside in the style of the Lung-ch'uan celadons, but the glaze is non-transparent and the body is quite porous and brick red in colour. (See plate 2). Similar pieces have recently appeared on the Hong Kong market and are supposed to have come from Indonesia.\n\n(b) Black Glazed Wares. These are tea-bowls of the well-known \"temmoku\" shape, i.e. fairly straight sides with an in-turning rim. (Plate 3). Recent investigations in Fukien have revealed a number of kilns all producing these stoneware bowls with a reddish body and a thick black \"slip glaze\". Some Fukien kilns, such as the one in Fu-ch'ing Hsien combine the production of temmoku-type wares with green glazed wares very similar to those discovered in Nim Shu Wan in Hong Kong.\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206334, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 151, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "SUNG-TYPE POTTERY FINDS IN HONG KONG\n\n145\n\nKong described in the next section. Others, such as the Mao-tien kilns in Kuang-tze, produced in addition to these two types a variety of Ying Ching (a light blue glaze on a white body), but it is difficult to make any comparison between the Fukien ying-chings and the ones found in Hong Kong. Incidentally, the author of the report on the Kuang-tze kilns also mentioned that he discovered another kiln in this area which produced only white wares and blue-and-whites, but he summarily dismissed this kiln as being of a later date than the Mao-tien kilns—presumably on the assumption that white wares and blue-and-whites are generally later than black wares and green wares.\n\n(c) White Wares. These are very similar to the class of pottery described as soft \"creamish white wares\" in the Philippines and come in the same \"limited variety of shapes\". These are also extremely similar to the finds made at the Te-hua kilns in 19569 and in 196310 and which have been attributed to the Sung period. (See Plate 4).\n\n(d) Ying-ching Type Wares. These include a high-fired and very resonant porcellaneous ware with pale bluish glaze (Plate 5) and another type which is intermediate between the high-fired resonant ware and the white wares mentioned under (c). The latter type has the porous and uneven body of the white wares but is more high-fired. The shapes and glaze of this type are closely related to those of the Ying-ching ware of Kiangsi (Plate 6).\n\nThe Ying-ching type wares, as a whole, come next to the Lung-ch'uan type wares in abundance in the Kowloon City finds.\n\n(e) Greenish Glazed Wares. These include a great variety of stonewares and porcellaneous wares which are similar to the Nim Shu Wan finds.\n\nII. Finds from Nim Shu Wan,\n\nAs mentioned earlier, the finds from Nim Shu Wan include some glazed earthenware jars of the types which are commonly found in the area of the Pearl delta. The present evidence", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206347, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 164, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "148\n\nJ. C. Y. WATT\n\nargument to establish that the tomb was in fact Ming. The 17th century Cantonese poet, Ch'ü Ta-chün, in his Kwang-tung Hsin-yü recorded that Sung coins were still in use in Kwangtung in his time. Thus, although Sung coins are often found with (and inside) Sung-type pottery in Hong Kong they cannot be accepted as evidence for precise dating even if they provide the only clue. (The question of the Sung coins in the Manila excavations must be even more tantalising as the blue-and-whites, unlike the 1955 Canton jars which had a Ming flavour, exhibit in themselves distinct possibilities of being the earliest blue-and-white found so far, apart from the circumstances of their recovery.)\n\nTHE HONG KONG FINDS IN RELATION TO THE MANILA FINDS\n\nApart from the class of brightly coloured glazed earthenwares, it will be noted that all the types of pottery found in Manila are also found in Hong Kong with the conspicuous exception of the three most interesting types, the \"spotted white\", the \"ching-pai\" and the \"early blue-and-white\". The fact that these closely related wares are not found in Hong Kong indicates that they were not produced in Hong Kong and neighbouring areas. One may push the argument a little further and say that it is not likely, although not impossible, that these three types were produced at the particular kilns in Fukien and Chekiang from which Hong Kong received some of its crockery in Sung times, and later. Indeed, the present evidence is that blue and white came to this part of Kwangtung rather late. So far, apart from a single find of a pair of blue and white bowls of the late 15th century1 the Ming finds in Hong Kong have been mainly of a type of green glazed stoneware similar to those manufactured at the Hsin-an kilns in Hui-yang Hsien about 100 kilometres east of Canton1. This is a stoneware with a grey body, an olive green glaze and a simple shape, and is often decorated with incised vertical lines on the outside and a stamped or incised character or mark in the centre of the inside. (See Plate 10)\n\nThus, although many similar types of pottery are found both in the Philippines and in Hong Kong, the immediate contribution of the evidence from Hong Kong to the discussions on the origins and dating of the finds in the Philippines is very little. However, the detailed description of pottery sites in South-east Asia, and the study of the distribution of various types of ware", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206384, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 201, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE COLONY OF HONG KONG\n\n175\n\non from them a little way was the Cemetery, still a small enclosed space, which, it had been thought, would be sufficient for the needs of the Colony. Hardly any one but myself, I suppose, ever thinks now of paying it a visit. Beyond that, hardly any buildings were met with, till we came to Spring Gardens, where two or three English firms had begun to occupy the ground on the left. Then came Hospital Hill, with diminutive buildings on it, devoted to the same purposes as the larger erections that now crown it; and Morrison Hill, where the school of the Morrison Education Society was in vigorous action, with the Hospital of the Medical Society, the foundations of which can hardly be traced now, but where I found hospitable quarters for several months. Arrived at the Happy Valley, there were to be seen only fields of rice and sweet potatoes. At the south end of it was the village of Wong-nei-ch'ung, just as at the present day, and on the heights above it were rising two or three foreign houses, with an imposing one on the east side of the valley, built by a Mr. Mercer of Jardine, Matheson and Co.'s House. All these proved homes of fever or death, and were soon abandoned.\n\nBeyond the Valley somewhere was a range of buildings, which had already become tabooed as unhealthy, and then came the offices of the great Firm, with the workmen still busy about them, and far from being what they are at the present day.\n\nIf I have omitted to mention in this retrospective view of Victoria as I first saw it any of the foreign houses then existing, they can only be a very few. When I contrast the single street, imperfectly lined with hastily raised houses, and a few sporadic buildings on the barren hill-side, with the city into which they have grown, with its praya, its imposing terraces, and many magnificent residences, I think one must travel far to find another spot where human energy and skill have triumphed to such an extent over difficulties of natural position. I sometimes fancy Britannia standing on the Peak, and looking down with an emotion of pride on the great Babylon which her sons have built.\n\nAlthough I was charmed with the general appearance of the place, and the energy that was manifest in laying out the ground and pushing on building, I found many of the residents oppressed with gloom because of its unhealthiness. 1843 was, no doubt, a very sickly year, more so, perhaps, than any one has been since. The left wing of the 55th Regiment lost a hundred men between", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206402, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 219, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE COLONY OF HONG KONG\n\n193\n\nkeen on the east. I see this island the natural outlet to all Europe, and by the Pacific lines to the United States, for the mineral wealth and various produce of one half the great Empire. I see itself the home of a happy population, three times more numerous than the present, and foreigner and Chinese dwelling together in mutual appreciation. I see in its harbour a forest of smoking tunnels, with hardly a white-winged sailing vessel among them; opium is a phantom of the past. The emigration of the poor goes on from it on principles approved and guarded by the Chinese and other governments, while the enterprise and integrity of its merchants, the kindness, forbearance, and purity of all its inhabitants are spoken of with delight from Peking to Hai-nan, from the farthest west of Sze-ch'uen to the borders of the Eastern sea.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206419, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 236, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\nEARLY MING WARES OF CHINGTECHEN. A. D. Brankston. 106 pp. 45 plates (1 coloured), 18 text-illus. Re-issue 1970. Vetch and Lee, Hong Kong $60; Lund Humphries, London, £5.\n\nThe appearance of a reissue of A. D. Brankston's book Early Ming Wares of Chingtechen will be welcomed by the collector, connoisseur and dealer alike and will fill a long-awaited need to possess this classic in the field of Chinese ceramics. The original edition, published by Mr. Henri Vetch in Peking in 1938 was limited to 650 copies and has been, until now, virtually unobtainable to the layman, despite the fact that it is frequently referred to by writers on Chinese Porcelain and freely quoted from in sales catalogues. The present edition has been faithfully reproduced on the off-set press and Mr. Vetch is to be congratulated for turning out a most pleasing volume which retains much of the charm of the original.\n\nArchibald Brankston was born in Shanghai in 1909. He followed his father's profession as a civil engineer and, after schooling in England, came to Hong Kong to work on the Shing Mun Valley Water Scheme. Being obliged to return to England due to ill health, he was fortunate to be employed in the setting-up of the International Exhibition of Chinese Art in London in 1935. This led to his appointment as a travelling student by the Universities China Committee in London and he was thereby enabled to journey into the interior of China and visited the kiln sites around Chingtechen from which he recovered a variety of samples which now form part of the British Museum study collection. He was also fortunate in being acquainted with well-known Chinese collectors of that time, including Mr. Wu Lai-hsi and others. Back in England, he was employed in the Department of Oriental Antiquities of the British Museum for two years until he had to return to the Far East on behalf of the Ministry of Information. He died in Hong Kong in 1941 at the early age of 31.\n\nThe book deals mainly with blue and white wares of the 15th Century covering the reigns of Yung Lo, Hsüan-Tê, Ch'êng Hua and Hung Chih and also includes some information on the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206420, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 237, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n211\n\nenamelled and monochrome wares of the same period. In commenting on the rise and fall of artistic merit in porcelain production during the 15th Century, Mr. Brankston aptly observes that \"In Yung-lo the lotus has budded; in Hsuan-te the flower has opened in all its freshness but, by Ch'eng-hua, the leaves begin to tremble in the breeze\" — a quotation which is affectionately remembered by students and writers on the subject. The chapters on the kiln sites of Fou-liang and on the methods of porcelain production provide material not usually given in books of this nature and the photographs and woodcuts of the potters at work are of particular interest. Diagrams illustrating the shapes and sizes of typical forms and also the sectional drawings of foot rims make a most valuable contribution to the work.\n\nThe aspiring connoisseur would do well to heed the advice given with regard to acquiring good eyes for judging ceramics when the author suggests that he drink tea each day from cups of different periods. If, after two weeks, no particular piece has asserted itself, he may be assured that the interest in porcelain was formed only in order to create a diversion and to occupy time and space, so a change over to stamps or coins would be recommended.\n\nOf slight build and quietly spoken, Brankston was possessed with unusual gifts of mind and eye in relation to Chinese porcelain and he writes about his favourite pieces in a most charming and sensitive manner. The dedication \"To the Lotus, who knows why\" provides an aperitif to the subtleties and delicate appreciation of the subject in store for the reader.\n\nHong Kong, 1971\n\nF. WARRINGTON-STRONG\n\nCHINESE FAMILY AND COMMERCIAL LAW, G. Jamieson, M.A., C.M.G., Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh Ltd, 1921. Now reprinted in Hong Kong: Vetch and Lee Ltd, 1970.\n\nWhen George Jamieson wrote the preface to his work, Chinese Family and Commercial Law, he considered it a \"pioneer treatise on the Civil Law\" as it then prevailed and regarded it as a work which would assist the \"future pleaders and judges in the Courts", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206423, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 240, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "214\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\ninto a modern system of law. No less important is the way in which this book tells us much of western attitudes towards Chinese law and of the ways in which the westerners attempted to come to terms with a system which was so unlike their own. Though we might today criticise Jamieson's comparative law approach and his defective anthropology, his book was a creature of its own time and of his own intellectual experience, and as such it must take a place on the sinologists' bookshelves.\n\nNotes\n\n1. A. M. Kotenev, Shanghai: its Mixed Court and Council, (Shanghai: North China Daily News and Herald Ltd, 1925; now reprinted by Ch'eng Wen Publishing Company, Taipei, 1968).\n\n2. But see now Hao, The Comprador in Nineteenth Century China, Cambridge (Harvard U.P.), 1970.\n\n3. pp. 124-126.\n\nHong Kong, 1971.\n\nDAFYDD EVANS\n\nCHINNERY AND CHINA COAST PAINTINGS, Henry and Sidney Berry-Hill, 64 pages text, 144 photographs, F. W. Lewis. Publishers, Ltd., England 1970, U.S.$30.00.\n\nThe writers operate a picture gallery in New York City. In 1963 they published George Chinnery 1774-1852, Artist of the China Coast, which was reviewed in this Journal, Vol. 4, 1964, pp. 128-132.\n\nIn spite of severe criticism of their previous efforts, the authors, in another volume under the present title, persist in claiming that Chinese Port Scenes painted in Cantonese style were influenced by Chinnery and therefore are \"Chinnery School\". Even though there are numerous pictured examples in both books that Chinese Port Scenes before, during, and after Chinnery do not change and bear no resemblance to English painting, the authors plod on with their futile theory. For some 26 illustrations in the List of Plates marked \"Chinnery School\", substitute “Chinese artist\".\n\nObviously this book is written for the inexperienced collector. It lacks bibliography, an index, and a comprehensive table of contents. The text is largely a lyrical history of China from Macartney through the Arrow War. It positively oozes opium and frequently lacks accuracy.\n\nPage 240\n\nPage 241", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206500, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "42 \n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG \n\nHaving signed treaties with these countries the best policy is for China to keep the barbarians very strictly to the clauses of these treaties so that outwardly Chinese officials show \"sincerity and friendship\" while covertly carrying out a \"loose rein\" (chi-mi) policy. Six regulations are attached for deliberation. These are: 1) Regulations for establishing the Tsungli Yamen. It is envisaged as a temporary body. \"As soon as military operations come to an end and affairs concerning the various countries become more simple it will be abolished, and its functions will revert to the Grand Council as before so as to tally with the old system.\" 2) Separate posts for superintendents of trade for the southern and northern ports be established. 3) Regulations for the collection of revenue at all the newly opened treaty ports. 4) Instructions to be sent to the great officials in each province where foreign affairs are dealt with that they should keep each other informed of what they are doing, so as to produce uniformity of action. 5) The authorities at Canton and Shanghai respectively are to send two persons who understand written and spoken foreign languages to the capital for translation purposes. 6) Monthly reports are to be sent to the Tsungli Yamen on Chinese and foreign trade as well as copies of foreign newspapers, so that the Yamen shall be kept properly informed on matters of trade, and China's situation vis-a-vis the foreign countries. The memorial received the emperor's vermillion endorsement to the effect that Prince Hui and others were to deliberate on it and memorialize. Here follows the memorial and memorandum.\n\nWe venture to observe that the imperiousness of the barbarian nature burst forth during the reign of Chia-ch'ing. By the time the Treaty of Nanking was exchanged they were acting more arrogantly and in the present year they penetrated right into the capital and acted with outrageous and compelling force, and the barbarian scourge reached its violent climax. Critics citing barbarian calamities in former dynasties as a warning advocate the use of force alone. From of old there has certainly been no other plan than this for warding off the barbarians.\n\nHowever, your servants, in the light of all the circumstances, consider that of the various barbarians the English are tenacious and arrogant, the Russians are treacherous and the French and Americans secretly adhere to them. We observe that before the defeat at Taku we could either use force or resort to pacification,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206503, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE TSUNGLI YAMEN\n\n45\n\nconcerning foreign countries were reported by the governors-general and governors of provinces and were collected in the Grand Council. In recent years reports on the military situation in various areas have been continuous. Foreign affairs involve many subjects. After foreign envoys start residing at the capital if there is no one in sole charge of these matters giving their full attention to handling them then their management will be dilatory, and it will be impossible to co-ordinate policy. We request that a tsung-li ke-kuo shih-wu ya-men [office for the general management of the affairs of the various countries] be established with a minister of princely rank in charge of it. Since the Grand Councillors are responsible for drafting imperial edicts we fear that if they are not concurrently in charge of its affairs there will be discrepancies. We request that they all serve concurrently as officials [of the Tsungli Yamen]. Also we request that an office be provided in order to facilitate the transaction of business, and at the same time for receiving envoys of the various countries. As regards the staff to be established we suggest that eight men should be selected from the Manchu and eight from the Chinese who are presently serving as secretaries of the Grand Secretariat, the Six Boards, the Court of Colonial Affairs and the Grand Council. They should serve in rotation. All matters should be dealt with by the same procedure as in the Grand Council in order to specify responsibilities. As soon as military operations come to an end and affairs concerning the various countries become more simple it will be abolished, and its functions will revert to the Grand Council as before so as to tally with the old system.\n\n2. It is requested that posts for great officials be separately established at the southern and northern ports in order to facilitate the dispatch of business. We note that when trade began during the reign of Tao-kuang there were only the five ports of Canton, Foochow, Amoy, Ningpo, and Shanghai, for which an imperial commissioner was created. Now, according to the newly established treaties, in the north there are Newchwang in Fengtien province, Tientsin in Chihli, Tengchow in Shantung; in the south there are Canton, Ch'aochow and Ch'iungchow in Kwangtung, Foochow, Amoy, Taiwanfu, and Tamsui in Fukien as well as Chenkiang, Kiukiang, and Hankow on the Yangtze river.\n\nThe area [covered by all these ports] is vast stretching from south to north for seven or eight thousand li. If all these ports", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206504, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 52, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "46\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG\n\nwere still to be administered by the imperial commissioner of the five ports not only would he be unable to look after them all effectively also the foreign countries might not agree to it. Moreover the foreign countries trade at the port of Tientsin which is very close to the capital. If there is no great official residing at Tientsin with whom they can consult and transact affairs we are afraid that inconvenience will arise. We recommend that a superintendent of foreign trade be appointed for Newchwang, Tengchow and Tientsin to reside at Tientsin specifically to regulate affairs at those three ports. In Chihli, which is the vital metropolitan area, the governor-general has to control the entire province and cannot reside at Tientsin alone. Neither can the provincial financial and judicial commissioners, who each have their specific duties, conveniently hold the office of trade superintendent concurrently. So it is proposed that, following the precedent of the two Huai regions, the office of the salt administration of Ch'ang-lu be abolished and its administrative duties be transferred to the governor-general of Chihli. The salary of the salt administration office can then be given to the superintendent of trade entailing no additional establishment in order to economize. Control over the former customs revenue shall be administered concurrently by the superintendent for foreign trade who will make a separate report on it. We also recommend that an official seal without the title \"Imperial Commissioner\" be given to the superintendent in charge of foreign trade in the three ports. He should be allowed to take with him several secretaries to assist him in the administration. Whenever an important matter occurs he should be authorized to act in conjunction with the governors-general, governors and prefects of the three provinces concerned in the hope that matters may be dealt with smoothly.\n\nThe original imperial commissionership in charge of the five ports was held by the governor-general of the Liang-Kuang. In the ninth year of Hsien-feng [3 Feb. 1859-22 Jan. 1860] it was transferred to the control of the governor-general of Kiangsu, Kiangsi and Anhwei. We note that now there are three ports on the Yangtze newly added as well as Ch'aochow and Ch'iungchow in Kwangtung, Taiwan and Tamsui in Fukien, and therefore business will become more extensive. In fact we fear not only that governor-general Tseng Kuo-fan, who concurrently is in charge of the business, will find that 'however long the whip it will not", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206506, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 54, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "48\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG\n\ntendent of Trade for the Northern Ports and Superintendent of Trade for the Southern Ports would find some material of use in this section of the six-point memorandum. For instance, it states that at Newchwang, the staple trade commodity is soya-bean cakes, but that this trade is not open to foreign ships. Details of the suggested method of collecting and reporting the customs revenues of this port are then given. At Tengchow, the memorialists state, an illicit foreign trade has been going on for a number of years, unbeknown to the Court. Now that it has officially become a treaty port, officials must be appointed to administer foreign trade there. As regards the five original treaty ports of Canton, Foochow, Amoy, Ningpo, and Shanghai, no changes in the regulations need be made. As regards the newly opened ports of Ch'iungchow, Swatow, Taiwan, and Tamsui, as well as Chenkiang, Kiukiang, and Hankow on the Yangtze, the governors-general and governors in whose jurisdiction these ports lie should jointly memorialize with the imperial commissioner at Shanghai concerning officials to be appointed to take charge of these places. Monthly reports on the volume of foreign trade at these ports are to be sent to the Tsungli Yamen and the Board of Revenue.\n\nSuggestions are also made for arrangements to be made for trade with Russia at the newly opened trading places of Urga, Kashgar, and Kalgan.\n\nAccording to the treaties, twenty percent of the duties on foreign trade are to be held for the payment of the indemnity. A counterfoil will be provided so that the total amount of revenue collected can be checked against the amount withheld.\n\nThe memorialists then return to the point they were making near the beginning of point 3 [as translated above].\n\nThus, the amount of foreign duty collected each year being clearly shown, the officials through whose hands it passes will be unable to enrich themselves through peculation. Not only will they be deprived of the means of living, they will secretly resort to other malpractices. It is further feared that wily clerks, when they see there is no money to be made, may provoke trouble, thus endangering the public interest. If we do not clearly lay down regulations providing them with expenses for transacting official business, we very much fear that unforeseen malpractices will arise. It is therefore proposed to request that an order be given to the superintendent", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206507, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 55, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE TSUNGLI YAMEN\n\n49\n\nof trade at Tientsin and to the imperial commissioner at Shanghai to draft, in conjunction with the governors-general and governors of the provinces concerned, regulations to govern the payment of expenses involved in transporting revenue silver collected at the ports to the Board [of Revenue] and also for the salaries of customs inspectors, and clerks, for stationery and other items, and then to memorialize requesting permission to put them into effect, in the hope that this will speedily clear the withheld portion [for the payment of the indemnities] and lead to the eradication of abuses.\n\n4. In each province where foreign affairs are dealt with your servants recommend instructions be sent to the Manchu garrison commanders, the governors-general and governors that they should keep each other informed in order to avoid discrepancies. We note that hitherto, in the management of affairs involving foreign countries, because the Grand Council has not issued copies of memorials submitted and edicts respectfully received, the governors-general and governors have also not communicated with each other. Originally this was in order to maintain secrecy and to prevent leakage of information. Now, however, since instructions have been sent to the provinces, to the superintendent of trade and to the imperial commissioner that they should regularly report to the Tsungli Yamen at the capital, the Manchu garrison commanders, the prefect of Peking, and the governors-general and governors should regularly inform each other of whatever they ought to do, and only then will there be no discrepancies at all. Moreover, when one province manages affairs satisfactorily another province can copy it, when this province manages affairs unsatisfactorily that province can be on its guard against it. We note that in the second month of the ninth year of Hsien-feng, Ho Kuei-ch'ing, the former governor-general of Liang-Chiang memorialized that:\n\nhitherto all matters have been memorialized secretly, and that the authorities do not keep each other informed, and that there are no files which can be consulted. It has reached such a point that colleagues in the same office are not fully informed. As a result numerous discrepancies and complications have arisen. This certainly is a great source of abuses. Your servant requests that instructions be issued that those concerned should notify each other so that there is uniformity in this matter.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206509, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "# THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE TSUNGLI YAMEN\n\n51\n\nand the proficient ones should receive official rank. When the Banner students are thoroughly able to understand the written and spoken languages the practice should cease. We request that instructions be issued to the Russian school to draw up appropriate regulations for the study of the spoken and written Russian language and zealously to supervise their lessons. Whenever anyone studying a foreign language succeeds in mastering it we will memorialize requesting that he be given ample reward so that there will be no slackening with the passage of time.\n\n6.\n\nWe request that instructions be issued that monthly reports be sent to the Tsungli Yamen concerning native and foreign trade as well as foreign newspapers so that we may have information on which to act. We note that the main concern of the newly concluded treaties with foreign countries is with trade; therefore whether trade conditions are peaceful or not is of vital importance to each locality. In the future, lest any information on whether or not Chinese and foreign trade is flowing smoothly in the old and new ports should escape the notice of the imperial commissioner, instructions should be sent to the Manchu garrison commanders, the prefect of Peking, governors-general and governors that they should memorialize monthly according to the facts, and at the same time notify the imperial commissioner and the superintendent of trade. This should not be regarded as a mere formality and the information should not in the slightest border on the fictitious. In handling foreign affairs it is all the more necessary to have full knowledge of the true situation, and only then can one succeed in vital matters.\n\nIn recent years, at times of crisis, spies (ch'en-t'an) have been used, but what was obtained was often nothing more than rumours and we failed to get detailed and accurate information. In managing matters in this manner it was impossible to act effectively. Although foreign countries' newspapers are not necessarily entirely trustworthy nevertheless by sifting the information one can obtain a general idea of what is happening. These have been published under various names in Canton, Foochow, Ningpo and Shanghai. It is expected that they will also publish newspapers in the newly opened ports. We wish to request that instructions be sent to the imperial commissioner and the superintendent of trade and also to the Manchu garrison commanders, the prefect of Peking, governors-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206510, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 58, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "52 \n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG \n\ngeneral and governors to send monthly to the Tsungli Yamen foreign newspapers, both those printed in Chinese and in foreign languages, so that we can have at our finger-tips knowledge of the situation between China and foreign countries, and so that we can become more fully acquainted with the way to reform abuses and put right our failings. \n\nA memorial from Prince Hui and others in reply was received at the travelling headquarters on 20 January 1861, and an edict was issued on the same day. As no English version of this edict appears to have been made, a translation of it follows.17 \n\nToday we have received a memorial from Prince Hui and others to the effect that they have deliberated on the memorial of I-hsin Prince Kung, and others on restoring normal conditions and on regulations for trade. According to what they said all the items recommended by Prince Kung and others have a close bearing on the circumstances and that this really is the situation. They request that we should act according to the original proposals. \n\nWe have already issued an edict appointing Prince Kung, Grand Secretary Kuei-liang, and Senior Vice-President of the Board of Revenue Wen-hsiang to be in general charge of trade with the various countries. We have also appointed Ch'ung-hou to be superintendent of trade for the three ports [Tientsin; Newchang; Chefoo]. Let Hsueh Huan continue to control trading arrangements at the five old ports as well as at the newly added ones. In their memorandum Prince Kung and others recommend that Canton and Shanghai should each send two men who understand spoken and written foreign languages to come to the capital on official service. Also that the superintendents of trade as well as the Manchu garrison commanders, the governors-general and governors, and the prefect of Peking ought to report monthly on native and foreign trade conditions at those ports and send the foreign newspapers of the various countries and should communicate [this information and newspapers] to the Board of Rites which will transmit it to the Tsungli Yamen. Let the princes and ministers instruct the Board of Rites to this effect and let the Board communicate these instructions. We also authorize young men to be selected from the Eight Banners to study foreign spoken and written languages; instruct the Russian language school's to draw up appropriate regulations and zealously supervise their lessons. Whenever anyone is able to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206511, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE TSUNGLI YAMEN\n\n53\n\nmaster a foreign language then memorialize requesting that he be rewarded.\n\nAs regards duties on foreign goods at the ports, it has been agreed that at present twenty per cent of the value of the duties shall be deducted and handed back, and a joint record maintained'. Also there are barbarians who are helping to manage revenue matters20. It should be made absolutely clear how much revenue is to be collected each month, so that it does not result in misappropriation and embezzlement. But in future, after the amount withheld has been cleared, let Prince Kung and others further concentrate on deciding what appropriate regulations ought to be fixed so that after a period of time malpractices do not grow up. As regards any other arrangements to be made let them also carefully deliberate and memorialize from time to time.\n\nFor an examination of the implications of these two important documents the reader is referred to Banno's China and the West, pp. 223-236.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Harvard University Press, 1964.\n\n2 Bruce to Russell, No. 51, May 23, 1861, FO17/352.\n\n3 Teng Ssu-yü and John K. Fairbank, China's Response to the West, Harvard University Press, 1954, 47-48; 73-74.\n\n4 Masataka Banno, China and the West 1858-1861, 220-221.\n\n5 Meng Ssu-ming, The Tsungli Yamen: Its Organization and Functions, Harvard University Press, 1962, 20-21.\n\n6 Translated in collaboration with Mr. Vei-Tsen Yang, formerly of the Department of Chinese Studies, University of Hong Kong, now Special Lecturer in the Department of East Asian Studies, University of Toronto.\n\n7 The Chinese text is in Ch'ou-pan i-wu shih-mo (#MR#&*) Hsieng-feng, 71: 17b-26.\n\n8 During the time of the Three Kingdoms Liu Pei, the founding ruler of the Kingdom of Shu, invaded the Kingdom of Wu in order to avenge the death of Kuan Yü. He suffered a crushing defeat and died soon after. After the accession of his son to the throne in 223 B.C. the chief minister Chu-ko Liang sent Teng Chih as an envoy of good will to Wu, which resulted in a rapprochement between the two states. See San-kuo chih, chuan 35 and 45 for the biographies of Chu-ko Liang and Teng Chih.\n\n9 In fact the emperor was at the summer palace at Jehol. Since the emperor had fled from the enemy the term hsing-ying ('travelling headquarters') was used rather than pi-shu shan chuang ('avoiding the heat hill palace') for reasons of face.\n\n10 At this time the prince-ministers in charge of the travelling headquarters were Tsai-yuan, Prince I, and Tuan-hua, Prince Cheng. Ministers of the imperial presence at this time were: Prince I, Prince Cheng, Su-shun and Ching-shou. Of these Su-shun was the dominant figure and was entrusted with the main responsibility for affairs at the travelling headquarters (also referred to in English as \"the temporary court\"). There were four Grand", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206512, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 60, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "54\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG\n\nCouncillors at Jehol at this time: Mu-yin; K'uang-yüan; Tu Han; Chiao Yu-ying. Information on all these officials can be found in Hummel, Eminent Chinese, especially in the biography of Su-shun. Their power relationships are discussed in Banno, China and the West, passim, but especially 55-56. The term \"minister of the imperial presence\" (yü-ch'ien ta-ch'en) is rendered by Brunnert and Hagelstrom, Present Day Political Organization, p. 28, no. 101, as adjutant-general.\n\nII Tengchow is on the northern side of the Shantung promontory. In fact it was not opened to foreign trade which was carried on at Yen-tai near Chefoo. S. Wells Williams, The Chinese Commercial Guide, 211-212. Ch'aochow was the old name for Swatow; Ch'iungchow is in Hainan. Taiwan City and Tamsui were ports on the island of Taiwan which came under the administration of Fukien province.\n\n12 Ch'ung-hou was appointed to this post by an edict of 20 January with the designation superintendent of trade for the Three Ports, with his headquarters at Tientsin. Hsueh Huan, governor of Kiangsu and acting imperial commissioner at Shanghai, was made responsible for the newly opened ports along the Yangtze and the coast to the south of it, by the same edict. As far back as 1844 the imperial commissioner at Canton was currently designated imperial commissioner for the Five Ports. With the addition of new ports it was made a concurrent post of the governor of Kiangsu in 1861, until 1868 when it was made a concurrent post of the governor-general of Liang Kiang residing at Nanking. In 1870 the post of superintendent of trade for the Three Ports was raised to an imperial commissionership and held concurrently by the governor-general of Chihli. It is not clear when the commonly used designations for these two posts viz: superintendent of trade for the southern ports and superintendent of trade for the northern ports were first used. Meng, The Tsungli Yamen, 40-41; Banno, China and the West, 233-5.\n\n13 Article 3 of the Convention of Peking between Britain and China refers. See W. F. Mayers, Treaties Between the Empire of China and Foreign Powers, 8. The phrase to avoid complications arising is a euphemism for 'to avoid peculation'.\n\n14 Tentatively we have translated the Chinese phrase hui-tan as counter-foil. Note 19 also refers.\n\n15 The term is fuyin. See Brunnert and Hagelstrom, Present Day Political Organization of China, 793.\n\n16 See Frank H. H. King, A Research Guide to China Coast Newspapers, 1822-1911.\n\n17 Translated in collaboration with Mr. Vei-Tsen Yang. Chinese text in Ch'ow-pan wu shih-mo, Hsien-feng, 72: 2-3. A second edict was issued on the same day, and on the same subject, to the Grand Secretariat. This edict was translated by T. F. Wade along with the six-point memorandum. Note 2 above refers.\n\n18 Not to be confused with the Russian Hostel nor with the language school for the Russians in Peking, both of which were often referred to in Chinese documents as O-lo ssu-kuan, thus making confusion likely with the Russian language school referred to here. See Meng, The Tsungli Yamen, 111, note 48.\n\n19 Lit. 'draw up a joint document'. Glossed by T. F. Wade as a paper signed by both parties showing that the amount deducted is in due proportion to the collection'. Translation of Peking Gazette in F.O. 17/352 p. 42.\n\n20 Presumably referring to Robert Hart, the Inspector General of the Chinese Maritime Customs Service, and the westerners serving under him. On the general subject of foreigners taking part in the administration of China after the middle of the nineteenth century see Fairbank, The Chinese World Order, 273-5; also Fairbank \"Synarchy under the Treaties\" in Fairbank (ed.) Chinese Thought and Institutions, 204-231.\n\nPage 60\n\nPage 61", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206531, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART\n\n73\n\ntions, being a translation of the Ch'eng Yu K'ao by Ch'iu Chin (A.D. 1419-1495), a famous scholar of the Ming Dynasty. It is, in Herbert A. Giles' words: 'usually the first work of reference suggested by the teacher when his pupils' acquaintance with book-Chinese passes from mere acquisition of individual characters in simple locutions to the study of the figurative and allusive language which forms the backbone of general literature'.47 The first edition of 300 copies was published in Hong Kong by Kelly and Walsh and was well received at first by such reviewers as E.J. Eitel and E.H. Parker; but an unsolicited, detailed and acerbic review by the relentless controversialist and sinologue, Herbert A. Giles, gave rise to a lengthy debate in the China Review, which reverberated through three volumes of the journal.48 This debate on the meaning of certain Chinese characters is a splendid example of odium sinologorum and furor academicus. Lockhart, after suffering Giles' first furious onslaught on his credentials as a Chinese scholar, asked Ho Kai for an opinion on Giles' linguistic strictures and the obliging doctor responded with a short letter to the China Review in which he stated of Giles' review that about one-third is correct and consequently valuable, another one-third on doubtful and trivial points not altogether right; the remaining one-third is totally wrong.”49 Giles rushed into print in a further lengthy article to crush the very judicious Ho Kai. He wrote: 'Of Dr. Ho Kai as a \"competent native scholar\" I had never before heard; and as he has not yet thought fit to submit to public approval any specimens of his scholarship, competent or otherwise, he may be dismissed incontinently from the case.'50 Dismissed he was for Ho Kai did not venture to re-enter the lists.\n\nThe controversy centred, among other linguistic problems, on the meaning of the characters, translated by Gustave Schlegel as 'cowcloth'. This eminent Dutch Professor of Chinese at Leyden University, co-editor with Henri Cordier of T'oung Pao, provided a magisterial summing-up in 1897 of the linguistic issues involved.51 There the controversy came to an end with, it would seem, the contestants mutually exhausted. Lockhart, who was a warm-hearted and balanced man, appears not to have borne Giles malice. In 1931 he paid Giles, by now Professor of Chinese at Cambridge University, the tribute of producing a compilation of the Chinese texts which underlay the passages published in the prose volume of Giles' Gems of Chinese Literature, the first edition of which appeared in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206532, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "74\n\nHENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE\n\n1883 and the second in 1922. Gems of Chinese Literature was in its time 'probably the most comprehensive selection of translations from the Chinese that has appeared in any European language.'52 Lockhart's Manual of Chinese Quotations, which gave so much offence to Giles, was re-issued in 1903 in a second, enlarged edition of 1,000 copies; and a reviewer in the Chinese Recorder spoke of it now as 'a splendid book'.53\n\nIn 1930 the Oxford University Press published the Index to the Tso Chuan, compiled by Sir Everard Duncan Home Fraser and revised and prepared for the press by Lockhart. The text, with its many Chinese characters, was printed by the Commercial Press of Shanghai. The Tso Chuan is the famous commentary upon the Spring and Autumn Annals of Confucius; it is also a narrative of events in China from 722 to 462 B.C. Dr. Legge, in Lockhart's words: 'had appended to each of his translations of the Chinese Classics a valuable Index, (but) he had made an exception in the case of the Tso Chuan because, as he stated, the time and labour necessary for such an undertaking were more than he could command. He, therefore, had to satisfy himself by giving a list under the different Radicals of such characters as are found in the Tso Chuan, in addition to those given in his Index to the Chinese Characters and Phrases in the Ch'un Ch'iu. This list, though useful to a certain extent, does not meet the need of a complete Index, and it is that want that the Index now published is intended to supply'.54\n\nE.D.H. Fraser, who compiled the Index, was appointed Student Interpreter in China in 1880, a year after Lockhart was appointed a Hong Kong cadet; Fraser became Consul-General at Shanghai in 1911 and died there in 1922. He was, like Lockhart, a Scot, educated at Aberdeen University; and the two scholars were very close friends. Fraser, according to Lockhart, was 'one of the best scholars of Chinese in H.M. Consular Service which has produced such eminent scholars as Watters, Parker and Giles.'55 The Index had been completed for many years before Fraser died but for some reason, presumably financial, it was left unpublished at his death. A reviewer in the T'oung Pao praised Lockhart for 'la révision minutieuse à laquelle M. J.H. Stewart Lockhart l'a soumis, le travail est fait et bien fait.'56\n\nIn the second half of the nineteenth century the study of folklore57 became, like the study of botany, geology and zoology through-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206535, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART\n\n77\n\nLastly, reference should be made to Lockhart's great interest in Chinese painting. He built up during the forty years he spent in Hong Kong and China a notable collection of Chinese paintings dating from the Sung Dynasty (960-1279) down to the closing years of the Empire, including one by the Empress Dowager Tz'u-hsi herself. Lockhart's collection was exhibited in June 1928 at the Betty Joel Galleries, Knightsbridge, and created wide interest. In January 1972 a painting by Yün Shou-p'ing (1633-1690), one of the six masters of the early Ch'ing Dynasty, was presented to the University of Hong Kong by Lockhart's daughter, Mrs. Mary Stewart Lockhart, 'in memory of her father and as a perpetual token of her father's admiration and affection for the Chinese of Hong Kong.'65 The remainder of Lockhart's collection of Chinese coins, paintings, and papers have been given to George Watson's College.\n\nLAST YEARS\n\nLockhart returned to England in 1921 and settled down with his family in South Kensington, London. He returned with undiminished vigour, his interest in China and in things Chinese as acute as ever, and he continued to keep in touch with his Chinese and European friends in Asia. Jean Gittins, Sir Robert Ho Tung's daughter, tells us in her autobiography66 that when the Lockharts heard she was contemplating staying in England, they at once suggested she should live with them and that Lockhart should act as her guardian. Lockhart became a regular attendant at the Council meetings of the Royal Asiatic Society — he was in fact one of its oldest members (nominated in 1879) and of its vigorous North China Branch (nominated in 1885) — and he contributed a number of book reviews to its Journal. He frequently presided at the ordinary meetings and lectures given under the Society's auspices and in 1928 became its honorary Secretary and also the Society's nominee on the Governing Body of the School of Oriental Studies at London University. He held both these honorary appointments until 1935, when failing health forced him to resign from both. He died on February 26, 1937, aged 79, at his home. The Times obituary was headed appropriately: 'Forty years in China', and it spoke of him as 'a colonial official who had served with distinction for more than 40 years in the Far East.'67 The obituary in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society said: 'most of his contemporaries in Hong Kong have passed away or have left the Colony, but there are still", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206538, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "80\n\nHENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE\n\n8 E. T. C. Werner, Autumn Leaves: An Autobiography, Shanghai, 1928, pp. 487-8. Werner, a student interpreter, studied Chinese in Peking in 1884. With him were two Hong Kong cadets -- Henry Francis May and Thomas Sercombe Smith. May became Governor of Hong Kong and Smith Puisne Judge in the Straits Settlements.\n\n6 E. H. Parker, John Chinaman and a Few Others, London, 1903, p. 210.\n\n7 Ibid., p. 211.\n\n8 Lockhart's preface to A Manual of Chinese Quotations, 1st edition, 1893, p. iii. Lockhart also states: 'my attention was first called to the Ch'êng Yu Kao by my late teacher Mr. Ou-yang Hui.... I commenced to translate it under his guidance.'\n\n9 A report of Ho Kai's speech is given in one of a series of articles called Old Hong Kong by 'Colonial', published by the South China Morning Post (June 17, 1933-April 13, 1935). Mimeographed copy, University of Hong Kong Library,\n\n10 See, for example, T. O. Ranger, ‘African Reactions to the Imposition of Colonial Rule in East and Central Africa', in L. H. Gann and Peter Duignan (eds.), Colonialism in Africa 1870-1960, Cambridge, England, 1969, vol. 1, pp. 293-324; Lord Hailey, An African Survey, 2nd edition, London, 1945, pp. 527-8; and also J. D. Legge, Britain in Fiji 1858-1880, London, 1958, especially his ch. ix, 'Native Authority Systems'.\n\n11 For a more detailed account of Lockhart's design see my article, \"The District Watch Committee: \"The Chinese Executive Council of Hong Kong\", Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xi, 1971, pp. 116-141.\n\n12 Hong Kong Sessional Papers (cited henceforth as Sessional Papers), no. 26 of 1896, pp. 425-427.\n\n13 T. H. Whitehead (1851-1933). See obituaries in the Times of 17 May, 1933, and in the South China Morning Post of 18 May, 1933. He was from 1883 to 1902 manager of the Hong Kong office of the Chartered Bank. Whitehead, a great imperialist, was a member of the Royal Empire Society, the Fellowship of the British Empire, and the China Association. The Times speaks of him as a typical Scot, of rugged energy and determination, and of great intellectual force.... In the domestic politics of Hong Kong Colony he took an active, not to say aggressive part.... In his retirement he was active in promoting emigration to the Empire, especially of boy scouts.\n\n14 Sessional Papers, no. 26 of 1896, p. 431.\n\n15 Ibid., p. 428.\n\n16 Ibid., p. 429.\n\n17 Most of the clerks in the Registrar General's Office were recruited from Queen's College. 'In March 1900, at the Queen's College Prize Giving, the Hon. Stewart Lockhart, C.M.G., said: \"I do not know what the Government would have done if it had not had the College to turn to when it wanted a staff at work in the New Territory, and I cannot give them any higher praise than to say they are carrying on their duties in a manner worthy of the College in which they received their education.\" See Gwenneth Stokes, Queen's College, 1862-1962, Hong Kong, 1962, p. 66.\n\n18 Norton-Kyshe, op. cit. vol. 2, p. 461.\n\n+3\n\n19 See 'Extracts from a Report from Mr. Stewart Lockhart on the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong', Sessional Papers, no. 9 of 1899.\n\n20 Ibid., p. 198.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206539, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART\n\n81\n\n21 'Despatches and Other Papers Relating to the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong', Sessional Papers, no. 32 of 1899, p. 13.\n\n22 Ibid., p. 36.\n\n23 Ibid., p. 65.\n\n24 Ibid., p. 69.\n\n25 'Report on the New Territory during the first year of British Administration', Sessional Papers, no. 15 of 1900, p. 252.\n\n26 'Report on the New Territory for the Year 1901', Sessional Papers, no. 22 of 1902, p. 4.\n\n27 Annual Report on Weihaiwei for 1921.\n\n28 Alfred Hancock and his brother Sydney were partners in the firm of A. and S. Hancock of Queen's Road, Hong Kong. In 1906 Alfred Hancock had resided for over fifty years in Amoy and Hong Kong. In the 1920s the firm had moved to Des Voeux Road and the chief partner was H. R. B. Hancock, Lockhart's brother-in-law. The firm was still active in 1940.\n\n29 The walled city of Weihaiwei, captured by the Japanese in 1894, by the terms of the 1898 Convention was not under British jurisdiction but nominally under a Chinese sub-district deputy magistrate. The British sphere of influence extended for an area of 1,500 square miles east of the Leased Territory.\n\n30 On the Chinese Regiment see: Captain A. A. S. Barnes, On Active Service with the Chinese Regiment, London, 1902; C. E. Bruce-Mitford, The Territory of Wei-Hai-Wei, Shanghai, 1902, pp. 22-24; R. F. Johnston, Lion and Dragon in Northern China, London, 1910, pp. 82-3; and Annual Report on Weihaiwei for 1906. The only servicemen left in Weihaiwei after 1906 were the small body of Royal Marines of the Island Guard,\n\n31 Johnston, op. cit., p. 82.\n\n32 L. K. Young, British Policy in China 1895-1902, London, 1970, p. 73.\n\n33 Johnston, op. cit., p. 80.\n\n34 The Weihaiwei School was opened with only four pupils in 1901 by a Mr. H. J. L. Beer. In 1903 a new school house was built near Port Edward, partly with the aid of a debenture loan subscribed by British subjects in Shanghai. The new school had dormitories for forty boys. The school, which took boys between ages of 8 to 14, was mainly for the sons of British expatriates. Pupils came from places as far apart as Mukden, Canton, Kobe, and Chungking. The school closed in 1925 when it became apparent that the rendition of Weihaiwei was close at hand. Weihaiwei's fine climate contributed to the school's success with expatriate parents.\n\n35 Johnston, op. cit., p. 96.\n\n36 Sir Reginald Fleming Johnston, K.C.M.G. (1874-1938). Johnston was educated at Edinburgh University and Oxford. He arrived in Hong Kong as an Eastern Cadet, fresh from Magdalen, on Christmas Day, 1898. In 1904, Robert Walter, Secretary to Government and Magistrate at Weihaiwei, was seconded for service as Emigration Agent at Ch'iu-wang-tao for the Transvaal Government and Johnston was appointed to take his place. In 1906 he was appointed District Officer and Magistrate and resided in the heart of the Territory. In 1919 when he took up his appointment as tutor he was Senior District Officer. In 1927 he returned to Weihaiwei as Commissioner. After the rendition of Weihaiwei in 1930 he became Professor of Chinese, University of London, and Head of the Department of Languages and Cultures of the Far East, School of Oriental Studies, 1931-37.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206543, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART\n\nJAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART:\n\nA BIBLIOGRAPHY\n\n'Canton Syllabary',\n\nChina Review, Vol. 10, (1881/82), no. 5, pp. 312-326.\n\n\"The Structure of Chinese Characters. By John Chalmers',\n\nChina Review, Vol. 12, (1883/84), no. 1, pp. 1-4.\n\n'The \"Phonetic\" Shwoh Wan',\n\nChina Review, Vol. 12, (1883/84), no. 2, pp. 63-64.\n\n'A Sketch of Formosa' (with A.R. Colquhoun),\n\nChina Review, Vol. 13, [1884/85], no. 3, pp. 161-207.\n\n'Contributions to the Folk-Lore of China',\n\nChina Review, Vol. 14, [1885/86], no. 6, pp. 352-353, same in Vol. 15, [1886/87], no. 1, pp. 37-39.\n\n85\n\n'Enigmatic Parallelisms of the Canton Dialect' (with T.W. Pearce),\n\nChina Review, Vol. 15, [1886/87], no. 1, pp. 40-46,\n\nno. 2, pp. 119-123, no. 3, pp. 168-175, no. 5, pp. 277-284, no. 6, pp. 357-366,\n\nVol. 16, [1887/88], no. 5, pp. 287-300, no. 6, pp. 348-359,\n\nVol. 17, [1888/89], no. 1, pp. 37-45.\n\n'Note on Chinese Puzzles Can Anyone Solve the Subjoined Puzzles?',\n\nChina Review, Vol. 18, [1889/90], no. 5, p. 321.\n\n'Chinese Folk-Lore',\n\nFolk-lore, Vol. 1, [1890], pp. 359-368.\n\n'The Marriage Ceremonies of the Manchus',\n\nFolk-lore, Vol. 1, [1890], no. 4\n\nA Manual of Chinese Quotations. Being a translation of the Ch'êng Yü K'ao\n\nHong Kong, Kelly and Walsh, 1893. (Second edition 1903).\n\n'The Reviewer Reviewed or Mr. Lockhart's Reply to Mr. Giles' Review of the Manual of Chinese Quotations',\n\nChina Review, Vol. 22, [1893/94], no. 2, pp. 547-551.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206544, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "86\n\nHENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE\n\n'Memorandum ... on the subject of a Petition addressed to the House of Commons praying for an amendment of the Constitution of Hong Kong',\n\nHong Kong Sessional Papers, no. 26 of 1896,\n\npp. 427-434.\n\nThe Currency of the Farther East from the earliest times up to the present day,\n\nHong Kong, Noronha & Co.,\n\n1895-98, 3 Vols.\n\n(Second edition 1907).\n\n*Memorandum on the Registration of Chinese Partners',\n\nHong Kong Sessional Papers, no. 43 of 1901, pp. 8-13.\n\nA Confidential Report of a Journey in the Province of Shantung including a Visit to Kiaochou: Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., 1903, pp. 57, with XII enclosures.\n\nThe Stewart Lockhart Collection of Chinese Copper Coins, (North China Branch, Royal Asiatic Society,\n\nExtra Vol., no. 1),\n\nShanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1915.\n\n'A Note on Three Chinese Gold Coins\",\n\nNew China Review, Vol. 3, [Oct. 1921], no. 5,\n\npp. 386-388.\n\nIndex to the Tso Chuan, compiled by Everard D.H. Fraser,\n\nrevised and prepared for the press by James Haldane Stewart Lockhart,\n\nLondon, Oxford University Press, 1930.\n\n(Reprinted Ch'eng-wen Publishing Co., Taipei, 1966).\n\nHan Wen Ts'ui Chen by Chai Li-ssu (H.A. Giles),\n\nChinese texts collected by Sir James H. Stewart Lockhart, K.C.M.G., Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1931.\n\nTHE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n'Extracts from a Report by Mr. Stewart Lockhart\n\non the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong',\n\nHong Kong Sessional Papers, no. 9 of 1899, pp. 181-198.\n\nReport on the New Territory at Hong Kong,\n\nCmd. 403, London, H.M.S.O., 1900.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206546, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 94, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "88\n\nHENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE\n\nReport of the Commission to inquire into the existence of insanitary properties in the Colony, Hong Kong, Noronha & Co., 1898.\n\n'Report of the Commission to Enquire into the Public Works Department', Hong Kong Sessional Papers, no. 13 of 1902, pp. 125-368,\n\nREVIEWS IN THE JOURNAL OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\n1927, pp. 643-4\n\n1928, pp. 648-9\n\n1929, pp. 197-8\n\n1929, pp. 410-12\n\n1929, p. 944\n\n1930, p. 487\n\n1931, pp. 677-8\n\n1931, pp. 872-3\n\n1932, pp. 672-5\n\n1932, pp. 1025-6\n\n1934, pp. 151-3\n\n1935, pp. 189-90\n\n1935, p. 395-6\n\nHerbert H. Gowen and Josef Washington Hall, An Outline History of China.\n\nLouise Wallace Hackney, Guide-Posts to Chinese Painting.\n\nA.E. Grantham. Hills of Blue. A Picture Roll of Chinese History from Far Beginnings to the Death of Ch'ien Lung, A.D. 1799.\n\nV.A. Riasanovsky, The Modern Civil Law of China (part 1).\n\nRodney Gilbert, The Unequal Treaties: China and the Foreigner.\n\nSir Harold Partlett, A Brief Account of Diplomatic Events in Manchuria.\n\nFr. Schjöth, The Currency of the Far East.\n\nV.A. Riasanovsky, The Modern Civil Law of China (part 2).\n\nG.F. Hudson, Europe and China: A Survey of their Relations from the Earliest Times to 1800.\n\nLeonard Shiblien Hsü, The Political Philosophy of Confucianism.\n\nE.T. Williams, China Yesterday and To-day.\n\nRoswell S. Britton, The Chinese Periodical Press, 1800-1900.\n\nBernard M. Allen, The Rt. Hon. Sir Ernest Satow, G.C.M.G.: A Memoir.\n\n[1930, pp. 217-221 Obituary of Sir E.M. Satow by J.H. Stewart Lockhart]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206589, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 137, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "TRADITIONAL CHINESE REGIONAL ARCHITECTURE\n\n131\n\nNorth China: Generally speaking, much of the northern area of China is dry, dusty and barren land. It suffers from continental temperature ranges which cause differences of 65°-70°F between summer and winter. The limited and unpredictable rainfall results in uncertain agricultural output. The Yellow River, which runs through the region, is a determining factor in the lives of the Chinese who live on its banks. The river bed is higher than much of the surrounding land and must be controlled and watched constantly. Under these geographical conditions, the land is often ravaged by the extremes of flood and drought bringing great famines. A large section of the North is comprised of the loess highlands in the provinces of Honan, Shansi, Shensi and Kansu. The soil in this area is of fine yellow-grey grains which have been laid down in thicknesses of from a few feet to two hundred and fifty feet. As the loess is blown into the region from the northwest, it forms vertical cleavages which result in steep cliffs. Not only is the soil extremely fertile, it also holds moisture well and thus in this region of little rainfall, crops can still be grown. The loess soil has also been used by the Chinese to solve their housing problems. A second major region of the North, which is important to this study, is the North China Plain which has been built up from the silt of the Yellow River. The Plain is often raked by severe duststorms from the loess region. Here in this flat land, the Chinese had to devise an architecture which protected them from the harsh extremes in climate.\n\nSouth China: Throughout the dynasties the Chinese have expanded southward and have developed the valley of the Yangtze River. As early as the reign of Ch'in Shih Huang-ti (221-210 B.C.), the rulers and military forces fought to subdue and colonize the fertile land of the South in order to bring prestige and glory to their thrones. Because of the successive invasions of the barbarians, the Chinese fled to this region to seek peace and a new start. A final reason for the continuous mass migrations to the South was to escape the oppression of the government and the large landowners. The land in the South was very fertile which appealed greatly to the settlers and, in contrast to the North, the South became comparatively more prosperous. In this tropical and subtropical climate the growing season is much longer than in the North and allows for double cropping in most areas. From the beginning the South became a food supplier for the North. The rainfall, especially from typhoons and monsoon rains, is heavy although unpredictable.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206597, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "TRADITIONAL CHINESE REGIONAL ARCHITECTURE\n\n139\n\nIn Chekiang there is a peasant home of recent date which has a courtyard leading up to the entrance.15 A visitor, however, must make a few turns before coming opposite the front door. The animal pens, built onto part of the house front, also add a measure of privacy to the living areas. There is another small courtyard which extends into the living quarters. This open area has two inside doors from which one can either go into a living room with a kitchen, or into the bedroom. The outside walls are windowless and have been constructed of pounded or rammed earth. The roof is thatched with bamboo rafters which are supported by timber posts.\n\nAnother house in Chekiang province near the city of Hangchow is more complex, yet extremely compact. The entrance is through a small passageway on one side of which is a garden and on the other a terrace. In the living area, there is a small courtyard. The open space is surrounded on three sides by a low (3') wall which has a wide counter surface which can be used as a work space. Half of the house is two storeys while the rest is only one storey. Upstairs there are high windows on the north side of the house which permit good ventilation. In a space less than five square meters, there are four bedrooms. This family realizes the need to economize their living space in order to maximize the size of their fields and gardens.\n\nThese houses in Chekiang illustrate that although in a tightly compact situation, the Chinese try to have as much privacy and open space as is possible within their homes. They carefully avoid using any more of the scarce arable lands than is absolutely necessary.\n\nFrom the mountainous regions of Chekiang province one travels southward into the provinces of Fukien and Kwangtung and finds the homes of a particular group of people, the Hakka, besides those of other dialect groups. According to the chroniclers, the Hakka or \"guest people\" lived on the Central Plain in modern Honan and Shantung provinces during the Ch'in dynasty (221-206 B.C.) and the period of the Three Kingdoms (220-265 A.D.). During the Tartar invasions of the fourth and ninth centuries, they migrated South to escape alien oppression. During the successive mass migrations of the Chinese people, the Hakka sought refuge in the mountains of South China. The Hakka people are farmers who have been forced to struggle for subsistence on the poor soil of the highlands.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206598, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "140\n\nLINDA F. SULLIVAN\n\nand have traditionally been looked down upon by other groups. In the southern provinces, they have fought bitterly against the native Punti for ownership of land.17\n\nIn their building arts and plan arrangements, the Hakka houses or complexes have varied greatly from the homes of other Chinese. Their houses have a distinct character which in many ways reflects the hardy and fearless spirit of their inhabitants. Generally Hakka complexes are three or four storeys high with from ten to a hundred and twenty rooms. There are both horizontally and vertically rectangular storeyed houses with as many as three halls and two cross sections. It is the circular house, however, which is so markedly different from all other domestic architecture in China. Most of the houses built in this style were constructed during the Ch'ien Lung reign (1736-1796).18\n\nThe first example is a complex of rectangular houses.19 The complex is symmetrical on the right and left. One comes in from a gate on the southwest corner, turning so that upon entering the front courtyard one is heading toward the front door which faces south on the main axis.* After passing the front door there is a small gatehouse behind which there is a five-sided courtyard. After crossing the yard and climbing a few steps, one enters a large hall at the back of which there is a second courtyard. Further on there is a hall from which one has access to the ancestral hall which completes the main axis. Around the inside of the external wall are the kitchens and surrounding the central area are the animal sheds. On both sides of the central area there are stairs which lead to the upper floors. The second floor is for storage and the third and fourth are the living quarters. The windows are only on the top floor for which there may be many reasons. One is that the noise of the ground floor cannot penetrate the living quarters of the various families. Secondly it might be for protection and lookout purposes. It is known that the walls on both the left and right sides are thickened for defense. The appearance of this housing complex is very strong and stable and gives the impression of a fortress.\n\nThe circular type of Hakka house is shown in the next example.20 The plan of the complex is basically the same as the rectangular variety.† As one enters from the front door, one proceeds along a central axis from the gatehouse to the central courtyard which is\n\n* See also Fig. 2.\n\n† See also Fig. 3.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206602, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 150, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "144\n\nLINDA F. SULLIVAN\n\nmust build a shelter from the natural world. Yet as he builds, he is always careful to consider the way in which nature will affect his life and is careful to bring a little bit of it into his home. Finally, there is a persistent desire to maintain the privacy of his family, and of his inner thoughts.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 George B. Cressey, China's Geographic Foundations, A Survey of the Land and Its People, (New York: McGraw-Hill Co., Inc., 1934), p. 12.\n\n2 T. R. Tregear, A Geography of China, (London: University of London Press, 1965), p. 31.\n\n3 Ibid., p. 211.\n\n4 The reasons for vertical cleavage in the loess region are as yet only hypotheses. Tregear (p. 212.) states that the most probable theory is that originally the region was covered with steppe grass which was successively buried by the loess dust storms from the Northwest and then fresh grass would grow. The decayed grass left minute vertical hollow tubes in the soil along which cleavages were formed.\n\n5 Ibid., p. 61.\n\n6 Liu Tun-chen, A General Discussion of Chinese Houses, (People's Republic of China: Architectural Engineering Publishing Company, 1957), plate No. 1-8, p. 11-16.\n\n7 Bulletin of the Society for Research in Chinese Architecture, (V, 1).\n\n* Liu, Op. cit., plate No. 56, p. 29.\n\n9 Ibid., plate No. 93, p. 42.\n\n10 Ibid., plate No. 73, p. 36.\n\n11 Ibid., plate No. 45, p. 25.\n\n12 Ibid., plate No. 44, p. 25.\n\n13 Ibid., plate No. 69, p. 35.\n\n14 Ibid., plate No. 71, p. 36.\n\n15 Colin Penn, \"Chinese Vernacular Architecture,\" Royal Institute of British Architects, October, 1965.\n\n16 Ibid.\n\n17 Hsieh T'ing-yu and Kuo Ch'ang-ch'eng, The Hakka Chinese Origin and Folk Songs, (San Francisco: Jade Mountain Press, 1969).\n\nTheir\n\n18 Chinese Architecture: A Simple History, Volume 1, The Old Architecture of China: A Simple History, (China Industrial Publishing Company, 1963).\n\n19 Ibid., plate No. 105, p. 45.\n\n20 Ibid., plate No. 118, p. 48ff.\n\n21 Ibid., plate No. 119 & 120, p. 48ff.\n\n22 Maurice Freedman, Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien and Kwang-tung, (New York: Humanities Press, Inc., 1966), p. 1.\n\nJaco\n\n23 Wong Chung Hong, \"Walled and Moated A Hong Kong Village,\" Arts of Asia, Vol. No. 4, July-August 1971, p. 22.\n\n24 Ibid., p. 26.\n\n25 Ibid.\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206603, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 151, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "TRADITIONAL CHINESE REGIONAL ARCHITECTURE\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\n145\n\nBulletin of the Society for Research in Chinese Architecture. V, 1.\n\nChinese Architecture: A Simple History. Volume 1: The Old Architecture of China: A Simple History. China Industrial Publishing Company, 1963.\n\nBoyd, Andrew. Chinese Architecture and Town Planning (1500 B.C. · A.D. 1911). London, 1962.\n\nCressey, George Babcock. China's Geographic Foundations: A Survey of the Land and Its People, New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1934.\n\nFreedman, Maurice. Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien and Kwangtung. New York: Humanities Press, Inc., 1966.\n\nGutkind, E. A. Revolution of Environment. London: Broadway House, 1946.\n\nHsieh, Ting-yu and Kuo, Ch'ang-ch'eng. The Hakka Chinese-Their Origin and Folk Songs. San Francisco: Jade Mountain Press, 1969.\n\nKulp, Daniel H. Country Life in South China: The Society of Familism. Volume 1: Phenix Village, Kwangtung, China, New York: 1925,\n\nLiu Tun-chen. A General Discussion of Chinese Houses. (PAREMM). People's Republic of China: Architectural Engineering Publishing Company, 1957.\n\nPenn, Colin. \"Chinese Vernacular Architecture.\" Royal Institute of British Architects. October, 1965.\n\nSkinner, William. \"Chinese Domestic Architecture.\" Review of Liu Tun-chen, A Short Study of the Chinese House. Royal Institute of British Architects. November, 1957.\n\nSmith, Arthur H. Village Life in China: A Study in Sociology. Fleming H. Revell, Co., 1899.\n\nTa Chen, Emigrant Communities in South China: A Study of Overseas Migration and Its Influence on Standards of Living and Social Change. New York: 1940.\n\nTregear, T. R. A Geography of China. London: University of London Press, 1965.\n\nWong Chung Hong. \"Walled and Moated-A Hong Kong Village.\" Arts of Asia. Vol. I, No. 4, July-August 1971.\n\nWu, Nelson I. Chinese and Indian Architecture. New York: George Braziller, 1967.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206619, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 167, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "ARCHAEOLOGY IN HONG KONG AND SOUTH CHINA (1938)\n\nW. SCHOFIELD*\n\nOf all the ancient and famous seats of early civilisation, China is the one where the smallest amount of scientific investigation has hitherto been done. Years of excavation and research have revealed to us many of the details of the life and history of Ancient Egypt, Babylon, Assyria, Palestine, Minoan Crete, the Hittite confederacy, and prehistoric India; but of China all that was known came partly from the chance finds of curio-hunters, about which their finders carefully suppressed all information of scientific value such as provenance, depth of burial, and context of other finds; and partly from the literature of the Chou and Han dynasties, which, valuable as it is, is a distorting medium for historians.\n\nIn the last ten years, however, scientific investigation has been started. The Chinese National Research Institute has excavated several important dwelling sites in North China, including that of the capital of the Shang dynasty. Several distinguished foreign scholars, mostly Swedes, have conducted explorations and excavations in the service of the National Government, and various provincial societies of scholars and archaeologists have worked in their own areas. A few years ago the Research Institute discovered and excavated untouched graves of the great Shang civilisation; the report on their work is eagerly awaited.\n\nAll this activity, however, relates to the area of North China traditionally known as the centre of ancient Chinese civilisation. From China south of the Yangtse and especially from its coast provinces, hardly any object had been known to come that was\n\n* Mr. Schofield (1888-1968) was a Cadet Officer in the Hong Kong Civil Service 1911-1938. Previous contributions will be found in the 1968 and 1969 Journals, (Vols 8 and 9).\n\nThe first of these, Ch'eng-tsu-yai (*‡A), a Report of Excavations of the Proto-historic Site at Cheng-tzu-yai, Li-ch'eng Hsien, Shantung was published as Archaeologia Sinica Number One by Academica Sinica Nanking 1934. A translation into English by K. Starr has been published by the Yale University Press, Yale Publications in Anthropology, No. $2, under the title Ch'eng-tzu-yai: The Black Pottery Culture Site at Lung-shan-chen.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206627, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "THREE CHINESE DEITIES: VARIATIONS ON A THEME\n\n(With special reference to overseas Chinese communities in South East Asia)\n\nKEITH STEVENS*\n\nIndividual Chinese gods are worshipped universally throughout all Chinese communities and areas, or are worshipped only within limited areas such as a village or linked villages. Some are peculiar to linguistic groups such as the Shanghainese or the Cantonese. Three gods from the immense Chinese pantheon have been chosen and their legends, recognition features, the reason for their worship and where possible the area in which they were or still are worshipped have been described in detail below.\n\nThe first deity, worshipped in practically all Chinese communities, is General Yin Ch'iao (**太岁**) more frequently referred to as T'ai Sui (**太岁**). The second, Fa Chu Kung (**法主公**), is a deity to be found only within two or three localised communities in Fukien province and amongst overseas Chinese from these communities. However, he is also to be found in a few temples of other overseas Chinese communities who have adopted him to take advantage of his power. The third deity is Cheng Ho (**郑和**), the explorer of the 15th Century who is worshipped only by limited communities of overseas Chinese in areas where Cheng Ho's fleet called during his explorations.\n\nThese three have been chosen because they are good examples of three different types of Chinese deities. The first, T'ai Sui, is a\n\n* Major Stevens is a serving officer at present with the Ministry of Defence. He has been employed in South East Asia and the Far East and has travelled extensively among the Chinese communities of the region (but of necessity outside China) in his search for images of Chinese gods. The value of his article lies in bringing together material from, as he says, 'two and a half thousand temples' in the region, showing the great variety of images in their various forms and continued devotion to the pantheon of gods. I am glad to have this opportunity of publishing it in the Journal. No attempt has been made to impose a uniform romanization which is here given as presented by the author from the various works consulted, and as in the different dialect forms he encountered in the course of his enquiries. Nor have I changed the terms \"god-shop\" and \"god-carver\" used by Major Stevens because they are colourful, and therefore appropriate to the subject. Ed.\n\nPlates 15-29 illustrate this article.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206629, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 177, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "THREE CHINESE DEITIES\n\n171\n\ndated either about the turn of the second millennium BC, or mid-eleventh century BC (ca. 1121 BC) about the same time as the Trojan wars. King Wu's victory is the theme of many Chinese legends and also forms the plot of the Deification of the Gods, which was recounted by story tellers the length and breadth of China. Woven into its historical background are a multitude of supernatural events involving the heroes before they were deified. They were divided into two forces: the benevolent under King Wu, and the malevolent under King Chou. The battle was fought with practically every form of weapon known to man and included the use of flame, gas and germ warfare, together with the conventional swords, spears and arrows.\n\nThis long Taoist novel is known, either in part or in whole, by the Chinese peasants, many of whom believe quite genuinely that the gods, both Taoist and Buddhist, were first deified at this juncture. It portrays many of the Buddhist and Taoist heroes, describing the events leading to their deification, and it played an important role in Chinese iconography, crystallising the beliefs and characteristics of the Chinese deities. Although several major characters link the events together and provide the thread for the story, most of the heroes appear only in one or two episodes.\n\nFrom this mixture of Buddhist and Taoist heroes in this fifteenth-century novel may have developed the practice of worshipping Taoist deities side by side with Buddhas and other Buddhist religious figures in Chinese temples; and in many a Chinese mind these Taoist mythological and folklore deities are inextricably involved with Buddhas and Bodhisattvas.\n\nGENERAL YIN CH'IAO\n\nXHT\n\nThe President of the Ministry of Time and The Supreme Ruler of the Year and the Seasons.\n\nAlso known as T’AI SUI (★A)\n\nBackground\n\nIn the spirit world of Chinese folk religion, the Ministry of Time is ruled over by the deified hero, General or Marshal Yin Ch'iao, who bears the title T'ai Sui. He is a stellar deity particularly connected with the planet Jupiter, worshipped China-wide, and is said to be one of the fiercest gods in the pantheon who has to be placated if one is moving, building or when the ground is disturbed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206630, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 178, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "172\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\nT'ai sui is worshipped to avert calamities and appears on altars individually; although in Cantonese, Shanghainese and possibly in other areas, he is usually to be seen in groups of sixty images, often each with the dates for which they are responsible marked on their base or above their heads. In some areas of China he is said to be also a Member of the Ministry of Thunder, which is the premier Celestial Ministry in the spirit world. No Cantonese devotee of T'ai Sui with whom this has been discussed appears to have heard of Yin Ch'iao; whereas Fukienese and Chinese of the Yangtse will know him as Marshal Yin rather than T'ai Sui. In some eastern and south-eastern parts of China T'ai Sui was referred to as the God of Spring.\n\nT'ai Sui was listed in Ch'ing Dynasty regulations in the seventeenth century A.D. to receive official worship as a second-rank deity.\n\nThe words T'ai Sui mean the \"Great Year\", the Jupiter Year, the twelve-year sidereal period which the planet takes to travel around the sun. This figure of 12 is extended to include the 12 hours (each of 120 minutes) of the Chinese day, the twelve months of the year, and the 12 constellations of the zodiac which are believed in North China to be all ruled over by this key star, Jupiter.\n\nConfusing though it may seem, the actual Ministry of Time is itself called T'ai Sui. Depending upon which part of China you are in, it consists of either sixty or one hundred and twenty officials who rule the hours, days and months.\n\nThe Story of Yin Ch'iao\n\nGeneral Yin Ch'iao was the eldest son of the evil King Chou of Shang. He is depicted in the Deification of the Gods as both a good human and an evil, very ugly deity with a face as blue as indigo, and with long protruding fangs. He is also referred to in another famous novel of the same era, the Hsi Yu Chi (The Travels to the West) as blue-faced with ugly protruding teeth. T'ai Sui, according to the Feng Shen Yen I (The Deification of the Gods) was\n\n1 In order to calculate a person's horoscope by the traditional Chinese method, the two characters for the hour, day, month and year on which he was born and which govern his fate forever, are required. These four pairs of eight characters comprise one from each of two sets: one set of 12 called Branches, the other of 10 called Stems. These combinations of characters produce a cycle of 60, the cycle of Cathay, which are 120 binomial terms.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206631, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 179, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "THREE CHINESE DEITIES\n\n173\n\nborn a lump of formless flesh which so horrified his father, King Chou, that he ordered it to be abandoned outside the city walls. The lump was recognised as an Immortal, the caul split open and the child removed. He was cared for by a hermit and brought up and nursed by one of the eight Immortals, Ho Hsien Ku († plikt). When he came of age, Ho revealed to him his identity and that his mother, as punishment for bearing such a \"monster\", had been thrown from a high window. Yin then determined to destroy the Imperial concubine who was the Royal favourite and by her calumnies had caused both the death of his mother and his ejection from the city. Yin was presented with two magic weapons by the Goddess T'ien Fei (Ait), a gold club and battleaxe. After the big battle between the forces of Shang and Chou, Yin destroyed the Imperial concubine and was rewarded by the Jade Emperor for his bravery and for his filial piety with the titles of T'ai Sui and Marshal Yin (†). Yin Ch'iao means \"Yin (who was deserted in) the suburbs\". His child's name, so Doré records, whilst living with Ho Hsien Ku was Chin No Cha (4). This adds further confusion to the legends surrounding No Cha, another deity and one who appears with great frequency in Chinese legends and fairy tales.\n\nAnother of the legends in The Deification of the Gods tells of Yin Ch'iao first on the side of his father, the wicked King Chou, and then later, switching sides, and fighting with the good King Wu. Yin Ch'iao was decapitated by a general during the battle after being enclosed by the Buddha Jan Teng () between two mountains leaving only his head protruding. He was deified by Chiang Tze Ya (†††), as described in the 99th chapter of The Deification of the Gods during the general elevation of the gods and also given the presidency of the Ministry of Time. In another novel of the same era as the Deification, the Sou Shen Chi (†††2) the Jade Emperor (11) conferred on Yin the title of T'ai Sui, Marshal Yin (★★K) for his services in combating evil.\n\nYet another story describes a jealous rival of Yin Ch'iao's mother who, as a concubine to the King, caused him to order the execution of Yin Ch'iao, his son, for plotting treason. He was saved by the magic of Ch'ih Tsing Tze (T).\n\n2 Record of Research into the Gods (part of the T'ao Tsang).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206632, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 180, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "174\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\nA legend in another book, the Shen I Ching (*) says that Chin Ch'ong (†) the son of Pan Ku the Creator of the World, who lived in the mountains of Shantung province, was canonised T'ai Sui for his many good deeds and was made responsible to Heaven for supervising the activities of all spirits (shen‡) and demons (kuei§). Few present-day Chinese with whom I have spoken appear to know of this story.\n\nT'ai sui was first worshipped during the Sung Dynasty in the eleventh century A.D. and was first offered official sacrifices during the Yuan (Mongol) Dynasty. Only after The Deification of the Gods popularised the idea was T'ai Sui identified with Yin Ch'iao.\n\nReason for the worship of Yin Ch'iao\n\nYin Ch'iao, or T'ai Sui as he will be referred to from now on, is a stellar deity who in many parts of China is believed to have flood, famine and all good and bad fortune under his jurisdiction. He is worshipped by the general populace to avert calamities, and has to be placated before any enterprise or journey is embarked upon. He was also worshipped by the imperial officials at the beginning of Spring. He is known to control the dates and times of births and deaths, and each one of his sixty images often displayed in rows in temples is dedicated to one specific year in the sixty year cycle of Chinese dating. Chinese place their offerings on the altar before the T'ai Sui bearing the cyclic year date of their birth. Father Doré in his Recherches sur les Superstitions en Chine calls him the \"Patron of the Harvests\".\n\nT'ai Sui is the great Father Time who, presiding over the year, is the arbiter of the destiny of all men. He is very much feared as he destroys those whom he dislikes and those who offend him. He is said to strike when least expected and can injure and destroy the highest and the lowest, at home or on the high roads, but is believed never to injure anyone in the vicinity of his, T'ai Sui's, own person. Therefore it is essential to know where he is at any given moment, and if he is nearby but not immediately present, he is at his most dangerous and precautions against his evil influence must be taken at once. This is done by hanging the appropriate talisman or stellar charm near the front door or facing the entrance. To find where T'ai sui will be during the forthcoming year he is believed to move annually—a device similar to a compass is used by a fêng shui\n\nPage 180\n\nPage 181", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206635, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 183, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "THREE CHINESE DEITIES\n\n177\n\nIn Chinese communities in Malaya and Cambodia, T'ai Sui is prayed to for rain, good crops, fine weather and for all the usual hopes of farmers. Also in South East Asia he is presented with offerings 30 days after the safe birth of a child, to ensure that its full life span had been pre-ordained.\n\nAlternative names and titles\n\na. Yin Yuan Shuai (陰元帥) Generalissimo Yin\n\nb. Yin Tien Chün (陰天君) Heavenly Master Yin\n\nc.\n\nd.\n\nYin Ing No (characters unknown) (Ch'ao Chow speakers) T'ai Sui Ye (太歲爺)\n\ne. Tai Sui Ti Chün (太歲帝君) Emperor Tai Sui\n\nす。\n\nTa Sheng (大聖) The “Great Life,” a nickname in Malacca.\n\ng. Chin Ting Nu (真定奴) His name whilst living with the\n\nh.\n\nhermits\n\nMarshal Yin T'ai Sui (陰太歲) One of the 36 escorting heavenly masters.*\n\nFeast Days\n\nThe only identifiable feast date was one given on four separate occasions, three in present day Malaya and one in Shanghai in 1871, the nineteenth of the seventh lunar month. He was officially sacrificed to on the twenty-eighth day of the twelfth lunar month in the Temple of Heaven in Peking.\n\nDescriptions of characteristics of T'ai Sui and Yin Ch'iao\n\nThere are eight basic forms of this deity:\n\na. as a shaven headed youth with a tonsure, in Buddhist monk's robes and sandals, holding either:\n\nb.\n\n(1) a scroll or split-bamboo plaque in both hands\n\n(2) a bell in his right hand\n\n(3) his empty right hand above his head, as though holding a raised sword.\n\n(4) seated with his hands on his knees\n\nas an elderly man in Mandarin's robes:\n\n(1) seated with both hands on his knees or (2) holding a bell in his right hand\n\n5 Doré, Father Henri, Recherches sur les superstitions en Chine, (Shanghai 1914-1929, 15 vols.)\n\n6 Grootaers, W. A. Chahar, Peking, Catholic University, Monumenta Serica, 1948).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206637, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "THREE CHINESE DEITIES\n\n179\n\nIn c. above, he is two different beings, his benevolent form is as a man with two eyes, “ear pressing\" tufts of hair, three pairs of arms, and hair standing erect on the back of his head. In his malevolent form he is depicted as a man with a leopard's head, three eyes, a lion's nose, a tiger's mouth, a bear's tongue, a boar's tusks, and three pairs of arms. Again, above his ears are \"ear pressing\" tufts of hair, and on top of his otherwise bald head is a headdress called a k'ui ying.\n\nIn the two and a half thousand or so temples visited in South East Asia, Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan, the basic forms listed above can be grouped into general categories. T'ai Sui/Yin Ch'iao were seen in 48 temples; among which 11 were Fukienese, 28 Cantonese, 2 Hakka, 2 Ch'ao Chow and two inter-community Buddhist temples. Of these, 18 were in Singapore, 15 in Malaya, 9 in Hong Kong, 3 in Macao, 1 in Cambodia and 2 in Taiwan. The 'youths with a scroll' are mainly Cantonese, as are the majority of the 'youths holding a bell.' The ‘elderly man with a bell' was seen in two Hakka temples and one Cantonese community temple. The images of the 'fierce general' was seen only in Fukienese community temples and a few images of 'youths with bells or scrolls' were seen in Fukienese temples.\n\nThe groups of sixty images have been seen in Shanghai, Hong Kong and Macao, and in Fukien by Hodous. In Singapore and Kuala Lumpur large but odd numbers of T'ai Sui, including a mix-ture of them with scrolls or bells, were seen in two Cantonese community temples.\n\nThese images have not been seen in any Hainanese temples. Only in Cantonese and Hakka temples were these images observed standing on wads of hell money.\n\nThe four charms carried by T'ai Sui, according to a Fukienese god carver, are:\n\na. a seal of office, which, if shaken, causes the heavens to quake.\n\nb. two swords, one male and one female, which are able to destroy demons and wrong-doers.\n\nc. a bell, called Jung Kuei Ch'ung (*) which causes one to lose the way when rung. This bell causes demons to forget their tasks and to wander aimlessly. It is also a magic teller of time.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206638, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 186, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "180\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\nIf the image of T'ai Sui wears shoes, claimed a Fukienese temple keeper, a drought is presaged, and if without, floods are expected; but if one foot is shod and the other is bare, then balanced weather will be the lot of the region. Images of T'ai Sui with one bare foot have been seen in temples in Hong Kong, Singapore and Bangkok.\n\nVariations from the basic characteristics\n\nThe youth holding a scroll or plaque of split bamboo is depicted seated, except in a very few sightings where he stands. In the sixty-year cycle of Chinese deities, each year is ruled by a particular image of that year, who is called the “T'ai Sui of the present year\" and the scroll has one of the following inscriptions on it:\n\nTang Nien T'ai Sui (††★★). Liu Nien T'ai Sui (*) Chih Nien T'ai Sui (††✯✯) or Chia Nien T'ai Sui (P‡★A)\n\nYin Ch'iao as a fierce general often has three eyes and six arms, wears armour, and a Taoist crown on a bald head, and has fierce, almost vertical, eyebrows. He holds in five of his hands two discs, one with the character for the sun and the other with the character for the moon, a large ring, a fly whisk, whilst his sixth hand rests on his left knee.\n\nIn Foochow, in the temple of the City Guardian, one of the side altars was devoted to T'ai Sui. His image was dressed in yellow garments, he had a black beard and a necklace of skulls about his hand. The skull necklace, according to Hodous, is a symbol of his authority over the lives of men. Beside him on his left is a trio of small images a foot high representing the present year, last year and next year. Also on either side of him, are the twelve images representing the twelve months or branches and pictures of the twenty-four seasons.\n\nIn only two sightings, one in Penang and one in Singapore, had he a blue face, fierce fangs, was standing, dressed in armour, and carried a mace in each of his hands. One of these images of T'ai Sui, labelled the Great Year of the Moon (A) was one of the twenty-four Celestial Generals (A) who range down each side of some temples. (Plate 17)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206639, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 187, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "THREE CHINESE DEITIES\n\n181\n\nHe has also been seen as a typical standing image of a civil mandarin, when the only method of identifying him was by the title painted on his stand or pedestal. In Kalgan, as will be described below, he is depicted naked with claws, beak and wings.\n\nIn some temples, the images of deities known not to be T'ai Sui or Ying Ch'iao, are called T'ai Sui by the temple keepers, and are prayed to as T'ai Sui. Some of these misidentifications are even to be seen perched on wads of hell money. The best example of this are the distinctive images of the boat people of the Pearl River and Southern Kwangtung province which are to be seen in Singapore and Ipoh, labelled as T'ai Sui, and standing on hell-money. One of these seen in Hong Kong is an image of the Pearl River boat people, normally called the Dragon and Tiger General (*). This is an image of a young man with his right arm raised holding a sword, and his left arm hanging by his side. He wears a robe of green with an animal's face as a stomacher, and with a dragon under his left foot and a tiger under his right. On one instance only, as is to be seen in the photograph, he is to be seen labelled the \"Tai Sui who flew back\" () and is standing on a pile of hell-money. (Plate 18)\n\nFather Doré says that images of T'ai Sui in the Yangtse Valley have six arms, are bald with ear tufts, and three eyes; they wear Taoist crowns and hold in their six hands two swords, a ball and flames, a spear, and a branch of a tree.\n\nThere are thirty-six deities painted as murals on the walls of one Singapore temple, most of whom are Heavenly Masters (A B). Amongst them is Yin Ch'iao, standing, dressed in armour, but with a bare chest and with six arms holding the usual items. Marshal Yin Ch'iao appears, therefore, to be one of the 24 Heavenly Generals and also one of the 36 Heavenly Masters.\n\nIn several works he is given 10 assistants, the last four being the gods of the year, the month, the day and the hour. Their names are given as follows:\n\nLi Ping (李丙) Hwang Ch'eng-i (黃承乙)\n\nChou Teng (周登) and Liu Hung (劉洪)\n\nAll were said to have been slain at the famous battle between good and ... described in The Deification of the Gods, at Wan Hsien Chen (萬仙陣).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206640, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "182\n\nCo-location of deities\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\nIn Fukienese temples in Singapore and Malaya, the T'ai Sui images are often seen with Hsuan Tien Ta Ti (***) or with the Goddess of Mercy (##). In Cantonese and Amoy temples there, the T'ai Sui images are occasionally to be seen with the medical deities Lu Tung Pin (†) or Hua To ($) and in one temple with T'ai Shang Lao Chün (LB).\n\nIn another Fukienese temple in Singapore a triad occupying the centre altar was said by the temple keeper to be three of the Nine Emperors (g). Two were positively identified, one as the second brother of the main deity Chiu Hwang ( ). He is black skinned, bare footed, with one foot on a fire wheel, has protruding eyes, black beard, and his hair is wound into a top knot. His two arms are at his side, otherwise he is very similar to Fa Chu Kung (✯✯2). The second identified image is on the right of the main deity, and he is, without doubt, Wang Tien Kung (1A). The third unidentified image on the left of the main deity could easily be T'ai Sui. He is black faced and bearded, a standing general in armour, holding a bell in his left hand and a sword in his right; he has three eyes, ear tufts of hair, and wears a Taoist crown.\n\nIn one Fukienese temple in Taipei, Yin Ch'iao was seen together with Ch'ü Kung Chen Jen (AA). (Plate 19)\n\nIn North China in Kalgan his second brother Yin Hung ( *) is a special deity said to save people from the \"fifteen bad deaths\". He sits on the opposite side of the central deity, the Jade Emperor (11), from Yin Ch'iao. Both brothers are naked and, surprisingly, have claws, beaks and wings. Grootaers10 says that Yin Ch'iao is never to be seen except as an attendant to the Jade Emperor. It would appear that either the local god maker in Kalgan did not know the identification features of Yin Ch'iao and has confused him with the Thunder God; or that there is a local legend which we do not know about; or thirdly that Grootaers misidentified the two attendants of the Jade Emperor.\n\nC. B. Day bought a hand-painted scroll in Hangchow, depicting five Buddhist figures and six Taoist ones. This pantheon chart included T'ai Sui Ti Chün ( *#*#) together with the San Kuan\n\n10 W. A. Grootaers, Rural Temples around Hsüan Hua (Folklore Studies vol. 10).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206641, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 189, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "THREE CHINESE DEITIES\n\n183\n\n(E), Pei Chi Sheng Ti (1), the Pen Ming Hsing Chün ($*£*) who is the local earth god, and the provincial city god. All five are connected with the fate of mankind.\n\nIn a Ch'ao Chow temple in Johore Bahru, Tai Sui a youth with a scroll (***) is on the altar of Hung Chün Lao Tsu (#$ *). (Plate 20)\n\nFather Doré says that in one temple outside the South Gate of Jukao, in the Yangtze Valley, Yin Ch'iao (F) is to be seen on the right as you face him, with Marshal Ma () on the left. Both have six arms, stand on clouds, and hold swords, amulets, gourds, bells and banners in their hands. Ma has three eyes and wears a hat, whilst Yin is bare from the waist upward and has his hair in a large upswept tuft on the top of his head. Yin is worshipped here as a member of the Ministry of Thunder.\n\nOther interesting sightings.\n\nIn Lavender Street in Singapore a Cantonese temple has sixty-two T'ai Sui images. About half the images hold scrolls and are, according to the temple keeper, the administrators of the fortune; whereas the others with silken slippers, fans, bells, etc. are those who actually provide the fortune.\n\nOne image of a young man, standing with one slipper on and one bare foot, is to be seen in Bukit Purmei temple in Singapore. He is prayed to for rain, and for good crops. (Plate 21)*\n\nCarver's drawings of Yin Ch'iao\n\nA Fukienese god carver prepared, on request, drawings of many deities. From memory he drew:\n\na. An image of T'ai Sui, seated, robed like a monk, wearing sandals, a band around his hair, and holding an open scroll with Tang Nien T'ai Sui (****).\n\nb. Yin Ch'iao's father, seated astride a large, long-beaked bird, holding a fly whisk in his right hand and a seal in his left hand. He is bearded, with a Taoist top knot and crown. His robes are covered in the Yin and Yang circle pattern.\n\nc. Yin Hung(); a standing young man with a spear in his left hand, and a mirror raised in his right, which is flashing beams towards his enemies.\n\n* Plates 22-24 also relate to representations of T'ai Sui.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206642, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 190, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "184\n\nd.\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\nAn image in the form of Yin Ch'iao; with six arms, a blue face covered in spots like warts; two fangs, two banners, a bell, two swords and one arrow.\n\nPossible Misidentifications\n\nThe images of Yin Ch'iao/T'ai Sui can be confused with several deities who have similar characteristics. These are:\n\na. One version of the Fukienese god of actors, Tien T’o Yuan Shuai (*), is a standing general with a sword in his right hand and a hand bell in his left. He has or should have, however, a pink face, and his usual identifying characteristic, a crab painted over his mouth or his forehead.\n\nb. In a Singapore Foochow clan temple of the Hsu (✯) family there is a seated general in armour, with a blue face and fangs, called Liu Chin Sheng Ho (Hr). He holds an axe in each hand and is prayed to for the good health of the clan and for the rapid recovery of the sick.\n\nc. Pu Tu Kung (#2) who releases souls from the Under-world during the seventh lunar month, is often shown as blue-faced and with two fang-like teeth showing. Normally, however, he does not carry anything in his two hands.\n\nd. One of the two attendants of Fa Chu Kung (✯È2) is a general with a sword raised in his left hand and a handbell held in his right. He wears a tiger's head hat and is called Hu Ye (A). He has a pink face and a black beard.\n\nAn image of the Golden Youth (✯✯), one of the assistants to Kuan Yin, could be mistaken under certain conditions with the manifestations of T'ai Sui as a seated youth with the scroll. The Golden Youth has a similar seated pose, the same style head and hair but normally holds a fly whisk in the right hand. If this is lost the image looks at first glance like a T'ai Sui without a scroll.\n\nThe Indian Buddhist deity of death, Mara, could understandably be mistaken for T'ai Sui, Mara (A) in his Chinese form normally has a greenish hue, has a frightful face with two tusk-like teeth, holds a bell in his right hand, but has bare feet, is bare to the waist and wears a fur skirt. He is usually accompanied by two demon attendants, one black and one white, who are the Yamen runners, the Wu Ch'ang Kuei (❀❀Ą), who collect the souls of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206643, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 191, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "THREE CHINESE DEITIES\n\n185\n\nthe newly dead. Mara has a cleft head, ear-pressing tufts and protruding eyes. His skirt can be made of leaves and on occasions he has a staff in his right hand.\n\nTHE CULT OF FA CHU KUNG\n\nBackground\n\nThe localised cult of Fa Chu Kung appears to have originated in the areas of An Chi and Ying Ch'uen in Fukien Province and has been carried by emigrants to their new homes in Taiwan and South East Asia. Fa Chu Kung is renowned amongst his devotees for his ability to cure any illness, and is believed to be capable of such potent magic that many Chinese are fearful even to mention his name. In addition it is claimed in some areas that he is able to cause and stop rain at will, and in one Cantonese temple in Kuala Lumpur he is specifically prayed to for confirmation that a marriage in process of being arranged will be successful. A Fukienese temple keeper in Singapore, who was not too fearful to discuss the deity, confided that Fa Chu Kung is the powerful leader of a large group of gods which includes the Northern Emperor Hsuan Tien Ta Ti and has very many disciples. He also claimed that Fa Chu Kung is able to transform himself into anyone or anything and that Chinese spirit mediums can only approach other gods through Fa Chu Kung. Therefore Fa Chu Kung's goodwill and agreement are always necessary before any petition or prayers may be offered to any god apart from the supreme deity, the Jade Emperor.\n\nRecognition Features\n\nFa Chu Kung is more often to be found as a minor deity on an altar dedicated to another god rather than the main deity on an altar or of a temple. His image is very easy to recognise. The basic recognition features are his shiny black face and body, his unkempt hair and slightly protruding eyes; his unsheathed sword is held at the ready in his right hand and a red snake curls round his neck and shoulders and over his left arm. His black feet are bare and are resting on fire wheels, and finally his left hand is making a magical sign. This is made by his whole left hand stretched forward at waist level and pointing vertically with his index and little finger; his thumb and the other two fingers are pressed to the palm. The whole hand is twisted to face the right. Most images have all these", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206644, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 192, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "186\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\nfeatures, but as with all Chinese images there are local variations of which two major ones observed have been:\n\na. A shiny black Fa Chu Kung with six arms and standing barefoot, holding in his six arms:\n\n(1) a sword held in each of three of them,\n\n(2) a scimitar in one,\n\n(3) a magic ring in one (this is identical to the bracelet of San T'ai Tzu),\n\n(4) the sixth has a hand making the magical sign described above.\n\nHe is dressed in flowing golden robes, and has a small snake entwined around the arm with the hand making the magical sign. (Plate 25)\n\nb. A Ch'ao Chow style carving of Fa Chu Kung has two pillars protruding from the base on either side of his body reaching to his waist height, making two \"side table\" tops on either side of him. On one side, on the \"table top\", stands a vase and on the other stands a bowl. Otherwise he is exactly as described in the basic description.\n\nThe images most likely to be confused with Fa Chu Kung are those of his two brothers which apart from the colour of their faces are identical to his. They have never been observed on an altar without him.* Also possibly confused with Fa Chu Kung is T'ai P'ao or Sha Ho Shang who is described at the end of this article.\n\nTitles\n\nFa Chu Kung is known by various names or titles than by his best known title of Fa Chu Kung. According to Fukien temple keepers, Fa Chu Kung means the Controlling Duke. There is, however, a Buddhist term, Fa Chu, for the Lord of the Dharma, which is the Buddha himself. It is unlikely that this is the origin of Fa Chu Kung's title, even though several informants have suggested that, as he is black, he was an Indian and was formerly a trader from India. The various titles and names by which he is referred to, are:\n\na. Fa Chu Sheng Chün 法主聖君\n\nTitle given in Mutseh near Taipei to the group of the three brothers, all to be seen on one\n\n* See Plate 26. A Fukienese god-carver's sketch of Fa Chu Kung is at Plate 27.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206645, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 193, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "THREE CHINESE DEITIES\n\nb. Chang Kung Sheng Chün\n張公聖君\n\nC.\n\nd. Kung Sheng Chün\n公聖君\n\nFa Tze Chu\n法子主\n\ne. Fa Tze Wang\n法子王\n\n+\n\nf. Fa Tze Kung\n法子公\n\ng. Sheng Chih\n聖\n\nh. Min Shan Fa Chu\n閩山法主\n\nt. Wu Sheng Kung\n巫聖公\n\n187\n\naltar. Fa Chu Kung is wearing a gilt crown, and robed with red robes. Seen in Seremban and Kuala Lumpur, and in a famous Foo-chow temple in Singapore.\n\nSeen in a Fukien temple in Toa Payoh, Singapore, co-located with Chiu Kung Sheng Hou (II).\n\nA Fukien god carver says that this is the Cantonese name for him. However, this is normally the short title for the Ch'aochow rain deity Feng Yu Sheng Chih (風雨聖者).\n\nIn a Foochow temple in Singapore.\n\nSeen in a Fukien temple in Tampin in Malaya.\n\nOne temple keeper said that he is called Fa Chu Kung in all places in Fukien Province, except for Pu Hsien area where he is known as b. above.\n\nDisciples, attendants and other gods sharing the same altar as Fa Chu Kung\n\nWhen Fa Chu Kung is the main deity, he is to be seen either alone, or with his two brothers, or with his two or four attendants. If he is with a large group of major and minor deities, he is comparatively near to the main deity, often on the immediate left. The most frequent main deity with whom he appears is Hsüan Tien (太上玄天).\n\nFeast and Birthdays\n\nHis feast and birthdays vary with the place, town or city in which his temple is located. In Taiwan the most frequent date is", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206646, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 194, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "188\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\nthe 23rd day of the sixth lunar month. In Singapore and in Malaya the usual date is the 23rd of the seventh lunar month; but other comparatively common dates are the 6th of the third lunar month, the 18th of the fifth lunar month, the 26th of the sixth lunar month, and the 10th of the eighth lunar month.\n\nNames of his family\n\nFa Chu Kung's family name was Chang (**張**) and he was called Chang Kung (**昌公**). His two brothers are called variously:\n\na. Chang Kung (#2); red face; in Fukien temples\n\nb. Hsiau Kung(); pink face; in Fukien temples\n\na. Hung Kung (#2); pink face; in Fukien temples\n\nb. Hsiau Kung (2): white face; in Fukien temples\n\na. Chiang Chün Ye (*): red face; this last group was seen in a Cantonese temple in Seremban\n\nb. Fa Ch'ing(): white face; this last group was seen in a Cantonese temple in Seremban\n\nHis four assistants have been observed in one temple only, a Hengwa Fukien temple, and are called:\n\na. Liu 劉\n\nb. Lien 遵\n\nc. Chang 張\n\nd. ...\n\nHe has two main disciples:\n\nMa Ye: white faced; with a bell in right hand for punctuating prayers, and wearing a horse head hat.\n\nHu Ye: red faced; with a bottle in his left hand containing magic water for frightening demons, and wearing a tiger head hat.\n\nCommunity Groups worshipping Fa Chu Kung\n\nEach temple in which Fa Chu Kung has been observed has had a temple keeper, appointed by the temple committee or from whom he had purchased his franchise. The main community groups in which Fa Chu Kung is to be found are from the An Chi and Ying Ch'üen areas of Fukien province. Other community groups which have images to Fa Chu Kung are Foochow City, T'ung An and Heng Wa. He is to be seen in at least 34 temples in Singapore and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206647, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 195, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "THREE CHINESE DEITIES\n\n189\n\nMalaya, in nine of which he is the main deity. Twenty-seven of these temples are run by Fukienese emigrants or their descendants; one is run by Hakka, three by Cantonese, two by Ch'ao Chow and one by Hainanese. In Taipei all eleven observed images are in temples maintained by Ch'üan Chow emigrants. There are three Cantonese temples in Malaya in which he has been seen; one is in Seremban and two are in Kuala Lumpur. In one of the Kuala Lumpur temples he is to be seen beside a sand divination table; the temple keeper in the other said that he was a lesser deity donated by a Fukienese devotee. The Seremban temple had all three brothers seated together on an altar in a temple devoted to Hsuan Tien Shang Ti (玄天上帝).\n\nIn a Hainanese temple in Singapore there is a standing image of Fa Chu Kung with the usual unkempt hair, but he has only one foot resting on a fire wheel. He is the secondary deity in the temple, which is dedicated to Wen Chow Hou Wang (溫州侯王) who is a specifically Hainanese deity.\n\nIn one spirit medium temple in Singapore, where Fa Chu Kung is the main deity, the medium and the keeper are both Fukienese. The female medium speaks with a very deep voice, said to be that of Fa Chu Kung, and writes prescriptions for medicines dictated by him. To stimulate the spirit to reply, and thereby causing considerable interest to the spectators around the table, the female medium pauses between writing each prescription and extinguishes a lighted candle on the roof of her mouth.\n\nProfessor Wolfram Eberhard has confirmed that in his researches he has encountered this deity, the god of the cult of tea merchants localized in the areas of Ying Ch'üen (#) and Te Hui (德惠) whose birthday is on the 27th day of the 7th lunar month. Law suits were settled before this deity, who is mentioned in the Taiwanese folk almanac of 1963.\n\nMyths concerning the origins or deification of Fa Chu Kung\n\nMost temple keepers who have an image of Fa Chu Kung in their temples tell a different story about his origin. These tales do, however, contain certain common factors:\n\na. Fa Chu Kung is the head of all demons and is to be feared. His black face signifies his demonic origins. He warned all gods in the area of Ying Ch'üen in Fukien that the area was too\n\nPage 190 is missing\n\nPage 195\n\nPage 196", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206648, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 196, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "190\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\npoverty stricken to maintain them all, and was so persuasive that he managed to gain the monopoly of worship and offerings in that area. He is always to be seen poverty stricken and unkempt in his efforts to keep up the pretence before all the other gods.\n\nb. Chang (3) was a local peasant who, in Ying Chüen presented himself before the leader of a large invading force, dressed in rags and burnt black with exposure due to heavy labour in the fields, thus showing the invader just how poverty stricken the area was. The invaders changed their direction of march and laid waste neighbouring counties, saving Ying Ch’üen. Chang was deified Fa Chu Kung by the Emperor of China for his heroism.\n\nC. A very evil king came to Ying Ch’üen and demanded considerable tribute. This was collected from the peasants and was about to be transported away, when Chang (k), a peasant, challenged the enemy king to a duel. Chang using more powerful magic, defeated the king, and gave him three days to be clear of the district. However, some of the king's followers cut the ropes securing the king's boat, stranding him. He had, therefore, to pay a ransom of $130,000 to Chang, which was then shared among the peasants. When Chang died, the peasants requested the Emperor of China to deify him Fa Chu Kung.\n\nd. Whilst still a youth, Fa Chu Kung was living with his brothers and his sister-in-law in the barren hills. His sister-in-law told him to go out to collect wood for the stove. As he walked over the hills, he heard a voice telling him to go deeper into the unknown woods and when he did so, he met a sage who taught him magic. He was away for several years and when he returned his sister-in-law was more irritated by the fact that he had not brought back any firewood rather than by his being missing for so long. She scolded him and sent him out to gather some, telling him to return quickly as the rice had to be ready for the return of her husband. Fa Chu Kung surreptitiously returned and employing his magic, used his legs as firewood and soon had a roaring fire burning, quickly boiling the rice. This he did for every meal and his sister-in-law became very suspicious because she never saw any ash nor any wood lying around. Next meal she peeped around the door and saw Fa", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206649, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 197, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "THREE CHINESE DEITIES\n\n191\n\nChu Kung with his feet stretched out under the pan and flames leaping up from them boiling the rice and, being frightened, she screamed. Fa Chu Kung transformed himself into a god, flew up the chimney and thus became black on the way.\n\ne. In the An Chi area of Fukien province there was a very large snake which required one youth or maiden to be fed to it annually. Chang (3), a common straw sandal maker, and two men who had been chased from the An Chi area to a cave in Ying Ch'üen, fought and killed the snake after a battle lasting three days. Chang was so exhausted that he turned black. He was deified Fa Chu Kung and the two men who had helped him were deified with him as his foster brothers, for ridding the place of the nightmare.\n\nf. In a Singapore Hainanese temple a variation of e. above tells that Fa Chu Kung met an old man weeping. He told Fa Chu Kung that his grandchild had to be sacrificed to the big snake. Fa Chu Kung told the old man not to worry and went out and strangled the big snake; but, because he was bitten so badly, he turned black, his eyes became staring and he died.\n\ng. Fa Chu Kung was originally called Chang Kung (2) but later, after he had cured the Empress's boils which had been pronounced incurable by all the other physicians and magicians, he was given the title of Shen Chün (#).\n\nh. Fa Chu Kung was an Indian sailor or trader who settled in Fukien and helped the poor and the sick.\n\nThese various tales tell of Fa Chu Kung's ability to do magic, give a reason for his blackness and several explain why he has a snake wrapped round his arm. The snake is reminiscent of other sacrificial stories and may well be a story dating back to one of the early local cultures in Fukien. There is no indication of what era Fa Chu Kung is supposed to have lived—if, of course, he ever did. Temple dates in South East Asia and Taiwan are of little assistance here and the only dating the temple keepers suggested was the usual \"several hundreds of years ago\" or \"during the T'ang or Sung Dynasties\" (650-1100 A.D.).\n\nThere are at least two other major legends of people who use their legs as fuel for the stove. The first, in Ch'üan Chow, is the monk I Po who gave great assistance during the construction of the famous bridge there. He caused great astonishment when, because", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206650, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 198, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "192\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\nof insufficient fire wood, he stuck his foot in the stove, and the flame shot up cooking the food in but a few moments. The second is no less than Li T'ieh Kuai (*), one of the Eight Immortals. One of the stories told about him is that, when he was young and very poor, his mother ordered him to go into the hills every day to collect wood but he was never able to collect more than sufficient for one day. When it rained they had none. His aunt cursed him and said they would use his legs as fuel. Now Li T'ieh Kuai had learnt some tricks from the Immortals in the hills and stuck his foot into the fire which blazed up much more brightly. His aunt shouted that she was only joking and pulled his foot from the fire. Because of this the bottom part of his leg fell off and became poisoned. The story ends by his aunt using the burnt-off leg to bank up the cinders!\n\nConclusion\n\nAlthough this Fukienese local deity is mostly to be seen, as is to be expected, in those areas of Taiwan and South East Asia where Fukienese immigrants from An Ch'i, Ying Ch'üan and the immediate surrounding areas are to be found, he is also to be found in Hainanese, Ch'aochow and Cantonese temples in South East Asia; where presumably this cult has been adopted by the other immigrant groups who wished to take advantage of his power.\n\nTai Pao(*)\n\nOne image likely to be confused with Fa Chu Kung is Tai Pao. Tai Pao is the monk Sha (*) who usually wears a necklet or waistband of skulls, but in many temples these have been lost and the black, unkempt figure of Tai Pao at first glance can easily be confused with Fa Chu Kung.\n\nTHE CULT OF THE EUNUCH ADMIRAL CHENG HO\n\nA deified hero and a Taoist Saint\n\nBackground\n\nThe intercourse between China and the West under the widespread rule of the Mongols lapsed with their withdrawal into Central Asia. The Ming dynasty emperor Yung Lo made great efforts to re-open trade routes and to expand the much diminished foreign trade by despatching between the years 1405 and 1431 A.D. seven major expeditions to the Southern Seas, commanded by eunuchs", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206653, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 201, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "THREE CHINESE DEITIES\n\n195\n\nto stay; and as no disaster befell either the town or those who remained, Cheng Ho's reputation was further enhanced.\n\nIn the more serious lawsuits amongst Chinese in Semarang, Chinese witnesses may be required to take their oaths before Cheng Ho's statue and, before his altar, to \"drink the ashes\" from the incense urn mixed with water.\n\nIn the Philippines one Chinese culture hero called Pun Tou Kung () is venerated by both the Hakka and Ch'aochow (Teochew) emigrants. In the Philippines he is said to have been a crew member on one of the voyages of Cheng Ho. He went ashore at Jolo, where he died, and his grave, now a place of miracles, is where he is prayed to for protection. During the shelling of Jolo by the Spanish naval forces in the late nineteenth century the preservation of the Chinese quarter of the town was ascribed to his protective powers. Another version is that he landed at Jolo from Cheng Ho's fleet, remained there, raised a large family and now the majority of the Chinese in the area are descended from him.\n\nThis same Pun Tou Kung is worshipped under various names in most places in South East Asia by emigrant Chinese as a god of wealth. In most places in Malaya and Singapore he is called Tai Po Kung (62) and is believed to be a former tin miner. In Thailand he is also called Pan To Kung (2).\n\nDeity titles likely to be confused with Cheng Ho\n\nCheng Ho's title should not be confused with the titles of the Buddhist trinity, San Pao (E) and San Pao Ye (T); with another Chinese protective deity San Pao Kung Kung (222); nor with San Pao T'a Shen (TAP).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206672, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 220, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "214\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nWhen Sir Percival David undertook to translate the KKYL, he avoided one of the pitfalls of working with Ming books, and Ming editions of earlier work, by making sure he had a reliable edition. This he did in 1940 in Shanghai, when he acquired the earliest known edition of the book which is most probably the first edition of 1388. It would have been a relatively simple task to translate this original (\"original\" in the sense that it was the first book published in this name by Ts'ao Chao) work of three chapters. But later he also had the good fortune to acquire an equally rare 1462 printing of the enlarged edition of 1459 which had been swelled to thirteen chapters with additions made mainly by Wang Tso who brought out the 1459 edition. Sir Percival decided, bravely but perhaps not so wisely, to translate the enlarged edition. But then he failed to avoid the other pitfalls mentioned at the beginning of this review.\n\nFirst, there is the original three chapter edition. The copy acquired by Sir Percival, called \"O\" in the translation, is reproduced in full at the end of the book. Sir Percival thought it was \"the result of Ts'ao's study of actual specimens and ancient texts concerning them\". This is not so. For, with the exception of a few very brief entries on Sung porcelain and on lacquer, the whole book is a collection of mutilated passages extracted from similar works of the Sung and Yuan periods, such as Chao Hsi-ku's Tung-t'ien-ch'ing-lu-tsi (hereafter referred to as the TTCLT) and Hsia Wen-yen's T'u-hui Pao-chien. The latter is itself a notorious work of plagiarism.1 It should be noted here that the \"erudite\" manuscript notes in \"O\" written by a Ming reader consist mainly of sentences from the TTCLT which Ts'ao Chao omitted in his copying. Indeed Ts'ao was such a poor plagiarist that he made nonsense out of some of the most important passages in the TTCLT. For example, the detailed and accurate description of the cire perdue process of bronze casting in the TTCLT, incidentally one of the earliest Chinese accounts of this method of bronze casting, appears in the KKYL as (David's translation): \"Ancient moulds (reviewer's italics) for casting bronzes were made of wax. The patterns were finely and neatly carved as finely as a hair, and the strokes of their inscriptions were even and clear. They were inverted like roof-tiles, though not very deep.... \"The mistranslation of the word mo, meaning the original wax model of the bronze, into English \"mould\" is of course at least partly due to the brutal précis-ing of two long", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206674, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 222, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "216\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\ndilettante until the Kang-hsi period scholar Ho Cho (*) made known his annotated manuscript copy of the book. Thus the KKYL comes down to the Ching period with the great prestige it acquired during the Ming period, through no merit of its own but through the obscurity of other early work. It may be said that the T'u-hui Pao-chien, composed not long before the KKYL, also suffered the same good fortune. The value of the KKYL for study today lies not in the originality of the material; rather, it deserves study for what it indirectly reveals of early Ming tastes and popular beliefs regarding works of art. More importantly, it serves as a record of the confusion that resulted from the very great cultural and social upheavals which took place in China as a result of the Mongol conquest. The Yuan and early Ming periods saw the \"popularisation\" of a class of knowledge which had hitherto been confined to a very small élite. Ts'ao Chao was a man who stood mid-way between the old élite and the newly literate, and helped to propagate such knowledge. When Ming society settled down to a new pattern, a new class of literate élite grew up in the Chiang-nan area (mainly Chiangsu and Chekiang provinces) with their own canons of taste which have been recorded in books such as Kao Lien's Tsun-shêng Pa-chien but nowhere more elegantly than in Wên Chên-hêng's Ch'ang-wu-chih.\n\nWe now turn to the additions made by subsequent editors incorporated in the Wang Tso edition. These additions occupy several times more space than the original three chapters. Wang Tso, despite the peculiarity of his tastes (which were not so for his age), at least had the honesty to quote his own sources (often not the original sources of the passages). He, like many dilettantes of his time, had a great predilection for calligraphy, especially \"ancient\" calligraphy as transmitted in the form of old rubbings and, in particular, rubbings of the Lan-t'ing Preface supposedly written in 353 by Wang Hsi-chih, the most revered of Chinese calligraphers of all times. Quite one fifth of Wang Tso's book is devoted to calligraphy and rubbings (sixty pages in a translation text of about three hundred pages), and a large portion of this section is devoted to the not always consistent myths and legends which had grown round the holy script through the centuries. Now, Chinese connoisseurship, even without the benefit of western analytical methods, is usually highly sensitive and astute. But when it came to the Lan-t'ing Preface, all the enlightened perception of nearly all scholars throughout", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206682, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 230, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "224\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nis made to view the movements which have often been politically militant, first against the background of Chinese society, imperial power and foreign penetration, then the Republican cause, and finally in what is perhaps the most original and interesting section of the book, the period 1919-1949: 'the Chinese Revolution'. There are no Chinese characters in the text but a short character index is appended after an equally short bibliography and a slightly longer list of references.\n\nThis book seems to be mainly oriented to the general reader who is unfamiliar with the subject, and in as far as this is so the author may be excused for his almost entire use of secondary materials; even the official documents are largely culled from other published sources. But since he also states that one of his major concerns is to ‘illuminate certain aspects of the life of Chinese secret societies and the part they played in China's political upheavals', it does call for more considered criticism.\n\nOne does not, of course, blame the author for not reaching definite conclusions. As he says, the 'sixty or so original documents' are certainly not enough to provide an answer to such questions as how one might define a Chinese secret society in modern times (or for that matter, I would say, traditional times). Historical research is only just beginning. But I would take issue with him on what I consider to be a fundamental weakness in his analysis: the mixing of structurally and functionally, as well as ideologically, different categories. Here, in fact, the Chinese use of terminology is itself often misleading, for the same term might be applied indiscriminately to different orders of groupings: all organizations which have in common secrecy, religion, and militant, anti-establishment aims. The groups themselves, moreover, sometimes use the terms hui ('society') and tao ('religion') or men ('door' or 'sect') interchangeably, and even more confusing, dissimilar types of groups appear to have sometimes combined in order to pursue some particular aim of the moment. But enough has been written in the last decade to show that two distinctly different kinds of groupings emerged in China, and certain major differences may sometimes be discerned in fact from the earlier literature.\n\nGroups such as, for example, the Pure Tea Sect (Ch'ing-ch'a-hui), the Way of Fundamental Unity (Yi-kuan-tao), the Eight Diagrams, the Observance Society, 'Vegetarians' (in fact a qualification for", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206684, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 232, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "226\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nship or admission. It seldom attracted the intellectual, and although as the author points out, for their members 'their rites, secrets, oaths of initiation . . . made a powerful contribution towards the consolidation of (an autonomous) order', the ultimate goal was the establishment of new political leadership rather than a new political order. Many of these groups, notably the Triad, were also involved in the offensive as well as defensive art of 'boxing' and would appear to be perhaps more suited to militant and military pursuits. These groups had no millennial dreams, their ultimate objective was the overthrow of the Ch'ing in later traditional times, and Sun Yat-sen used them for just this purpose.\n\nAll this is important if we are also to understand differences today between different kinds of secret or semi-secret organizations found in places like Hong Kong. And what the author fails to mention is that the messianic groups may still be studied, and their investigation is relatively more easy than that of the non-messianic groups which are generally illegal. The messianic groups still attract intellectuals, and still retain their long-ranged goals: the millennium. They do not accept the new 'millennium' of present-day China although some leaders are conscious of similarities with their own independent goals. All this again could do with closer investigation. They still take in the aged and poor and in terms of Hong Kong and other overseas societies often perform useful services. For here is a paradox: in dealing with 'contradictions' at certain times and in certain conditions, the messianic organizations have done much to absorb the discontented and provide alternative satisfactions. And a point connected with this: messianic groups were not always concerned with radical change, even in traditional times, and were not always living in a state of emergency. To some extent this latter point also applies to the non-messianic groups too. The Triad for example appears to have provided mutual aid of an economic and social kind to its members, and we still await more precise information on the particular circumstances as well as processes by which the militant banner was raised by both kinds of group. Groups like the Triad however, have at any rate gradually lost their religious motivations and rituals in contemporary society. With the achievement of their grander political aim they have lost their common purpose and deteriorated into protection rackets, albeit still occasionally with mutual aid facilities for members. But they have only immediate ends in view. It is true and important as the author", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206686, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 234, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "228\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nThis book is one of the gems of a vast movement. Between the two world wars, Chinese scholars took a great interest in the study of ethnology and folklore. The two most important groups were in Peking University and in the Sun Yat-sen University of Canton. After the May Fourth Movement, Chinese intellectuals fought against their traditional culture and its Confucian interpretation, and looked toward the West.\n\nEthnology was one of the by-products of this new fashion for the Occident and Science. Dissatisfied with a mere copy of Western culture, some people realised at this time that they had, in China itself, a whole culture buried in scorn, which deserved to become part of modern culture. And the movement towards a mass culture, in the early thirties, used for propaganda both by left-wing intellectuals and by missionaries, saw it as a gold mine to be exploited.\n\nThis interest in folk culture was not something new in China. In the Ming dynasty, scholars scandalously proclaimed certain popular novels and plays to be masterpieces comparable to famous classics, while the staid scholars did not even grant them the dignity of literature. Moreover, in Chinese literary history, a keen interest in folk literature has periodically risen in attempts to revive a stereotyped academism. However, in the XXth century, this movement was brought about by ethnologists, and not by avant-garde scholars of literature.\n\nThis ethnological interest had a certain influence. Several modern poets used the tone of popular songs; Lao She studied the folklore of Peking and recalled it in his novels; Wen Yi-tuo used ethnological data to explain the Songs of Ch'u and thus gave more insight into this famous anthology than philological interpretations had ever done.\n\nAmong the materials brought by Chinese ethnologists, the Choice of \"Yang ke\" from Ting Hsien is now a classic, and its translation is very welcome. It was part of a general survey made by a team on rural life in that district, situated about 128 miles south of Peking. The original meaning of \"Yang ke\" is folk songs sung while transplanting the young rice shoots. But it took on a broader sense: short operas performed by amateurs in villages, with music and singing mainly drawn from folk songs. In Peking and elsewhere, these short scenes were sometimes sung by actors on stilts, in processions.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206694, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 242, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n236\n\nstudent can afford, or indeed wishes, to carry Cordier and his successors around, and yet needs a handy reference.\n\nHong Kong, September, 1972\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nMANDARIN PRONUNCIATION EXPLAINED WITH DIAGRAMS. Raymond Huang. Hong Kong. Hong Kong University Press.\n\nIt is truly unfortunate that the book under review fails to do what it was intended to do. The expressed goals are important, and students and teachers of Chinese do indeed need a pronunciation guide of the type proposed in the present volume. However, the book is marred by some basic mistakes which effectively destroy its credibility and negate its value as a guide for beginners.\n\nFrom the text and references one can deduce that the author is a trained phonetician and that his knowledge of English phonetics is very good. But it is also obvious that he did not give the same attention to Chinese. As a result his articulatory description of Chinese is full of errors, the Chinese-English contrasts are unreliable, and the overall product is more harmful than helpful.\n\nAs a minor example, in discussing Mandarin tones the author has confused the 5th tone as marked in Mathews' Dictionary (all of which are reflexes of entering tone forms in final -p, -t, and -k, still distinctive in some Mandarin dialects) with his own 5th tone which is the modern Mandarin unstressed, atonic form. Thus (p. xxvi) he marks the question particle ma as 5th tone in his system because it is often toneless, but he notes that the 5th tone does not occur in modern Peking Mandarin and seems to imply that this is why Mathews' Dictionary marks this character with 4th tone. Historically this particular form was not in the entering tone category and would never be marked 5th tone in Mathews. Huang's comments simply compound confusion on the matter.\n\nBut a much more flagrant error is his attempt to describe Mandarin initial stops and affricates as contrasting on a voiced-voiceless axis. Thus, the author tells us that the Wade-Giles initial consonant pairs p p', t t', k k', ch ch', ts ts' contrast in the same way as English p b, t d, k g, ch j and ts dz. If this were actually true, one of the major stumbling blocks would be removed from", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206713, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 261, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "Plate 17. In a Fukienese temple in Singapore. Two of the twenty-four Celestial Generals. Monkey is on the left and General Yin Ch'iao is on the right. 1966.\n\n乘\n\nPlate 18.\n\nA Pearl River image standing on \"bell-money\" on Cheung Chau Island, Tai Sui who flies back.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206714, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 262, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "Plate 19. In Taipei in a Fukienese temple General Yin Ch'iao with six arms together with two images of Ch'u Kung Chen Jen, 1970.\n\nPlate 20. T'ai Sui holding a scroll on the altar of Hung Chun Lao Tsu in Johore Bahru. The second daughter of the Jade Superior is the large deity. In a Ch'ao Chou temple, 1969,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206728, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 5, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "CONTENTS\n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1972 -\n\nHON. TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1972 -\n\nTHE LIBRARY, 1972 -\n\nARTICLES:\n\n \n Page\n \n \n \n 1\n Transactions of the China Medico-Chirurgical Society, 1845-46 — H. A. RYDINGS\n \n \n 11\n The Yaumatei Typhoon Shelter, Hong Kong, 1900-1915 A. J. S. LACK\n \n \n 13\n The Kam Tin Gates PETER WESLEY-SMITH\n \n \n 28\n Early Steamships in China-A. D. BLUE\n \n \n 41\n \n \n \n 45\n Persians, Arabs and Other Nationals In T’ang China CHIU LING-YEONG\n \n \n 58\n Swatow (Ch'auchow) Horizontal Stick Puppets - HELGA WERLE\n \n \n 73\n Five 19th Century Kwangtung Art Catalogues CHUANG SHEN\n \n \n 85\n \n \n\nREPRINTED ARTICLES\n\n \n Legends and Stories of the New Territories: Kam T'in SUNG HOK-P'ANG (with a memoir of the author by Lo Hsiang-lin)\n 111\n \n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n \n Notes on Chinese Temples in Hong Kong — CARL T. SMITH\n 133\n \n \n 'Ling Chih' at Canton, 27th May 1886 Hai Ju; Ming Patriot, Spark for Revolution and God\n 139\n \n \n KEITH STEPHENS\n 144\n \n \n Another Volontieri Map? -\n \n \n \n William Thomas Mercer (1822-1879) Hong Kong's Poet Laureate? HENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE\n 146\n \n \n Old Bills of Lading (McMullen Collection) — H. A. RYDINGS\n 151\n \n \n Visit to the Sukhothai Sites in Thailand — MICHAEL SMITHIES\n 154\n \n \n Deep Bay Marshes\n 163\n \n \n \n 168\n \n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\n \n \n 169", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206772, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "The Kam Tin Gates\n\n43\n\ncomposite whole, was put forward so convincingly that it carried the vote. And so the work was completed just in time for the ceremony of re-opening.\n\nThus, on May 26, 1925, Governor Sir Reginald E. Stubbs and his entourage arrived at Kam Tin for the ceremonial return of the revered gates. They were greeted by a Chinese salute of small guns and firecrackers and were presented with an Address which stated: \"We shall always now remember, how when your royal chair did pass, children and women left all the lanes deserted to come to bid you welcome, and when your car of state did stop, the neighbourhood was filled with joy\"16 There were \"expressions of goodwill and loyalty heard on all hands\"17, and the Government congratulated itself on a fine public relations exercise.\n\nIs there anything in this episode which gives it more than a mere antiquarian interest? Perhaps it illustrates the increasing readiness of the Hong Kong Government to accommodate the wishes of the local population; certainly, Governor Stubbs intended to impress upon the Kam Tin villagers his Government's munificence. He had gone to a good deal of trouble to ensure the gates' return, and the whole operation was paid for out of public funds. The Hong Kong Telegraph commented that \"there has perhaps been no incident in the whole history of Hongkong and of the New Territories which has more eloquently and genuinely revealed the Government's friendly feeling and sympathy towards the Chinese of the New Territories\"18. Yet within a month the anti-British strike and boycott of 1925-26 had commenced, and relations with the local Chinese thence rapidly deteriorated. One can also detect in Stewart Lockhart's Papers the Special Commissioner's disapproval of Blake's appropriation of the gates. The Governor and his deputy were at odds on several matters relating to the early administration of the New Territories, and there is evidence that differences of opinion regarding policy occasioned some personal animosity. Perhaps the episode of the gates from Kam Tin was a contributing factor.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 And to correct them. According to a translation deposited in the Colonial Secretariat Library, Hong Kong, the Kam Tin villagers offered resistance to the British in 1899 because the Ch'ing Government had not previously proclaimed the fact of the New Territories lease. This is false, for a proclamation had been issued by the San On Magistrate.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206787, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "PERSIANS, ARABS AND OTHER NATIONALS IN T’ANG CHINA: \n\nTHEIR STATUS, ACTIVITIES AND \n\nCONTRIBUTIONS \n\nCHIU LING-YEONG* \n\nThe rise of Li Yüan in A.D. 618 marked the beginning of a dynasty which was destined to become a model in later ages. The Chinese were and still are proud to be called T’ang-jen1 because it was this dynasty which extended Chinese territory beyond the Pamirs over the states of the Oxus Valley and even over the upper waters of the Indus in modern Afghanistan. The administrative protectorate of An-hsi (Pacify the West) was set up in the Tarim Basin, paralleling the administrative protectorate of An-nan (Pacify the South), which had been set up earlier in North Vietnam and which eventually gave its name to the whole region of Annam. There were also An-pei (Pacify the North) in Mongolia; and An-tung (Pacify the East) in South Manchuria.2 \n\nT'ang Tai-tsung subjugated the Eastern Turks in A.D. 630 and he himself took the title of \"Heavenly Khan\" of the Turks. After a series of campaigns between A.D. 630 and A.D. 648, the Western Turks also yielded their submission to the T'ang Empire. China by then had embraced nearly the whole of Central Asia: or as Sir Aurel Stein called it, Serindia. These are the glories which have long been inscribed in many Chinese minds. \n\nT'ang China enjoyed nearly three hundred kaleidoscopic years. In these three hundred years, envoys, clerics, students, merchants and others from different parts of Asia poured into the main Chinese cities. The greatest envoy to come to T'ang China was perhaps Pērōz, son of King Yazdgard III and scion of the Sasanids.4 With regard to clerics, Indian Buddhists were in abundance. There were also Persian priests of varying faiths: the Magus for whom the Mazdean temple in Ch'ang-an was rebuilt in A.D. 631; the Nestorian, honoured by the erection of a church in A.D. 628; the \n\n* Dr. Chiu is Senior Lecturer in Chinese History in the University of Hong Kong. His article \"The Debate on National Salvation: Ho Kai versus Tsang Chi-tung\" appeared in Volume 11 (1971) of the Journal.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206788, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "PERSIANS, ARABS IN T’ANG CHINA\n\n59\n\nManichaean whose doctrines were proposed to the court in A.D. 694.5 There were students from Japan, who, after enjoying a few years of study on Chinese classics, preferred to remain in China permanently. There were also aristocratic Tibetan youths sent by their parents for traditional Chinese scholarship. There were Khoten painters who later became great masters in Chinese artistic circles. There were Sogdians, who introduced polo to the Chinese. Above all, there were Persians and Arabs, whose activities and contributions had tremendous influence on T'ang political and social history.\n\nI\n\nMany Persians, Arabs and others lived in Tang China. The Turks, Uighurs, Tocharians, Sogdians, Koreans and Japanese for the most part lived in Ch'ang-an and the Chams, Khmers, Javanese and Singhalese in Canton. Persians and Arabs, however, were also to be found in these two places and in Yang-chou and Ch'üan-chou as well. All these foreigners in the early Tang period shared the same kind of life as the T'ang Chinese. In A.D. 714, the T'ang government had to establish a special office known as Shih-po-ssu (Superintendent of Customs) to look after the foreign affairs in Canton and in other cities along the coastal region.\n\nForeigners in T’ang China were not all law-abiding. Uighur nationals sought out Chinese businessmen and young Chinese wastrels and made shady deals with them in the capital. Persians and Arabs, on the other hand, would lure young beautiful Chinese girls to become part of their possessions and even engaged in the slave trade in Canton. Also, some of them would purposely encourage those Chinese who were in need of money to pledge their land, furniture and sacred relics for ready cash.\n\nThe Chinese pawn-shop came into being in late T’ang period and this kind of practice is believed to be the embryo of the modern pawn-shop. The moneylenders' business was regarded as a plague in the beginning of the ninth century and the emperor had to issue a decree in A.D. 822 prohibiting such practice or every Chinese in the Empire would be in debt.7 The Turks were as notorious as the others. A Turk stabbed a Chinese merchant to death in broad daylight and was rescued by his Fan-chang (Sheikh) without any...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206789, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "60\n\nCHIU LING-YEONG\n\nChinese inquiry into the matter. The Chinese in Ch'ang-an and in the coastal regions were not at all happy about the evil-doings of these foreigners and finally in A.D. 836 a large-scale anti-foreign movement began. In that year, it was decreed that private intercourse with various ‘coloured-eye people' was prohibited. Lu Chün, newly appointed governor of Canton in A.D. 836, also forbade Chinese and foreigners to continue living together unsegregated; intermarriage was not allowed and foreigners were prohibited from owning houses and land.\n\nThere were different kinds of regulations governing foreigners if they violated the law. Persians, Arabs, Uighurs, or in short, all aliens, if they became involved in legal complications among themselves, would be judged according to their customs; however, if they were involved with Chinese, they would be put under Chinese jurisdiction. The Persians and Arabs, according to Soleyman, had their Kādi appointed by the (Chinese) emperor and also had several sheikhs to assist him.10 It must be due to the policy of segregation which forced the aliens, say the Persians and Arabs, to form their own settlements outside the city known as fan-feng.11\n\nMost of these foreigners preferred to stay in T'ang China permanently, were all rich and seldom had their own families lived with them. To avoid unnecessary implications, the government had to introduce regulations to govern the inheritance of property.12\n\nWith regard to properties of the deceased Persians and Arabs, it was decreed that only the following next-of-kin had the right to inherit:\n\na) Parents,\n\nb) First wife,\n\nc) Sons and daughters,\n\nd) Blood brothers,\n\ne) Nephews, and\n\nf) Blood sisters\n\nMarried daughters would automatically lose the right of inheritance. Blood brothers, blood sisters, and nephews (sons of blood brothers) must live with him at the time of the property-owner's death or they would not be qualified for the right of inheritance. Unmarried blood sisters could only inherit one-third of the property. Adopted sons and daughters had no right of inheritance. A first", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206791, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "62\n\nCHIU LING-YEONG\n\nT'ang government to maintain the security and prosperity of these multi-racial cities harmoniously and peacefully.\n\nII\n\nIn T'ang China, apart from the capital Ch'ang-an and the Eastern capital Lo-yang, the most prosperous cities within the Empire were Kuang-chou, Yang-chou, Chiao-chou, and Ch'üan-chou.16 These cities were all centres of Persian and Arabian trade. There were a large number of Persians and Arabs living in these cities. In A.D. 760, when T'ien Shen-kung raided Yang-chou, it was recorded that several thousands of Persians and Arabs were massacred.17 It is not clear whether this was an isolated incident or an act of retaliation because the Persians and Arabs had sacked Canton in A.D. 758.18\n\nIt was also believed that Huang Chao had killed thousands of foreign merchants when he captured Canton in A.D. 878.19 The large number of Persians and Arabs killed in Yang-chou and Canton confirmed that the foreign population in these cities was indeed very large. Activities of Persians and Arabs in these cities were confined to maritime trade because the majority of them were merchants. There were also Islamic disciples who came to China with the intention to preach. In the reign of Wu-te (A.D. 618-626), four Islamic disciples were dispatched to China to spread the Mohammedan faith. Of these four, one was posted in Canton, one in Yang-chou and the other two were stationed in Ch'üan-chou.20 There is evidence that some of these Persians, Arabs and Uighurs were also engaged in the restaurant business in Yang-chou and Ch'ang-an. It was recorded that they made very good hu-ping, yu-chien ping and pi-lo.21 Ssu-ma Kuang mentioned in his Tzu-chih t'ung-chien that when Hsüan-tsung took his 'Imperial Excursion' to Szechuan during An Lu-shan's rebellion, the 'Excursion' set off so suddenly that the Emperor had no chance to bring his chef with him. His brother-in-law, Yang Kuo-chung therefore, had to buy hu-ping for him during their journey to the West China.22\n\nThe Persian and Arabian merchants brought to China precious stones and hsiang-yao; and they always could earn a fortune very easily by these commodities. Financially speaking, maritime trade had become very important in the beginning of the eighth", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206792, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "PERSIANS, ARABS IN T'ANG CHINA\n\n63\n\ncentury. The Persians and Arabs, apart from importing foreign goods to China, also became the middlemen of the maritime trade between China and the rest of the world.23 T'ang China realized that certain steps should be taken to govern this trade and the commercial activities of foreigners. The office of the Shih-po-ssu was first established in Canton in A.D. 714. The governor of Kuang-chou concurrently acted as head of this office. The duty of the office was to levy taxes on imported goods. The office also had regulations dealing with exported goods. According to T'ang law, a number of items were prohibited to be exported, like silver, copper, iron and T'ang currency. Naturally some of the governors in Kuang-chou were greedy, dishonest and corrupt. As a result of this, relations between Canton officials and foreigners were not always amiable. The murder of the Kuang-chou governor, Lu Yüan-jui 路元叡 by the K'un-lun was the result of the evil-doings of these corrupt governors in Kuang-chou.24 Tzu-chih t'ung-chien records this incident as follows:\n\n+\n\n+\n\nthe governor of Kuang-chou, Lu Yüan-jui, was killed by the K'un-lun. Yüan-jui was ignorant and weak; his officials were licentious and extortionate. When merchant vessels came, these officials appropriated (the goods for themselves) without stop; foreign merchants, therefore, complained to Yüan-jui. Yüan-jui wanted to punish (the foreign merchants) so he ordered them to be tied up. The group of foreigners were very angry. Then a K'un-lun came straight into the office with a sword hidden in his sleeves and killed Yüan-jui and more than ten other people around him before he escaped. No one dared to get close (to this man). He boarded a ship and entered the sea. The port-officials gave chase, but it was too late.25\n\nLu Yüan-jui's successor, Wang Fang-ching, was described as a reformer who held the post for several years without any exploitation (of the merchants).26\n\nThe opening of the Ta-yü Ling Pass by Chang Ch'iu-ling in A.D. 728 together with a period of comparative honesty and good administration in Kuang-chou, rendered maritime trade again very prosperous. Communications between Kuang-chou, Lo-yang and Ch'ang-an were no longer a problem, for:\n\nThe (merchants of the) various countries from across the sea may now daily transport their merchandise, so that the wealth", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206793, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "64\n\nCHIU LING-YEONG\n\nof tusks (ivory), hides, feathers (kingfisher) and hairs (skins) and that of fish, salt, clams and oysters can, on the one hand, meet the needs of the treasury and, on the other hand, satisfy the demands of the Chiang-hui region.27\n\nIt was due to the opening of the Ta-yü Ling Pass which enabled the Persians and Arabs to transport their goods from Canton to other centres without any difficulty. The convenience of transportation also enabled Persians and Arabs to move from one place to another; thus they were no strangers to many of the cities.\n\nIn the capital, life was more colourful than in any other cities. In T'ang times, there were two great markets in Ch'ang-an, the Tung-shih (the Eastern Market) and Hsi-shih (the Western Market). The Hsi-shih was also known as Chin-shih (the Gold Market), and the Tung-shih was also known as Chün-ming-men (the Bright Spring Gate).28 The Hsi-shih was more or less treated as the foreign settlement in the capital. There you could find all kinds of bazaars situated by the side of the main road. Wineshops employed exotically beautified Western girls with blue eyes and golden hair to serve their customers with rare wines in cups of amber or agate. Sweet singing and seductive dancing were also introduced in order to increase their sales.29 These blue-eyed and golden-haired beauties confounded our versatile poets. Li Po, on more than one occasion, dedicated his works to these beauties, like:\n\nThe zither plays \"The Green Paulownias at Dragon Gate',\n\nThe lovely wine, in its pot of jade, is as clear as the sky.\n\nAs I press against the string, and brush across the studs, I'll drink with you, milord;\n\nVermilion will seem to be grass-green when our faces begin to redden.\n\nThe Western houri with features like a flower\n\nShe stands by the wine-warmer, and laughs\n\nWith the breath of spring,\n\nDances in a dress of gauze!\n\n'Will you be going somewhere, Milord, now, before you are drunk.'30\n\nThe presence of these beautiful girls was the principal cause of the intoxication of many of these poets whose work enables us to trace the activities of the foreigners in China. In the T'ang period,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206795, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "66\n\nCHIU LING-YEONG\n\nThe style of I-seng was of Iranian origin, in which modeled and shaded polychrome figures seemed to stand out in relief, or even to float free from their background. His style is believed to have influenced Wu Tao-hsüan and to be traceable in the caves of Tun-huang.\n\n35\n\nFrom Chinese sources, Ta Yü-chih had three paintings extant in T'ang period, namely: (1) Liu-fan tu; (2) Wai-kuo pao-shu tu (the six foreigners); and (3) Po-lo-men tu (exotic tree from foreign country); (the Brahmara). However, according to Hsüan-ho hua-p'u, there were seven paintings of Hsiao Yu-chih's work, kept by Sung Hui-tsung, namely:\n\n1. Icon of Maitreya 彌勒佛像一;\n\n2. Buddhist icon 佛鋪圖一;\n\n3. Buddhist followers 佛從像一;\n\n4. Buddhist followers from foreign country 外國佛從像一;\n\n5. Avolokitesvara 大悲像一;\n\n6. Vidyaraja 智;\n\n7. Foreigners36;\n\nThese seven masterpieces were kept by the Emperor in the Inner Palace. Some of I-seng's paintings are still kept by collectors either in China or America, like the Dancing girl of Kucha #✯✯; A Sitting God 坐神; Buddha under the Mango Trees 吉羅林果佛; and Drunken Monk 醉僧圖.\n\nThe Yu-chihs were also masters of mural-paintings. Some of their works can still be found in temples and pagodas in China. In the Sung period, their works were classified as shen-p'in (divine category). I-seng also introduced the 'iron-wire' line to China—the Western technique of using a line of unvarying thickness to outline figures.37 I-seng, according to Chang Yen-yüan, had brought new light to Chinese painting and made more paths for painters of the later generations to develop.\n\nCh'in Ming-ho\n\nAt th...\n\nIn the field of medical science in T'ang China, Professor Lo Hsiang-lin inclines to believe that Persians had made tremendous contributions, especially in surgical operations. In A.D. 683, a Persian known as Ch'in Ming-ho, performed a neurosurgical", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206796, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 73, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "PERSIANS, ARABS IN T'ANG CHINA \n\n+ \n\n67 \n\noperation for Kao-tsung Tzu-chih t'ung-chien records this operation as follows: \n\nIn the eleventh moon of the first year of Hung-tao A, the Emperor had great difficulty in seeing because of a headache. The imperial doctor, Ch'in Ming-ho was summoned (to the Inner Palace) to diagnose the case. Ch'in indicated that the Emperor could be healed if he was allowed to needle (acupuncture) the Emperor's head in order to release the blood. \n\nCh'in was allowed to perform the operation and the Emperor was cured. Ch'in was a very skilful surgeon indeed. 38 \n\nIn A.D. 741, a Nestorian Monk known as Ch'ung I also proved to be a good physician in the court. The medical knowledge of these foreigners improved the state of medicine in China and when they met Taoist physicians later, both schools worked very closely and discovered a new kind of medical knowledge which not only benefitted them but also all mankind.40 \n\nLi Hsin 李珣 \n\nIn dealing with foreigners in T'ang China, whether in the field of medical, natural or humanistic science, Li Hsün can hardly be neglected.41 Li was originally from Persia and was the author of the famous Hai-yao pen-ts'ao \n\n(Exotic Pharmacopaeia). Unfortunately, the book is now lost, and there is even uncertainty whether Li Hsun was in fact the author of this book. Fragments of Li Hsün's book have been preserved in the Chung-hsiu Cheng-ho ching-shih cheng-lei pei-yung pen-ts'ao, which is a revision, undertaken in A.D. 1249, of T'ang Shen-wei's Cheng-ho hsin-hsiu cheng-lei pei-yung pen-ts'ao (Materia Medica) of A.D. 1116. They are also preserved in Li Shih-chen's Pen-ts'ao kang-mu \n\n+ \n\nLi was a Ming scientist and died in A.D. 1593. \n\nWhether Li Hsün is the author of the work mentioned is not for discussion here. P. Pelliot, Ch'en Pang-hsien, P. Huard and M. Wong all regarded Li as the author of this work, and as a Persian.42 \n\nLi Hsün was also a literary man of high standing. The compiler of Hua-chien chi had selected thirty-seven of Li's tz'u (lyrics) for this anthology. It is also recorded in Hua-chien chi that Li was also the author of Ch'iung-yao chi. Li Hsün's \n\n+", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206797, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 74, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "68\n\nCHIU LING-YEONG\n\nbrother, Li Hsien and his sister Li Shun-hsien, also attained literary fame in late T'ang. Li Hsün's tz'u is very melodic and musical, Professor Lo Hsiang-lin points out that Li's work had stimulated the tz'u writing of the Northern Sung period.43\n\nLi Hsün, though a Persian, had activated the Pen-ts'ao and tzʼu writing of his time and also of the Sung Period.44\n\nChao Heng 朝衡\n\nChao Heng was a Japanese envoy who came to China with Chen-jen shu-tien A in A.D. 716. Chao Heng's original name was Abeno Nakamaro E. Chao Heng was his sinicized name. After reaching Ch'ang-an with Chen-jen shu-tien AA Chao Heng felt that Chinese culture was far superior to any other culture he knew, so he decided to stay in the Chinese capital and rendered his service to Emperors Hsüan-tsung and Su-tsung In Shang-yüan period (A.D. 760-762), he was sent to Annam as Tu-hu (Protectorate General). He died in A.D. 770.45\n\n#\n\nIV\n\nIt is interesting to note that foreigners in T'ang times had very high social standing in a multi-racial society and in the Court. Foreigners were not only offered senior posts in the government but also shared the responsibilities of policy-making for the empire.46 This, of course, was one of the reasons which led to An Lu-shan's 安祿山 rebellion.\n\nIt is mentioned earlier that Lu Chún had introduced the anti-foreign regulations when he was governor of Kuang-chou in A.D. 836. However, he also presented Li Yen-sheng, a Persian, to the Court in A.D. 847. Li was later given the title of chin-shih because of his literary achievement. It was a custom in Tang times to add two to three unusual surnames to the pass-list of the civil examinations which were held annually either in the capital or in the main cities. These unusual surnames were all those of foreigners. Those who were selected for inclusion in the pass-list were known as pang-huak.\n\nT'ang Emperors had shown no bias towards these foreigners in China. They even decreed, more than once, that Persians, Arabs and other nationals in Kuang-chou, Yang-chou and Ch'üan-chou", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206798, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 75, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "PERSIANS, ARABS IN T'ANG CHINA\n\n69\n\nshould be well-treated.48 The Emperor based his policies on the principle of 't'ien-hsia pai-ch'uan kuei ta-hai' 天下百川歸大海 (all rivers in the empire enter the sea), and accepted everyone from different parts of the world, either to pay tribute to or to trade with China.\n\nThere is no doubt that Persians, Arabs, Turks, Japanese and others did enjoy their stay in China; and it is also an undeniable fact that T'ang emperors wished to befriend these foreigners. It is equally true that in such a highly Sino-centric society as the T'ang period, nobody felt that such a process of assimilation was untraditional or against the theory of Sino-centrism. In T'ang times, such a social pattern was a reality, not a myth, and its spirit may serve as a model for the future.\n\nNOTES\n\n* I wish to express my appreciation to Professor Woodbridge Bingham of the University of California, Berkeley (Visiting Professor in Chinese History, Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong 1970-71) for reading an earlier version of this paper, weeding out mistakes and suggesting improvements.\n\nAbbreviations used in the footnotes:\n\nCTS Chiu T'ang-shu\n\nHTS Hsin T'ang-shu\n\nTCTC Tzu-chih t'ung-chien\n\n1 In T'ang time, Islamic followers used to call the Chinese Tamghai, Tomghaj, Tonghaj, Tangas, Tubgao or Tapkao. Some historians believe that these were transliterations of T'ao-hua-shih. However, Kuwabara Jitsuzō suggested that these were derived from T'ang-chia-tzu. Cf. J. Kuwabara 'On P'u Shou-keng', Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko 2:1-79 (Tokyo, 1928), 7:1-104 (Tokyo, 1935). See also Chinese translation of this, with additional notes by Ch'en Yü-ching, P'u Shou-keng k'ao (Peking, 1954), pp. 103-109.\n\n2 Edward O. Reischauer and J. K. Fairbank, East Asia: The Great Tradition (London, 1958), p. 155.\n\n3 See Lo Hsiang-lin, T'ang-tai wen-hua shih (Taipei, 1963), pp. 54-87.\n\n4 Hsiang Tai, T'ang-tai Ch'ang-an hsi-yü wen-ming (Peking, 1957), pp. 24-25.\n\n5 Edward H. Schafer, The Golden Peaches of Samarkand: A Study of T'ang Exotics (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1963), pp. 10-11. I must express my thankfulness to Professor Schafer's opus magnum; I have fully made use of Professor Schafer's work.\n\n6 See Chiu Ling-yeong, Superintendents of Customs in Canton during the Tang and Sung Dynasties (unpublished M.A. thesis, University of Hong Kong, 1963), Chapters 5 and 6.\n\nPage 75\n\nPage 76", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206799, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 76, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "70\n\nCHIU LING-YEONG\n\n7 Hsiang Ta, p. 35; Schafer, p. 20.\n\n8 See Ssu-Ma Kuang *, Tzu-chih t'ung-chien | (TCTC; Peking, 1956), chuan 225, pp. 7228-7237.\n\n9 Chang-Sun Wu-chi £**& and others eds., T’ang-lu shu-i |*| chuan 6; Ch'en Yü-ching, pp. 56-58.\n\n10 E. Renaudot, Ancient Accounts of India and China by Two Moham-medan Travellers (London, 1733), p. 13.\n\n11 Paul Wheatley, 'Geographical Notes on some Commodities involved in Sung maritime Trade', Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 32, part II, 186:28-29 (Singapore, 1961).\n\n12 Chiu Ling-yeong, pp. 504-508; Tao Hsi-sheng, 'Tang-tai ch'u-li fan-shang chi fan-k'o i-ch'an ti fa-ling' ^££# # X ¶¤£***÷. Shih-huo * 4:9:14-15 (Shanghai, 1936).\n\n13 Ou-Yang Hsiu « and others, eds., Hsin T'ang-shu *M† (HTS; 1060 edited), chuan 163; Chiu Ling-yeong, p. 507.\n\n14 N. I. Konrad, 'The Source of Chinese Humanism' (GALEKH Ht), Journal of the Soviet Oriental Studies 3:72-94 (Moscow, 1957).\n\n15 Ch'en Yü-ching, pp. 74-77.\n\n1\n\n16 Ibn Khordadbeh, 'le livre des routes et des provinces', et annote par M. Barbier de Meynard, Journal Asiatique, serie VI, tome V. In this geo-graphical treatise, Ibn Khordadbeh gave a very vivid description of these trading ports: Khanfou, Kantou, Lonkin and Djanfon. Kuwabara was of the opinion that these four place-names are present Kuang-chou ★ ★. Yang-chou ##, Chiao-chou ★ and Ch'üan-chou ##. Cf. Kuwabara J.. 'T'ang-Sung mao-i-ching yen-chiu' ♫ ET &A”, Chinese translation by Yang Lien ## (Shanghai, 1935), pp. 64-154. Of these four place-names, Khanfou in the Khordadbeh's book was identified as Kuang-chou by Paul Pelliot and many other schools. Cf. M. Paul Pelliot, \"Deux itineraires de Chine en Inde, a la fin du VIII siecle', Bulletin de l'ecole francaise d'extreme Orient (Hanoi, 1904), p. 205, Place-names in T'ang period and with 'fu' is very common. Kuang-chou was called Kuang-fu . There were also Yang-fu, I-fu # and Chiao-fu X Cf. Li Fang # and others, eds., T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi ★★ (edited A.D. 978) chuan 437; Ts'en Chung-min |, Chung-wai shih-ti kao-cheng *** (Hong Kong, 1966), I, 295-296; Ch'en Yü-ching, pp. 13-18.\n\n17 HTS, chuan 144.\n\n18 Liu Hsü $ and others, eds, Chiu T'ang-shu (CTS, A.D. 945 edited), chuan 198.\n\n19 Chang Hsing-lang, Chung-hsi chiao-t'ung shih-liao hui-pien **££Ħ (Peking, 1933), 3, 132; Ch'en Yü-ching, p. 15; Maejima, S., 'Evaluation des sources arabes concernant la revolte de Huang Chao *‡, a la fin des Tang', International Symposium on History of Eastern and Western Cultural Contacts, Tokyo-Kyoto (1957), pp. 85-90. According to HTS, chuan 43, part I, it says the whole population in Canton at that time was not more than two hundred twenty-one thousand and five hundred. Huang Chao, in this case, could not have killed one hundred twenty thousand to two hundred thousand as the Arabs reported. To this point, see Ts'en Chung-min *, Sui-T’ang shih t★ ★ (Peking, 1957), pp. 503-504, n. 46.\n\n20 Ho ch'iao-yüan †, Man-shu ⚡, chapter 7.\n\n21 Hsiang Da, pp. 48-50.\n\nTCTC, chuan 218, p. 6972.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206800, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 77, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "PERSIANS, ARABS IN T'ANG CHINA\n\n71\n\n23 Ch'en Yu-ching, p. 19; Wang Gungwu1, 'The Nanhai Trade', Journal of the Malayan Branch Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 31, part 2, chapter 7, \"The Middlemen and the Spices 618-960 (II), (Kuala Lumpur, 1958).\n\n24 CTS, chüan 89; HTS, chüan 116.\n\n25 TCTC, chüan 203; Wang Gungwu, pp. 75-76. The passage from TCTC follows Wang Gungwu's translation.\n\n26 CTS, chüan 89; HTS, chüan 116.\n\n27 Tung Hao and others, eds., Ch'üan-Tang wen♬ X (A.D. 1814 edition), chüan 291.\n\n28 Hsiang Ta, pp. 38-39.\n\n29 Ibid., Schafer, p. 21.\n\n30 Wang Ch'i±1 ed., Li T'ai-po wen-chi4★ø̇ (A.D. 1758 edited), chüan 3, 'Ch'ien yu tsun-chiu hsing'☀☀f The Chinese version is as follows:\n\n嬰獒龍門之綠桐，玉壺美酒清若空口\n\n催舷梯往與君飲，看朱成碧顏始缸口\n\n胡姬貌如花，當爐笑春風，笑春風，\n\n笑春風，舞羅衣，君今不醉將安歸。\n\nThe translation here follows Schafer's.\n\n31 Hsiang Ta, pp. 41-47.\n\n32 Yüan-shih chang-ch'ing chiZAŁA (1929 edition), chüan 24, p. 5, 'Fa Chu'. After Schafer's translation. Schafer, p. 28.\n\n33 Liu Mau-tsaiA†, 'Kulturelle Beziehungen zwischen den Ost Türken (Tu-Küe) und China', Central Asiatic Journal 3:3:199 (The Hague and Wiesbaden, 1957-58). The dictionary is 'T'u-chüeh yü'*A* See Schafer, p. 285, n. 175.\n\n34 Cf. S. W. Bushell, Chinese Art, Victoria and Albert Museum Handbook (London, 1906), chapter 12; Osvald Siren, Chinese Painting (London, 1956) I, 71; Arnold Silock, Introduction to Chinese Art and History (Oxford, 1948), p. 181; Arthur Waley, An Introduction to the Study of Chinese Painting (London, 1923), p. 108; Jitsuzo Kuwabara, 'Zui-To-jidai ni Shina ni raiju shita seikijin ni tsuite'隋唐時代に支那に来往した番域人に就いて Naito Hakase Kanreki shukuga shukuga Shinagaku ronsoAKŁET#***$*£ (Tokyo, 1926; *ˆ†±‡ƒ), pp. 643-644; Chuang Shen#, 'Sui-Tang shih-tai Yü-tien tsu-chih chi fu-tzu hua-chia'MAARTA##, Lishih yü-yen yen-chiu-so chi-k'anAt*7*ƒƒ4N (Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology), Extra Vol. 4, part I, pp. 403-454 (Academic Sinica, Taiwan, 1960).\n\n35 Schafer, p.\n\n36 Chuang Shen, pp. 408-416.\n\n37 Ibid., pp. 440-443.\n\n38 TCTC, chüan 203, p. 6415. For Ch'in Ming-ho and Li Hsün, I am indebted to Professor Lo Hsiang-lin's stimulating article 'Hsi-chu po-ssu chih Li Hsün chi ch'i Hai-yao pen-ts'ao'±Ùƒ±‡HZ‡❀$$‡ Symposium on Chinese Studies Commemorating the Golden Jubilee of the University of Hong Kong, 1911-1961. F. S. Drake, ed., (Hong Kong, 1964) II, 217-240.\n\n39 For Ch'ung ICTH, chüan 95 see Lo Hsiang-lin's article on Li Hsün; also", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206801, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "72\n\nCHIU LING-YEONG\n\n40 See Liu Ts'un-yan #, \"The Taoists' Knowledge of Tuberculosis in the XIIth Century', a paper presented to the twenty-eighth International Congress of Orientalists, Canberra, January, 1971.\n\n41 Li Hsin's name had been mentioned by B. Laufer, P. Pelliot, G. Ferrand and many other sinologists in the beginning of this century. Cf. O. W. Wolters, Early Indonesian Commerce, a Study of the Origin of Srivijaya (New York, 1966), chapters 9 and 10, also pp. 307-307, n. 13.\n\n42 P. Huard and M. Wong, 'Evolution de la matière medicale chinoise\", Janus 47: (Leiden, 1958); and also their work La mèdecine chinoise au cours des siècles (Paris, 1959).\n\n43 F. S. Drake, pp. 222-223.\n\n44 Ibid.\n\n45 I am indebted again to Professor Lo Hsiang-lin's article 'T'ang-shih yu Chung-Jih wen-hua chiao-liu chih kuan-hsi' ✯✯ ZREALMA T'ang-tai wen-hua shih, pp. 194-220.\n\n46 Sun Kuang-hsien, Pei-meng so-yen. It records during the reign of Hsuan-tsung ✯ (A.D. 847-860) and I-tsung ✯✯ (A.D. 860-873) that secretaries in the Inner Court were all foreigners (#, *£*^); HTS, chuan 217, part II.\n\n47 Ch'üan-Tang wen, chuan 767; Ch'ien I &, Nan-pu hsin-shu **** (Hsüleh-ching t'ao-vüan ## edition) records: A › Ü*** › ÄR 三二人,姓氏稀僻者,謂之色目人,亦謂曰牌花口\n\n4 Sung Ming chiu it fed, Tang huiyao (Peking, 1959), chüan 10, p. 64, Tai-ho third year, the emperor decreed that:\n\n南海蕃舶,本以慕化而來,囿在榷以恩仁,使其感孚,如開癘疫,嗟怨之聲達於殊俗;況朕方寶勤儉,豐愛退遐?深慮遐邇未安,榷稅猶重,思有矜恤,以示綏撫。其嶺南、福建及揚州蕃客,宜委節度觀察使,常加存問,除舶稅、市、進奉外,任其來往通流,自行交易,不得重加榷稅。", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206802, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "SWATOW (CH’AOCHOW) HORIZONTAL STICK PUPPETS\n\nHELGA WERLE*\n\n# Introduction\n\nThe so-called Swatow puppets are in fact wrongly named. This is due to a confusion which requires some explanation. In Western languages the adjective Swatow is used to attribute a dialect, culture or people etc., when the Chinese themselves speak of Ch’aochow. This is because the British gained access to the Ch’aochow area by the opening of the port of Shantou (Swatow) by the Treaty of Tientsin in 1858. Chinese know that the city of Ch’aochow heads one of the 8 prefectures of the province of Kwangtung and is situated on the Han River about 40 miles from the sea and as far from the border with Fukien. Swatow itself, a port with about 85,000 inhabitants in 1925, is in the delta of the Han River, five miles from the open sea.\n\nIn this article the term “Swatow” has been replaced by the use of the proper Chinese description of Ch’aochow.\n\nCh’aochow developed very early into a culturally independent area. Its seaboard position and flourishing port gave it the necessary economic basis and exposed it to various cultural influences. Culturally and linguistically, it is more like a prefecture of Fukien than of Kwangtung. Its dialect is distinctly different from Cantonese, so are its customs and its music, which all deserve to be studied in detail for the value of its rich ancient tradition. Among its cultural assets, the Ch’aochow puppet-theatre is truly amazing, with unique features found nowhere else in the world.†\n\nThe author has studied in the Sinology departments of the Universities of Munich, Hamburg, and Cologne. She has been a resident of Hong Kong since 1966 and has followed up her studies with field work in Taiwan, Indonesia, Cambodia, Thailand and the Philippines. She is particularly interested in folk art and theatre and is at present on the staff of the Hong Kong Arts Centre Ltd. She has published various articles on puppet theatre and folk art.\n\n† For the Introduction, see L. Richard (translated, revised and enlarged by M. Kennelly), Comprehensive Geography of the Chinese Empire and Dependencies, Shanghai, T’usewei Press 1908, pp. 206 and 210. Also J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese or Notes connected with China (5th edition, revised by É. Chalmers Werner), Kelly & Walsh, Shanghai, Hong Kong etc., 1925, pp. 689-690. For the Min dialects of which Ch’aochow and Swatow are part, see R. A. D. Forrest, The Chinese Language, Faber & Faber, London, 1958, pp. 225-232.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206803, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "74\n\nHELGA WERLE\n\nThe Ch'aochow Puppets in Hong Kong\n\nBeing interested in all forms of puppet-theatre, I had heard of the existence of horizontally-moved Ch'aochow stick-puppets in Hong Kong, but it took a long time to have the opportunity to actually see them performed. In the spring of 1973, the leader of the Cantonese rod-puppet troupe, Mak Shiu-tongA, invited me to watch a show near his home, at Block 9 of the Tsz Wan Shan Resettlement Estate. The Ch'aochow people of the estate celebrated the birthday of their patron saint Po-yeh-tan1 on the 27th, 28th and 29th day of the first month.* On a limited rectangular area of about 1,500 square feet there was a bamboo-shed on stilts serving as a puppet-theatre on one end (Plate I), another serving as a make-shift temple opposite to it (Plate II), with an altar on one side and an enormous paper dragon-robe on the other (Plate III).\n\nThe robe complete with boots, belt and lots of neatly folded paper money was to be burned at the end of the celebration, in order to bestow insignia of rank upon the saint in acknowledgement of his merits. The decoration of the robe varies according to the saint to whom it is dedicated. But it is noteworthy that besides the elaborate dragon in relief, pairs of phoenixes and young hornless dragons and the Eight Immortals, three pavilions with eight paper-figures are added. These figures strongly resemble the puppets which I saw later and their heads are also made of plaster. In Ch'aochow the tradition of puppetry and ceremonial figures are very closely related.\n\nThe stilts of the stage were four feet high, with a floor area of 10' x 10' (Plate I), where on the same level the musicians and the puppeteers sit and on which the puppets move (Plate IV). The puppet-stage was very small, with four chairs and a table, all with embroidered covers. The stage is created by five flaps of richly embroidered curtains called chu lien4; the middle one being short to enable the back-stage musicians to follow the performance closely. The two long side-flaps cover a puppeteer each. The decoration of the curtains complement each other to form a cosmical unity: the square middle part shows the lion with four peonies for each direction, representing the earth, the Yin. The Yang is expressed in the dragon design of the other four flaps.\n\nBehind the stage stands a small chest with three drawers—one for puppet-heads, one for headgear and one for arms or pennants\n\n* Lunar calendar.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206805, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "76\n\nHELGA WERLE\n\nThe hands are made of wire (Plate VII) which facilitates the fastening of the sticks or arms, but their appearance is ugly.\n\nThe sticks have the length of chopsticks. Made of iron, they form a small ring at one end and have a wooden handle on the other, to prevent the sticks from slipping out of the hands. The third stick is thicker and is hooked into a hole at the puppet's back from below. The puppeteers tell that in Ch'aochow some puppets were considered so precious that they were handled with sticks made of pure gold.\n\nNeither the waist nor the stick is movable.\n\nThe Historical Background in Ch'aochow\n\nAlthough well proportioned and even beautiful, this puppet has many technical disadvantages compared to the Cantonese rod-puppet or the Fukienese string or glove-puppet. The reason for this incongruousness can be found in the dominance of Ch'aochow's ancient leather shadow-puppet tradition, which was definitely well established in the Ming dynasty in that area. One can assume that it existed earlier but any proof is lacking so far.\n\nIn Ch'aochow these shadow-puppets were cut out of cowhide (which is very rough when compared to the donkey-hide used in North China or Szechuan) which was coloured. They have two-jointed arms and legs and are handled with three sticks attached to the hands and the back of the two-dimensional puppet. The author has seen such Min-nan shadow-puppets in Taiwan, and some old Ch'aochowese confirmed that the Ch'aochow ones had exactly these features. By the end of the last century, supposedly under the strong influence of the extraordinary perfection of the string and glove puppets of Ch'uan-chou, Fukien, a new type of puppet evolved, a hybrid with the beauty of a Ch'uan-chou puppet, but handicapped in movement by the technique of a two-dimensional puppet. The name paper-shadow-theatre chih-ying-hsi was also applied to the new puppet. These two kinds of puppets existed side by side for one generation, and according to witnesses the leather shadow-puppets disappeared in the 1920s.\n\nIt is yet possible to receive first-hand accounts of the time when puppets were much used. An educated elderly Ch'aochow gentleman, Mr. Su related that in his childhood, at the beginning of the Republic, there were still 3 different kinds of puppets: shadow, horizontal stick-puppets and a third kind which he describes as...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206806, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "SWATOW HORIZONTAL STICK PUPPETS\n\n77\n\nbeing 2-3 feet high but cannot remember how they were manipulated. They were probably Fukienese string-puppets, which would not be surprising, as Fukienese Min-nan opera groups were popular in Ch'aochow, so why not Fukienese puppets? In Mr. Su's home, in Ch'aochow city, the greatest pleasure children derived was to play their own leather-shadow puppets behind the paper-screen. Besides the ceremonial puppet-shows at the temple festivals there were always puppet-shows performed for public entertainment in those days. He recalls that the leather shadow-puppets were by far the most interesting to watch.\n\nApart from traditional subjects, they offered a kind of political cabaret caricaturing the confusion after the 1911 Revolution or performing an amusing burlesque. They are said to have given realistic renderings of the feats and behaviour of the warlords and bandits who roamed the country between 1911 and the 1930s. These street performances were usually given by a team of two opera-singers who were too old to perform on stage. From a bamboo pole balanced on their shoulders hung a bundle of personal belongings at the rear end, and a trunk containing puppets, stage, and musical instruments at the front end. The two would set up their bamboo-frame stage in a rich private house or a public square, adjusting their lamp behind the paper-screen. They manipulated the puppets, spoke, sang, and played musical instruments using their mouths, hands, and feet simultaneously.\n\nOne very special occasion in Ch'aochow was the lantern festival on the fifteenth day of the first moon, when puppets were of prime importance. In the evening, a crowd would throng the streets to find a place at one of the many puppet-performances. Street-vendors offered puppets, with delicate heads made of clay and complete with clothes, for sale. The puppets looked exactly like those for performances, but were immovable and had no sticks at their hands or back. If parents wished to have a son or a daughter, or a groom or bride for their children, they would buy an appropriate doll on this day and keep it at home.\n\nThe transition from shadow to round puppets is clearly stated in the Chinese literary sources.* It is there repeated that shadow-puppets came to Ch'aochow in the Sung dynasty and were always performed behind a paper-screen on a bamboo-frame called chu-chuang44* (bamboo-window); and that by the end of last century\n\n* See Liu and Sun under Bibliography to this article.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206807, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "78\n\nHELGA WERLE\n\n(sun-win- \n\na glass-screen came into fashion called yang-chuang dow). With the glass-screen the puppets became round, their bodies were made of straw, hands and feet of paper, the head of clay, the costumes were copied from the string-puppets, sticks were attached to the hands and the back, and then these puppets were called yuan-shen chih-ying-hsi | ✯✯✯ (round-body paper-shadow play). Later, it is stated, the glass-screen was discarded and curtains were attached to the bamboo-frame, but nevertheless it continued to be called 'Paper-shadow-play'.\n\nAll over China the shadow-play was called p'i-ying-hsi ★BA \"Leather-shadow-play\" because the figures were cut out of leather, but in Ch'aochow strangely enough this term was never used. Referring to the paper-screen it was always, and is still now, called \"Paper-shadow-play\" and I met several Ch'aochowese who were convinced that their shadow-figures were cut out of paper. The misinterpretation is probably due to the name.\n\nThis description of development suggests many questions. Why should a light, convenient and cheap paper-screen be given up for a glass-screen, which is heavy, expensive, easy to break and almost impossible to transport? How should a hawking puppeteer carry a delicate glass-screen with his bundle and box? Was the fascination of the newly imported foreign glass-windows so great that they were adopted for the 'paper-shadow-play' in order to lend it new attraction? And if there was a glass-screen, was it translucent imitating the paper-effect or was it transparent window-glass? This question is important, because the difference would decisively influence the shape of the puppet. The name 'Sun-window' could also suggest that the shadow was not produced by an oil-lamp, but sunlight.\n\nOld Ch'aochowese vividly recall impressions of the shadow of puppets appearing on a paper-screen, but I heard no one speaking of glass. Being unable to find a logical reason for adopting a glass-screen, I would like to consider it the invention of an author who tried unsuccessfully to explain the disappearance of shadow-puppets in Ch'aochow.\n\nSome Characteristics of Ch'aochow Puppet Opera\n\nI turn now to consider various aspects of Ch'aochow puppet history. Among these, the patron saint of puppets shows certain interesting characteristics. Whilst the Peking opera actors venerate the emperor T'ang Ming Huang (713-742), who was the founder of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206808, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "SWATOW HORIZONTAL STICK PUPPETS\n\n79\n\nthe Pear-Garden Opera School, the Ch'aochow actors and puppe-teers have backstage a tablet or image of Feng-huo-yuan T’ien-yuan-shuai. Feng, the First Heavenly Commander. His biography can be found on page 125 of E.T.C. Werner, A Dictionary of Chinese Mythology, and reads as follows: \"Tien Hung-i, his real name, was the second of three brothers, Hsun-liu and Chih-piao who, during the K'ai-yuan Period (AD 713-742) of the T'ang Dynasty became famous court musicians....\n\n\"They were such skilled players that even clouds stopped to listen to them, and the la-mei hua (very fragrant flowers which open only in the coldest part of the winter) blossomed. The Emperor having fallen ill, saw them in a dream playing the mandolin and violin, and was promptly restored to health. As a reward he bestowed on them the title of Marquis.\n\nA ravaging epidemic having broken out, the Grand Master of the Taoists sought the musicians' aid. T'ien Yuan-shuai had a large shen-chou, spirit-boat, built, and called together a million spirits, whom he instructed to beat drums placed on it, whereupon all the demons came out of the city to listen to the music, and were seized and expelled by the musician and the Taoist Grand Master. This is said to be the origin of the dragon-boats to be seen everywhere in China on the fifteenth day of the first moon,\n\nChang Ta-shih having recognised his great ability and power, memorialized the Emperor, who canonized the three brothers as Marquises, and all the members of their family and near relatives were given posthumous titles.\"\n\nThis account indicates clearly the Feng was chosen as a patron: namely for the beauty of his music and its magical power of exorcising the evil spirits. It shows a very basic approach to music and brings to mind the many opera and puppet-performances which are staged by the Ch'aochowese at all festivals and ceremonies that deal with ghosts of which the main one is the Ta-chiu in the 7th lunar month. As a contrast it is interesting to know that the Peking opera actors have chosen T'ang Ming Huang, who already in his life time was a patron of opera as a sophisticated entertainment of the court.\n\nAnother interesting characteristic of Ch'aochow puppets (though not unique to them) is the ceremonies required to cleanse the theatre stage. Besides the veneration of the patron saint the ceremony of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206809, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "80\n\nHELGA WERLE\n\nChing p'eng \"cleaning the matshed\" has to take place before the performance. The puppeteers take a live cock and make an incision in his throat and then carry him over the stage, dropping his blood into every corner, over the backstage and even over the musical instruments. This is done in order to protect themselves against the evil spirits or hungry ghosts, which performing puppets attract. That human actors perform at the Hungry Ghosts Festival is a development of the past 20 years for Ch'aochowese. Originally only puppets were used. The human likeness of the moving puppet fools the ghost, who takes possession of the puppet. Thus humans are protected from their assault and the whole area gets cleared of their evil influence. Puppet-shows are mainly performed as an exorcising ceremony and it therefore does not matter whether there is a public to watch the performance or not.\n\nThe actual performance starts mostly with the 'Birthday of the Eight Immortals', which is a series of good wishes. This introductory piece starts with the Peach Banquet, implying the wish for longevity. The next part is called 'To bestow Rank and Riches'; then comes the fairy who sends sons. The next short play is a ceremony to \"cleanse the matshed\" and the last is called \"the banquet at the capital\", which is to congratulate the troupe for its performance. The main play starts after this introduction.\n\nThe repertory of the two Hong Kong Ch'aochow puppet-groups comprises the following operas, which are part of the Ch'aochow Opera tradition:\n\nHu-li Luan Chou Wang 狐狸亂周王\n\nTuan-Chiao Hui\n\nLi Te-wu 李德武\n\nKuan Wang Miao 闊王廟\n\nYang Tsung-pao\n\nI Chih Mei 一枝梅\n\nThe script/stories of these operas are spoken and sung by the puppeteers. If the opera is a wen-chü or literary play, the text which is in rhymes is fixed and a script is used; but when a wu-chü or military play is performed the puppeteers use their own imagination to enrich the familiar plot.\n\nOne further point should be mentioned. Shadow-puppet theatre was very early a most important part of entertainment and when finally drama became organised, the public eye was so trained on the shadow-puppet movements that they were taken over into the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206810, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "SWATOW HORIZONTAL STICK PUPPETS\n\n81\n\ndrama. This is a process which reminds of Java where the drama performed by actors Wayang Orang mimics the much earlier leather-shadow-play Wayang Kulit.\n\nHsiao Nan-ying\n\na famous hua-tan of Ch'aochow opera, who came to Hong Kong a year ago, complains that the Ch'aochow opera here is still using the stiff movements which were influenced by the shadow-puppet movements. She also tells of a typical Ch'aochow opera in which the peculiarities of the shadow-puppet-theatre are used to great effect. A movement can suddenly stop and the moment can be endlessly prolonged. For example: a boy and a girl move independently in a festival-crowd and when they by chance look at each other, they instantly fall in love and remain motionless in the position in which they caught each other's eye. And the Old Man of the Moon appears, takes imaginary strings from their eyes and binds them together. They remain like statues looking at each other until somebody cuts the imaginary strings, the spell is broken and they regain their liveliness. This technique is believed to be derived from the shadow-play.\n\nThe Wang Family\n\nThe most important puppeteer-family in Hong Kong is the family Wang who have been puppeteers for at least three generations. At the end of the Imperial era the grandfather Wang Pao-yuan was active as a puppeteer and opera-actor, and his son who accompanied him became the famous Wang Chiao-tsou, also called Wang Chiao Y. The name Chiao-tsou meaning “itinerant teacher\" was given to him, because he was a well-known itinerant teacher and opera-actor and also a puppeteer. Weary of the Sino-Japanese war he took his family to Hong Kong in 1938, together with a trunk of puppets. He immediately started to teach Ch'aochow opera and founded the Hsin-shun-hsiang puppet-troupe (The title means 'to prosper anew in Hong Kong'). His own family being very large, it was easy for him to give puppet-performances. Having for long performed himself in the leading role of hua-tan (character of a high-class beauty) he was a major force in the upsurge of Ch'aochow opera in Hong Kong in the last thirty years.\n\nWhen Wang Chiao-tsou arrived here he found three established Ch'aochow puppet-groups. Hsin-t'ien-ts'ai gave up its puppets to become an opera troupe in 1962. Lao-yuan-cheng", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206811, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 88, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "82\n\nHELGA WERLE\n\ndissolved in 1964 when because of lack of business the old leader got so desperate that he threw his puppets literally into a rubbish-bin. The third group Tung-i still exists under the leadership of Wu Mu-sen and Ch'en Yung-ming. Their puppets are older and much larger than those of the Hsin-shun-hsiang troupe, and are very seldom used now.\n\nWhen Wang Chiao-tsou died his eldest son Hsi-ch'in continued the Hsin-shun-hsiang Troupe. He usually plays the Yeh-hu, for which he is very renowned, in the opera-orchestras. This is a two-stringed violin of which the sound box is made of a coconut shell. Five of the seven brothers and sisters Hsi-ch'in, Hsi-tang, Hsi-yü, Hsi-ch'ing and Hsi-hsien are all versatile musicians or singers, joining in the puppet or opera performances. There are also six artists of the older generation with 30-40 years' experience performing with them. They are Li Chen-chiang, Huang Shun-ch'i, Ma Chen-huan, Chang Chung-liang, Li Han-t'an and Chiu Hsüeh-ching.\n\nDuring a typhoon in 1960 Hsi-ch'in's squatter hut was flooded and most of his puppets were destroyed. He travelled to Ch'aochow to replace them, but he could not find any old ones. Fortunately, he found an old-puppet-maker who made a new set which he took to Hong Kong, and it is used now by his troupe and also by the Tung-i Troupe.\n\nToday, there are about sixty puppet-bodies and eighty puppet-heads, belonging to these two troupes, the Hsin-shun-hsiang and the Tung-i. They give no more than seven performances a year between them. They are still called by Ch'aochow associations to perform at the festival of the T'ien-kung Chi on the 5th day of the first month, the festival of Po-kung Fu-te Ta-yeh on the 29th day of the third month and to the ceremony of Hsieh-shen (thanking the gods) in the 12th month. Although the name of either of the groups invited to perform appears on top of the curtain, the puppets, puppeteers, musical instruments and musicians are mostly the same. The fee is handed to the leader of the troupe who, together with the leader of the orchestra, keeps a larger share. The rest is distributed equally among all the other performers, puppeteers and musicians.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206812, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "SWATOW HORIZONTAL STICK PUPPETS\n\nCh'aochow Puppets in contemporary China and overseas\n\n83\n\nLiu Fu-kuang §✯ an educated person of about 40, who is the most outstanding Ch'aochow orchestra-leader here, is closely connected with the Hsin-shun-hsiang puppet-troupe. He came to Hong Kong in 1959. According to him, puppet-troupes completely disappeared in Ch'aochow after the establishment of the People's Republic in 1949. This is probably because their performances were intimately connected with the festivals of the myriads of local deities, the worship of which was strongly discouraged by the Communists. In 1957, Liu Fu-kuang saw the last troupe, called Shant'ou Ying-hsi-t'uan 4⇓✯D (Shadow-play-troupe of Shant'ou) perform in Swatow. He believes that not even one troupe is now left in Ch'aochow, after a history of about one thousand years and a hundred active troupes fifty years ago.\n\nPeople from Ch'aochow make up a large percentage of the Overseas Chinese population of South East Asia and Ch'aochow opera flourishes there; but there is said not to be one single \"paper-shadow-play\" troupe overseas. This shows that from the great tradition of puppet-theatre, only the two troupes in Hong Kong are left. It is therefore the last chance to savour and study this tradition before its extinction which, at least at the moment, appears to be inevitable.\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\nBatchelder, Marjorie H.: Rod-puppets and the Human Theatre, Columbus, The Ohio State University Press, 1947.\n\nHuang Chun-ming: The Forbidden Puppets' in Echo of Things Chinese, Taiwan, October 1972, pp. 24-34.\n\nJacob & Jensen: Das Chinesische Schattentheater, Stuttgart, 1933.\n\nMargareta Niculescu: The Puppet Theatre in the Modern World compiled by Union Internationale des Marionettes under Margareta Niculescu, George G. Harrap & Co. Ltd., London, Toronto, Wellington, Sidney, 1967.\n\nTsim Tak-lung (compiler): Puppet-demonstration on pages 45-47 of ‘Chinese Theatre in Hong Kong', Proceedings of a Symposium, Nov. 22-23, 1968, Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, 1968.\n\nBurger, Helga: 'The Cantonese Stick-puppets', in Kaleidoscope, Hong Kong, March/April 1973.\n\n\"The Far Eastern Puppet Theatre' in Souvenir Book of the Hong Kong Arts Festival, 1974.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206813, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "84\n\nHELGA WERLE\n\nChang Po-chieh : 'Ch'ao-chü Yüan-Liu Chi Li-shih Yen-ke', in Ch'ao-chü Yin-Yueh, Canton, 1956. MHAKAARST. NOTA 廣象。\n\nHuang Hua-chieh : Chung-Kuo Ku-chin Min-chien Pai-hsi, Taiwan, 1967, Ren Ren Wen-k'u Series, No. 383.\n\nKuan Chün-che : Pei-ching Pi-ying-hsi, Peking, 1959.\n\nLiu Fu-kuang : 'Ch'ao-chou Chih-ying-hsi Chien-chieh', Hong Kong Arts Centre Bulletin, Feb. 1974.\n\nSun Kai-ti : Kwei-lei-hsi K'ao-yüan, Shanghai, 1953.\n\nWu Ting-hung : Zhen-yang-yen mu-ou-hsi, Shanghai, 1954.\n\nWhere no sources are quoted, the statements made in the text are based on first-hand observation and interviews. H.W.\n\nPage 90\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206814, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "FIVE ART CATALOGUES BY 19TH CENTURY KWANGTUNG ART COLLECTORS\n\nCHUANG SHEN*\n\nIntroduction: Chinese Paintings and the Compilation of Art Catalogues\n\nAlthough wall painting is the most historic form of Chinese painting, few of them survive today. With regard to other types of painting, Ku K'ai-chih's \"Admonition of Court Ladies\" (Nu-shih-chen t'u), a work executed in the fourth century Chin dynasty, is the earliest in date and exists in the form of a small handscroll. In the sixth century Sui dynasty, there appeared Chan Tzu-chien's \"Spring Outing\" (Yu-ch'un t'u), which is a large horizontal hanging scroll. During the seventh to ninth centuries T'ang dynasty, screens (both p'ing, unmovable; and chang, movable) were widely used.\n\nViewing these in terms of practicality, no matter whether the format is a horizontal handscroll, or a vertical hanging scroll, or even a folding screen, they are all paintings with a portable form. Due to this portability and their much smaller size in comparison with wall painting, there has appeared ever since the fourth century a large number of art collectors in China.\n\nAfter the T'ang and the Sung dynasties, collecting ancient paintings became very popular; and when their collections grew to be quite sizable, art collectors began to feel a need to compile catalogues. According to documentary materials that are now known to us, the earliest painting catalogue is Pei Hsiao-yuan's \"History of Imperial and Private Painting Collections in the Chen Kuan Era\" (Chên-kuan kung-ssu hua-shih). This title, apparently dating from early T'ang, indicates that there was no clear-cut distinction between imperial and private collections, both being considered together for cataloguing purposes. However, by the Sung dynasty, we find this is no longer the case.\n\n* Mr. Chuang Shen (S. C. Chuang) is BA (Taiwan) and MA (Princeton) and Lecturer in the Chinese Department of the University of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206815, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "86\n\nCHUANG SHEN\n\nBeginning from the Northern Sung period, speaking in general, editing principles applied to writings of either individual works or history of painting or calligraphy were two-fold. According to the first principle, records or descriptions of either painting or calligraphy were separated as two unrelated sections. But according to the second principle, they were combined together into one chronicle.\n\nDuring the Sung periods, there were two kinds of writings completed in accordance with the first principle; namely, official compilations in contrast to private compilations. In regard to the former, for instance, the Hsüan-ho shu-p'u and the Hsüan-ho hua-p'u are both typical works edited under the imperial order of Emperor Hui Tsung (re. 1082-1135); whereas the Hai-yüeh shu-shih and Hua-shih, both written by Mi Fei (1051-1107) are the best examples of writing on the history of calligraphy and painting among private compilations. Apparently, however, after the Sung periods, official writings on history of either painting and calligraphy were scarcely compiled. The reflourishing of such a tradition was not brought back until the Ch'ing period during the late 17th century.\n\nNevertheless, the editing principle of separating records of painting and calligraphy into two unrelated sections had already become an influential tradition. After the Sung periods, a number of books dealing with either painting or calligraphy were edited in this way.\n\nDuring the Ming period, the most distinguished works on painting and calligraphy were probably the following three: firstly, the Shu-yüan 12 chuan and the Hua-yüan 4 chuan, both edited by Wang Shih-chen (1526-1590); secondly, the San-hu-wang hua-lu and San-hu-wang shu-lu (each of which has 24 chuan) both edited in 1643 by Wang Ko-yü; thirdly, the Tieh-wang san-hu edited in 1597 by Chu Ts'un-li (The first edition has 8 chuan altogether; 4 chuan are dedicated to painting and the other 4 to calligraphy. Yet, in its second edition amended in 1610, this record was expanded to 16 chuan, with 10 chüan for calligraphy and 6 for painting.) In these three works, the records of painting and calligraphy were all divided into two unrelated sections.\n\nDuring the Ch'ing period, many works that dealt with the history of either painting or calligraphy were compiled according to the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206816, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "FIVE ART CATALOGUES\n\n87\n\nsame tradition. For instance, Pien Yung-yü's Shih-ku-t'ang shu-hua hui-k'ao of 1682 (60 chüan altogether; 30 for painting and 30 for calligraphy); Ku Fu's P'ing-sheng chuang-kuan of 1692 (10 chüan altogether; 5 for painting and 5 for calligraphy); Wu Shêng's Ta-kuan-lu of 1712 (20 chüan altogether; for painting and calligraphy, 10 chüan each); An Ch'i's Mo-yüan hui-kuan of 1742 (There are mainly 2 chüan; one for painting and the other, calligraphy. However, near the end of this work there appears an additional chüan with simplified descriptions of painting); and finally, Ku Wên-pin's Kuo-yün-lou shu-hua-lu of 1882 (6 chüan for painting and 4 for calligraphy). All these important works on the history of either painting or calligraphy were edited by separating records of painting and calligraphy into two different sections.\n\nOn the other hand, speaking in general, works in which records of painting and calligraphy were put together as a combined chronicle were far fewer. From the earlier period, only Huang Po-ssu's Tung-kuan-yu-lun (2 chüan, edited in 1147 by the author's son, Huang Nai) and Chou Mi's Yün-yen kuo-yen-lu (4 chüan, edited probably around 1291) may be regarded as representative works in this line during the Sung and the Yüan.\n\nHowever, during the Ming and the Ch'ing periods, works in this line were innumerable. During the Ming period the most important were: Chu Ts'un-li's (1444-1513) San-hu-mu-nan (8 chüan); Tu Mu's (1458-1525) Yü-i-pien (only 1 chüan); Wên Chia's (1501-1583) Ch'in-shan-r'ang shu-hua-chi (1 chüan, edited in 1565); Chu Chih-ch'ih's Ao-an shu-hua-mu (1 chüan); Sun Feng's Shu-hua-ch'ao (1 chüan); Chen Chi-ju's (1558-1639) Ni-ku-lu (4 chüan); Tung Ch'i-ch'ang's (1555-1636) Hua-chan-shih sui-pi (4 chüan); and Li Jih-hua's (1565-1635) Wei-sui-hsüan jih-chi (compiled in 1616). In all these works, the records of painting and calligraphy of various dynasties were combined, forming one chronicle.\n\nThis type of books became even more numerous during the Ch'ing dynasty. Those completed in early Ch'ing were Sun Chêng-che's (1592-1676) Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi (8", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206817, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 94, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "88\n\nCHUANG SHEN\n\nchuan; completed in the 16th year of the Shun Chih era, 1659); Wu Ch'i-chên's Shu-hua-chi (6 chüan; completed in the 16th year of the K'ang Hsi era, 1677); Kao Shih-ch'i's (1645-1704) Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu (3 chuan; completed in the 32nd year of the K'ang Hsi era, 1693); and Miu Yüeh-tsao's (1682-1761) Yü-i-lu (6 chuan; completed in the 11th year of the Yung Chêng era, 1733). During the prosperous period of Ch'ing, there were Lu Shih-hua's (1714-1779) Wu-yüeh so-chien-shu-hua-lu (6 chüan; completed in the 41st year of the Chien Lung era, 1776); Chen Cho's Hsiang-kuan-chai yü-hsiang-pien (12 chüan; completed in the 47th year of the Chien Lung era, 1782). In mid Ch'ing, more works of this kind appeared, such as Pan Shih-huang's Hsü-ching-chai yün-yen-kuo-yen-lu (1 chüan; completed in the 9th year of the Tao Kuang era, 1820); Chang Ta-yung's Chih-i-chai shu-hua-lu (30 chüan; completed in the 12th year of the Tao Kuang era, 1832); Tao Liang's (1772-1857) Hung-tou-shu-kuan shu-hua-chi (8 chüan; completed in the 16th year of the Tao Kuang era, 1836); and Hu Chi-t'ang's Pi-hsiao-hsüan shu-hua-lu (2 chüan; completed in the 19th year of the Tao Kuang era, 1839). Still more were published during the late Ch'ing period. These were: Han Tai-hua's Yü-yü-t'ang shu-hua-chi (4 chüan; completed in the first year of the Hsien Fêng era, 1851); Chang Kuang-hsü's Pieh-hsia-chai shu-hua-lu (4 chüan; completed in the 4th year of the T'ung Chih era, 1865); Li Tso-hsien's Shu-hua-chien-yin (24 chüan; completed in the 10th year of the T'ung Chih era, 1871); Fang Chün-i's Mêng-yüan shu-hua-lu (24 chüan; completed in the first year of the Kuang Hsü era, 1875); Hsieh K'un's Shu-hua-so-chien-lu (3 chüan; completed in the 6th year of the Kuang Hsü era, 1880), Ko Chin-liang's Ai-jih-yin-lu shu-hua-lu (4 chüan; completed in the 7th year of the Kuang Hsü era, 1881); Lu Hsin-yüan's (1834-1894) Jang-li-kuan kuo-yen-lu (40 chüan; completed in the 18th year of the Kuang Hsü era, 1892); and Shao Sung-nien's Ku-yüan-ts'ui-lu (18 chüan; completed in the 29th year of the Kuang Hsü era, 1903).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206818, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "FIVE ART CATALOGUES\n\n89\n\nIn a word, during the thousand years between the Sung and the Ch'ing dynasties, documentary records of calligraphies and paintings of past dynasties were never compiled by following editing principles other than these two: either joint or separate. Among the above listed Ch'ing art catalogues, five of them conformed with the separate principle, while eighteen others followed the joint principle. Thus from the ratio of 1:3.6 shown between the two groups, it is clear that although these two editing principles both made their appearance in the Sung dynasty, by the Ch'ing period, catalogues that conformed with the joint principle by far out-numbered those that followed the separate principle.\n\nThe Kwangtung Art Catalogues\n\nII\n\nThe compilation of the catalogues for the five Kwangtung collections is, in fact, closely related to the above-mentioned editing principles: either joint or separate. For example, in his Fêng-man-lou shu-hua-lu (4 chuan, completed around the 20th year of the Tao Kuang era, 1840) Yeh Mêng-lung (1775-1832) adopted the principle of separating records of calligraphy and painting of past dynasties into two independent sections. However, in the other four catalogues, i.e., Wu Yung-kuang's (1773-1843) Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi (5 chuan, completed in the 21st year of the Tao Kuang era, 1841); Pan Chêng-wei's (1791-1850) T'ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi (5 chuan, completed in the 23rd year of the Tao Kuang era, 1843) and supplement (2 chuan, completed around the 29th year of the Tao Kuang era, 1849); Liang T'ing-nan's (1796-1861) T'ing-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa (4 chuan, completed in the 5th year of the Hsien Fêng era, 1855); and Kung Kuang-tao's (1832-1880) Yüeh-hsüeh-lou shu-hua-lu (5 chuan, completed in the 11th year of the Hsien Fêng era, 1861), the compilers all followed the principle of combining the records of calligraphy and painting together in one chronicle.\n\nThus, among the five art catalogues, only one was edited in accordance with the separate principle, and the other four all adhered to the joint principle. This ratio of 1:4 seems to be quite close to the 1:3.6 ratio shown between catalogues respectively edited by", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206819, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "90\n\nCHUANG SHEN\n\nfollowing either the joint principle or the separate principle throughout the Ch'ing dynasty.\n\nIt may also be worthwhile for us to look into the editing methods employed in the art catalogues of the five Kwangtung collectors. Starting from the middle of the Ming dynasty (the 16th century is taken here as the demarcating point), the editing methods used in Chinese art catalogues can also be classified into two types. Most of the catalogues completed during the Sung and the Yuan periods, as well as in early Ming, possessed the following three characteristics:\n\n(1) brief description of subject matter seen on the painting proper.\n\n(2) in regard to the colophons written on or outside the painting proper, most of the time only the names of colophon writers were recorded,\n\n(3) as to the seals stamped on or outside the painting proper, most of the time only the names of the seal owners were recorded.\n\nIn other words, before the Wan Li era of mid Ming, art catalogue compilers only gave limited attention to the content of colophons and to the text and shape of the seals. After the Wan Li era, however, in regard to the inscriptions and colophons, a number of innovations in the compilation of Chinese art catalogues began to appear.\n\nFirst of all, in his Tieh-wang san-hu, Chu Ts'un-li not only recorded the artists' own short inscriptions, but also recorded in detail the longer colophons written by the collectors' or the artists' friends on or outside the painting proper. As a result, in reading the catalogue, the reader would have a clear picture of the background of each painting, its history of transmission, as well as other people's opinion of it. In comparison with the editing methods employed in art catalogues of the previous few centuries, Chu Ts'un-li's editing method was undoubtedly a major change. Therefore, although after the publication of the Tieh-wang san-hu, certain compilers ignored Chu's editing method and still adhered to the traditional ways, there were actually a great number of others who accepted the new way readily. The San-hu-wang hua-lu, completed in the 16th year of the Ch'ung Chên era by Wang K'o-yü, was one of the more important art catalogues that first followed this new", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206820, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 97, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "FIVE ART CATALOGUES \n\n91\n\nediting method. In it, Wang not only accepted the method introduced by Chu Ts'un-li by recording faithfully all the inscriptions and colophons that appeared on each painting; but more than that, he also entered details about the quality and format of each painting, which were things Chu had overlooked.\n\nIn early Ch'ing, Pien Yung-yü's Shih-ku-t’ang hua-k’ao was the more significant in terms of editing methods. To begin with, Pien not only conformed with Chu Ts'un-li and Wang Ko-yü in entering details of the quality and format, as well as the inscriptions and colophons of a painting, but also recorded all the seals stamped on or outside it. It should be noted here that although the use of seals could be traced back to the T'ang dynasty, it seems that its common use by artists started only in early Ming. In particular, after Ho Chên's Wan School took over the place of the Chê School (founded by Wên Chia, compiler of the Chin-shan-fang shu-hua-chi) and engraved a large number of seals for the scholars during the transitional period of the Ming and Ch'ing dynasties, the use of seals became so popular that it surpassed all such practices in the past. It is very likely that in view of the growing importance of seals, Pien Yung-yü began to record the seals that appeared on old paintings. His ways of recording seals are as follows:\n\n(1) keeping to the original order of the seal text, he rearranged them by recording the transcriptions in the regular script. (2) he denoted the original shape of the seals by enclosing the transcriptions recorded in the regular script in squares or rectangles.\n\n(3) beneath the seals, he added explanatory notes in small characters to indicate the method used in carving the seal (The characters carved in relief are called chu-wên and the incised ones are called pai-wên).\n\nAnother major contribution made by Pien Yung-yü in the matter of methods employed in the compilation of art catalogues was the recording of sizes of paintings and calligraphies. Although Wang Ko-yü had already recorded the quality of paintings in his San-hu-wang hua-lu, nevertheless he had neglected the importance of the measurements. This problem, overlooked by art catalogue compilers in the Ming dynasty, was not given full attention until Pien Yung-yü compiled the Shih-ku-t'ang shu-k'ao and Shih-ku-t'ang hua-k'ao in early Ch'ing. Therefore Pien's work, a combination...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206821, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "92\n\nCHUANG SHEN\n\ntion of old merits found in the Ming period art catalogues — the recording of quality and format of paintings, as well as inscriptions and colophons that appeared on them — and innovations of his own — the recording of measurements and seals — could be said to be the first complete art catalogue in the history of development of art catalogue editing systems. Later on, even the Shih-chü pao-chi\n\n*** (The first part was completed in the 10th year of the Chien Lung era, 1745; the second part, in the 58th year of the Chien Lung era, 1793, and the third part, in the 22nd year of the Chia Ching era, 1817), an art catalogue of the Ch'ing imperial household, followed exactly the editing methods introduced by Pien.\n\nIt can thus be said that before the Wan Li era of the Ming dynasty, the editing methods of Chinese art catalogues were mainly descriptive, whereas after the Wan Li era, the stress was shifted to documentary. The Ming compilers' contribution to the compilation of art catalogues lay in their inauguration of recording colophons and inscriptions on paintings, as well as the quality and format of all paintings. The Ch'ing compilers' contribution, on the other hand, was the introduction of records of seal text on the painting, as well as the measurements of all paintings. It was only when such essential elements as inscriptions and colophons, seals, quality, size, and format etc. were all fully recorded that an art catalogue could be said to have possessed all the necessary requirements.\n\nAlthough Pien Yung-yü's Shih-ku-t’ang shu-k’ao and Shih-ku-t’ang hua-k’ao, both completed in the 21st year of the K'ang Hsi era, were the most perfect works in the history of development of art catalogue compilation, some other art catalogues that were completed after the publication of Pien's works still adhered to the traditional editing methods used before the Wan Li era. For instance, there were Tso Lang's San-wan-liu-ch'ien-ch'ing-hu-chung hua-ch'uan-lu\n\n*# (completed in the 60th year of the Chien Lung era, 1795); Shêng Ta-shih's ★± Ch'i-shan wo-yu-lu A4 (first completed in the 21st year of the Tao Kuang era, 1833); and Huang Ch'ung-hsing's\n\nTsao-hsin-lou tu-hua-chi ******* in which no record\n\n* There is no date of completion. However, according to Tan Ting-hsien's ### preface dated in the 27th year of the Kuang Hsü era ✰✰ (1901), he was an old friend of Wang Ch'ung-hsing. Thus, it can be deduced that both were active during the Tung Chih and Kuang Hsü eras.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206822, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 99, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "FIVE ART CATALOGUES \n\n93 \n\nwas given about the seals and the measurements of the paintings, and often, only the names of colophon writers and seal owners were included, without any entry of the text of colophons and seals. Nevertheless these works should only be regarded as exceptional cases, since after the publication of the Shih-ku-t’ang hua-k’ao, most art catalogue compilers adopted Pien Yung-yü's editing methods. \n\nAs mentioned above, there is some difference in the editing principles employed in the five Kwangtung art catalogues; in that Yeh and Liang adopted the separate principle, while Wu, Pan and Kung adopted the joint principle. On the other hand, in the matter of editing methods, all the five catalogues are similar to most of the catalogues compiled in the Ch'ing dynasty in that detailed records of the material, size and format of a painting are given, as well as inscriptions, colophons and seals appearing on it. In other words, in compiling catalogues for their own collections, these five collectors unanimously adopted the same editing methods, \n\nAlthough in actual fact, the system of including the five essential elements—material, size, format of painting, inscriptions and seals—were first initiated by Pien Yung-yü, however, according to the introductory notes of these four Kwangtung collectors' art catalogues* these elements originated not from Pien Yung-yü's Shih-ku-t'ang hua-k'ao, but from Kao Shih-ch'i's much later work, the Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu. This point of view can be found in the introductory notes of Wu Yung-kuang's Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, in which Wu wrote, \n\nChiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu was the first catalogue that recorded the measurements of scrolls and albums of painting. \n\nand again, Since the seals could not be copied, therefore those recorded in the Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu were all written in the regular script and then enclosed by lines. This method is the best. \n\nthe same is adopted here. \n\nI am living in a peaceful and prosperous period, and is thus able to while away the time beneath the woods. In every respect, I shall follow the Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu. \n\n* The introductory notes are not available in Yeh's catalogue.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206823, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "94\n\nCHUANG SHEN\n\nIt should be noted here that the Shih-ku-t'ang hua-k’ao was completed in the 21st year of the K'ang Hsi era, and Kao Shih-ch'ï's Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu, in the 32nd year of the K'ang Hsi era. Thus there were eleven years in between. As early as the 21st year of the K'ang Hsi era, Pien Yung-yü had already begun to record the measurements of painting, use the regular script to transcribe the seal text, and squares and rectangles to represent the original shape of the seals. Therefore, the Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu was not as Wu Yung-kuang stated \"the first catalogue that recorded the measurements of scrolls and paintings\". Furthermore, neither did the method of \"enclosing seal text transcribed in the regular script by lines\" to record seals that appeared on paintings, as had been extolled by Wu Yung-kuang as the \"best\" method, originate from Kao Shih-ch'i. Kao was only one of those early art catalogue compilers who followed Pien's systems. However, in regard to these two compilers' writings, owing to the fact that no matter on the subject of the classics or literature, Kao by far out-numbered Pien in quantity. His reputation as a connoisseur was also far higher than Pien's. It was probably because of these reasons that Wu Yung-kuang only noticed Kao's Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu and overlooked Pien's Shih-ku-t'ang hua-k'ao. Consequently Wu's editing methods adopted in his Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi followed exactly those of Chiang-ts'un-hsiao-hsia-lu. Undoubtedly, the editing methods adopted by Wu were the most perfect ones in the compilation of art catalogues. However, the fact that he was only aware of Kao Shih-ch'i and not Pien Yung-yü seems to show that he had put a wrong emphasis on the first and last, which is something regrettable.\n\nA catalogue that was completed earlier than the Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi was: Yeh Meng-lung's Fêng-man-lou shu-hua-lu. Unfortunately, Yeh Mêng-lung did not give any introductory note to explain his editing system. Therefore it is not known whether his inclusion of the five essential elements i.e. measurements, material, format, seals and colophons was under the influence of Pien Yung-yü or Kao Shih-ch'i. However, since Yeh and Wu were not only good friends, but also later became relatives1, it is possible that when compiling his Fêng-man-lou shu-hua-lu, Yeh Mêng-lung was somehow influenced by Wu Yung-kuang. Thus like Wu Yung-kuang, Yeh's adoption of the five essential elements was probably under the influence of Kao Shih-ch'i and not directly from Pien Yung-yü.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206824, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 101, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "FIVE ART CATALOGUES\n\n95\n\nThe next catalogue completed soon after the Fêng-man-lou shu-hua-lu and Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi was Pan Chêng-wei's T'ing-fêng-lou shu-hua-chi. One paragraph in the preface is of particular importance here,\n\nIt was Tu Mu's Yü-i-pien which initiated the practice of selecting paintings and calligraphies belonging to masters of past dynasties, and cataloguing them in one chronicle. After that, the most distinguished works were Chu Ts'un-li's San-hu mu-nan and Chang Ch'ou's ## Ch'ing-ho shu-hua-fang **★✰★ · In our period, there was Sun Ch’êng-chê's Kêng-tzu hsiao-hsia-chi, in which in addition to his own collection, Sun also included records of other people's collections. Then there was Kao Shih-ch'ï's Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu in which Kao entered details such as the material used (whether paper or silk), the format (album or scroll), the measurements (the length and breadth) of paintings that he had seen, and a full record of all his colophons was also given. Recently the minister Wu Yung-kuang has edited a catalogue entitled Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi in which he adopted the system set down by Sun Ch'êng-chê and Kao Shih-ch'i. He has also selected a few items from my own collection and included them in his work. Moreover, he urged me to compile a catalogue for my own collection and have it published. Thus, following his way, I edited this book.\n\nIn this preface by Pan, there are a few points worth our notice: Firstly, among the art catalogues compiled in the Ch'ing dynasty, he had only mentioned Sun Ch’êng-chê's Kêng-tzu hsiao-hsia-chi and Kao Shih-ch'i's Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu. Based on this fact, either Pan was entirely ignorant of Pien Yung-yü's Shih-ku-t'ang hua-k'ao or at least he must have held it in low esteem. This attitude is no different from that shown by Wu and Yeh.\n\nSecondly, although Pan Chêng-wei humbly admitted that the compilation methods of his T'ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi followed that of Wu Yung-kuang's Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, in fact, this was only a polite remark made by him. In the opening part of the Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, it has been clearly stated that this catalogue was compiled by Wu Yung-kuang, but was collated jointly by his brother Wu Mi-kuang ✯ ✯ Ł. Ch’ü Shu-ch’ên # and Pan Chêng-wei. This means that in the course of compiling the Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, Wu Yung-kuang had consulted Pan Chêng-wei.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206825, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 102, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "96\n\nCHUANG SHEN\n\nThus, instead of saying that the compilation method of the T'ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi was an imitation of the system used in Wu Yung-kuang's art catalogue, rather, it would be more appropriate to say that Pan compiled it according to his own ideas,\n\nThirdly, if this assumption is reasonably correct, then the fact that Pan, in the preface of his T'ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi regarded Kao Shih-ch'i's Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu as one of the representative art catalogues in the Ch'ing dynasty was due to his high esteem for Kao's work, which incidentally was a view shared by Wu Yung-kuang. Moreover, it is possible that he came under Wu's influence while undertaking the collating work for the Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, thus regarded Kao Shih-ch'i's work of special importance.\n\nFourthly, Pan Chêng-wei considered Sun Ch'êng-chê's Kêng-tzu hsiao-hsia-chi and Kao Shih-ch'i's Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu as the most representative art catalogues compiled in early Ch'ing. This point of view is worth our notice. It should be noted that though Sun's catalogue was completed in the 16th year of the Shun Chih era (1659), it was being collated only less than a century after its publication, by Ho Cho2 (1661-1722), a well-known scholar of the Chiang Nan district21 and active in the K'ang Hsi era. Moreover, in the Chien Lung period, distinguished scholars like Lu Wên-ch'aoAx 3 (1717-1795), Pao T'ing-po3* ty (1728-1814) and Yu Chi (1738-1823) at one time or other wrote prefaces and colophons for this catalogue3, and in particular, Pao T'ing-po even included it in his Chih-pu-chü-chai ts'ung-shu1 * F & *** in order to publicize it. Not long afterward, it was well appraised by the Ssu-k'u-ch'uan-shu tsung-mu t'i-yao★ATAIRE, an official catalogue completed in the 48th year of the Chien Lung era. Thus, it can be seen that during the 124 years between the 16th year of the Shun Chih era and the 48th year of the Chien Lung era, in regard to the connoisseurship of painting and calligraphy, no matter whether it was in Chiang Nan or in the capital, and regardless of whether privately or officially, there was no one who did not consider Sun Ch'êng-chê's Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi as an important work for reference,\n\nHowever, the situation was not quite the same in Kwangtung. Probably up to the Chien Lung era, no Kwangtung scholar had ever noticed the Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi. Even Wu Yung-kuang and Yeh Mêng-lung, relatives who both served for a long time in the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206826, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 103, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "FIVE ART CATALOGUES \n\n97\n\ncapital during the Chia Ch'ing and Tao Kuang eras, did not seem to be aware of the significance of the Kêng-tzu hsiao-hsia-chi. This was why when quoting a representative work among the art catalogues completed in the Ch'ing dynasty, Wu Yung-kuang only commended Kao Shih-ch'i's Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu, and completely ignored Sun Ch'êng-chê's Kêng-tzu hsiao-hsia-chi. Finally it was only when Pan Chêng-wei wrote the preface for his own T'ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi in the 23rd year of the Tao Kuang era (1843) that for the first time Sun and Kao's works were given equal attention. In other words, whilst Sun's Kêng-tzu hsiao-hsia-chi had already aroused attention among the scholars of Chiang Nan only half a century after its publication, it had to wait 184 years after its publication to be brought to the notice of Kwangtung art collectors. If Wu Yung-kuang's introduction of Kao Shih-ch'i's Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu to Kwangtung can be regarded as some kind of contribution to the art collectors in his native place, then Pan Chêng-wei's recommendation of Sun Ch'êng-chê's Kêng-tzu hsiao-hsia-chi should in the same way be said to be one of his contributions to the Kwangtung art collectors. It was probably because of Pan's high recommendation of the Kêng-tzu hsiao-hsia-chi that this book later attracted the attention of two other Kwangtung art collectors. Therefore, although in the Chia Ch'ing and Tao Kuang eras, the earlier Kwangtung art collectors Wu Yung-kuang and Yeh Mêng-lung were not fully aware of the significance of the Kêng-tzu hsiao-hsia-chi, it seems that in the Hsien Fêng era, however, the later Kwangtung art collectors Liang Ting-nan and Kung Kuang-tao began to show a certain degree of respect for Sun's catalogue. Evidence for this can be obtained in the compilation system adopted in the art catalogues compiled by Liang and Kung.\n\nNow let us examine the editing system set down in Liang Ting-nan's T'êng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa and Kung Kuang-tao's Yüeh-hsüeh-lou shu-hua-lu. In the former there is a preface written in the 5th year of the Hsien Fêng era (1855) by Liang T'ing-nan himself, the last part of which reads,\n\nThis time when I came again to the province, I lived in seclusion ... I decided to keep this part after making a revision. As to this edition, I would not dare to compare it with the two works compiled by Sun and Kao respectively. Moreover, in the matter of the editing system, my book differs from theirs on many points.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206827, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "98\n\nCHUANG SHEN\n\nNeedless to say, the two works by Sun and Kao mentioned in the text refer to Sun Ch'êng-chê's Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi and Kao Shih-ch'i's Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu. Although Liang T'ing-nan pointed out that it would be unsuitable to compare his T'êng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa with the two works of Sun and Kao—which was, moreover, something that he would not venture to do—it could be deduced that, in his opinion, the two catalogues compiled by Sun Ch'êng-chê and Kao Shih-ch'i must have been held in reverence. Otherwise, it would be difficult to explain why he must necessarily take his work to compare with the Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi and the Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu, and not with Pien Yung-yü's Shih-ku-t'ang hua-k'ao. According to Liang's remark, it is clear that owing to Pan Chêng-wei's recommendation of the Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi, Sun's work became an art catalogue capable of being compared with Kao Shih-ch'i's Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu in the mind of Kwang-tung art collectors some time later; while, on the other hand, Pien Yung-yü's work seemed to remain unnoticed, as it was during Wu Yung-kuang's time. It thus seems rather questionable whether Liang T'ing-nan was ever aware of Pien Yung-yü's Shih-ku-t'ang shu-hua hui-k'ao.\n\nAs to the origin of the editing method employed in Kung Kuang-tao's Yüeh-hsüeh-lou shu-hua-lu, some hints may be obtained from the preface written by Li Ch'ao-t'ang, which reads,\n\nThe two brothers Huai-min and Shao-tang (i.e., Kung Kuang-yung and Kung Kuang-tao) had the largest collection of books in Kwangtung. At his leisure hours, Kung Kuang-tao compiled this catalogue by following the editing system set down in the catalogues of Sun Ch'êng-chê and Kao Shih-ch'i.\n\nThus, it can be seen that the origin of the editing method employed in the Yüeh-hsüeh-lou shu-hua-lu was also that used in the two catalogues of Sun Ch'êng-chê and Kao Shih-ch'i. From the time when Wu Yung-kuang completed his Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi to the time when Liang T'ing-nan completed his T'êng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa, 15 years had elapsed, and up to the completion of Kung Kuang-tao's Yüeh-hsüeh-lou shu-hua-lu, 21 years. During these 21 years, apart from the fact that owing to Pan Chêng-wei's recommendation, Sun Ch'êng-chê's Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi received more attention, and that Liang T'ing-nan's T'êng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206828, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 105, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "# FIVE ART CATALOGUES\n\n99\n\ndiffered somewhat from the two catalogues of Sun and Kao, by the time Kung Kuang-tao compiled his art catalogue, the editing method he adopted seemed to be, if not a continuation of that used in Sun's Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi and Kao's Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu, at least unrelated to Pien Yung-yü's Shih-ku-t'ang hua-k'ao.\n\nIn a word, although these five Kwangtung art collectors had adopted a new editing system in their catalogues, they had not referred to the work of the compiler who first introduced this system. This is no different from one who counts the records but has forgotten one's ancestors, and can but be regarded as a very unreasonable incident in the history of art catalogue compilation.\n\n## III\n\n## Defects in the Catalogues\n\nAs mentioned above, though the five Kwangtung collectors' catalogues were all compiled by following the new editing method introduced in the compilation of art catalogue, it should be pointed out here that they are not without shortcomings and errors. These, on the whole, can be divided into 3 types, namely: unsuitable compilation method, carelessness in proof-reading, as well as erroneous chronology. Each of these will be discussed below.\n\n### A. Unsuitable Compilation Method\n\nIn Wu Yung-kuang's Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, paintings done by the same artist are mostly grouped together. However Wu had at least in two instances separately recorded the paintings of two artists. As a result, the reader would feel rather confused when using this catalogue. For example, this catalogue has recorded two paintings by Ni Tsan (1301-1374) in chüan 4. One of these, the Yu-po-t'an-hua-t'u appears in chüan 4, p. 22b, and the other, Ho-lin-t'u, on p. 41a of the same chüan. They are thus nearly twenty pages apart. Between these two paintings, Wu recorded accordingly the hanging scrolls of calligraphy respectively done by Kung Su, Fêng Hai-su and Nao Nao, as well as a handscroll including calligraphies written by Liu Yu-ch'ing, Fan Kuo, Ouyang Ying, Yü Chi, Wu Ch'uan-chieh, Yü-fu-t'u, and Liu Kuan. In addition, in the space of nearly twenty pages, Wu also recorded Wu Chen's and Wang Fu's (1362-1416).\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206829, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 106, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "100\n\nCHUANG SHEN\n\nInk Bamboo & As Ni Tsan's Yu-po-t'an-hua-t'u and Ho-lin-t'u are both paper hanging scrolls, it is difficult to perceive why after recording the painting Yu-po-t'an-hua-t'u Wu Yung-kuang must necessarily record four other scrolls of calligraphy and two paintings by some other artists and then continued with Ho-lin-t'u.\n\nAgain, similar confusions could be found in Wu Yung-kuang's record of three paintings by Wang Fu. In chuan 4 of his Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, Wu entered first of all Wang Fu's Kao-liang-shan-t'u\n\n# which was followed by Ni Tsan's small hanging scroll of landscape. Furthermore, only after introducing works by five other artists (Wang Mien, Wang Meng E. Huang Kung-wang ★✰✰, Ni Tsan and Wu Chen) and nine calligraphers (Kung Su, Liu Yu-ch'ing, Fan Kuo, Ou-yang Ying, Yü chi, Wu Ch'uan-chieh, Liu Kuan, Fêng Hai-su and Nao Nao) did he continue with Wang Fu's Ink Bamboo.\n\nAlthough, on the one hand, Wu listed the two Ni Tsan paintings and the three Wang Fu paintings separately in two unrelated places, on the other hand, in regard to the four paintings respectively done by Ch'ien Hsüan✯✯ and Chao Meng-fu #, he grouped them together. Why is it that Wu recorded works by Ch'ien Hsüan and Chao Meng-fu in continuous order, and yet broke up the record of works done by Ni Tsan and Wang Fu by inserting entries of works executed by other artists and calligraphers? In a word, when recording more than two paintings done by the same artists, Wu sometimes entered them continuously and sometimes separately. From this, it is apparent that no consistent principle was observed in the method of recording works by one artist in this catalogue. This mixed use of continuous and separate entries not only creates inconvenience to the reader, but also gives one a confused feeling. The presence of such shortcomings is undoubtedly a result caused by Wu Yung-kuang's unsuitable treatment in the matter of compilation.\n\nIn Pan Chêng-wei's ✯ T'ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi and Hsû-chi, as well as in Liang Ting-nan's T'êng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa, another type of shortcoming in compilation, which is quite different from that appeared in the Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, can again be found.\n\nThere are altogether five chüan in the T'ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi. With the exception of chüan 5, all the paintings and calligra-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206830, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "FIVE ART CATALOGUES\n\n101\n\nphies listed in the table of contents can be located in the text of their corresponding chüan. According to the table of contents in this catalogue, chüan 5 should include 46 items of painting and calligraphy.* Yet, the text in chüan 5 only includes the entries of 36 items. The last ten items listed in the table of contents have been left out, i.e.\n\n1. Sung and Yüan artists\n\n2. Chi Jan\n\nSung dynasty\n\n3. Shen Chou\n\nMing dynasty\n\nlandscape album\n\nlandscape hanging scroll\n\nCh'ih-pi-t'u, handscroll\n\n4. Hsieh Shih-ch'ên #, landscape album\n\nMing dynasty\n\n5. Ni Hung-pao **,\n\npainting album\n\nMing dynasty\n\n6. Li Yü-ming\n\n£, calligraphy album in regular style\n\nMing dynasty (?)\n\n7. Jen-wu mao-shih t'u £# 圖卷 handscroll\n\n8. Hsing Tzu-yüan *, hanging scroll of rocks\n\nMing dynasty\n\n9. Yün Nan-tien,\n\nCh'ing dynasty\n\n10. Ch'ien Hsi-pai\n\nSung dynasty\n\nhanging scroll of peonies\n\nCh'ing-chieh-t'u ***, handscroll\n\nThe supplement of this catalogue is divided into two chüan. According to the list of contents, chüan 2 consists of 74 items of painting and calligraphy.† However the text only records up to the 62nd item, i.e. Li Chien's landscape hanging scroll. Starting from the 63rd item, the last 12 items have been left out. These are:\n\n1. Wang Hui £*\n\nhanging scroll executed in the style of Wang Meng\n\n*Each album is tentatively regarded as one item here.\n\n†Each album is again tentatively regarded as one item here.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206831, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 108, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "102 \n\nCHUANG SHEN \n\n2. Wang Yuan-ch'i £ß \n\n3. Wang Yuan-ch'i \n\n4. Wang Yuan-ch'i \n\n5. Wang Chien £ \n\n6. Wang Chien \n\n7. Wang Hui \n\n8. Fang Shih-shu \n\n9. Hua Yen 華嵒 \n\nhanging scroll of the Fu-ch'un Mountain 富春山軸 \n\nhanging scroll of landscape executed in the style of Huang Kung-wang 黄公望 and Ni Tsan 倪瓒 handscroll of landscape in the style \n\nof former masters. \n\nYün-ho sung-yin-t'u *** H \n\n, hanging scroll \n\nTs'êng-luan-sung-ts'ui-t'u \n\n翠圖 hanging scroll \n\nHsia-k'ou tai-tu t'u \n\n#* \n\nalbum of landscape, figure and flower \n\nhanging screens of flower and bird \n\n10. Wang Shih-min E \n\n11. Liang Pei-lan \n\n12. Ch'ien Tsai \n\nhanging scroll executed in the style of Huang Kung-wang \n\nhanging scroll of poems written in the running script \n\nhanging scroll of orchid and bamboo executed in ink monochrome \n\nAmong the three different kinds of edition available today, no matter whether it is hand-written, or wood block printed, or type printed, all the texts in chuan 5 of this T'ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi have left out ten items of painting and calligraphy; i.e., from the landscape album executed by the Sung and Yüan artists up to Ch'ing-chieh-t'u executed by Ch'ien Hsi-pai of the Sung dynasty. And similarly, all the texts in chuan 2 of the supplement of the same catalogue have omitted record of the 12 items of painting and calligraphy; i.e., from Wang Hui's hanging scroll executed in the style of Wang Meng up to Ch'ien Tsai's hanging scroll of orchid and bamboo executed in ink monochrome. For the same item of painting, the table of contents in this book lists its painter, its title as well as the format, and yet all these details have not been entered into the text. Such inconsistency cannot but be regarded as a shortcoming in compilation, the more so since this shortcoming arises not because of the difference in edition, but entirely due to the carelessness of the compiler.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206832, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "FIVE ART CATALOGUES\n\n103\n\nThe same deficiency can also be found in Liang T’ing-nan’s art catalogue. In the table of contents of chüan 4 in T’êng-hua-t’ing shu-hua-pa, the titles of 166 items of painting and calligraphy have been listed. Yet beginning with the 125th item, i.e. Fang Fêng-chi’s landscape, the rest have not been recorded. This shortcoming, though it seems to be exactly the same as that found in the Ting-fan-lou shu-hua-chi, shows in fact a certain degree of difference in comparison with the latter, as explained below.\n\nIn the table of contents of chüan 4 in T’êng-hua-t’ing shu-hua-pa, below the title of the 126th item of painting (i.e. Fang Hsün-yüan’s landscape) there is a four-small-character note (“i-hsia-wei-k’o” — the blocks for painting the following items have not yet been cut), indicating that the record of items following the 125th title have not been included in the text. Consequently, when a reader, checking through the table of contents, comes across this short note of “i-hsia wei-k’o”, he would understand that the record of paintings and calligraphies in the text ends with the 125th item, and that beginning from the 126th item, only the titles are listed in the table of contents, and so he is well prepared.\n\nHowever, neither in T’ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi nor in the supplement of this catalogue did Pan Chêng-wei attach any explanatory note to indicate which items had not been printed. As a result, the reader would presume that the entry in the text would agree with the title listed in the table of contents. He is thus not prepared for the inconsistency of finding the title of a certain painting in the table of contents, and yet not being able to find any record about it in the text. Consequently, when the reader notes the text of chüan 5 or the supplement of this catalogue and cannot locate any entry of the 10 items (i.e., starting from the landscape album executed by the Sung and Yüan artists in the former or the 12 items of painting starting from Wang Hui’s hanging scroll executed in the style of Wang Meng in the latter) and yet later discovers these 22 items of painting and calligraphy in the respective tables of contents of these 2 chüan, he could feel particularly confused and disappointed.\n\nIn regard to the discrepancy between the table of contents and the text, in the two art catalogues mentioned above, there is no difference in the nature of deficiency found in Liang and Pan. Only that, in the matter of seriousness, the shortcoming in Liang’s catalogue is less severe.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206833, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "104\n\nCHUANG SHEN\n\nlogue seems to be smaller than that found in Pan's catalogue. All in all, the lack of record of paintings and calligraphies listed in the table of contents in the text of a catalogue is the second type of deficiency in compilation found in the art catalogues of the Kwang-tung collectors.\n\nB. Carelessness in Proof-reading\n\nThe deficiency in proof-reading is the second type of deficiency in the art catalogue of the Kwangtung collectors. We may begin by examining Wu Yung-kuang's Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi. The carelessness in the proof-reading of this catalogue can be seen in the two following examples. In the 51st year of the K'ang Hsi era (1712), Wu Shêng completed the 20 chüan of his famous catalogue Ta-kuan-lu. It is not known whether Wu Yung-kuang had read Wu Shêng's Ta-kuan-lu with care or not; however, after acquiring Ni Tsan's Yu-po-t'an-hua-t'u, he had made use of the entry of this painting in Ta-kuan-lu to collate with the inscriptions attached to the painting. Moreover, he mentioned the name of Wu Tzu-min?\n+ in his own colophon. Therefore, having known the literary name of Wu Shêng as Tzũ-min, Wu Yung-kuang could hardly be ignorant of Wu Shêng. Yet in his Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, he was so careless as to record Wu Shêng's name wrongly. In chüan 5 of his catalogue, after entering Ch'iu Ying's Yü-tung hsien-yüan-tu玉洞仙源 he added,\n\nWang Shêng's12 Ta-kuan-lu has also recorded Shih-fu'sTX Yu-tung hsien-yüan-t'u1\n\n12\n+\n\nIn chüan 4 of Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, Wu Yung-kuang had already mentioned that the compiler of Ta-kuan-lu was Wu Tzŭ-min11, yet in chüan 5 of the same book, he recorded the compiler of Ta-kuan-lu as Wang Shêng12. It is thus apparent that the mistake of calling Wu Shêng as Wang Shêng could not be due to Wu Yung-kuang's ignorance. Rather, it resulted from a mistake in his own handwriting, or from a mistake made while cutting the blocks for painting. Moreover, according to Ku Fu's P'ing-sheng chuang-kuan13 there was a calligrapher by the name of Wang Shêng active in the Southern Sung period. Thus, if the reader of Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi has complete faith in Wu Yung-kuang, would it not be very likely for the compiler of Ta-kuan-lu to be taken as a Sung figure of the mid 13th century instead of a Ch’ing figure of the mid 17th century?", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206834, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 111, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "FIVE ART CATALOGUES\n\n105\n\nThere are still other mistakes that arise out of carelessness in proof-reading in the Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi. The two following examples will serve as evidence. Firstly, an entry of a landscape album executed by the Sung and Yuan artists is recorded in chüan 2 of this catalogue. In this specific album, the third leaf is a painting entitled K'u-shu han-ya-t'u painted by Liang K'ai. Apparently, the character “ya” in the title is a slip of the pen for “ya”. Secondly, an entry of Ch'iu Ying's Yü-tung hsien-yuan-t'u in chüan 5 of this catalogue is accompanied by descriptions about this painting respectively quoted from Pien Yung-yü and An Ch'i. In Pien's description, there is such a sentence, \"i-hsien-lao ch'in-shu tieh-tso\" (“An immortal sits cross-legged with a lute and some books\"). Again, the character \"tieh\" is obviously erroneously taken for the character \"fu\". However, in An Ch'i's description, this character “fu” is in its correct form, and so it looks as though Pien Yung-yu's original text has such a mistake. But on checking Pien's Shih-ku-t'ang hua-k'ao, it is found that the character also appears as “fu” and not \"tieh\". From this, it is evident that Pien's original text is correct, and it is only when Wu Yung-kuang quoted this text that this particular character began to appear. Therefore Wu is the one that should be fully responsible for this kind of proof-reading error.\n\nAmong the art catalogues of the 19th century Kwangtung collectors, the above-mentioned proof-reading errors can also be found in Liang T'ing-nan's catalogue. Two such examples are given below.\n\nThree scrolls of painting done by Ch'ien Hsüan of the early Yüan period are recorded in chüan 1 of T'êng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa. Ch'ien Hsüan's literary name is Shun-chü. In recording this early Yuan artist, Liang T'ing-nan designated him as Ch'ien Shun-chü and not as Ch'ien Hsüan. This is not incorrect. But in the table of contents of chüan 1, Ch'ien Hsüan's literary name has been wrongly recorded as Hsin-chü. If this literary name is recorded twice as Shun-chü and once as Hsin-chü, then this carelessness in proof-reading is perhaps excusable. However in the table of contents of chüan 1 of Teng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa, Shun-chü has been repeatedly wrongly recorded thrice as Hsin-chü. For such a serious mistake in proof-reading, Liang T'ing-nan cannot be excused.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206835, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 112, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "106\n\nCHUANG SHEN\n\nBesides, in the table of contents of chüan 4 of T’êng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa, the 126th item is recorded as a landscape executed by Fang Hsün-yüan. Although there were quite a large number of artists in the Ch'ing dynasty, there was no one whose surname was Fang19. However, during the period between the Yung Chêng era and the beginning of the Chien Lung era, there was an artist by the name of Fang Shih-shu ✯±✯ (1692-1751) who was a native of An Hui and yet lived in Yang Chou. The literary name of Fang Shih-shu is Hsün-yüan20 #✡. Since in T'êng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa, it was Liang T'ing-nan's practice to designate all artists by their literary names and not their real names, therefore this unidentifiable Fang Hsün-yüan is very likely a name mistaken for Fang Hsün-yüan. If this assumption is correct, then Liang T'ing-nan had not only recorded incorrectly the literary name of this An Hui artist, but also mistaken his real name. Such an inexcusable mistake is again due to carelessness in proof-reading.\n\nC. Chronological Mistakes\n\nI have not thoroughly investigated the number of chronological mistakes in the art catalogues of the Kwangtung collectors. However, this kind of error can at least be discovered in Wu Yung-kuang's Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi. It should be noted here that Wu Yung-kuang had left two most important documentary records. One was the Li-tai ming-jen nien-p'u in 10 chuan, compiled in the 23rd year of the Tao Kuang era (1843) which was the year of his death. The other was Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi in 5 chuan, which, though printed a little earlier than the Li-tai ming-jen nien-p'u (in the 21st year of the Tao Kuang era, 1841), was in fact completed two years before his death. In other words, the two most important works of Wu Yung-kuang were both completed during the last three years of his life. Unfortunately, there are certain mistakes in both works. As early as ten years ago, the chronological mistakes in the Li-tai ming-jen nien-p'u have already been pointed out by experts21. It is also regrettable that in his Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, he had committed some other curious chronological mistakes. On page 4 of chüan 4, there is recorded Wu Yung-kuang's own colophon inscribed on Ch'ien Hsüan's Li-hua-chüan #4, which reads,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206836, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "FIVE ART CATALOGUES\n\n107\n\nI was able to have a look at this scroll while I was in the capital in the year ping-shu. Now this scroll and the scroll of correspondence written by monk Fa-ch'ang are both in the collection of Ch'in-shan, minister of the Board of Agriculture 琴山農部. Wu Yung-kuang wrote this on the 9th day of the 12th month in the year chia-shu of the Tao Kuang era.\n\nIt should be noted that ping-shu was the 6th year of the Tao Kuang era (1826). After this year, there was no chia-shu in the Tao Kuang era. The years that have some connections with chia-shu are chia-wu (1834), mu-shu (1838) and chia-ch'en (1844). However Wu Yung-kuang died in the year before chia-ch'en. Therefore, the year chia-ch'en should undoubtedly be left out of consideration. What is more, even the combination of stems and branches of the years chia-wu and mu-shu are different from that given in Wu's own colophon. In all probability, it seems that the date \"chia-shu of the Tao Kuang era\" recorded in the colophon inscribed in Ch'ien Hsüan's Li-hua-chüan should be a slip of the pen for either the year chia-wu (14th year of the Tao Kuang era) or mu-shu (18th year of the Tao Kuang era), in the former of which, Wu was 62 years old, while in the latter, he would already be 66. In a word, the 14th year of the Tao Kuang era was the beginning of the last decade of Wu Yung-kuang's life. No matter whether the date when he put down by mistake the year chia-shu is chia-wu or mu-shu, by that time, he must have begun to show signs of old age. Otherwise in his Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, he would hardly commit a mistake as to remember incorrectly the date of happenings that he himself had experienced. If, however, this catalogue had been carefully checked through before it was published, then such kind of chronological mistake could very likely be entirely avoided. Yet the fact that neither chia-wu nor mu-shu, but instead chia-shu of the Tao Kuang era had been printed in the Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi shows clearly that in the process of proof-reading, Wu Yung-kuang was indeed most careless.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 At the beginning of Yeh Mêng-lung's *** Fêng-man-lou shu-hua-lu, **** it is stated that Yeh Ying-ch'i ***, son of Yeh Mêng-lung, was one of the collators of that catalogue. On checking Wu Yung-kuang's autobiography (Tzü-ting nien-p'u), the following information is", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206837, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 114, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "108\n\nCHUANG SHEN\n\nobtained under the entry of the 8th year in the Tao Kuang era (1828), \"In the third month, my daughter named Hsi married Yeh Ying-ch'i\". In chuan 2 of Wu Yung-kuang's Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia chi, there is an entry about Mi Yu-jen's Yün-shan tê-l-t'u #4#★#, which according to Kung Kuang-tao's LAM Yüeh-hsüeh-lou shu-hua-lu *****, should bear a square seal, the text of which reads, \"Nan-hai nu-shih Yeh Wu Hsiao-ho hsieh-yün-lou shu-hua-chih-yin” ✯✯✯±‡*+*Z*#‡‡<¢ \"seal of calligraphies and paintings in the Hsieh-yün-lou collection of Madam Yeh Wu Hsiao-ho, native of Nan-hai”. Ho-wu is one of the style names of Wu Yung-kuang, and so he gave his daughter Wu Hsi the style name of Hsiao-ho. Furthermore, above Hsiao-ho's surname, it is added her husband's surname (Yeh). Thus it is evident that the Yün-shan tê-t-t'u was one of the items in her dowry when she was married off to Yeh Ying-ch'i. However, in the opening part of chuan 3 in Wu Yung-kuang's Shih-yün-san-jen fen-t'l-shih-hsuan, it is stated that one of the collators was his son-in-law, whose name, however, was recorded as Yeh Ying-hsin #44.\n\n2 At the end of his Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi chiao-wên ✯TMIERZ - \"Collatery Note of the Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi\" Ho Cho put down the date of \"K'ang Hsi kuei-ssu\" which is equivalent to the 52nd year of the K'ang Hsi era (1713). Ho's collatery note can be found in Ku-hsüeh-hui-k'an **✰★, vol. II, No. V, published by Kuo-ts'ui hsüeh-pao shê @##★#, 1923, and reprinted by Li Hsing Book Co. ★1⁄2, Taiwan. (The collatery note is found in pp. 2585-2601 of this reprint.)\n\n3 Pao T'ing-po's colophon, which is attached to the Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi, was completed in the 20th year of the Chien Lung era ✯✯ (1755). Yu Chi's colophon and Lu Wên-ch'ao's preface were both written in the 26th year of the Chien Lung era (1761).\n\n4 There are altogether 18 collections in Chih-pu-tsu-chai ts'ung-shu ÞILIIT. The fourth collection includes only Sun Ch'êng-chê's Hsien-chê-hsüan-tieh-k'ao §**** (which is now attached to the end of Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi. However, it is included in the occasional publication of the Chih-pu-tsu-chai. Nowadays, an edition that was published separately in the 26th year of the Chien Lung era (1761) is available.\n\n5 See Ssŭ-k'u-ch'üan-shu tsung-mu ti-yao **** chuan 113. Only the last sentence in this discussion is quoted here, since it already suffices to reflect the whole situation by this, \"Though the man can be slighted, his writing is however something that we cannot pass over slightly.\"\n\n6 A hand-written copy of the T'ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi and its supplement is found in the collection of the Feng Ping-shan library, University of Hong Kong.\n\n7 The Feng Ping-shan library in the University of Hong Kong has in its collection a wood block printed version of the T'ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi in 5 chuan and its supplement in 2 chuan, the beginning section of both of which are missing. Therefore, the date and place when this catalogue was printed is now known.\n\n* The type printed version of the T'ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi and its supplement is available in Mei-shu ts'ung-shu *#*# vol. IV, part VII. This catalogue was first printed by the Kuo-ts'ui hsüeh-shê # in the 3rd year of the Hsuan Tung era ✯ (1911). The second edition came out in 1928. The copy used in this paper is the fourth edition published by Shen-chou kuo-kuang shê **B£* in 1947.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206838, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "FIVE ART CATALOGUES\n\n109\n\n9 In chuan 4 of Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi pp. 22b-33a, after entering Ni Tsan's Yu-po-t'an-hua-t'u and inscriptions and recording the three colophons written by Tung Ch'i-ch'ang and emperor Chien Lung, Wu Yung-kuang's own colophon follows, beginning thus,\n\nThis painting agrees with the one recorded in Wu's Ta-kuan-lu\n\n4. It was after this painting had been dispersed from Chiêng Chi-pa's collection that Wu Tzu-min came across it. Soon it was acquired by the imperial household.....\n\nIn saying that \"this painting agrees with the one recorded in Wu's Ta-kuan-lu”, it is apparent that Wu Yung-kuang must have used Wu Sheng's Ta-kuan-lu in order to make a comparison between the inscriptions recorded in this catalogue and those appeared on the painting.\n\n10 See Hsin-chou hsiao-hsia-chi chuan 5, p. 54b.\n\n11 See Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi chuan 4, p. 23a.\n\n12 Ibid chuan 5, p. 54b.\n\n13 See Ping-sheng chuang-kuan chuan 3, p. 20; published in Shanghai, 1962.\n\n14 See Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi chuan 4, p. 39a.\n\n15 Refer to footnote 10.\n\n16 An Ch'i's description of Yü-tung hsien-yüan-t'u can be found in Mo-ylian hui-kuan chuan 3. However he recorded it as Tao-yuan hsien-ching-t'u, which is somewhat different from that recorded by Wu Yung-kuang.\n\n17 See Pien Yung-yu's Shih-ku-t'ang hua-k'ao chuan 37. The edition used here is a photo copy of this catalogue in the collection of Mr. Chiang's Mi-chün-lou, made by Ying-yin chien-ku shu-she of the Cheng Chung Book Co., Taiwan in 1958, p. 4966. (The Chêng Chung Book Co. shows its ignorance in combining two pages of the original book into one page, and instead of following the original page number, gives each page a new number).\n\n18 The titles of these three scrolls of painting can be found in T'êng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa chuan 1, which are: Pai-l'ou an-ch'un tu p. 35b; Hua-kuo-r'u, p. 36a; Lan-hua-t'u, p. 36b.\n\n19 Among the documents that were completed in the Ch'ing dynasty and mainly dealt with biographies or names of the Ch'ing painters, the following are, in general, regarded as the most important:\n\n(1) Chang Kêng's Kuo-ch'ao-hua-chêng-lu in 3 chuan, supplement in 2 chuan. According to his own preface, this book was completed in the 13th year of the Yung Chêng era (1734).\n\n(2) P'êng Yün-ts'an's (1780-1840) Hun-shih hui-chüan\n\n史棠傳 in 70 chuan and appendix in 2 chuan.\n\n(3) Fêng Chin's Li-tai hua-chia hsing-shih pien-lan in 7 chuan, published in the 6th year of the Tao Kuang era (1826).\n\n(4) Lu Chün's Sung Yüan i-lai hua-jen hsing-shih-lu in 37 chuan. The preface written by Tang Chin-ch'ao is dated in the 10th year of the Tao Kuang era (1830).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206839, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "110\n\nCHUANG SHEN\n\n(5) Tou Chên's Ch'ing-tai shu-hua-chia pi-lu in 4 chuan, in which there is Tou's own preface written in the 3rd year of the Hsuan Tung era (1911).\n\n1\n\nHowever the name \"Fang Hsün-yüan\" could not be found in any one of them.\n\n20 The second parts of both the supplement of Chang Kèng's Kuo-ch'ao-hua-chêng-lu and Ch'in Tsu-yung's T'ung-yin lun-hua record Fang Shih-shu's literary name as Hsün-yüan.\n\n* Taiwan\n\n21 See Fêng Ch'êng-chi's Li-tai ming-jen nien-p'u chêwu, published in Wen-shih-chê hsüeh-pao National University, No. 12, pp. 45-52, printed in Taipei, 1963.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206840, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "LEGENDS AND STORIES OF THE \n\nNEW TERRITORIES \n\nKAM T'IN 錦田 \n\nSUNG HOK-P'ANG \n\nKam T'in is one of the oldest villages in the New Territories. During the dynasty of Hau Chau (後周) A.D. 951-959 most of the villagers belonged to the family of Ch'an (陳) and the place was called Ch'an Tin (陳田) meaning Chan's field. In the 6th year of Hoi Po (開寶) A.D. 973 of Sung (宋) dynasty Tang Hon Fat (鄧漢黻) who is said to be the first Tang (鄧) ancestor to come to Kwangtung (廣東) settled in the village, and built the first house at the bottom of a hill called Kwai Kok Shaan (龜角山) about ¼ of a mile away from the present Kam T'in. It was at first called Sham Lei (岑里), but later on they cultivated the surrounding country and the name was changed to Sham Lei T'in (岑里田) which was soon shortened to Sham T'in (岑田) meaning fields surrounding a small hill. The present name of Kam T'in (錦田) or ornamental fields, was given to the village in the 15th year of Maan Lik (萬曆) A.D. 1587 of Ming dynasty (明朝), and it came about in this way. \n\nAt that time there was a very bad famine in the San On district (新安縣), and the district magistrate Yau T'ai K’în (游大乾) was obliged to open the government granaries and distribute the rice to relieve the people. But when it was finished they were still in need, and the magistrate then sent his officers to all the rich men in the district asking them for donations to help the poor. Most of them contributed a few piculs of rice, but none of them more than a hundred. Then Tang Yuen Fan (鄧元藩) of Sham T'in was visited. He was the richest man in San On district, and was noted for his generosity. He owned over 10,000 Chinese acres of cultivated \n\n*There are six sections to this long article, each printed in different numbers of The Hong Kong Naturalist. In this reissue the separate parts will be indicated by figures within square brackets. The first three sections, given here, appeared in the issues for December 1935 and April and June 1936. The rest will follow in the next issue of this Journal. \n\nThe romanizations used in the original included figures to indicate tone values. These are now excluded. Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206841, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 118, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "112\n\nSUNG HOK-P'ANG\n\nland, distributed in various parts of the mainland, and on the island, having fields in Kowloon, Ch'eung Sha Wan (*) Kw'an Taai Lo (###) (where the city of Victoria now stands) Causeway Bay, Pokfulum and Aberdeen. He immediately promised to give one thousand piculs. When Yau Tai K'in heard of it he thought there must be some mistake, but the officer said, “At first I also thought he made a mistake, so I asked him again, and he said quite plainly, one thousand piculs!” So Yau T'ai K'in was very pleased, and he at once went off to visit Tang Yuen Fan, who said, “My rice is quite ready in the granary.” The magistrate sent off word to the \"Yamen\" to have junks sent to collect the rice, and on the day it was collected the river was so covered with the junks that the water could not be seen, and all the people gathered to watch shouted for joy. Yau remained with Tang several days and spent much time walking about the country admiring the scenery. He was much impressed by the fine buildings, open fields and pleasant woods, and exclaimed, “Why should the village have such a name? Sham T'in, it should be called Kam T'in instead!” The villagers were delighted with the new name, and it has remained till the present day.\n\nThe name, however, now embraces quite a large collection of villages each with its own name, but most of the villagers still belong to the Tang family and the name of Ch'an has disappeared. There are a certain number of people with other surnames to be found among the Tangs, but they have come in from other places at different times and are not really native to the place in the same way as the Tangs are. A new village which goes by the name of San Ts'uen (††††) new village, has been built very recently for the Cheng (*) family who had to move from the Shing Moon (M¶) district when the reservoir was started.\n\nThe only trace of the old Ch'an T'in village that remains is the temple known as Hung Shing Kung (g) in Shui Pin Ts'uen (k). This temple which was built by the Tangs is known in the village as the Big Temple although small, because formerly it was merely a shrine and was enlarged to its present size at a later date. The exact date of the temple is not known. Some say it was built when the first Tang came to Kwai Kok Shaan; others, that it was built first as a small shrine in the time of Shing Fa (✯ft) A.D. 1465-1487 of Ming dynasty when the Tang family built the village", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206842, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES: KAM TIN 113\n\nof Shui Pin Ts'uen, and enlarged to the size of a temple very soon after. It remains almost unaltered since except for the written characters over the door which were put there by Tang P'ooi Ch'oh (**) in the 27th year of Kwong Sui (***) of Ts'ing ( ) dynasty A.D. 1901.\n\nIt is the custom in China for men to count back the generations to their \"first ancestor.\" Thus a man may speak of himself as being the twentieth or fortieth generation meaning that he belongs to the twentieth or fortieth generation after one particular family ancestor who, by being the most ancient known forbear, or the founder of a particular branch or even the first of a particular name to settle in a certain locality, is given the title of \"first ancestor\". In many families there are more than one \"first ancestor\", the Tang family have several whom they venerate equally.\n\nFirst they have Tang Yue ($) their earliest known ancestor. A native of San Ye (†) now Honan province, (i) he was born in the second year of Hon Ping Tai (+) A.D. 2 and died 52 years later in the 1st year of Wing P'ing (†) of Tung Hon (**) dynasty. He was a very famous and high officer, and a personal friend of the first emperor of Tung Hon, Kwong Mo (†). He was only twenty-four years of age when Kwong Mo became emperor, but he was given the high office of \"Tai Sz To,\" (✯a✯) equivalent to Prime Minister (during Tung Hon dynasty), for having helped him to rid the country of the numerous bandits that infested it. After Kwong Mo died his son Ming Tai (8) gave him the honour of “Taai Foo (AM), the second highest honour it was possible to receive from the Emperor, at that time, and he was created \"Ko Mat Hau\" ( 4 ) which means Marquis of Ko Mat, now Kiaochow (*) in Shan Tung (R) province. After the death of Tang Yue his portrait was placed first among those of twenty-eight generals in one of the Emperor's palaces called Wan Toi (雲臺)\n\nTang Hon Fat, forty-seventh generation after Tang Yue, is also venerated by his descendants. It is believed by some, that he was the first of the Tang family to settle in Kam Tin. He was a government officer holding the post of \"Shing Mo Long” (**) and was a native of Paak Sha Ts'uen ( & ††) of Kat Shui ( #7†) district in the province of Kiangsi ( ¿1). According to one old family history he was visiting Kwangtung (*) and coming by chance", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206844, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES: KAM TIN 115\n\nand is on a hill named Hau Tei (#) king crab ground, near the village of Ch'ai Waan Kok (A) Ts'uen Waan ( ) district. The tablet has a poem engraved on it written by Paak Yuk Shim (1) a poetical genius of the Sung dynasty. He was also famous for his paintings which were highly admired among Chinese Scholars. Legends have attributed to him magical powers, and he is supposed to have appeared and disappeared in all the famous mountains from Tung Koon, San On and to the east of Kwangtung.\n\nHe received the title of \"Tsz T'sing Chan Yan” (**^^) from the emperor Sung Ning Tsung (#). Biographies of him were recorded in Tung Koon Yuen Chi (£) Ch'iu Chau Foo Chi (M) and many other books. The poem on the grave was remarkable for the curious allusions that were made in it to the future. It runs:-\n\n1. 長伸左手接星羅,\n\n2. 走攬青衣濯碧波,\n\n3. 深夜一潭星斗現,\n\n4. 裏頭容萬船過。\n\n5. 有人下得朝陽穴,\n\n6. 十三年內登科,\n\n7. 若是世人尋不得,\n\n8. 囘頭轉問釣魚哥。\n\nThis can be roughly translated as follows:\n\n1. \"Put out the left hand as far as Sing Hill,\n\n2. running as far as to Tsing I island wash it in the green waves.” These two lines refer to the position of the grave.\n\n3. \"In deep night one harbour all the stars appear.”\n\nAlluding to the lights of Hong Kong harbour in the future.\n\n4. \"Inside harbour there will be ten thousand ships passing to and fro.\n\nThe trade that was to come to Hong Kong.\n\n5. \"If any one can find the proper site of the grave\n\n6. in thirteen years' time his descendants will pass the highest degree of Government examinations.\"\n\nThis came true in so far as the Tang family were very successful in passing examinations and some of them became high officers and men of rank.\n\n7. \"If people in the world try to find, and are unable to find it\n\n8. turn your head round and ask the young fisherman.\"\n\nReferring to the grave again. When Tang Foo was finding the place for the grave the local villagers pointed out to him a stone known as the Fishing Stone which helped him to decide on the site.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206845, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 122, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "116\n\nSUNG HOK-P'ANG\n\nTang Foo's own grave is well known, as it was mentioned in the \"To Shue Tsap Shing\" (4) a large encyclopaedia of 10,000 volumes written in the 4th year of Yung Ching (£) A.D. 1726 of Tsing dynasty, by order of the Emperor. The volume which refers to the grave is known \"Chik Fong Tin” (*) and it says, \"Tang Foo's grave is in Ab Kai 鄧符墓在横洲丫髻山 Shaan, Wang Chau\".\n\nEven if it is accepted that Tang Foo was the pioneer in settling at Kam Tin, or Kwai Kok Shaan as it was then called, there is very conflicting evidence as to when he actually went there. Although his grave-stone records that he passed the Tsun Sz (±) degree, Government civil examination in the 2nd year of Sung Ning (##) A.D. 1103 of Sung dynasty, there is no record of it in the lists of people who passed the Government examinations (Suen Kui Piu ***), in the annals of Canton, Kwong Chau Foo Chi (✯✯), Tung Kwoon, Tung Koon Yuen Chi (4) or San On, San On Yuen Chi (##) which points to the fact that Tang Foo passed his examinations in Kiangsi before coming to Kwang-tung.\n\nEach of the three books mentioned above has a biography of Tang Foo. On the other hand, it is known that after Tang Foo had held the office of district magistrate of Yueng Ch'un (1★-) district and had been promoted to \"Naam Hung Sui\" ( ) he retired to live in Kwai Kok Shaan, and built a famous school there called Lik Ying Tsai () which was mentioned among “The hundred poems of Po On (Po On Paak Wing (*)\" by Yung Ping(), where it was stated that during Sung Ling time A.D. 1102-1106 Tang Foo lived in Kwai Kok Shaan and founded a school called Lik Ying Tsaai (A) and kept a lot of books in the library.\n\nThis book has unfortunately been lost, and only two poems are still in existence, neither of which deal with the school. Yung Ping was a native of Tung Koon. He was \"Tak Tsau Ming Tsun Sz” (*★21) in the 8th year of K’in To ($) A‚D, 1172 of Sung dynasty.\n\nAnother learned scholar, Fok Wai () of Naam Hoi () district, wrote a long article named Lik Ying Tsaai Kei (4) giving an account of the school. During the reign of Shun Hei ( # ) A.D. 1174-1189 the emperor caused Fok Wai to be admitted to the T'aai Hok (*) (Imperial College) as being a \"man possessing the eight virtues.\" Paat Hang Aff.\n\nOnly one other scholar...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206848, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 125, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES: KAM TIN 119\n\ncrow their feathers all fell down on the earth. Nine suns were shot down, but one was too far away to be reached, and that is the sun that still remains to this day. Ngai was very afraid of dying, and he went to a fairy called Sai Wong Mo (1) who gave him some medicine for long life. Sheung Ngoh stole it, and took it in secret. She became lighter and lighter and eventually floated up to the moon where she became a toad. She had a palace to live in which was called the Shim Kung. Another story tells of a Kwai tree growing in the moon, 5,000 Chinese feet tall. A man called Ng Kong (吳剛), who had been sent to the moon as a punishment by the gods for having committed something wrong when learning to become an immortal, was always chopping it with a large chopper. He never managed to cut it down, because as soon as a cut was made in the trunk, it instantly grew together again. Thus the saying \"Shim Kung Chit Kwai\" which applied to those who passed the highest government examinations, gradually came into use since the T'ong (唐) dynasty, A.D. 618. There were many Kwai trees on the hillsides of Kwai Kok Shaan, either planted by Tang Foo or someone later, and the teachers are supposed to have sent their pupils out from the school to pluck the sprigs of flowers with the idea of encouraging them to further effort.\n\nAnother name for the hill is Ngo T'aam Shaan (鵝潭山), turtle pool hill. There is a pool still to be found on the hillside, which, according to one story, used to have turtles living in it. Another story says that it had a rock looking like the head of a large turtle. In olden times all the successful candidates who had passed the government examination, Tsun Sz (進士) went up to the emperor's palace to sit for a further examination named Tin Shi (殿試). Those who passed had their names put in order of merit on a list written on gold paper, and at a ceremony known as Ch'uen Lo (傳臚) the names were read out. The two candidates at the top of the list were led up the steps of the palace by the master of ceremonies, who then presented the first candidate, called the Chong Yuen (狀元) with the list. At the top of the stairs was a turtle carved in stone, and finally the Chong Yuen was caused to stand with his foot on its head. Thus he was known as \"Tuk chim ngo t'au\" (獨占鰲頭). The scholars at Kwai Kok Shaan when wandering on the hillsides would amuse themselves by standing on the turtle-head rock and shouting “I am the only man to put his foot on the head of the turtle!\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206850, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES: KAM TIN 121\n\nis called Lo Foo Ts'z T'ong (老虎祠堂), Tiger Hall. The floor of the cave is quite smooth with a lot of small stones almost like a mosaic. Though the actual site of the school is not known, old tiles have been found from time to time on the hillside, and one of these can be seen in a house called Cheung Ch'un Yuen (祥泉園) of Shui Tau (水頭) village. In the same house is a flower vase of interest that was dug up on Hong Kong island about 30 years before the British settled there.\n\nAs mentioned before, four of the \"five Yuens\" eventually left Kam Tin and founded branches of the Tang family elsewhere, and it has even been said that Yuen Leung, the ancestor of the Kam Tin branch, moved to Mok Ka Tung (莫家洞) near Shek Lung, but this removal is generally attributed to Yuen Leung's daughter-in-law, a princess of Sung dynasty whose story reads almost like a romance. She was a daughter of the Emperor Ko Tsung (高宗) of Sung Dynasty, who before becoming emperor of China was Prince Hong Wong (康王). The Tartars at that time were attacking the North of China, and in the 2nd year of Tsing Hong (靖康) A.D. 1127 they entered the Sung capital, captured the two emperors Fai Tsung (徽宗) and Yam Tsung (欽宗) together with both the mother and wife of Hong Wong, who was himself away in another part of the kingdom fighting the Tartars as he held the appointment of Tin Ha Ping Ma Tai Yuen Sui (天下兵馬大元帥), the commander-in-chief of all the emperor's forces. Hong Wong's little daughter was only ten years old and she was protected by her women servants who fled with her to the South. In the 3rd year of Kin Yim (建炎) A.D. 1129 they arrived in the Kiangsi province where Yuen Leung was district officer of Kung Yuen (贛縣) district. He was very zealous to help the Emperor and had collected together an army of soldiers, with the intention of marching North. Kiangsi was full of the Tartar forces, and the princess found herself surrounded by enemies. One day she saw the Sung flag over the encampment of Yuen Leung's army and she went to him for protection. She stayed with Yuen Leung, moving about with his soldiers, and eventually when he returned to Kam Tin he brought her back with him. He did not know who she was, as the servants had told him only that she was the daughter of a high official in the North. The princess found happiness and security in Kam Tin. She was like a daughter in Yuen Leung's house, helped with the household duties and was quite content. Eventually she revealed", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206856, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES: KAM TIN 127\n\n) 3rd year of T'ong (統) dynasty, by a Buddhist priest named Yuen Chong (圓聰) in the Ts'z Yun monastery (慈雲寺) in Ch'eung On (昌安) city, Shensi (陝西) province, near the Great Wall. This monastery had been built about fifty years previously by the Emperor T'ong Ko Tsung (唐玄宗) for his mother. When the pagoda was being built a wild goose flew against it and was killed, and the monks buried the bird underneath the pagoda and in this way it received its name. It became the custom ever since Shan Lung (神龍) years A.D. 705 & 706 of T'ong dynasty for the Emperor to give a banquet in the monastery called the Kuk Kong Yin (曲江宴) “winding river banquet,” to all the new \"Tsun Sz” (進士). Their names were carved on a stone tablet in the pagoda, and it became customary to use the expression “Ngaan T'aap T'ai Ming (雁塔題名) when congratulating successful candidates for the highest government examination. In Tang Lam's time the Tung Kwun people wished to have their own Ngaan Taap pagoda, and Tang Lam provided the money for them to do it. It was built some time during the ten years of Shun Yau (淳祐) A.D. 1241-1251 of Sung dynasty, and it was repaired in the 40th year of Shung Ching (崇禎) A.D. 1637 of Ming dynasty by a Tung Kwun \"Tsun Sz” named Kwok Kau Ting (郭九錠). Lam's grave is still to be found in Hon Yee Haang (巷義行) in Tung Kwun district.\n\nThe children of the four sons of Tang Tsz Ming seem to have left Kam T'in, and their descendants founded families in other villages. Those of Lam are to be found in the village of Lung Kwat Tau (龍骨頭) near Fanling (粉嶺); those of Waai still live in Tai Po Tau (大埔頭) near Tai Po market and Lai Tung (黎洞) near Sha Tau Kok (沙頭角), while Kei's descendants settled in Tung Kwun. But the great grandson of Tsz came back to Kam T'in. His name was Shau Tso (秀祖), he held the military rank of Chung Mo Kau Wai (忠武校尉) and in the Yuen (元) dynasty A.D. 1277 he received the honour of Hin Mo Tsueng Kwan (顯武將軍). He had two great-grandsons, brothers, named Hung Yee (鴻義) and Hung Chi (鴻志). The latter was a son-in-law of Hoh Tik (何狄) the younger brother of Hoh Chan (何真) who ruled Kwangtung (廣東) and Kwangsi (廣西) provinces at the end of the Yuen dynasty. When the Ming dynasty started Hoh Chan gave up his territory to the first Emperor, but later on he became involved in the case of General Leung Kwok Kung (梁國公) Laam Yuk (濫獄)...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206857, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "128 \n\nSUNG HOK-P’ANG \n\n1) as his son Hoh Wing (f) was a subordinate officer of this general. Hoh Wing was executed, and all his family punished. Hung Chi being considered a relation although it was only by marriage, was sentenced to banishment. His elder brother, who was the father of three sons, thinking him too young and ignorant and having no children to carry on his family, insisted on taking his place. So in the 26th year of Hung Mo (**) A.D. 1393 of Ming dynasty, Hung Yee went up North to Liao-tung (i★★). His banishment only lasted three years, but when he was free again to go where he liked Hung Yee appears to have been without means to get back to Kam T'in, because there is a story of his arriving in Nanking on foot, so poor that he was forced to beg in the streets and earn money by writing poems. One day a rich man named Ch'an (§) passed him in the street and noticing that his appearance and writing were those of an educated man, spoke to him and asked him his history. Touched by his story Ch'an befriended him, and made him the tutor of his children, but all the time Hung Yee longed for his own home and his own children. Eventually Ch'an suggested that if he provided him with a second wife he might be happier, so he arranged a marriage for him with his adopted daughter, Wong (*). Two years later a son was born called Kuen (§§), but after another year Hung Yee died. Then Ch'an provided the widow with money, and taking her little child, she set off to find her way to Kam T'in to bring Hung Yee's ashes back to the place of his ancestors. After many difficulties she arrived in Kam T'in only to find that Hung Yee's three sons Yam (†), Chan (14) and Yui (†) all grown up by now and not knowing anything of their father's history and second marriage, did not believe her story. Then Wong told them many old tales about Kam T'in that her husband had amused her with in the past in Nanking, and finally persuaded them to acknowledge her identity when she produced a fan with characters on it written in Hung Yee's own writing. So funeral preparations were at once made and customary rites performed in Hung Yee's honour, and Wong and her child were taken into the family. A year later the baby Kuen died and Wong was so upset that she threatened to take her life, and she was only prevented from doing so by Yam who promised to give her his son Naam K'ai () to be her grandson, that is, a son for her dead child. He also built her a house on Kwun Yum Shaan (4) where she could serve her husband's spirit tablet and study Bud-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206858, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 135, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "LEGENDS & Stories of the NEW TERRITORIES: KAM TIN 129\n\ndhism. This was the origin of the Ling Wan Tsz (+) which still exists at the head of the Kam T'in valley, and is one of the best known monasteries in the New Territories. It was built between A.D. 1426 and 1435 during the period of Suen Tak (✯✯) of Ming dynasty. From Hung Yee's time up to the 2nd year of the Republic it has always been supported by the Kam T'in people. In the 2nd year of the Republic when abbot Miu Ts'aam (A) took charge of the monastery, it was supported by the management of Miu Ts'aam and his successors up to now. Little is known about the early abbots who directed the monastery. It is recorded on a tablet (written by a “mo kui yan” (AKA) of Kam T'in named Tang Ying Yuen (*), which is still to be seen in the monastery, that when some repairs were done to the building in the 1st year of To Kwong (i✯) A.D. 1821 of Ts'ing dynasty, the abbot Tik Ch'an (*) was in charge of raising the necessary funds for the work. Another abbot was Yuen Hung (H) who was in authority in the Ist year of Kwong Sui (✯✯) A.D. 1875 of T'sing dynasty, and when the British leased the New Territories in 1899 Ts'ing Yuen (#) was in charge of the monastery, but later he was promoted to be abbot in another monastery in Loh Fau Shaan (†#). The present building was put in order and enlarged by the late abbot Miu Ts'aam (A) who first held the office in the second year of the Republic. He did much to add to the existing buildings. Now if one visits the monastery a bell is heard being rung day and night. There is a story that when this bell was being cast everyone promised to subscribe to it, and from far and near people brought offerings of money and valuables. When it was completed a hole was found in it that spoilt the tone. In vain the makers tried to fill up the hole but each time the filling fell out. When they were in despair a woman appeared at Ling Wun bringing a gold earring with her. She explained that she had promised to give it as a donation for the bell, but had forgotten to do so. Then everyone said \"No wonder! Now the bell is really complete\" and they put the earring just as it was into the hole and found it fitted quite tightly. Then they rang the bell and, to their joy, the tone was perfect.*\n\nTo be continued\n\n*The photographs illustrating this article will appear with the next instalment in the 1974 Journal,\n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206869, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "140 \n\nNOTES AND QUERIES \n\n“LING CH’IH” AT CANTON, 27th MAY, 1886. \n\nThe following account of a visit to the execution ground at Canton is taken from a type-script copy belonging to two of our Members, through whose courtesy it is reproduced here. \n\nThe visit was made from Hong Kong by a party of 6 as yet un-identified persons, referred to in part and only by the initials of their surnames, \n\nFor \"Ling Ch'ih\" (J) see Giles' Dictionary (1912 edition) under characters No. 7228 and 1986. Under No. 7228 he comments on 'the ignominious or so-called “lingering death\" which properly consists of dismemberment by twenty-four cuts before the coup de grâce, but is practically confined to a few slashes followed quickly by decapitation'. Under No. 1986 he states that 'strictly speaking [it] should consist in mutilation of the limbs before giving the coup de grâce'. Ed. \n\nWe left the \"Vigilant\" at 7 a.m.—there being six of us in the party. We found on landing Ah Cum, the guide, waiting for us with the necessary chairs and coolies which we had previously ordered. After calling at Jardine's Hong for A. and C.* we went on over the Bridge and through the City until we reached the Execution Ground at about 7.45. Very few people had assembled when we arrived, and there was nothing to show that anything unusual was expected to take place. We soon, however, had a considerable crowd round us, and on the guide making enquiries we heard that for certain there would be two executions to-day but at what time was not known—probably some time in the forenoon. As the crowd began to get oppressive we tried to get away from it and eventually found refuge in a \"Tea-house\" where we went upstairs to a large room having in it a number of small tables at which Chinese of different classes, from the coolie upwards, were drinking tea and eating sweets, to whom our advent caused some amusement. We ordered some tea for the good of the house but I don't think many of us drank it. I tried it and found it bitterly nasty. \n\nWe waited wearily at this Tea House trying to pass away the time by pestering the guide with questions that he could not answer \n\nnot identified.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206874, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 151, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n145\n\nning among other matters the subjugation of the non-Chinese tribes of the interior.*\n\nAt the age of 71 he was appointed Vice-President of the Board of Civil Affairs in Nanking and later Vice-President of the Censorate. He died in great poverty in 1587 aged 74, his friends defraying the cost of his burial.\n\nIn November 1965 the editor of the Shanghai Wen Wei Pao, Yao Wen-yuan, who was also a left-inclined literary and theatre critic, published an article in which he criticised an historical drama \"The dismissal of Hai Jui\" written by the then Deputy Mayor of Peking, Wu Han. Yao's article was the opening volley in the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution which created such turmoil in China and purged so many of the senior communist cadres including Wu Han himself. Yao rose quickly and by 1969 was sixth in the leadership of the Chinese People's Republic only to slip to a lower position at the 10th Party Congress in August 1973. Yao, still a member of the Politbureau, is reported to be the son-in-law of Chairman Mao and a close associate of the radical Madame Mao.\n\nWu Han's historical play which cost him so dearly was criticised by Yao as an analogy of Mao's treatment of his \"loyal minister” Peng Te-huai, the Minister of National Defence purged by Mao in 1959. P'eng had been very outspoken in his opposition to two of the things closest to Mao's heart, the Great Leap Forward and the establishment of the People's Communes.\n\nHai Jui is well known to many Chinese as the minister who steadfastly opposed corruption. A legend told to me in Singapore by an elderly Buddhist nun recounted how Hai Jui as a very young junior official had been posted to the Swatow region (Ch'aochow) where a group of tyrannical landowners together with the local magistrate's police runners were terrorizing the people. The legend then told of Hai Jui's fight, first against his local superiors in support of the poor, later against the Prime Minister and finally against the Emperor himself. Hai Jui was forced to commit suicide, she said, to compel the Emperor to take notice of the problems of the masses and for this he was deified by the subsequent Emperor and is now one of the patrons of the Ch'aochow people.\n\nSee, in part, Herbert A. Giles, A Chinese Biographical Dictionary (London and Shanghai, Bernard Quaritch and Kelly and Walsh, 1898) pp. 242-243. Also W. F. Mayers, The Chinese Reader's Manual (Shanghai, American Presbyterian Mission Press, and London, Trübner and Co., 1874) pp. 45-46. Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206875, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "146\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nIt is not surprising therefore to encounter an image of Hai Jui on an altar. One such image is in the nunnery on the Pasir Panjang coast road in Singapore in which most of the nuns are of Ch'aochow origin. He is prayed to for strength of purpose and for his ability to obtain support from the Spirit World without demanding a fee or putting the devotee under an obligation.\n\nIn the nunnery, which incidentally contains a mixture of Buddhist and T'aoist folk religion images, is a seated, whey-faced image of Hai Jui, holding a sceptre in his right hand. He is wearing Mandarin robes, a scholar's hat and has a long black beard. He has two anonymous assistants, one on either side of him. The one standing on his left is carrying his official seal wrapped in a red cloth, whilst the one on his right bears his sheathed sword (photograph at Plate XI). The nuns referred to the image as the Duke Hai Jui (##2). He was known to be a good spirit (††).\n\nColonel Burkhardt in his Chinese Creeds and Customs recounts how, during the Ming Dynasty, the Eastern Dragon King who in cooperation with the Northern Dragon King controlled rainfall, was dismissed for dereliction of duty. The Jade Emperor (1) the Supreme Being both of the Spirit and the Human World, appointed Hai Jui in his stead.\n\nSo here we have the story of the incorruptible minister, in a garbled version as known to the Ch'aochow nuns in Singapore; the image in their nunnery, and the modern drama which triggered off the greatest upset in China since the communists came to power; all linked by the shade of Hai Jui who without a doubt made an indelible impression upon, amongst others, the Ch'aochow peoples of eastern Kwangtung Province over the four centuries since his death.\n\nAshford, Kent, 1973.\n\nKEITH G. STEVENS\n\n* V. R. Burkhardt, Chinese Creeds and Customs, published by South China Morning Post Hong Kong, Volume 2 (1955) page 161.\n\nANOTHER VOLONTIERI MAP?\n\nThe following Note with Map are taken from the publication Les Missions Catholiques No. 239 of 20th May 1875, and were brought to my attention by Mr. H. A. Rydings.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206899, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 176, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "170\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nto have visited twenty Asian countries; and while critics of later generations found some of his facts mixed with folk-lore and fable, his descriptions of community existence, family relationships, flora and fauna provided—and still provide exciting reading based on observations which the editor regards as both acute and just.\n\nThese expeditions (in part commercial in part diplomatic) comprising fleets of the largest vessels then afloat, are chiefly significant, however, as unprecedented feats of naval organisation and navigation. In this, 'the Elizabethan age' of Chinese expansion, the Chinese excelled as fighters, traders, diplomats and navigators. Appendix 3 provides informative notes on Chinese ships and seamanship. The European of the time might have had more accurate charts, and such instruments as the quadrant, but the Chinese had long used the lead-and-line, the cross-staff and the compass, and they even made rough calculations of longitude ‘by noting the number of watches which elapsed during the run at a speed estimated from the time taken by the ship to pass a floating object'. But Cheng Ho's last voyage (1431-3) marked the end of the heroic age of maritime expansion. The Ming court lost interest in sea power and its imperial implications, and with this curious and sudden withdrawal from the dawning international order, the doors closed on a unique period of Chinese history.\n\nMr. Mills has not been daunted by the complicated question of texts, and he compares and evaluates the various versions. His own translation is based on the definitive text established by the distinguished Chinese scholar Feng Ch'eng-chun, first published in Shanghai in 1935. Appendices contain a gazetteer of southern Asian place-names known to the Chinese in 1433, as well as an expert and fascinating commentary on 'the Mao K'un Map' which indicates the presumed courses of Cheng Ho's various itineraries. Here, an attempt has been made to identify all the names and legends, five hundred and seventy-seven in number.\n\nFormerly Puisne Judge of the Straits Settlements, the editor belongs to that select band of British administrators and proconsuls who were not simply colonial servants, but who in addition might be explorers or archaeologists or scholars of distinction. Only a scholar of great learning and infinite patience could have made this outstanding contribution to history.\n\nJanuary, 1974.\n\nGERALD S. GRAHAM", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206902, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 179, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n173\n\na fish-scale design all over the dress. But neither points out that the shiny most bluish satin simulates the metal of the armour and the scales simulate the plates of the armour. The back-flap is cut into strips and they obviously look and are arranged like tail feathers; feather-strips are hanging down from various parts of the costume. The generals bristle and ruffle their feathers with every movement, and while fighting they look like an enormous flustered phoenix in attack.\n\nMost opera costumes have so-called water-sleeves of white thin silk attached to the actual sleeve. They are like cuffs, open at the seam, and when they hang down, they almost reach the floor. These sleeves play a very important part in the technique of acting. Miss Halson only describes a few sleeve-movements like: using the sleeves to hide in embarrassment, or thrown up in bewilderment, that they are used as a muff in winter and as a fan in summer. Scott explains 100 different sleeve-movements and tells by which character they are used: e.g. in T'ou hsiu the two sleeves are flung out together, to the right, whilst the face looks left, which symbolizes making a decision or anger and is only performed by the Ching I or demure young woman. I would like to add that these sleeves are found in Chinese costumes already as far back as the Han dynasty about 2,000 years ago. The cuff was not added to the sleeve, but the sleeve itself was very long. It can still be seen in the blouses worn by Tibetans. In the art of Chinese dancing, the flowing of the sleeves are such an important part, that movements are often only directed to produce the desired flow. It expresses the Chinese love for flowing lines, very well known from their brush-strokes. Actually in both books I feel the absence of linking the descriptions of the appearance with its cultural background.\n\nAll faces are made up in Peking Opera. Older people and middle-aged ones have a natural make up, young men and women have the middle of their face powdered white, cheeks and eye-lids are deep magenta. But the most striking are the multi-coloured painted faces. They are only for male parts: warriors, generals, ministers and officials. Miss Halson suggests an origin for these: branded criminals tattooed their scars to disguise the marks. This is very far fetched. Her second explanation is that the actors wanted their faces to stand out. Any make up is of course to this end; but she did not hit the simple truth. Masks were used before the great step forward was taken when, recognizing the disadvantages", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206904, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 181, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n175\n\nTHE BUDDHIST CONQUEST OF CHINA: THE SPREAD AND ADAPTATION OF BUDDHISM IN EARLY MEDIEVAL CHINA by E. Zürcher. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1972, in two volumes (Vol. I, pp. 1-320 and 5 ink-drawing maps; vol. II, pp. 321-469, including Notes, Bibliography, Indexes, Additions and Corrections), H.K.$320.00.\n\nThis book, in two volumes, is a revised edition of the original edition first printed in 1959, also in Leiden. The text is organized in the following six Chapters: 1. \"Introductory remarks\", 2. \"Historical survey from the first to the beginning of the fourth century\", 3. \"Buddhism at Chien K'ang and in the South-East, ca. 320-420\", 4. \"The centres at Hsiang-yang, Chiang-ling and Lu-Shan, and the influence of Northern Buddhism\", 5. \"Anti-clericalism and Buddhist apologetic in the fourth and early fifth centuries\", 6. \"The conversion of the Barbarians, the early history of a Buddho-Taoist conflict\".\n\nConfining his scope to the development of Buddhism during early Chinese medieval periods, Zürcher has not only contributed a great deal of detailed researches but has also demonstrated a high degree of scholarship. Despite this, there are certain aspects which have apparently escaped the author's attention.\n\nAs to the first, speaking in general, any review of the history of Chinese Medieval Buddhism from a broad sense should not be limited to the rise of Buddhistic sects due to variations of religious theology. Other over-all aspects of Chinese culture, directly or indirectly influenced by the introduction of Buddhism at that time, should also be taken into account. One such point, the Buddhistic influence on Chinese language, seems to be notable. The earliest reference to this aspect was perhaps first made by Thomas Watters as early as 1889 when he presented his primary discussions in Chapters 8 and 9 of his Essays on the Chinese Language, a book published in Shanghai. Similar in nature but more authentic discussions of this theme were made by contemporary Chinese scholars, such as the well-noted article by Chen Yin-k'o “Ssu-sheng san-wen” 四聲三間 (which appeared in the Tsing-hua hsueh-pao 清華學報 Vol. IX, No. 2, pp. 275-288, 1934, Peking) and the \"Indian Influence on the Study of Chinese Language\" by Lo Ch'ang-pei 羅常培 (which appeared in Sino-Indian Studies, Vol. I, No. 3, pp. 117-124, 1944). The “Eastward transmission of Buddhism and its influence…", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206909, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 186, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "180\n\n \nBOOK REVIEWS\n\n \nwrites for example 2 ku and ki to capture another possible complementation instead. This discussion is of some meaning to linguists but is uninteresting to the point of exasperation for almost everyone else in the field. Presumably we would all speak better in other dialects where such problems in complementary distribution do not affect the romanization.\n\n \nHowever, the real point here is that what is perfect for the militant linguist may in fact not be the most helpful for the beginning student, for the scholar in another discipline, or for the outsider who would like to make some reasonable approximation of the native word when he responds to a romanized form. There is no reason why we could not try to satisfy all these people; it is simply a matter of admitting that parts of every potential system will offend some and please others. Once we agree to agree almost any of the proposed systems would do. It is this initial agreement that seems to be difficult.\n\n \nAll this brings me to the book under review. Professor Anderson is primarily concerned with presenting a transcription system which he calls Simplified Wade. His purpose is to modify Wade-Giles so that it is still readily recognizable but now in a form written entirely without diacritical marks.\n\n \nOne of the major innovations of the Anderson system is to substitute -h- for the Wade-Giles apostrophe marking aspiration; e.g., Wade-Giles ch'i, t'u, p'u, and k'u become Anderson chhi, thu, phu, and khu. The circumflex is omitted, as indeed it is by many writers today since it is not distinctive in any occurrence. The umlaut is optional in the Anderson system; it is in fact non-distinctive in Wade-Giles except in WG yu and yü which Anderson suggests be written you and yu respectively if the umlaut is not convenient on one's typewriter. The apical vowels are written y; e.g., WG szu ‘four' is Anderson sy. WG initial j- is Anderson r-.\n\n \nA second major departure from Wade-Giles is that in which Anderson marks the tones with unpronounced letters following the syllable as below:\n\n \n1st tone       no letter\n\n \n2nd tone       -P\n\n \n3rd tone       -X\n\n \n4th tone       -Z\n\n \nma for WG ma1\n\n \nmav for WG ma2\n\n \nmax for WG ma3\n\n \nmaz for WG ma4", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206914, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 191, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS \n\n185 \n\nvalue that the book possesses for other Sung specialists, it also provides students of Ming and Ch'ing government structure and society with much useful background. \n\nHowever, the title is rather misleading since the work concerns itself more with sub-administrative systems and government reactions to systems' problems than with villages or personnel. The villagers are seldom brought into the discussion and the village officers, whether unpaid members of local families or hired professional clerks, do not appear until the concluding pages; and then only the former group is described in general terms. Since the work is, as Dr. McKnight states in his preface ‘a descriptive analysis of the institution of village services', a narrower and therefore more accurate title should have been selected. \n\nStudies of this sort must always keep the human element well to the fore. In this book the problems of local communities and the attitudes and responses of peasants are not always sufficiently discernible, perhaps because they are not readily available from the source material. It is otherwise a useful work which provides a great deal of detail on the sub-bureaucratic systems of the Southern Sung, their underlying problems and partial solutions. \n\nHong Kong, 1973 \n\nJAMES HAYES", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206970, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "ADVENTURERS IN HONG KONG\n\n35\n\nCollège Stanislas at Cannes. In 1877 he entered the military academy of Saint-Cyr;22 after passing out from Saint-Cyr, he joined the famous Saumur cavalry school. He was to remain a magnificent horseman all his life.\n\nThe turning point in Morès' life came in 1881 when he met Medora von Hoffmann, the daughter of Louis von Hoffmann,23 a New York banker of German extraction, who had a villa, like Morès' father, at Cannes. Morès resigned from the army and in February 1882 married the petite, blonde Medora, who was to bear him three children. In August 1883 they travelled to the New World and Morès soon after started work in his father-in-law's bank.\n\nMorès was an astute banker but when his cousin, Count Fitz-James, returned from a hunting expedition to the Dakotas and regaled him with tales of his adventures, he decided to throw up his banking career and head west to the area of the Dakotas called the Bad Lands. In April 1883 Morès, together with William Van Driesche, set out by Northern Pacific Railway from Chicago for the Little Missouri River. After an inspection of the country he decided it was ideal for cattle ranching. He bought a large tract of land, built his own town--Medora--and a twenty-eight room château24 on a spur overlooking the river and the new town.\n\nThe Marquis, who had begun to fence off his land, soon made enemies among the badmen of the area. Three in particular – Luffsey, O'Donnell and Wannegan--on several occasions attacked the château at night and their gunfire was returned by the intrepid Marquis and Van Driesche. The series of incidents culminated in the ambushing of the trio by the Marquis and two of his cowboys. Luffsey was killed, the other two wounded and taken prisoner. The incident did not end there, for the Marquis was charged with murder, held in custody and nearly lynched by an excited mob.\n\nMorès established his own abattoir, meat-packing and processing plant at Medora and hoped, thereby, to undercut the prices for dressed meat set by the monopolistic 'beef barons' of Chicago--the Armours and Swifts--but he was opposed not only by them but by their business allies, the railroad magnates. By 1885 it was clear that Morès' cattle empire was tottering, that he could not compete with the stockyards of Chicago, and that his scheme to provide cheap meat to Westerners and Easterners alike had totally failed. He returned to New York with his family, but at once attempted", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206989, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 60, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "54\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nin André Malraux, Antimémoires. Paris, 1967, pp. 375-473. There is a short biography in Roman d'Amat and R. Limouzin-Lamothe, eds., Dictionnaire de Biographie Française, Paris, 1965.\n\n17 Souvenirs de Cochinchine par Ch. David de Mayréna, Capitaine d'État-Major, Chevalier de la Légion d'honneur... Toulon, J. Laurent, 1871.\n\n18 See Marcel Ner, 'Marie Ier Roi des Sedangs', Bulletin de l'École Française d'Extrême-Orient (Hanoi), Vol. 27, 1927, p. 316.\n\n19 Ibid., p. 333.\n\n20 Ahnaja, Mayréna's consort, died of tuberculosis in late 1888. She had followed Mayréna from Saigon but they were never legally married.\n\n21 There are many studies of Morès, but most are written from a French nationalist point of view: see, for example, Baron Charles de Donos, Morès: Sa vie, sa mort, Paris, 1899; Auguste Pavy, L'Expédition de Morès, Paris 1897; Félicien Pascal, L'Assassinat de Morès, un crime d'État, Paris, 1902; Jules Delahaye, Les Assassins et les vengeurs de Morès, 3 vols., Paris, 1905-1907; Pierre Frondaie, L'Assassinat du marquis de Morès, Paris, 1934. Of great interest are chapters on Morès in Maurice Barrès, Scènes et doctrines du nationalisme, Paris, 1902, and in Georges Bernanos, La Grande peur des bien-pensants, Paris, 1931. For details on the family see Almanach de Gotha, Gotha, 1890, pp. 390-91. Robert F. Byrnes, Antisemitism in Modern France, vol. 1, New Brunswick, NJ., 1950, contains many illuminating insights into Morès' political career. The most modern study is Donald Dresden's The Marquis de Morès: Emperor of the Bad Lands, 1970, which is particularly good on Morès's adventures in the Far West.\n\n22 One of his fellow cadets was Philippe Pétain (1856-1951), who later became the head of the Vichy Government. Another was the saintly Charles de Foucauld (1858-1916), a missionary in the Sahara.\n\n23 His full name is given in the New York Times Obituary Index as Louis A. von Baron Hoffmann. He died in 1909. His daughter's name, Medora, was probably taken from Byron's poem 'The Corsair'.\n\n24 See Russell Reid, 'The De Morès Historical Site', North Dakota Historical Quarterly, vol. 8, 1941, pp. 272-83. In 1963 Louis Vallombrosa, the Marquis' eldest son, presented the château and the surrounding grounds to the State of North Dakota.\n\n25 See Maurice Soulié, Marie Ier, roi des Sédangs, 1888-1890, Paris, 1927, pp. 122-6. Mlle Dahlberg was supposed to be studying Siamese monuments in Bangkok but she was probably in the pay of the Germans who had recently discovered an interest in the region. Her brother was ostensibly a trader at Haiphong but really engaged in the smuggling of contraband goods.\n\n26 A tour of the East was often a risky venture. Many companies went broke and singers and actresses left penniless and hence vulnerable as a consequence. See, for example, Conrad's novel Victory and Somerset Maugham's story 'Flotsam and Jetsam' for fictional but accurate accounts of the lives of distressed European actresses in the East.\n\n27 Robert Fraser-Smith founded the Hong Kong Telegraph in 1881. He was also its editor and publisher until his death in 1895. The paper was edited from 6 Pedder's Hill and Fraser-Smith employed a staff of about four Europeans, usually Scotsmen, as reporters. As J. S. Thomson in The Chinese (London, 1909) writes: \"The newspapers of the Treaty Ports are generally set up by the Macaense (sic) and edited by Scotchmen\". Fraser-Smith was constantly involved in libel actions and in 1890 was sentenced to six months imprisonment for libelling J. Minhinett, a foreman in the Public Works Department, by suggesting he had committed rape. He did\n\nPage 60\n\nPage 61", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206993, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "DOGS AND HORSES IN ANCIENT CHINA\n\nCAROLE MORGAN*\n\nAny mention of horses and dogs in connection with China immediately brings to mind noble steeds and miniature pugs. But horses and dogs had been known in China long before T'ang sculptors created their masterpieces and T'ang painters sent diminutive pets romping through their pictures. It is the aim of this paper to show what part these animals played in ancient Chinese society.\n\nOrigins\n\nIt is generally accepted that dogs are the oldest domestic animals known to man. Although it is difficult to determine what breed of dogs were actually known to the ancient Chinese (see hunting dogs) the bones of an animal very similar to the Australian wild dog or Dingo were found in some of the earliest prehistoric graves excavated in Northern China.1 As in other parts of the world it is assumed that dogs first attached themselves to prehistoric Chinese settlements and were then gradually accepted as part of the human household. Proof of the casual nature of the relationship between dog and man may be found in the fact that although classical Chinese literature refers to a creator of horses (Lu Pu-wei in Lu Shih Ch'un Ch'iu) no creator of dogs is ever mentioned.2\n\nBones of horses have also been found in prehistoric graves. To date, the earliest bones discovered were those of a large horse (Equus Sanmensis) unearthed at Chou Kou T'ien, in the same grave but in a later strata, as those of Peking man.3 This discovery led to the conclusion that the horse is indigenous to China and not imported from Central Asia as was previously supposed. It may even be possible that horses were exported from China to neighbouring countries. One author, Erkes, claims that the word for horse in such East Altaic languages as Korean and Mongolian was derived from the Chinese word for horse, ma.\n\nThere is a gap in our knowledge of China between the Paleolithic and approximately 4000 B.C. during which time Equus Sanmensis\n\nMrs. Morgan is a doctoral candidate at the Sorbonne, the subject of her thesis being animals in ancient China. The text is based on a talk given to the Hong Kong Branch, RAS, on 27th May 1974.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206995, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "60\n\nCAROLE MORGAN\n\nOther ceremonies involving dogs are mentioned in the Chou Li, the Chou Book of Rites (a utopian picture of Chou society compiled from late Chou, Chin and Han sources in the 1st Century B.C.). In the nu (（）) sacrifice to drive away pestilence, a dog was dismembered and his remains buried in front of the main gates of the capital.10\n\nThe ba (*) sacrifice to ward off evil required the participation of the Emperor himself. Riding in a jade chariot it was his duty to crush a dog under the wheels of his carriage. An analysis of the character ba clearly shows what took place in the ceremony. The term ba is written with the radical for cart and a phonetic element (（）) which originally meant an animal whose legs had been bound. It was the duty of a specially appointed official to supply a dog of one colour and without blemishes for the sacrifice.12\n\nAccording to one author, Schindler, the origin of using dogs as sacrificial animals dates back to a primitive cult in honour of a dog-shaped god of vegetation whose worship later became amalgamated with that of Shang Ti, god of agricultural production and reigning deity of the Shang pantheon.13 The fact that alone among domestic animals dogs and horses were buried (dogs being wrapped in reed mats and horses in sheets) gives some support to this theory.14\n\nIn Chou times, horses too were used as sacrificial victims. In the ma (（）) ceremony horses were used as chthonic sacrifices to the Earth Goddess;15 and Ssu Ma Ch'ien tells us that Duke Hsiang of Ch'in (776-766 B.C.) sacrificed a red colt to the White Emperor of the West.16 In such cases the horse to be sacrificed was first shot with an arrow and then buried.17\n\nBut as horses became more valuable the practice of using them as sacrificial victims gradually died out. By 103 B.C. Ssu-Ma Ch'ien informs us all live horses had been replaced by wooden statuettes except in cases such as the chiao (*) sacrifice, celebrated by the Emperor himself, during which he informed his ancestors that he was about to undertake a punitive expedition.18\n\nHorses, however, were not only used as sacrificial animals, they were also entitled to a cult of their own.\n\nAccording to the Chou Li it was the duty of an official, the Hsiao Jen, to sacrifice in Spring to the ma tsu (（马祖）), the ancestors of horses. It was the duty of the same official to honour the \"tamer", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206996, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "DOGS AND HORSES IN ANCIENT CHINA \n\n61 \n\nof horses\" in Summer, sacrifice to the ma she (1) or earth god of horses in Autumn and the ma bu (✈) in Winter.19 (According to K'ang Ch'eng, a commentator of the Chou Li, the ma she was a spirit who sat in judgement on horses.) \n\nThe Chou Li also tells us that other officials were entrusted with the care of horses. It was, for instance, the duty of the mu shih (**) or Herdsman to supervise the imperial horse pastures and see to it that they were annually improved by burning off the top grass.20 The Herdsman was also required to perform a curious task which consisted of clamping bamboo pins on the ears of any restless two-year-old fillies, a treatment guaranteed to soothe the most restive animal.21 \n\nTo treat sick horses there was not only a veterinarian but also a horse sorcerer or wu ma (4) to assist him. It was the sorcerer's task to diagnose a sick animal's ailment by studying its gait, after which the veterinarian bathed the horse in a herbal decoction (which may have had mildly analgesic properties) before undertaking any other course of treatment.22 The sorcerer also had to be conversant with the sick horse's pedigree in order to sacrifice to its ancestors. If, despite these ministrations, the animal died, one of the two merchants attached to the sorcerer's office had to sell the carcass and return the money to the officer in charge of the corral.23 \n\nThat horses were used both as sacrificial victims and as cult objects may be due to the fact that traces of two completely different cultures survived into Chou times. According to Schindler horses were used as chthonic sacrifices because the Earth Goddess had originally been horse-shaped.24 The author bases his argument on a passage from the I Ching (Hexagram 1 and 2) which states that \"Earth is a mare.\" (This passage may have been responsible for a taboo, current in Han times, against riding mares.25) But in the Shuo Gua section of the I Ching we find a statement to the effect that \"Heaven is a horse and Earth is an ox.\" Obviously this is a relic from a different culture which identified horses with the virile qualities of heaven,26 \n\nDogs and Horses as Sources of Food \n\nIn ancient China it was customary to use as sacrificial victims only animals whose flesh was habitually eaten. Thus, the custom of eating both dogs and horses goes back to very ancient times.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206999, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "64\n\nCAROLE MORGAN\n\nParafilaria Multipapillosa, in which the parasite buries itself under the skin causing blisters which ooze blood on bursting.45) After two unsuccessful campaigns Li Kuang-li finally sent a number of Ferghana horses back to the capital in 101 B.C.; the Emperor hoped that their arrival would coincide with the beginning of an auspicious Age of the Dragon for his people.46\n\nHunting Dogs\n\nThat dogs were associated with hunting from very early times may be deduced from the fact that most words for hunting such as lie (lie) the usual term for hunting, shou (*) a winter hunt and huo (*) a bird hunt were all written with the radical for dog.47\n\nThat a good hunting dog was expensive is illustrated by a story from the Lu Shih Ch'un Chiu (L.S.C.C. 24.6) An eager hunter, dissatisfied with the performance of his dog, could not afford to replace it because the cost of a new one would have ruined his family.\n\nIt is difficult to determine which breeds of dogs were actually known in ancient China. The greyhound, a very old kind of dog, is shown on some Han stone reliefs and a small statuette of a snub-nosed mastiff, its tail curled over its back was unearthed from a Han tomb.43 This dog is believed to be in the lineage of the Tibetan wolf (Canis Niger) which also bred the Roman molossus, the Saint Bernard, the Newfoundland, the bulldog and the miniature breeds of China such as the pug so popular in T'ang times.49\n\nThere is obviously very little graphic material available from pre-Han times. The earliest hunting scene known to date is found on a Chou bronze the so-called “100 animal “dou” (‡a)” showing a hunter and his dog surrounded by various wild animals. But because none of the animals are drawn to scale (the dog is the same size as a neighbouring rhinoceros) and the smallness of the drawing conditioned by the smallness of the vessel (24 cms) it is impossible to determine the dog's breed.50\n\nAnother, somewhat later Chou bronze, also depicts a hunting scene. Here we see four dogs, but again, for reasons stated above, they offer no conclusive proof as to breed.\n\nIf we turn now to linguistic evidence we see that the Shuo Wen gives a long list of names for different dogs but the definition of these names tells us almost nothing about the animals themselves.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207002, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 73, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "DOGS AND HORSES IN ANCIENT CHINA\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\n67\n\nPrimary Sources\n\nChou Li, Ssu-pu Ts'ung K'an, ts'e 9-14, Commercial Press, Shanghai, 1920-1922.\n\nMu Tien Tzu Chuan, Ssu-pu pei-yao, ts'e 1129, Chung-hua shu-chu, Shanghai, 1927-1935.\n\nSsu Ma Ch'ien, Shi Chi; Er. Shih-Ssu pen, Wu Chou Tung, Wen Shu Chu, Shanghai, 1903.\n\nSecondary Sources\n\nANDERSSON, J. G. Children of the Yellow Earth, Kegan Paul, London 1934.\n\nBIOT, Edouard Le Tcheou Li, Wen Tien Ko, Peking 1929, (reprinted 1939).\n\nBURKHARDT, V. R. Chinese Creeds and Customs, South China Morning Post press, Hong Kong 1955 and 1958.\n\nCHANG Kwang-chih The Archeology of Ancient China, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1963.\n\nCHAVANNES, Edouard Les Memoires Historiques de Se Ma Ts'ien, Brill, Leiden (reprinted 1939).\n\nCHENG Te-K'un Archeology in China, Vols. I, II, III, Heffer, Cambridge 1960.\n\nCOUVREUR, S. Le Li Ki, Imprimerie de la Mission Catholique, Ho Kien Fu 1913.\n\nCREEL, Herrlee G. Studies in Early Chinese History, Kegan Paul, London 1938.\n\nDUBS, Homer The History of the Former Han by Pan Ku, Waverly Press, Baltimore 1955.\n\nERKES, Eduard (1) \"Der Hund im Alten China\" in T'oung Pao, Vol. 37 (1944) 186-225.\n\n(2) \"Das Pferd im Alten China\" in T'oung Pao, Vol. 36 (1940-42) 27-36.\n\nKARLGREN Grammata Serica, Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Bulletin No. 12, Stockholm, 1940.\n\nLAUFER, Berthold Chinese Pottery of the Han Dynasty, Brill, Leiden 1909.\n\nSCHAFER, Edward The Golden Peaches of Samarkand, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1963.\n\nSCHINDLER, Bruno (1) \"The Development of the Chinese Conception of Supreme Being\" in Hirth Anniversary Vol., 298-366.\n\n(2) \"On Travel, Wayside and Wind Offerings\" in Asia Major, Vol. 45 (1924) 624-656.\n\nYETTS, Perceval \"The Horse; A factor in Early Chinese History\" in Eurasia Septentrionalis Antique, Vol. 9 (1934) 231-235.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207003, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 74, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "THE CRAFT OF GOD CARVING IN SINGAPORE\n\nKEITH G. STEVENS*\n\nIn my research into Chinese iconography I made a considerable nuisance of myself in three particular two-storey shophouses in the middle of Singapore's Hokkien (Fukienese) area (see plate 1), by questioning the god carvers' every action during the process of carving and repairing images of Chinese gods.\n\nIn Singapore three families are in partial competition, yet from their full order books business would appear to be thriving. Two of the families are Hokkien originating from near Foochow and Amoy respectively and the third is Teochew (Ch'ao chou) from Swatow, all being second or third generation Singaporeans who have never visited their homeland. Into these shophouses are crowded the unmarried longterm employees in addition to the families themselves, notably the apprentices who sleep on campbeds in the shop and eat en famille. One master carver bewailed the shortage of apprentices who in this age of affluence were unwilling to undertake a long and poorly paid apprenticeship.\n\nI have always referred to these craftsmen as god carvers and their shops as godshops. My article \"Three Deities\" in this Journal in 1972 provoked the editorial comment that the term was colourful and as such would be left unedited. My terminology is a far cry from the jargon of the anthropologist and it is my intention to describe, in my own terms, the production of gods in one of these godshops.\n\nThese godshops are ten foot square or ten by twenty foot work-spaces on the ground floor of the shophouses. Here new gods are carved and painted and the old repaired, not only for the island of Singapore but also for places as far north as Thailand and Cambodia, as far east as Borneo and Brunei and as far south as Java. This group of godcarvers is unique in being the only Fukienese and Ch'ao chou specialist carvers still plying their trade save for a few\n\n* Major Stevens' other contributions on the interesting subject of Chinese gods in South-east Asia and Taiwan appeared in Vols. 12-13 of this Journal.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207006, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 77, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "CRAFT OF GOD CARVING IN SINGAPORE\n\n71\n\nbe under the left or the right foot with the coiled snake under the other foot. It could be entwined by the snake or the snake could even be stretched across the god's outstretched arms with the god standing or seated on the tortoise. There was no controversy over the bare feet, but the pointed finger and the unkempt hair were also long disputed. One daring apprentice was quickly squashed by his vexed master when he suggested that as the Northern Emperor is also called the Emperor of the Black Heavens perhaps his face should be black. This only highlighted how easily individual interpretations can develop into an accepted recognition feature.\n\nThe decoration of the robes is usually a personal choice of the carver unless it is part of a particular identification feature. Images of soldiers are depicted wearing armour with coloured robes showing underneath. Images of officials varied considerably, many wearing scholar's robes and hats rather than official's robes bearing their badge of rank. During Imperial times as it was not permitted for images to be depicted wearing genuine badges of rank, blurred outlines were painted on their chests, and even to this day in the decoration of the images the carvers still do not depict the old Ch'ing mandarin-square chest and back badges of birds for civil officials and animals for the military.\n\nIt must be remembered that to Chinese the attitudes of stylized form is the important part of the image. The faces and dress, more often than not, are irrelevant and most images are dressed in official court dress of past centuries. A few images, typically Taoist, are garbed in the gown of a priest, with a top knot of coiled hair which supports a very small coronet or crown.\n\nMany wooden images are carved from one piece of wood, excluding of course the sword and other similar final additions. Quite a few, however, have their throne carved separately and even more have the head and neck carved as one piece to be fitted later into a body which has been carved separately. Some images are required by custom to have articulated limbs (e.g., the Ch'ao Chou patron of street actors) and others consist only of marionette heads on stakes or skewers for use by spirit mediums for self-immolation.\n\nGod carvers not only produce images, they are also the carpenters who build the temple furnishings, the altar, side screens, etc., and also the ancestral tablets for both temples and homes.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207021, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "86\n\nG. J. BELL\n\nShanghai General Chamber of Commerce and most of them also contained an interesting essay on some scientific aspect of typhoons. His essays and papers were written in a personal, committed style which illustrated the emotional attachment he had to his theories. He frequently recorded occasions on which his prognostications or theories were proved to be correct to the dismay of other meteorologists who, allegedly, disagreed with them. This, of course, not only made lively reading but helped to build up his reputation amongst mariners and others upon whom he was dependent for support. Perhaps understandably, he seldom recorded occasions when his predictions were unsuccessful. In one of his later papers (1952) he extols the value of his ionospheric method of predicting the movement of tropical cyclones (1946, 1950) claiming that it succeeded where other methods and forecasters failed and he wrote 'We would beg the gentlemen of those Far East weather services to forgive us if anything in our statements should sound disagreeable to them. All wrong forecasts were copied ourselves from listening to their broadcasting stations'.\n\nPRACTICAL METEOROLOGY\n\nFr Gherzi was very practical and belonged to the fast disappearing breed of meteorologists who are adept in all divisions of the profession. He would make an observation, broadcast it in impeccable Morse code, then receive weather reports in Morse from other stations while simultaneously decoding and plotting them on a weather chart in both red and blue ink. He would then analyse the chart and issue weather forecasts and warnings. If necessary, he would repair or adjust the radio receiver or transmitter. He maintained a close liaison with mariners and aviators and frequently visited masters on their ships to collect their weather logs and discuss their experiences. This information he would use----often naming the master and his vessel----in his researches and in his climatological publications. He was thus observer, plotter, radio operator, radio technician, communications specialist, forecaster, port meteorological officer, climatologist, research meteorologist and undisputable PRO in the Observatory of which he became Director in 1930.\n\nThe early aviators who were opening up routes in the Far East used to consult Fr Gherzi and in their memoirs they usually acknowledged the help he gave them and, sometimes, they went further and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207027, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF DE MAILLA, HISTOIRE GENERALE DE LA CHINE\n\nRICHARD Gregg Irwin\n\nIntroduction\n\nMany years ago a student of mine, then in Peking, named Richard Gregg Irwin, sent me a draft of a paper he had written on the sources of the well-known Histoire générale de la Chine by Père de Mailla. I thought it worthy of publication and promised to help him in the revision. In the meantime he was caught in the war with Japan and imprisoned in Weihsien; by the time he returned to the United States he was wholly absorbed in completing his dissertation, which eventually was published in the Harvard-Yenching Institute Studies as The Evolution of a Chinese Novel: Shui-hu-chuan. Duties of an exacting sort at the East Asiatic Library of the University of California followed in Berkeley, and he died prematurely in 1968 without finding the leisure to turn again to his initial study of de Mailla's magnum opus, still the longest history of China in a western language.\n\nNow that the undersigned has completed his work on Ming biographies it has occurred to him to make the necessary revisions, so that Mr. Irwin's essay may see the light of day. This seems all the more timely as de Mailla's history has recently (1967) been reprinted by the Ch'eng-wen Publishing Company, Taipei.\n\nColumbia University,\n\n21st May, 1974.\n\nTHE NOTES\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\nA false impression is given by the full title of de Mailla's Histoire générale de la Chine, ou annales de cet empire; traduites du Tong-Kien-Kang-Mou, par le feu Père Joseph-Anne-Marie de Mailla, Jésuite français, missionaire à Pekin; publiées par M. l'Abbé Grosier\n\nParis, 1777-1783. - 12v., which describes it as translated from the T'ung-chien kang-mu.\n\nThis work, in 104 chüan, comprising the main body of the history, written about 1190 under the supervision of the celebrated Chu Hsi (1130-1200), together with its commentaries, an introductory section based on the writings", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207028, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 99, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF DE MAILLA\n\n93\n\nof Chin Lü-hsiang ✯✯✯(1232-1303), and a supplementary section prepared by Shang Lu j (1415-86) and others under imperial order of 1476, was available to de Mailla in the edition of 1708.1 But it carries Chinese history only to the end of the Yuan dynasty, whereas the Histoire générale in its final form includes the Ming and Ch'ing periods to 1780, the 45th year of the Ch'ien-lung reign,\n\nSince de Mailla's manuscript was sent to France in 1737,2 where it remained unpublished for forty years, it is evident not only that the author relied on sources other than the T'ung-chien kang-mu to continue his record beyond the Yuan period, but also that the final chapters are not his at all. There is no secret involved in these facts, credit generally being given where due by the published Histoire générale. But the usual tendency to consider the matter as closed when one has attributed the work to de Mailla and indicated the T'ung-chien kang-mu as his source is misleading. Volumes I-IX represent an abridged translation of the Kang-mu; for Vol. X, which treats of the Ming period, four other Chinese sources were employed. They are indicated in the editor's footnote to Vol. X, pp. 1-3, as follows:\n\n+\nLes trois auteurs que le Père de Mailla a suivis sur ce qui concerne les MING, sont le docteur Kou-yng-tai, examinateur des lettrés du Tché-kiang, dont l'ouvrage, intitulé Ming-ssé-ki-sse-pen-mo ou Faits historiques de la dynastie des MING a été publié par Fou-y-tché, premier ministre de Chun-chi, empereur des TSING: ce ministre en faisant tant de cas, que non content d'en être l'éditeur, il y a ajouté une preface de sa façon. Le second auteur, d'après lequel le Père de Mailla a rédigé l'histoire des MING, est Tchu-tsing yen docteur du premier ordre & gouverneur de Nan-yang-fou du Ho-nan. Son ouvrage, fait sur le modèle du Tong-kien-kang-mu, a pour titre, Tong-kien-ming-ki-tsuen-tsai, c'est-à-dire, Suite complette de la dynastie des MING-Tchang-yn, president du tribunal des Rits & ministre d'état, le publia la trente-cinquième année du règne de Kang-hi. Enfin le troisième écrivain, que le Père de Mailla a consulté sur les MING est le fameux lettré Tchong-pé-king, qui vivoit sous cette dynastie, au temps qu'elle perdit le sceptre impérial. Son Ouvrage, intitulé Ming-ki-pien-nien; c'est-à-dire, Annales de la dynastie des MING, fut rendu public la quarante-septième année de Kang-hi, plus de cinquante ans après la mort de l'auteur.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207029, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "94\n\nR. G. IRWIN\n\nCes trois historiens des MING sont particulièrement distingués à la Chine, & personne n'y révoque en doute les faits qu'ils rapportent; c'est sur leur réputation de fidélité & d'exactitude que le Père de Mailla les a adoptés de préférence aux autres. II a encore puisé dans un recueil de discours & instructions de HONG-VOU, fondateur des MING, que Chun-chi des TSING a fait traduire en tartare pour son usage particulier dans le gouvernement de son nouvel empire & pour l'instruction des grands de sa cour. Ce recueil est intitulé, Ming-kou-lou-hong-vou-han-y-oyong-tatsi-yen; c'est-à-dire, Documens importans de l'empereur HONG-VOU, de la dynastie des MING.\n\nThese authors and their works may well have been renowned at the time of de Mailla, but two centuries later their very identification presents a problem, the results of which are herewith summarized:\n\n1. Ku Ying-t'ai (T. Keng-yü),3 who is credited with the authorship of Ming-ch'ao chi-shih pen-moa by the editors of the Ssu-k'u ch'üan-shu tsung-mu¤$£$#!' was a native of Feng-jun, Pei-Chihli. After taking the chin-shih degree in 1647 he held a secretaryship in the ministry of Revenue, and later in the Chekiang provincial board of education. The history, a work in 80 chüan, each devoted to a separate topic, carries a preface dated 1658.6 On the whole, it is a well-ordered record of the Ming period. Factual errors, which occur, for example, in connection with Chu Yün-wen, who reigned as Emperor Hui (1399-1402), and again with Chang Ma, better known as Empress I-an (consort of Chu Yu-chiao, emperor of the T'ien-ch'i period, 1621-27), are accounted for by the lack of any such standard source as the official history at the time of composition. But the Ssu-k'u editors are of the opinion that the author has handled the available material well.\n\nWhether Ku should be given entire credit for its authorship is open to question, however, since it seems to have been based on Shih-kuei ts'ang-shu♬ §#*, for which he is reported to have paid Chang Tai of Shan-yin, Chekiang, some 500 pieces of gold. Fu I-li# » † (fl. 1862-74), in a colophon, discusses the problem at length, concluding that Chang Tai's material passed through the hands of Hsu Ch'ao-li, who re-wrote it. Ku, in turn, re-worked this, and cannot be accused of out and out plagiarism.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207030, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 101, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF DE MAILLA\n\n95\n\nHis own writings may, however, have suffered just this fate, for the section of Ming-ch'ao chi-shih pen-mo dealing with the Tung-lin party is identical with Chiang P'ing-chieh's10 Tung-lin shih-mo✶✶✶✶. Hsieh Kuo-chen explains this as due to the fact that historians of the late Ming period freely exchanged their materials and copied each other, so that portions of a complete work were sometimes published by more than one man and under different titles.\n\n2. Chu Lin14 (T, Ch'ing-yen†) was a native of Shang-yü, Chekiang,11 who rose to be prefect of Nan-yang Honan, in 1690.12 The Ming-chi chi-lüeh •*#* (based on the Huang Ming t'ung-chi✯ of Ch'en Chien [1497-1567]) which he compiled, was published in 1696 in 16 chüan.13 As Wolfgang Franke writes, this is found in various editions, one of them being the T'ung-chien Ming-chi ch'üan-tsai ih # 124,4 which is cited as one of de Mailla's sources. The preface, dated 1696, was written by Chang Ying15 (minister of ceremonies in 1692, who served as grand secretary in 1699-1701),16 who is credited by the note with the publication of T'ong-kien-ming-ki-tsuen-tsai.\n\nThe Ming-chi chi-lüeh had an interesting history after de Mailla's time. In 1771 the ministry of ceremonies entertained a request from the Korean court for the \"correction\" of that portion of the Chi-lüeh pertaining to the palace revolution of 1623.17 But a search of the capital at this time revealed not a single copy for sale. The Board concluded that it was no longer circulating in China, and its recommendation that “the king be ordered to search for them18 in his own country and [if found] prohibit and burn them in order to stop doubts\" received imperial approval. Four years later the sending of a copy of the Chi-lüch to Peking to be burned occasioned a special imperial edict explaining why suppression was unnecessary, in which no mention was made of the objection raised by Korea.19\n\n3. It is true that Chung Hsing (T, Po-ching (k), a native of Ching-ling, Hukuang, who lived from 1574 to 1625, is generally credited with writing the first eight of the twelve chüan Ming-chi pien-nien %, which covered the years 1368-1627.19 But this is obviously out of the question as he died two years before the terminal date. Wolfgang Franke20 suggests that Chung Hsing may have left the work unfinished, or that, as he was primarily a poet, his name may have been \"used after his death by editors and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207031, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 102, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "96\n\nR. G. IRWIN\n\n\"publishers for advertisement of spurious writings.\" In any case this work was subsequently proscribed by the Ch'ien-lung emperor, exception being taken especially to the last four chuan, written by Wang Ju-nan (T. Chi-yung), a fellow townsman of Chung Hsing, whose preface is dated 1660. It furnishes a record of the final years of the Ming and the advent of the Ch'ing. The sympathy of the author for the former is manifest by the preservation of its chronology throughout, i.e. to 1645/6. Copies of this work are available in several important libraries, such as the National Central Library (Taichung), the Naikaku Bunko (Tokyo), the Library of Congress (Washington), and the University of Leiden. The copy at Columbia University lacks chuan 11 and 12, and that at the Library of Congress has had its objectionable features partially effaced, \"but in no case sufficiently as to be illegible.\"\n\n4. The modern romanization of \"Ming-kouron-hong-vou-y-oyongo Taisi-yen” is “xoeng u i oyonggo tacixiyan,\" which proves to be a Manchu version of Hung-wu pao-hsün, the translation having been done by Kang Lin and others. It is in 6 chuan, and was published in 1646, the 3rd year of Shun-chih.\n\nde Mailla, who was in China from 1703 to 1748, relied on three sources, in addition to his personal observation, for the account of the early Ch'ing period which comprises Vol XI. The editor's introductory note (Vol. XI, page 2) refers to them as follows:\n\nOn a déjà parlé, dans un note sur les MING, du Tong-kien-ming-ki-tsuen-tsai, publié la quinzième année de Kang-hi: le docteur Tchu-tsiny-yen, qui en est l'auteur, a conduit ce morceau d'histoire jusqu'en 1659, que les princes de la famille des MING perdirent tout-à-fait l'espérance de recouvrer le sceptre impériale. Le P. de Mailla a écrit d'après lui; & quand cette source a tari, il a en recours au Tsin-tching-ping-ting-sou-han-fang-lio, ou relation des guerres que l'empereur Gin-ti (Kang-hi) fit au Kaldan des Eleutes. Ces Mémoires, rédigés par quatre ministres d'état & par soixante-dix mandarins tant Chinois que Mantchéous, choisis dans le tribunal des Hanlin & parmi les docteurs du premier ordre, sont écrits dans les deux langues, Chinois & Tartare; ils contiennent le détail de l'expédition contre les Eleutes, & l'abrégé des autres événemens du règne de Kang-hi", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207032, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 103, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF DE MAILLA\n\n97\n\njusqu'à sa quarantième année: Ce prince les revit lui-même, y ajouta une préface de sa façon, & les fit imprimer dans son palais la quarante-septième année de son règne: il en distribua un exemplaire à chacun des grands de sa cour, défendant expressément d'en laisser paraître aucun au-dehors; cependant le P. de Mailla est parvenu à se procurer un de ces exemplaires, qui lui a fourni les détails qu'il donne de l'expédition contre les Eleutes, à laquelle Kang-hi marcha en personne, & où il acquit beaucoup de gloire.\n\nCe que le Missionaire historien dit de l'île Formose, que les Chinois appellent Taï-ouan, est tiré du Tchi-chu, ou Mémoires historiques de ces îles, rédigés sur les ordres de Kang-hi, par les plus habiles lettrés du Fou-kien. Le docteur Tchu-tsing-yen lui a encore fourni le complément de l'histoire du fameux pirate Tchin-tchi-long & de son fils Tching-tching-kong, qui chassa les Hollandais des îles Formoses, où il se forma une principauté indépendante, que Kang-hi n'enleva au prince Taï-van, son petit-fils.\n\nWe have already discussed the first of these works, Chu Lin's Ming-chỉ chi-lüeh; as for the discrepancy between the notes concerning its date of publication, the 35th year of K’ang-hsi, 1696, is correct. The account of Koxinga's campaign against the Dutch in Formosa, specifically attributed to this source, erroneously dates it as 1659,23 instead of 1661. I have been unable to determine whether the blame should be attached to Chu Lin, as de Mailla's editor surmises,24 or to the good father himself, who has elsewhere recorded the date properly.2\n\nThe second, Ch'in-cheng p’ing-ting shuo-mo fang-lüeh *****, provides a detailed account of the K'ang-hsi emperor's difficulties with the Eleuthes, 1677-98, including his campaigns against Galdan (d. 1697).26 Both Manchu27 and Chinese versions are extant, the latter, in 48 chüan (plus 1 chüan of geographical description) having been published with an imperial preface in 1708.28 The director-general of the compilation was Chang Yü-shu # 1₺ (1642-1711) who, in 1696, had accompanied the emperor on his campaign.29\n\nI am at a loss to identify the third, \"Tchi-chu,\" or the \"historical memoirs\" of Formosa, said to have been \"drawn up at the command of K'ang-hsi by the most able scholars of Fukien.\"30 In addition to this source of information, de Mailla must have profited from a trip", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207033, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "98\n\nR. G. IRWIN\n\nof investigation which he and two other Jesuit fathers had made to Formosa in 1714.31\n\nHaving carried his record to the close of the K'ang-hsi period, de Mailla ventured no further into contemporary history. Some forty years later the task of recording the subsequent Yung-cheng and Ch'ien-lung periods (to 1780) was assumed by M. le Roux des Hautesrayes32 of the Collège Royal de France. It should be noted that whereas de Mailla had scrupulously confined himself to Chinese (and in one instance Manchu) sources, the contribution of des Hautesrayes, in Vol. XI, pages 369-610, was based, not on Chinese texts at all, but on the writings of Jesuit missionaries, available in the volumes of Lettres édifiantes edited by Père du Halde and in the collection Mémoires concernant les Chinois,33\n\nVol. XII, containing “a note on the customs, sciences, and arts of the Chinese,” a table of reign titles, a summary of geographical nomenclature, an alphabetical index, etc., is also the work of des Hautesrayes. But the essays on Cochin China and Tongking, said to have been based on Chinese sources, are specifically attributed to P. Gaubil, and taken from Lettres édifiantes, Vol. XXXI.34 By translating the part relating to China in Fischer's Histoire de Sibirie, 1774 (in Russian), Stollenwerck has provided the note concerning the first attempts of the Russians against the Chinese.35\n\nAbbé Grosier, who had been intimately connected with the publication of the earlier volumes, brought out in 1785 a supplement entitled \"Description générale de la Chine ou Tableau de l'État Actuel de cet empire.” Individual copies have circulated independently, but it is commonly considered as Vol. XIII of the series, and its author is justifiably included in a review of those who share in the completed work.\n\nThe present paper, it will be seen, makes no attempt either to evaluate the sources which have been identified, nor the manner in which de Mailla employed them. Its purpose has been simply to correct a popular misconception with regard to the relation between the T'ung-chien kang-mu and de Mailla's Histoire générale.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207034, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 105, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF DE MAILLA\n\n99\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Cf. Robert des Rotours, Traité des Examens, traduit de la Nouvelle Histoire de T'ang (Paris, 1932), 82, n. 1. As des Rotours writes, \"C'est cet ouvrage qui a été traduit par de Mailla, en partie sur la version mandchoue.”\n\n2 de Mailla, Vol. I, xxvii.\n\n3 Cf. Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period, 1:426. (Hereafter abbreviated as ECCP).\n\n4 This work's original title (1658) was later changed to Ming-shih chi-shih pen-mo, by which it is generally known. Cf. W. Franke, An Introduction to the sources of Ming history (Kuala Lumpur, 1968), 2.2.11. (Hereafter abbreviated as Franke, Introduction.)\n\n5 Edition of 1930, 49/6b. (Hereafter abbreviated as SKCS catalogue.)\n\n6 This paragraph of appraisal is based on the SKCS catalogue, loc. cit.\n\n7 See biography of Chang Tai by Fang Chao-ying in ECCP, I:53.\n\n8 This paragraph on the origin of Ming-ch'ao chi-shih pen-mo is based on Hsieh Kuo-chen, Wan-Ming shih-chi k'ao (Peiping, 1931), 1/26-28.\n\n9 A native of Te-ch'ing, Chekiang, who graduated as chin-shih in 1673. Hsieh Kuo-chen, loc. cit.\n\n10 A native of Chia-shan, Chekiang, who later moved to Hua-t'ing, Nan-Chihli. He flourished in the last years of the Ming and into the K'ang-hsi period. Cf. Hua-t'ing-hsien chih (1878-9 ed.), 15/38a. On his book, see C. O. Hucker's essay on the Tung-lin in J. K. Fairbank (ed.), Chinese Thought and Institutions (Chicago, 1957), 369, n. 12.\n\n11 See Shang-yü-hsien chih (1890), 11/20b.\n\n12 See Nan-yang-fu chih (1807), 4b.\n\n13 Franke, Introduction 1.3.9. (d).\n\n14 idem. 1.3.9, (c).\n\n15 His biography in ECCP, I:64, is also by Fang Chao-ying.\n\n16 A great favorite of the emperor, he was known to the Jesuit missionaries at court as Cham ym. See P. Pelliot's discussion of the Brevis Relatio (1701) on the rites question in T'oung Pao, 23 (1924), 365.\n\n17 L. C. Goodrich, “Korean interference with Chinese historical records,\" JRAS, No. China br., 68 (1937), 32.\n\n18 L. C. Goodrich, The Literary Inquisition of Ch'ien-lung (Baltimore, 1935), 138, n. 3.\n\n19 Hsieh Kuo-chen, op. cit., 1/20a; J. J. L. Duyvendak, T'oung Pao, 32 (1936), 343.\n\n20 Franke, Introduction, 1.3.8.\n\n21 SKCS catalogue, 193/6b, sub entry on Ming shih kuei.\n\n22 See Walter Fuchs, Beiträge zur Mandjurischen Bibliographie und Literatur (Tokyo, 1936), 124. The T'ai-tsu shih-lu bao-xun is included in the Ming shih-lu fulu, published in Taipei, 1967.\n\n23 de Mailla, op. cit., Vol. XI, 50. Cf. ECCP I: 109, sub Cheng Ch'eng-kung.\n\n24 de Mailla, op. cit., Vol. XI, 52.\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207035, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 106, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "100\n\nR. G. IRWIN\n\n25 Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, écrites des Missions Étrangères (Paris, 1781, nouvelle édition), Vol. XVIII, 455-6.\n\n26 SKCS catalogue, 49/3b.\n\n27 See W. Fuchs, op. cit., 101; also Chinesische und Mandjurische handschriften und seltene drucke (Wiesbaden, 1966), 137, no. 43.\n\n28 T'ao Hsiang, Ku-kung tien-pen shu-k’u hsüan-ts'un-mu (Peiping, 1933), 2/1a.\n\n29 Biography by Fang Chao-ying in ECCP I: 65-6. See also his biography of Galdan in ibid. I: 267-8.\n\n30 Any work ordered by the emperor should be listed in the Ssu-k'u ch'üan-shu catalogue. But no title remotely resembling this is included. My colleague, Mr. Fang Chao-ying, hazards the guess that de Mailla is referring here to Ming-chi chi-shih by a Fukienese scholar, Lin Shih-shan (T.), a native of T'ung-an in Ch'üan-chou prefecture, whose work in 10 or more chüan on the conquest of Fukien covers the years 1646-1683. This has never been published; de Mailla must have consulted a manuscript copy, several of which are known to have existed. Cf. Liu Hsien-t'ing (1648-95, see ECCP 1: 521) in his Kuang yang tsa-chi (Shanghai, 1957), 2/83, who mentions learning that a certain Yang Yu-liang had seen a copy in Peking.\n\n31 A detailed letter concerning this trip and his observations was written to Père de Colonia in August, 1715; see Lettres édifiantes (1781), Vol. XVIII, 413-67.\n\n32 de Mailla, op. cit., Vol. XI, 369, n. 1.\n\n33 Idem.\n\n34 de Mailla, op. cit., Vol. XII, 1, n. 1. The reference is to the 1703-76 edition of Lettres édifiantes, in 34 vols.\n\n35 de Mailla, op. cit., Vol. XII, 61-62, notice historique.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207042, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "The Monuments of Vientiane and Luang Prabang\n\n107\n\nOn the return journey one can stop at the village on the bank opposite to Luang Prabang which contains one of the most interesting temples in the whole of Laos, Vat Chieng Men. Its doorways are among the best examples of the carving modelled with a mixture of mahogany sap and ash which hardens in the air; peacocks, perhaps a reminder of the Mon hamsa, decorate the outer arch of each door which is triple tiered and deeply recessed. The ceiling is coffered and carved, and the altar contains a fine Buddha statue. The surrounding buildings are simple kuti, or monks' dwellings, and the whole temple blends harmoniously into the jungle background of the mountain at the very wall of the temple. Not least of the attractions of this temple is the walk to get there from the river bank; one goes along a path through the village where children play, mothers chatter and sell bananas and dogs look suspicious but wag their tails. As everywhere in Laos, the scene may be unsophisticated but it is not wanting in humanity and charm.\n\nReaders of this note should not think that the tour did nothing else but visit temples. A silk-weaving village was seen, a Meo settlement, and the making of silver; the royal palace dancers performed specially for the group and the final evening included a specially-arranged baci blessing ceremony with a Lao dinner.\n\nThe principal point of the tour was to absorb something of the restful atmosphere of Luang Prabang through its not magnificent but charming temples, its unhurried way of life and its noble simplicity. Vientiane provides a more modern contrast, but remains a quiet provincial town rather than a frenzied capital of the twentieth century. Laos might have the lowest income per capita in the world and its problems may be enormous, but it is not lacking in dignity and the charm of its people is unforgettable.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207046, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "THE HONG KONG REGION\n\n111\n\nOctober 1860, and again by the lease of the New Territories by the Convention of Peking in June 18981.\n\nThe population of the region was probably around 100,000 in 1898, including boat people. These persons inhabited — in round figures — a thousand villages and a number of market centres. Seven hundred of these settlements were located within the present New Territories of Hong Kong, with many others around Sham Chun and in Hong Kong island and Kowloon. The Punti or Cantonese-speaking element accounted for rather more than half the land population, with Hakka speakers comprising most of the remainder. The boat population, mainly Tanka, lived afloat in the main.2\n\nDescriptions of the geography and climate of the present British Crown Colony are generally applicable to the Hong Kong region. They have long been given in the Hong Kong annual reports. The most recent is supplied in the opening sections of chapter 18 of the report for 1974.3\n\n1. The Hong Kong Region in the wider scene: some historical and geographical considerations\n\nIn Ch'ing times Hsin-an was one of the 14 hsien of the Kuang-chou prefecture. The designation fu or 'prefecture' was adopted only at the start of the Ming dynasty but the area of Canton and the Delta had long been administered under various designations that changed through the centuries and with dynastic change. The oldest of its hsien, Nan-hai, was established in the Sui dynasty in the year 590-591; the next, P'an-yu in 703-704 during the Tang; with the rest becoming separate districts at various times until the first year of Wan Li of the Ming (1573-1574) when, finally, Hsin-an was created from one of the former commanderies of Tung-kuan district (a hsien of 973-974) established in the 27th year of the first Ming ruler (1394-1395).\n\n1 The relevant documents are given in Alabaster, III, pp. 2-4 and 6-8. 2 See Baker 1968: 3-4. Also the Colony Census for 1911 in SP1911: 103(27-36) and (37-38), though it does not list all the villages of the Southern District of the New Territories or of New Kowloon.\n\n3 CR1974, pp. 176-178.\n\n4 See e.g. TCITC 41/1 and KCFC 6/10.\n\n5 KCFC 6/1-10 and YCKC 4/1-9.\n\n6 KTTC 2/93 and KTKKCY 1/1. The administrative areas to which the Hsin-an district belonged from the Ch'in dynasty (221-207 B.C.) onwards are shown in KCFC 6/24 and in HNHC 1/1. The date of the establishment of the commandery is given as Hung Wu 27 in HNHC 1/3, KTKKCY 1/1, TCITC 41/3 and KTTC 2/93, but as Hung Wu 14 in KCFC 6/24.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207047, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 118, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "112\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nThis recital tells its own story. Hsin-an hsien was not one of the glories of the prefecture. In that useful compendium on the Kwangtung province, the Kuang-tung K’ao-ku Chi-yao of 1893, only the counties of Nan-hai, P'an-yu and Tung-kuan were singled out for mention in the section dealing with the customs and traditions of the Kuang-chou prefecture. These entries speak of the elegant dress and manners of Nan-hai, of its literary and cultured atmosphere, and of how every palace examination brought forth the names of successful local candidates; of the profusion of foreign and local products, and the native and foreign merchants, stationery and itinerant, and the immense shipping of the port.1 Tung-kuan found fame as the ancient examination centre for the province; but no other place is mentioned. In scholars' eyes, the two metropolitan districts of Nan-hai and P'an-yu completely eclipsed the country and coastal districts of the prefecture like Hsin-an and another late creation, Hsin-ning, established in 1498-1499.2 As late as 1745 the district magistrate of Hsin-an when composing an inscription for the repair of the Chau Wong memorial school at Kam Tin, styled it as a place where the Book of Poetry was read as early as sunrise; and culture had spread even to this remote place near the sea.\n\nThe Kuang-tung K’ao-ku Chi-yao, a typical work of Chinese historiography, lovingly compiled, was the work of four Hunanese who had long been employed in the province as huan or officials and mu-fu or private secretaries to senior mandarins. It deals, in 46 chuan, with the wide variety of subjects usually found in district gazetteers and other works on administrative geography. Those chüan dealing with subjects on a geographical basis included material, arranged by prefecture and district. Hsin-an is included whenever, in the opinion of the compilers, there was anything in its records that warranted an entry.4\n\nAs in the chuan on customs and tradition the entries for Hsin-an in other chüan are much fewer than for the older hsien of the\n\n1 KTKKCY 4/1,\n\n2 KTKKCY 1/1 and KCFC 7/4.\n\n3 Tablet dated Ch'ien Lung 10th year, 1st moon, lucky day, inside the building.\n\n4 There is, of course, no shortage of books dealing with Kwangtung and its many localities under similar heads, and in providing their Hsin-an material the compilers did not set out to provide a compendium of all that had ever been included in the successive editions of the standard works on the Kuang-chou prefecture and the hsien of Tung-kuan and Hsin-an, but rather a selection of important material. The KTKKCY seldom provides material after the end of Ming (1644),", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207048, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "The Hong Kong Region\n\n113\n\nfu. In the long entry on hills and streams, which covers three chuan (6-8), only one local feature is named: the Pui To or Castle Peak hill. There is another single entry, for Tuen Mun—the old name for the settlement at the foot of Castle Peak—in the chüan (10) dealing with customs and check points. Only one monastery, the Hai-kuang Ssu of Hsin-an city, is included in the chüan (14) dealing with Buddhist and Taoist temples: by comparison, 37 columns are given to those of Kuang-chou, Nan-hai and P’an-yu, and no doubt with good cause. Only when we come to the chüan dealing with residences (13) and tombs and graves (15) does Hsin-an attract a little more attention from the compilers.\n\nThe entries in chüan 13 and 15 identify those items that most interested scholars attracted to local history and show how Hsin-an has been notable for two widely different topics. It had been one of the areas that had sheltered the last two boy emperors of the Sung in their flight and final struggles against the victorious Mongol invaders of their empire: and it was a coastal district that had forever been plagued by pirates and bandits. These entries are typical items of Chinese historiography and relevant to the scholar official view of Hsin-an.\n\nOne item, in chuan 13, relates to the temporary stay of the Sung court and army in Kowloon in the winter months of 1278. A watchtower had been constructed as one of the measures taken to deal with the near-starvation conditions that afflicted the fugitive army. The tower was used as a vantage point from which to look over the encampment. Relief visits were made to any dwelling from which no kitchen smoke was seen to rise in the early morning. This is a graphic and unusual way of conveying an impression of impermanence and suffering. The second entry on the Sung is in chüan 15 which deals with noted graves and tombs. It relates to the grave of Lady Chin-fa, also in Kowloon. The brief statement is that the empress Chi-yuan lost her daughter by drowning, and that she ‘filled the body with gold' for burial at Kwun Fu Mountain.2\n\n1KTKKCY 13/5. Two Sung 'travelling courts' are also recorded for the Hsin-an district in this section. See also Lo 1956.\n\n2KTKKCY 15/2. Lo (1963) renders this as 'made a gilt statue', p. 67. The Government of Hong Kong established a Sung Wong Toi memorial park in Kowloon in 1960, and to mark the occasion the Chiu Clansmen's Association published a memorial volume edited by Jen Yu-wen entitled Sung Wang T'ai Chi-nien Chih which usefully brings together many old writings on this subject.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207049, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "114\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nTwo other famous graves are listed for the Hsin-an district, one of them dating from the Sung period and the other from the Ming. The first concerns that ancestor of the Tang clan who married a princess of the Sung royal house. The second is the epitome of the local uncertainty and danger that seems to have threatened its inhabitants down the centuries. This entry dates from the 11th year of Chia Ch'ing in the middle of the Ming period, but similar instances could be quoted from any dynasty. It commemorates two patriots named Yau and Leung who bravely resisted bandits and were buried together in one grave mound.2\n\nThe old records are useful for another reason. They help to remind us that the outer areas of the prefecture, such as Hsin-an, though of little general interest to scholars for their lack of history and culture, were important for officials in the scheme of coastal defence, a subject which engrossed the attention of many writers.\n\nThe importance of the islands springs not from their size or the number of their inhabitants, fields, boats or fisheries, but from their position on the seaways, commanding communications between all parts of the Kwangtung coast and the entrance to Canton, the capital of the province and the centre of the local and foreign trade for over a thousand years. They had to be garrisoned and patrolled in the days of sail because they harboured pirates and could provide supplies of food and water for pirate fleets and those of troublesome outsiders, including 'barbarian' Japanese and Western vessels.3\n\nThe reason for establishing the commandery at Nam Tau in the first Ming emperor's reign, and for elevating it to district status in the first year of the Wan Li reign was the insecurity of which local inhabitants complained and, probably the more decisive factor, the official emphasis on coastal defence in the twin interests of trade and internal security. A point that is often overlooked is that the seaways were far busier in the last century and before than they are today. European accounts of entry into local waters often mention seeing large fleets of fishing junks in the islands, and 1 KTKKCY 15/2. See also Sung in JHKBRAS 13, 1973:121-124. 2 KTKKCY 15/2.\n\n3 KTKKCY 30/3 states 'There were two kinds of pirate on the sea in the Ming period; our own robbers and those of outside barbarians'.\n\n+ e.g. Collingwood p. 16 ('As we approached the coast, great numbers of junks, with mat sails and two masts, appeared the high poops of which gave them the strange aspect of plunging headlong into the water') and Des Voeux II:204 (at Lamma Island.... there was visible a very large number of fishing junks packed closely together\").\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207050, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "THE HONG KONG REGION\n\n115\n\nVarious local accounts show that many craft came from northeast Kwangtung and elsewhere for the seasonal fishing. The presence of pirate fleets, sometimes in very large numbers, was also a feature of the local scene.\n\nThis activity, and the importance it gave to the local seaways is reflected by the Chinese records. The Kuang-tung K’ao-ku Chi-yao gives what at first appears as a disproportionately large amount of space to the subject of coastal defence.3 The provincial gazetteer devotes many pages to maps of the coast line and the off-shore islands, and it is significant that these are included in the coastal defence section and not in that dealing with administrative boundaries.4 Another long work, the Kuang-tung T'u-shuo, which deals with the administrative geography of the province, gives maps that show the outer islands in the districts on each side of the Pearl River delta. Some of these maps showing outlying areas are blank, for all but a corner of a page, but have still been included. It also lists the garrisons and naval forces responsible for the area.\n\nIn the Hong Kong region, Lantau and the islands are the subject of much of an article by Hsü Tei-shan on Hong Kong and its past, included in the compendium to the exhibition of Kwangtung Culture assembled at the University of Hong Kong in 1940.6 As is to be expected, the fall of the Sung takes up much of his attention,7 but he then considers Lantau itself. Hsü's discussion on one of its Chinese names, Tai Yue Shan, is relevant here because it\n\n1 Orme, para 53; CR 1947, p. 10.\n\n2 Lo-shu Fu, p. 597 has a long note on pirates in the Ladrones c. 1779-1810.\n\n3 KTKKTY 30/1-11. See also chuan 28 on military matters.\n\n4 KTTC, vol. 2, pp. 2394-2433, especially 2406-2410 for the islands between and outside Hong Kong and Macau, the Ladrones. Two chüan, 123-124, (pp. 2359-2442) deal with coastal defence. The district maps for the Delta are in chuan 83, Hsin-an at pp. 1454-5 and Hsiang-shan at 1464-5. The late Ming work Wu-pei Chih lists posts, garrison strengths and ships for the Central, East and West lu of Kwangtung; chüan 215/12-13, 15-16 and 17, 18 being of special relevance to Hsin-an and the adjoining area. The maps for the outlying parts of the Canton Delta are in chüan 210/9-10 and 215/6-7. For this work see Franke, p. 209. Ku Yen-wu's celebrated T'ien-hsia chün-kuo li-ping shu has eight chüan (97-104) on Kwangtung, much of which is devoted to military organisation and defence.\n\n5 See the general map at the beginning, 1-2, and detailed maps under reference chuan 11-12/7-9.\n\n6 KTWW, pp. 425-426,\n\n7 ibid. He gives a clear exposition of the various problems surrounding the identification of the various places at which the last struggles of the Sung occurred.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207051, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 122, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "116\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nindicates that the main users of the outer islands through the centuries were probably outsiders, and not Cantonese. Hsü points out that Fukien people use the character yue (shữ) to mean a small island, and use the characters chou and shan for larger ones: whereas the Kwangtung people rarely use yue for this purpose. He cites this, together with the use of the homophonous character for 'fish' in the name for Lantau given in the Ta Ch'ing I T'Ung Chih of 1738, to suggest that the persons who first gave the island this name were either fishermen or pirates from Fukien. There may be something in what Hsü says, because Giles', Eitel's and Wells Williams' dictionaries all support the Fukienese usage of 'Yue'.1 Hsü states that the 36 'Yue' round Tai Yue Shan, mentioned in the older Chinese local sources,2 are islands of this kind, and derive their name in this way. The use of these important local seaways by turbulent Fukienese seamen helps to explain official concern with security.\n\nI shall conclude this section on Hsin-an in Chinese historiography by doing what the Chinese histories do not do; considering the outer islands as settlements and, for the purposes of this article, showing their former connection with parts of present-day Hong Kong.\n\nMost of the Hsin-an and adjacent islands are shown on the 1:20,000 British maps of the Hong Kong area, published in 1948 but based on earlier mapping. They have not been included in the latest maps, now issued in full3 because since 1949 it has no longer been possible to land survey parties on or overfly adjacent Chinese territory, to the disadvantage of all geographers and historians.\n\nBy the late 19th century, it seems, their settled inhabitants were mostly Hakkas who had strong economic ties with Hong Kong island, Cheung Chau and Tai O on Lantau. Many women came on marriage to Hong Kong and the inner islands, especially to Lantau. Private property also linked the islands and the mainland, in that some of them belonged in whole or in part to the Wong clan of Nam Tau and Cheung Chau. These connections were\n\n1 Giles, p. 593; Eitel, p. 919; Wells Williams, p. 819. The last named states 'An islet which has level arable land at the foot of its hills; applied to many islands on the coast of Fukien'.\n\n2 e.g. TMITC chuan 79.\n\n3 Cooper, p. 137.\n\n4 See Hayes 1963: 90-92 for this major local lineage.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207052, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 123, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "The Hong Kong Region\n\n117\n\noverlooked in 1898 when only the inshore islands were included in the territory that Britain requested be leased to her at that time.\n\nWhat were the islands like? I have spoken with several old men who now live on Lantau but were born on two of the eight or more islands in the Lo Man Shan group in 1891 and 1893, and with several younger men. Their accounts show that there were long-settled villages there, with padi and sweet potato fields. There were also flourishing inshore fisheries using the largest types of stake net.1 These were owned by village families, and the catches were salted and taken to Macau by a public ferry operated by local people. Salt, which was needed in large quantities for the stake net fisheries, was bought mostly in Cheung Chau, where it was said to be cheaper than in Macau. This was the position in my informants' youth, early in this century. Some of the islands belonged to Hsin-an Hsien, others to Hsiang-shan, but this allocation for administrative purposes was less important than the economic and other ties which dictated the connections favoured by its inhabitants. Wind and sea also affected links in the different seasons of the year.\n\nHsin-an and the outlying islands were thus part of the historical, strategical, social and economic life of the Canton Delta in the late Ch'ing period. The safety of their seaways was likely always to have been an important consideration with the provincial government. This contrasts with the relative unimportance of Hsin-an's history and record of scholarship when compared with the older hsien of the Kuang-chou prefecture.\n\n2. The principal events in the local history of the Hong Kong region since the establishment of Hsin-an hsien in 1573\n\nAs already mentioned in the Introduction, the Hsin-an district, to which the Hong Kong region belongs, was established as a separate administrative division of the Kuang-chou prefecture in 1573. The area was then separated from the old Tung-kuan district in response to problems of defence. It followed upon a petition from local persons which complained that because it was 100 li from Tung-kuan City, ‘barbarians and dwarves’2, had been able\n\n1 The village representative of Shek Pik on Lantau island (b. 1899) and friends of the same age had found regular work there in their youth.\n\n2 HNHC 14/2. I have followed Peter Y. L. Ng's rendering of the character, pp. 143-144.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207053, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 124, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "118\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nto play havoc in it. The Japanese wo-jen had been particularly active. In 1571 the small walled town of Tai Pang on Mirs Bay in the northeast of the district had sustained a siege of over forty days by Japanese pirates equipped with scaling ladders.1\n\nThe district gazetteer gives an account of the troubled times at the end of the Ming period, which brought much misery and suffering to the people of the district, since famine accompanied the disturbances.2 These disorders lasted for a considerable time. It is reported that Tai Pang was held for nine years against all comers by a band of soldiers.3 The clan record of the Tsui family of Shek Pik contains a vivid account of the disasters of the time, as it affected their relatives and friends in their old home near Tung-kuan city which was the centre of an unsuccessful revolt against the new dynasty. These disturbances extended to the present New Territories. A former officer of the Ming, Li Man-wing, held this area on his own account between 1647 and his surrender to the new dynasty in 1656, and the walls and moats of the principal villages of the Tang clan in the New Territories are said to date from this time. The land presented a pitiable sight in these years: there was much burning and pillaging and many of the inhabitants fled. During this time, it was said, \"The ground was covered with bones, in the day time nothing could be heard but the hum of flies, and at night the voice of weeping.\"\n\nThe evacuation of the coast in the early years of the K'ang Hsi reign between 1662-1669 followed soon after these prolonged miseries and had a profound effect on the lives of the population and on the pattern of future settlement.\n\nUnder instructions from Peking, the provincial authorities required the evacuation of the coastal areas of Kwangtung. The provinces of Shantung, Chekiang, Kiangsu and Fukien were also affected to varying degrees.7 This measure was in accordance with a five-point plan to deal with the pro-Ming ruler of Formosa, Cheng Ch'eng-kung, suggested by one of his former lieutenants\n\n1 IHNHC 13/7.\n\n2 HNHC 13/8-9.\n\n3 HNHC 13/9-10.\n\n4 JHKBRAS, 7 (1967), p. 154.\n\n5 Sung Hok-p'ang in HKN, VIII, No. 2:107-108.\n\n6 ibid, presumably a quotation from the Tang clan's genealogical record. The YCKC has a lengthy entry on the disorders of this troubled time, chuan 4/46-60.\n\n7 Hsieh Kuo Ching, pp. 585-593.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207055, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "120\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nthe order rescinded:1 and it was remembered centuries later by the manufacture and sale by pedlars of images of the two men, as recorded for the Yuen Long district of the New Territories at the end of the 19th century.2\n\nWherever it touched the lives of men the Evacuation is recorded in the histories of the districts, prefectures and provinces to which they belong. And as in the Hsin-an district, it appears that persons of other parts of the Kwangtung province erected temples to Governor Wong Lai-yam, and in some cases jointly to him and one or other of the viceroys of the time.4\n\nI have already explained the effect of the Evacuation upon the pattern of settlement. Had there been none, it is conceivable that the number of Hakkas in the region would have been much less than the 44,375 recorded at the 1911 Hong Kong census, amounting to almost half the then rural population. However, it is also possible that the Hakka influx might have come in any case, leading to pressure on the land and to the 'wars' that occurred elsewhere in the province between the two groups. The useful summary of Hakka origins and history given by Lo Hsiang-lin in Thirty Years of Tsing Tsin Association encourages this view. Under the title K'o-chia Yuan-liu K'ao, it details Hakka migration to the south and their distribution in Kwangtung. Without the Evacuation, however, Hakka immigration into this area might not have been assisted by the government as it was after the order was rescinded.7\n\n6\n\n1 HNHC 7/17 lists three, styled \"Wang Hsun-fu Tz'u\", two of them in our region, at Sha Tau Hui and Shek Wu Hui; besides the \"Chou Wang Erb-kung Shu-yuan\" at Kam Tin (not listed but see Sung, HKN, VIII, Nos. 3-4:207, and Sung 1939).\n\n2 Hayes, 1962, p. 91 and note 50.\n\n3 See e.g. the statements included in the gazetteers for the Kuang-chou and Ch'ao-chou prefectures of Kwangtung: KCFC 80/20-29, and CCC, chüan 2 of the Ta Shih-chih/12-15.\n\n4 Besides the Hsin-an temples already mentioned, see e.g. the eight in Shun-te county noted in the prefectural gazetteer, KCFC 67/23.\n\n5 pp. 1-106.\n\n6 See especially the maps opposite pp. 34 and 56. Also Lo 1965, with its records of the movements of forty lineages.\n\n7 See HNHC 9/1, Lo, 1963 p. 104 and the reference to the rehabilitation work in Hummel, p. 777.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207056, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "The Manchu dynasty was at its strongest and most prosperous from the middle years of the K'ang Hsi reign on until late in the Ch'ien Lung period. This enabled the country to recover and consolidate after the disasters of the late Ming and the troubled period of transition to the Ch'ing; but it is necessary to remember that throughout these years Hsin-an remained a border region receiving new settlers. In the present New Territories this period saw many newcomers settle in old villages or found new ones. Besides the rehabilitation of old fields, there was apparently much new land to be opened for the taking. When the first ancestor of the So clan of So Uk, Kowloon, arrived in 1739 he called his new home Mau Tin Tsuen or Village of the Rough Grass Fields; and his descendants long used this name before 'So Uk' came into common usage.1 Life for all these persons was hard, and although the empire was in good hands, it seems likely that inhabitants of these coastal areas of the southeast were often subject to attack from marauders. The Ho family of San Tsuen, Pui O, Lantau say that a founding ancestor was killed by pirates; by calculation from the clan record,2 about the year 1710. This obliged villagers to site their settlements with care. In this period of resettlement and consolidation several of the Lantau villages, though getting a living from the sea, were by design located at some distance from it. It is only in more recent times, say the present elders, that they moved to lower sites nearer the shore.3\n\nFrom time to time, pirates became a particular menace, and it was not possible for the authorities to ignore their activities. A period of especial distress began for the people of Hsin-an, Tung-kuan and other coastal counties in the later years of the Ch'ien Lung reign. The genealogy of the Cheung clan of Pui O records:\n\nIn the 53rd and 54th year of Ch’ien Lung, a Tung Kuan man, Tam Ah-che became a sea robber. He robbed and killed, burned houses, in great measure, took away the men as slaves and women also. The local officials and soldiers would not dare to face these robbers.4\n\nThe Cheungs and other villagers later took steps in their own defence. The village council held a meeting and decided to turn\n\n1 Hayes, 1970, p. 158.\n\n2 Ho-shi Ts'u-pu; in manuscript.\n\n3 Removals on feng-shui grounds are excluded from this statement.\n\n4 Chang-shi Ts'u-pu; in manuscript.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207057, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "122\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nthe settlement into a fortress to guard against marauders. This involved construction of a walled enclosure, built of stone, and the replacing of the existing wooden gateway by a stone structure on the advice of the writer of the clan record, then an old man. As the positioning of the wall and its main gate was of great importance, for geomantic reasons as well as military considerations, a message was sent to Shing Mun* to invite a man named Cheung Lam-to, presumably a noted geomancer and perhaps a distant relative, to advise on the siting and on auspicious days for carrying out the work. The record ends:\n\nWork began on the 13th day of the 8th moon of the 8th year of Chia Ch'ing, and the gate was fixed on the 16th day. All the village men and women co-operated in the work which took a month to complete.\n\nOther areas of the Delta suffered in these years. In 1789, the 54th year of the Ch'ien Lung reign, an official of Hsiang-shan, the district in which Macau is situated, led an expedition in person against a considerable pirate known as the \"wave-leveller\".1\n\nThe scourge continued in the Delta and riverine areas of Kwangtung for over twenty years, and reached its worst proportions in the years 1807-1810. An interesting account of an enforced stay of eleven weeks and three days with a pirate fleet in 1809 was given by Richard Glasbrooke, the mate of an East Indiaman, who was captured by them. This fleet spent a long time on and near Lantau which probably suffered from their levies and depredations. One of these pirates, Cheung Po-tsai, is remembered today in the Hong Kong region, where local stories link many places with his activities.3 With the help of the Macau authorities whose squadron fought a sea battle off Lantau in January 1810, Cheung was blockaded in the shallow waters of the bay of Hsiang-shan and was induced to capitulate with over 270 junks, 16000 men, 5000 women, 7000 swords and jingals and 1200 guns.4\n\n1 Waley, 1956, p. 176.\n\n2 Neumann, pp. 97-125.\n\n3 Lo, 1963, pp. 106-118. See also the Ch'ao-lien of Hsin-hui gazetteer pp. 281-284 and Centenary History of Hong Kong, pp. 12-14. Cheung's memory lingers strongly in the region, though most attributions are unsubstantiated and many stories are probably apocryphal.\n\n4 Montalto de Jesus, pp. 231-248: he calls him Ĉam Pao Sai or Chang Pao.\n\n*In the Tsuen Wan sub-district of the New Territories. See Gazetteer, pp. 147-148.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207063, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "128\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nbe feared, but internecine wars are almost always raging between some or other of the villages: and these wars, although often arising from trivial causes, are not mere temporary quarrels, but are often long-continued and sanguinary'.1 He gives a description of these feuds, and relates one example in which the District Magistrate, even with a force of 1,000 men, was unable to restore peace, and could not even save his face without the mediation of a neighbouring village. The device that secured this, Krone comments, had no influence at all upon the dispute, fighting being carried on afterwards just as before\".2\n\nThere are several documented examples of intervillage and clan wars from the mainland New Territories at this time which indicate that Krone was not exaggerating the situation in mid century. Halls to 'martyrs' killed in these struggles were provided in at least four local temples, each containing memorials to slain heroes. These are to be found in the temples at Shek Kong (Pat Heung), Miu Kong (Tsuen Wan), Lam Tsuen, and Yuen Long (Shap-pat Heung). The Tsuen Wan memorial tells of a three year feud between the Tsuen Wan villagers and Shing Mun Pat Heung, beginning in the first year of the Tung Chih reign (1862-1863) and ended only after eventually successful mediation by elders of neighbouring villages. During this time, the Tsuen Wan villages—their men being outnumbered according to the tablet—were invaded and left in ruins, and 17 local men were killed in the prolonged struggle.3\n\nBaker gives other local and contemporary examples of these clan wars taken from genealogies and village tradition in the northern New Territories. He also draws attention to the feuds that occurred within local lineages, including frequent fights between the Ping Shan and Ha Tsuen branches of the Tang lineage. These persisted into the British period. In 1921, in his administrative report for that year, the District Officer North mentions trouble that 'assumed very serious proportions' over water rights between\n\n1 Krone, p. 114.\n\n2 Krone, pp. 125-126.\n\n3 The hall at Miu Kong is entitled the I-yung Tz'u (義勇祠) and that at Yuen Long the Ying-yung Tz'u (英勇祠). In the Pat Heung temple the tablet is in the Ching-chung Tz'u (清忠祠). At Lam Tsuen there is no named hall, but a side room contains a tablet bearing the characters jang hsiang ch'ang sheng lu wei (...).\n\n4 Baker, 1968, pp. 167, 183 and 187.\n\n5 Baker, 1968, p. 188 and Baker 1965, pp. 39-41.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207068, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 139, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "THE HONG KONG REGION\n\n133\n\nHayes, J. W., 'Old Ways of Life in Kowloon: the Cheung Sha Wan Villages\" in Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol. VIII, No. 1, January 1970: 154-188.\n\nHo, Ping-ti, Studies on the Population of China, 1368-1953, Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1959.\n\nHsieh, Kuo Ching, 'Removal of Coastal Population in Early Tsing Period', The Chinese Social and Political Science Review, XIII, 1929: 559-596.\n\nHummel, Arthur W. (Editor), Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period (1644-1912), Taipei, Ch'eng Wen Publishing Company, 1967. Reprint of the first edition, Washington, United States Government Printing Office, 2 vols., 1943.\n\nKrone, Rev. Mr., A Notice of the Sanon District. C.B.R.A.S. Transactions VI, 1859: 71-105. Reprinted in JHKBRAS 7, 1967: 104-137.\n\nLo, Hsiang-lin, 'The Sung Wang T'ai and the Location of the Travelling Courts by the Sea-shore in the Last Days of the Sung' in Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol. III, No. 2, July 1956.\n\n-, (and others), Hong Kong and Its External Communications before 1842. Hong Kong, Institute of Chinese Culture, 1963. An English version, abbreviated, of the Chinese edition of 1959.\n\nMayers, W. F., Dennys, N. B. and King, C., The Treaty Ports of China and Japan. A Complete Guide to the Open Ports of these countries, together with Peking, Yedo, Hong Kong and Macao. London, Trübner & Co., Hong Kong, A. Shortrede & Co., 1867.\n\nMurphey, Rhoads, The Treaty Ports and China's Modernization: what went wrong? Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies, No. 7, Ann Arbor, 1970.\n\nMontalto de Jesus, C. A., Historic Macao, International Traits in China Old and New. Macao, 2nd edition, revised and enlarged, 1926.\n\nNeumann, C. F., Translations from the Chinese and Armenian with Notes: 1 History of the Pirates who infested the China Sea from 1807 to 1810, London, John Murray, 1831.\n\nNg, Peter Y. L., The 1819 Edition of the Hsin-an Hsien-chih, A Critical Examination with Translation and Notes. Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (1644-1842). Unpublished M. A. thesis, University of Hong Kong, 1961.\n\nNg, Ronald C. Y., 'The San On Map of Mgr. Volontieri. On the Centenary of the Copy in the R.G.S. Collection', London, Geographical Journal, Vol. 135, Part 2, June, 1969: 231-235. Reprinted in JHKBRAS 9, 1969: 141-148.\n\nOrme, G. N., Report on the New Territories for the Years 1899 to 1912. in Sessional Papers 1912.\n\nPerkins, Dwight H., Agricultural Development in China 1368-1968. Chicago, Aldine Publishing Company, 1969.\n\nPotter, Jack M., Capitalism and the Chinese Peasant, Social and Economic Change in a Hong Kong Village. Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1968.\n\nSchofield, Walter, Personal Communications, 1958-1968.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207069, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "134\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nSung Hok Pang, 'Legends and Stories of the New Territories, Part III, Kam Tin', The Hong Kong Naturalist, in six instalments between December 1935 March 1938.\n\n'Ts' in Fuk (), being an account of how part of the coast of South China was cleared of inhabitants from the first year of Hong Hei (4) 1662 to the 8th year of Hong Hei 1669', The Hong Kong Naturalist, Vol. IX, Nos. 1 and 2, November 1939, pp. 37-42.\n\nSzczesniak, Boleslaw, The Opening of Japan. A Diary of Discovery in the Far East, 1853-1856 (by Rear Admiral George Henry Preble. U.S.N.). Norman, Arizona, University of Oklahoma Press.\n\nTronson, I. M., Personal Narrative.... London, Smith, Elder, 1859.\n\nWaley, Arthur, Yuan Mei, 18th Century Chinese Poet, London, George Allen and Unwin, 1956.\n\nWilliams, S. Wells, A Syllabic Dictionary of the Chinese Language, Shanghai, American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1874.\n\nOFFICIAL REPORTS\n\nAnnual Departmental Reports from 1946 on, published by the Government Printer, Hong Kong. [ADR]\n\nAdministrative Reports, being annual departmental reports, 1909-1940, published by the Government Printer under this head, and bound together in series in the library of the Colonial Secretariat, Hong Kong. [AR]\n\nEarlier annual reports by departments bound into Sessional Papers (Papers presented to the Legislative Council of Hong Kong), printed in Hong Kong by the Government Printer and available in the library of the Colonial Secretariat, Hong Kong. [SP]\n\nAnnual Colony Reports from 1946 on, published in Hong Kong by the Government Printer, [CR]\n\nHong Kong Hansard. The proceedings of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong were published in yearly volumes under this title from the early 1890s on, by a number of publishers, and the Government Printer after the Pacific War. [Hansard]\n\nIn Chinese\n\nChang lineage of Pui O, South Lantao, Hong Kong ********* * Family Record A. Copied in manuscript in the 1930s from an earlier version.\n\nChang lineage of Pui O, South Lantao, Hong Kong **4❀❀**❀ **, Family Record (not identical with the above as it came from another branch of the family) ✯✯✯✯. In manuscript. Last compiled in 1927.\n\nChin Wen-mo (preface) #. Gazetteer of the Hsin-an District ### 13 chuan, revised edition, 1688. [HNHC 1688]\n\nChou K'uang B, Ch'eng Yeh-chung and others. Summary of historical researches on Kwangtung ★★***. 46 chuan, 1894. [KTKKCY]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207070, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 141, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "The Hong Kong Region\n\n135\n\nChu Ch'ih-shih #, Notes on the History of Canton *** 8 chuan, Chia Ch'ing year, 1806-07. [YCKC]\n\nHo lineage of Pui O, South Lantau, Hong Kong **1*4*££*...✯ Family record: apparently 1930s. In manuscript.\n\nHsu Ch'ien-hsieh, A Comprehensive Geography of the Ch'ing Empire #₺ 356 chuan, first edition, 1743. [TCITC]\n\nJao Tsung-i ✯ ✯ 1 (Compiler), The Ch'ao-chou Gazetteer # # & Swatow, circa 1946-48. [CCC]\n\nJen Yu-wen § 2 x (Compiler), Kwangtung Art and Scholarship ✯✯X» Hong Kong, Committee for the Advancement of Chinese Culture, 3 vols, 1941. [KTWW]\n\nJen Yu-wen § 2x (Compiler), Sung Wong Toi—A Commemorative Volume *££*** Hong Kong, Chiu Clansmen's Association, 1960.\n\nJuan Yuan and others ¥, Gazetteer of the Kwangtung Province ★★ . 334 chüan, revised edition, 1823, reprinted 1864 and reissued 1933 in 5 vols. by Commercial Press, Shanghai. [KTTC]\n\nLi Chin-wei (Editor) ###, Centenary History of Hong Kong ✯ * 4. Hong Kong, Nan Chung (†) Printing House, c. 1947. [Centenary History]\n\nLo Hsiang-lin 4*, Historical Sources for the Study of the Hakkas #Hong Kong, Institute of Chinese Culture +**, 1965. [LO1965]\n\nMao Hung-pin and Jun Lin, Atlas with Commentary of Kwangtung ★★☆. 92 chuan, Canton, about 1865. [KTTS]\n\nMao Yuan-¡ *, Record of Military Preparations. 240 chüan, Canton, late Ch'ing reprint of Original of 1620.\n\nShu Mou-kuan 4 and Wang Ch'ung-hsi 1, Gazetteer of the Hsin-an District #✯.§. 24 chüan, revised edition, 1819. [HNHC]\n\nTai Chao-chen and others A, Gazetteer of the Canton Prefecture ★★✯✯. 163 chüan, Canton, revised edition, 1880. [KCFC]\n\n+", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207074, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "HONG KONG PLACE NAMES\n\n139\n\nor husbandry, tools and household articles, and above all in place-names. Now we have no evidence of the languages spoken by the boat-people before they learnt Chinese; we know something of the Yao179 language; and nothing at all is known of the Shan-lao165. But some glossaries of the languages of the south were compiled in the T'ang174, Sung168 and Yüan12 dynasties and there is a fairly good list131 in the Man-shu150, which however lumps them all together as 'Man'1147 without saying which of the many kinds of Man. The chance of our being able to establish beyond doubt any identification of the local hill-tribes or their language is therefore slender.\n\nThe list which follows contains 125 words found in local place-names, or in the daily speech of the people, which are not found in Chinese dictionaries or are found only with other meanings. It is in these words that clues must be found, if they are to be found. It will be seen that the Man glossaries do help in a few cases—the slender chance comes off!\n\nAt the end of the list I have included, with some trepidation, a note on words which may enshrine the names by which some of the aborigines called themselves. When speaking to the Rotary Club I presented this as pure speculation. Since then, however, I have read Mr. Ch'en Hsü-ching's135 book Tan-min-ti yen-chiu1, which confirms some of my surmises concerning the boat-people, some of whom were indeed known as Ma-jen146. There is, however, a great deal of spade-work to be done before these surmises can be called a theory, and whether anybody can be found with both the qualifications and the time to undertake such work before the spread of education erases the oral traditions is a question I cannot answer with any confidence.\n\nLIST OF PECULIAR WORDS\n\nThe words contained in this list comprise (i) those current in the local farmers' and fishermen's speech but not standard Cantonese or Hakka13, (ii) those which occur in local place-names and cannot be explained by their ordinary meanings in Cantonese or Hakka, (iii) those which, though explainable after a fashion, present variations in pronunciation which makes it unlikely that they are really the words in Cantonese or Hakka137 which they pretend to be, (iv) other words of special interest or perplexity in local place names. The names are shown in the official spelling (O.S.) and in the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207092, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "HONG KONG PLACE NAMES\n\n157\n\nword. The word Ngau (54) in local place names is often interchanged with Yau (122) and once with Lau (30). It is possible that this is the word from which the Chinese Yao79 was derived.\n\nThe word Pak (63) in some local names interchanges with Pui (76). There was a people called the Pak158 in South China, and Pak (63), Pui (76) and perhaps Pa (60) and Pai (61) may be a version of this name. If these people cultivated salt paddy that would explain the term pak-tin (65).\n\nMany of the village names that make little sense contain two of these elements, e.g. Ma (42) Niu (58); Ma (42) Liu (35) Shui166; Ma (42) Yau181 Tong (98); Pak (63) Ngau (54) Shek (81); Yau180 Ma145 Tei; Pak (63) Tam172 Au (2). These would mean places where, by agreement, the two peoples could meet peaceably to exchange goods, to draw water, etc., or where cultivated land was shared.\n\nThe name Shan-lao165, preserved in Chang Wei-yen's134 petition may be that which we have in Sha Lo Tung163 and Sha Lo Wan164. And the name Lung Kwu143 (also Tung Kwu178) and Lung Kwu Tan144 may come from another name for the boat-people mentioned by Mr. Ch'en Hsü-ching135, víz, Lung-hu142 which he says is also pronounced with initial D.\n\nNOTES AND CHARACTER INDEX\n\n130 See South China Morning Post, Hong Kong, 9 November 1955.\n\n131 The Reverend W. Stott kindly lent me a copy of his unpublished M.A. thesis on the Nanchao Kingdom with extracts from a fuller text of the Man-shu, I believe from the Library of Congress, U.S.A. No text I could obtain in Hong Kong had half as much material.\n\n132 Cham zram (129 Rem.),\n\n133 Chan crann p. 156.\n\n134 Chang Wei-yen Zheonq Wrayjrann ✯✯✯ pp. 138, 157.\n\n135 Ch'en Hsü-ching Crann Zreoighenq pp. 139, 157.\n\n136 Ching crenq p. 156.\n\n137 Hakka xaakghaahx #, possibly a corruption of a Yao79 word for mountain-dwellers. P. 136 and passim.\n\n138 Hoklo xrokloo ## or ##, a name used by Punti160 and Hakka137 speakers to describe users of MinM dialects from Eastern Kwangtung and from Fukien, who pronounce # something like the Hakka pronunciation of. P. 136 and passim.\n\n139 Hsin-an-chih Shannghonn-zi pp. 138, 150.\n\n140 Lam Tsuen Lrammchynn p. 137.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207097, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "162 \n\nSUNG HOK-PANG \n\nbeam into a new dragon boat. When it was launched into the water, a strange thing happened. The boat flew up into the air, and immediately a great quantity of treasure, gold, silver and precious stones fell into the boat from the sky. When it was full the boat came down to the water, and the people were able to empty it. Then it flew into the air again, and came down again with fresh supplies of treasure. This happened many times until there were untold riches for the Tangs. A few years later, they chose another lucky day and erected a new beam and the hall was completed and given the name Loi Shing Tong1. It still exists in Shui T'au Village2, on the left-hand side of Hung Shing Kung (plate 20, figure I. H.K.N., VI, Nos. 3 and 4. “Hung Shing Kung,—the oldest temple in old Ch'an T'in.\") under the name of Ts'z T'ong Tsai (small ancestral hall).3 \n\nThen followed many years of prosperity for Kam T'in until times of trouble came to all the countryside and the family had to abandon the village temporarily on account of bandits. Before leaving Kam T'in, however, they buried there what remained of the treasure. This story was handed down from generation to generation more as legend than true fact. During the Ham Fung4 (咸豐) years, 1851-1861, of Ts'ing dynasty, a man called Tang Paak Luk (鄧伯祿) of Kam Hing Wai (錦慶圍) farmed the land where the treasure was supposed to be buried. One day he sent a labourer, Ch'an A Faat (陳亞發) to work in the particular field, and in the evening Ch'an returned to the farmer's house with a gold rope which he declared he had dug up. Everyone was very pleased at first, but gradually it appeared that bad luck had come with the rope. The farm beasts began to sicken, many died and then the farmer's family became ill. So the rope was re-buried without more ado, and prosperity was at once restored to Tang Paak Luk. \n\nAnother story is of a very poor farmer who at a different time rented the same ground. One day he dug up a brick that shone brightly in the sun. As he examined it, thinking it must be silver, he carelessly dropped it on his foot, and broke his big toe. Being too poor to pay for a doctor or even to buy curatives, the farmer gave the brick to his wife to break up, and they found that it was without doubt real silver. So the wife was able to buy medicine and consult a doctor with the aid of the brick, but it was not until all the brick \n\n1 Plate 31 at rear of this Volume.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207103, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 174, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "168\n\nSUNG HOK-PANG\n\nthe heart in his mouth went off with it. The villagers gave chase but after a while there was a terrific gust of wind and the dog disappeared.\n\nThe present Kam T'in is divided into two distinct districts. The South, Naam Wai (南圍) was originally a large common or open space of grassland; the North, Pak Wai (北圍) was hilly country surrounded by mangrove swamp. The principal villages of Naam Wai are Kat Hing Wai (吉慶圍) the first village on the right-hand side as one approaches from the main road, which was built by Tang Paak King (鄧伯經) and two other men during the Shing Fa years 1465-1487 of Ming Dynasty; Wing Lung Wai (永隆圍) the village at the end of the road on the left-hand side, facing the open green where football is now nearly always in progress, which was started by Tang Shiu Kui (鄧紹舉) and seven others; and T'aai Hong Wai (泰康圍) the large walled village on the left just before one reaches the Cottage Hospital, which was founded by Tang Ts'ung (鄧聰) and four other contemporaries. Later on during the civil wars of the Hong Hei years 1662-1722 of Ts'ing dynasty these three villages were walled to protect the inhabitants from marauding bandits and soldiers. Tang Man Wai (鄧文蔚) and Tang Kaai Yuet (鄧啟悅) built the wall of T'aai Hong Wai; Tang Sui Ch'eung (鄧瑞昌) and Tang Kwok Yin (鄧國賢) built that of Wing Lung Wai and Tang Chue Yin (鄧珠彥) and Tang Chik Kin (鄧積堅) walled Kat Hing Wai. About the same time Tang Yuet Man (鄧悅民) of Kat Hing Wai and Tang P'ooi Hing (鄧培慶) of T'aai Hong Village both formed the village of Kam Hing Wai (錦慶圍), which is on the north of Kam T'in market; and Tang Chau Man (鄧秋文) of Kat Hing Wai built the village of Ko Po Ts'uen, on the left-hand side of the main road, on the west of Kam T'in market. These walls in many places are in a wonderful state of preservation to-day. Kat Hing Wai and Taai Hong Wai have very strong iron chain gates, and a tablet fixed in the wall outside the gateway of Kat Hing Wai explains the story of them. It can be roughly translated as follows:\n\n\"The inscription on the tablet of Kat Hing Wai:—\n\nSince Foo Hip, the ancestor of our family Tang who was a Government officer, came from Kiangsi to Kwang Tung in the years of Sung Ning of Sung dynasty, we lived in both waais (villages)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207105, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 176, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "170\n\nSUNG HOK-PANG\n\nShui T'au village in the Shing Fa years of Ming dynasty, and at the same time, Tang Wan Kuk #Tang Shuk Lun and Tang Kwai Yin started the village of Shui Mei, while Tang Chung, Tang Shue and eight others formed the village Ying Lung Waai near Yuen Long Market. When these villages were built on the advice of “fung shui\" men a pagoda was also erected to the west of them, called Man Ch'eung Kok. In the 30th year of To Kwong, A.D. 1850, of Ts'ing dynasty the Tang family seemed to have reached the height of their prosperity. Many of them had passed the highest government examination and a census taken in that year shewed that there were more than eighteen hundred males living, belonging to the family. Not content, the elders consulted with ignorant \"fung shui\" men as to how to increase their numbers even more. They were advised to pull down the pagoda, to alter the course of the river, making three ponds, and to build a school that would hide part of the river from the view of the village. From that time the family decreased considerably, and many of them regretted having taken the advice of the \"fung shui\" men. In 1930, however, they repaired the banks of the river and built houses called Ch'eung Ch'un Lei near where the pagoda had stood, and since then the Kam T'in people declare that more male children have been born and family is once again on the increase.\n\n[5]\n\nDuring and since the Ming dynasty Kam T'in has been able to boast of many scholarly and notable sons. Tang T'ing Ching who passed the Kui-yan degree in the 7th year of Shing Fat of Ming dynasty, A.D. 1471, of Maan On was appointed to the office of Kau Yue district in Kiangsi province, promoted later to District Magistrate of T'ang Yuen Kwangsi. He was a great friend of Hau Kui, a well-known poet of the New Territories. His poems are included in an anthology named \"Ling Naam Chue Yuk\" and also in the Record book of San On and among them is a poem written as a farewell to Tang T'ing Ching when he left to take up his new official post. The oldest family tree book of the Tang family of Kam T'in in existence now was compiled by Tang T'ing Ching.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207109, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 180, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "174 \n\nSUNG HOK-PANG \n\nused to help his grandfather in the fields, working like the farm labourers and he was much beloved in Kam Tin. In the 15th year of Ka Hing A.D. 1810 the coast of San On was repeatedly attacked by a large fleet of pirate ships, and the district magistrate asked for sanction from the throne to move the fortress then existing at Fat T'ong Moon near Lyemun to Kau Lung (Kowloon) city. This was granted, but money to do the work was scarce. The magistrate went to Tang in his difficulty: Tang said, \"The hill round Kau Lung are full of large stones. Why not explain to the local masons that they should work on such an important matter for their country, for low wages.\" The magistrate, knowing that Tang had a great gift of persuasion with the country people, begged him to undertake the task. Tang was successful, the stone masons agreed to do what he suggested and when the fort was finished Tang wrote four big characters Chan Hoi Kam Tong. Chan to guard, Hoi the sea, Kam the city was built by strong metal, T'ong hot water; i.e. the water in the city moat is like boiling water that no enemy would dare to cross. These characters were carved on a large stone tablet which was built in the wall of the fort; unfortunately it is no longer to be seen. The public dispensary outside the Kowloon city wall now occupies the original site.\n\nAnother useful public work that Tang Yin Yuen was responsible for, was the rebuilding of Man Kong Shue Yuen, the high grade school for San On district. This building was originally inside the West gate of the capital city of San On, and owing to the low-lying ground it was most unhealthy for the teachers and students. A desirable site was inside the South gate but objections were raised by a native of the town who declared the land to be his own property. Tang went to law on his own responsibility, and when the district magistrate declared himself unable to give judgment he took the case to a higher court. He won and the new building was completed in the 11th year of Ka Hing A.D. 1806. A new name was given to the school, Fung Kong Shue Yuen, and Tang carved yat ch'an pat yim, \"not soiled by a particle of dust” over the top of the main door. Before he died Tang wrote in his will that he hoped one day one of his descendants would teach in the school and help to train good citizens. This wish was granted in 1904 when his great grandson Tang Wai Man went to teach in the school where he stayed seven years.\n\nTang Ying Yuen helped to compile the \"History of San On,\" and his house is still to be \n\nPage 180\n\nPage 181", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207110, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 181, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n175\n\nfound in Wing Lung Wai where his portrait in military officer's uniform is to be seen.\n\nTang Ming Luen, the son of Tang Kuen Hin, was another military officer. He was a very powerful man with exceptional strength in his arms. When he was young and before he studied the military arts, he came across, one day, two water buffaloes fighting in a road. The people standing by were unable to pass and yet could do nothing to separate the animals. Tang Ming Luen, seeing this, seized each buffalo by the horn, wrenched them apart, and stopped the fight. It happened that a newly passed Kui Yan named Tang T'in K'ei, who came from Tung Kwun district, was visiting Kam T'in to worship at the ancestral hall, and, according to old Chinese custom, to report the good news of his degree to his ancestors. He witnessed Tang Ming Luen's feat of strength and greatly admiring him, he encouraged him to study for the army, giving him ten taels of pure silver sycee as a reward. Tang Ming Luen passed his Mo Sau Tsoi in the 25th year of Ka Hing, A.D. 1820, and the Mo Kui Yan in the following year.\n\nThere is another story that Tang Ming Luen dug up some hidden treasure in his orchard, which was near Sui T'au Ts'un. To the North of the garden, there was a large banyan tree and close by it a rock covered with creeping plants. On dark days, it was said that a light used to shine near this rock and at a distance, it appeared like a big white horse. One day, Tang told a labourer to dig a hole for planting a fruit tree in a corner of the garden where a lot of long grass was growing. In doing so, the man dug up a large earthenware jar with a lid on it, which was full of silver sycee. He seized a handful of them and started to carry them home, but at once, his eyes became dim-sighted and he was unable to see his way. Thinking that it must be a punishment for trying to take money that did not belong to him, the man put the coins back in the ground, and his sight recovered at once. When he told Tang of his discovery, Tang had the ground thoroughly dug, and many more jars, each full of silver coins, were found.\n\nTang Kuen Hin was born in the 20th year of Kin Lung, A.D. 1755, and he built a school called So Lau Yuen in Shui Tau Tsuen, one of the Kam T'in villages. This building has a curious carving inside, rather like the face of a clock with Roman lettering on it, the origin of it being unknown. Another building called Ch'eung Tsun Yuen was built by one of his descendants.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207111, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 182, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "176\n\nSUNG HOK-PANG\n\ndants, a picture of this is shown on plate. Tang Kuen Hin was very rich and was very proud of his family. He had four sons and twenty-four grandsons and the number of his family and servants together are said to have totalled two hundred. To the northwest of Yuen Long market are some very fine fish ponds situated in particularly pleasing scenery. This land was Tang Kuen Hin's property, it now forms part of the \"Ching Sheung\" * entailed property, the proceeds of which are applied to ancestral worship.\n\nNotes on Some of the Government Examinations of China.\n\nThe Sau-ts'oi was the first examination and in many respects could be likened to that which is held for the Bachelor of Arts degree. The Candidates for this examination, which was held in the capital and several other towns of each province, were very numerous, as all with any pretence to education, were anxious to graduate in Sau Ts'oi. In consequence it was necessary for each candidate to be guaranteed by a man specially appointed to the office called \"Lam Shang,\" whose duty it was to stand as surety for the identity of each of his examinees.\n\nAnother examination, Heung Shi, to be attempted was for the Kui Yan degree which was also held in the capital of each Province. Possessed of this degree a man was eligible to hold the office of District Magistrate, etc. Between Sau Ts'oi and Kui Yan were five different titles of Kung Shaang the holders of which could be appointed as District Magistrates, etc.\n\nWui Shi was a higher examination held in the Capital of China. The degree which was known as Tsun Sz, was instituted in A.D. 606, and could be compared with a Doctorate. Candidates who failed in this examination, and yet had written papers of a high standard could have their names put on a list called Ming T'ung Pong \", which made them eligible for holding the posts of Hok Ching, the Director of studies in a “Chau” or department, or in the Imperial Academy, and Kau Yue, the Director of studies attached to a District.\n\nAfter a man passed Tsun Sz degree he attended an examination in the Imperial Palace. This was called Ch'iu Haau, Court examination. If he passed he then obtained the title of Shue Kat Sz 庶吉士, He then went to the Hon Lam Yuen 翰林院 where he stayed for several years drafting documents for the Emperor and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207113, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 184, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "178\n\nSUNG HOK-PANG\n\nThere is a stone tablet near the bridge with an inscription carved on it which can be roughly translated as follows: --\n\n\"My grandfather's official name is Kam(); the name for his friends to call him by is Kui Haam(&). My father's official name is Ch'ung Kwong(★★) and the name for his friends to call him by is Wai Cheuk(). My mother's surname is Wong(#). My mother bore Tsun Yuen (myself) and my younger brother Yin Yuen(£). We two brothers were unlucky, in our youth we were without a father to rely on. My mother lived alone as a widow, and had to practice economy and diligence. She gave us good instructions every day and night. Now when Tsun Yuen (myself) grew up, I married a wife named Ch'an() being ashamed to be a useless son, but fortunately I begot two sons, the eldest named Tung Ping(#) and the younger Shing Tak(). At that time there was peace at last with the bandits and in the 43rd year of Hong Hei(A) in Kap Shan() year I rebuilt my dwelling house at my original home in Shui T'au village. My younger brother and my mother did not come back to the home, but they still lived in T'aai Hong Wai, on the other side of the stream. My mother paid great attention to her baby grandsons, day and night she came to see them, and kept on coming backwards and forwards from her house, each time having to bear the difficulty of crossing the water, and obliged to hum the song of \"The difficulty of crossing the water\" as she passed. Therefore I have exerted myself to build this bridge for the convenience of my mother, and give it the name of Ping Mo(£#), (to convenience my mother). If anyone says that I build it to relieve many people, in the hope of obtaining happiness, I do not dare to have such an idea.\" (See plate 38),\n\n\"Hong Hei(a) 49th year, in Kang Yan(P†) year. Winter month, lucky day, Tang Tsun Yuen erected this stone tablet.\"\n\nThe following is a rough translation of another reference to the mother of T'sun Yuen, written by Tang Wai K'ui(✯✯).\n\n\"My Tso Pei(int) (deceased grandmother), Wong, was the wife of my ancestor, Wai Cheuk(2). When she was twenty-one years of age, her husband died. She cherished her fatherless children, and maintained her purity in poverty. When the children were young she bore great fatigue to nurture them, and when they grew older she taught them in a proper way. She always kept on friendly terms with her neighbours, so that they all admired her highly.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207115, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 186, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "180\n\nNote.\n\nSUNG HOK-PANG\n\nSze Taan is the man to whom the silver coins flew through the air (see “Ngan Tau Laan” (✯✯) H.K.N. VII pp. 251, 252 and VIII plate 8).* This is the only record that we can find which proves that Sz Taan was alive in the 47th year of Kin Lung, A.D. 1782.\n\nMany of Tang Kwong Yue's descendants are rich men, and fine scholars, having passed the Sau Ts'oi (††) and Kung Shang (†*) degrees.\n\nSz Shing Tong (A) is the ancestral Hall of Tang Ts'ing Lok (***) and is to be found at the western end of Shui T'au. Tsing Lok was the grandson of Tang Hung Yee (*) and the son of Tang Yam (#), (see H.K.N. VII pp. 161 and 251). The Hall was built by Tang Mung Woo (*) and Tang Mung Pik (*), and later repaired by Tang Mung Siu (†), Tang Mung Hung (p), Tang Wun Yat (−) and Tang Kwing Yue ($). A rule was made that on every Ts'un Fan (✯✯), vernal equinox and Ts'au Fan (✯✯), autumnal equinox, the two great days of reverence to ancestors, a certain amount of roast pork was to be presented to the above men or their descendants in recognition of their merit in building and repairing the hall, and this custom is carried on up to the present time.\n\nThe date of the building of the Hall is not known, but a large tablet which is hung inside with the three characters Sz Shing T'ong is dated the 2nd month of the 59th year of Kin Lung (A.D. 1794). These characters were written by a high government official, Ch'oh P'aang Ling (✯✯✯), a native of Loi Yeung district (*) in Shangtung province. He was a Hon Lam Yuen P'in Sau (✯✯E*) during the Kin Lung period. For a reference to Hon Lam Yuen (see H.K.N. VIII, p. 110). A Pin Sau was a second class Hon Lam compiler. Ch'oh Paang Ling held the office of Yue Sz (#), a member of the \"To Ch’aat Yuen” (**) (Court of Censors) at Peking, whose duty it was to keep the Emperor informed on all matters of public importance. He had the good name of Kang Chik Kam Yin (✯✯✯), “one who has the courage of his opinions,\" and finally he was given the high office of Kung Po Sheung Shue (***), the President of the Board of Works, in Peking. His written characters are not easy to come across now, so the tablet in Sz Shing Tong is very much valued in Kam T'in.\n\n*See p. 163-4 above, and Plate 35.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207116, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 187, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n181\n\nIt is an ancient custom in China when a man passes a Government degree examination or is appointed as a Government official, for him to have his new official title carved on a wooden tablet and hung in the Hall of his ancestors. By this means the good news is reported to the ancestors that their descendant has become a man of rank, and at the same time an example is set to future generations to encourage them to do their best to rise to the same honour, as the tablet is left hanging in the hall permanently. There are many of these title-tablets hung in Sz Shing Tong, put there not only by Kam T'in men, but by other descendants of the Tang family who have sent their tablets from places far away, where they have gone to live. The oldest among them is the \"Man Fui” or Kui Yan degree put there by Tang Ting Ching who passed it in the 7th year of Shing Fa, A.D. 1471. The most highly honoured title-tablets are the two from Tang Yung Keng from Tung Kwun district. He passed his Kui Yan degree in the 3rd year of Tung Chi, A.D. 1864 and became \"Hon Lam Yuen Shue Kat Sz\" (H.K.N. VIII, p. 110) in the 10th year of T’ung Chi, A.D. 1871. He held the office of On Ch'aat Sz (Provincial Judge) of Kiangsu province, and in 1900 during the Boxer trouble he was appointed by Lei Hung Cheung, the Prime Minister and then Viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwangsi provinces, to be the Superintendent of volunteers in Kwangtung.\n\nTang Ts'ing Lok's eldest son, Tang Wan Kuk was a very rich man, and he owned a lot of cultivated land in San On District. During his time there were twenty-eight Sau Ts'oi (B.A.'s) and nine very rich men all members of his family and living in the same street where his house was situated in Shui Mei village. His house was called Kam Ts'un Tong \"ornamental stream hall\"; it has long since been destroyed and a vegetable garden is on the site of where it once existed, but the remains of a large stone gateway can still be seen (plate 20). Tang Wan Kuk owned a large library in this house, and a fine stone fish-tank, made of pink coloured stone, 2 Chinese feet high, 14 wide and 24 long. (Plate 19). Two scholars of the Tang Family have written inscriptions about this tank, speaking very highly of it, but it now lies in a destroyed school building in Shui T’au village, and no-one cares about it. The dates of Tang Wan Kuk's birth and death are not recorded, but we know that his grave, which is in Noh Mai Ham about seven li from Kam T'in was made before the 8th year of Ching", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207117, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "182\n\nSUNG HOK-PANG\n\nTak (£), A.D. 1513, of Ming dynasty, because there is evidence that after that year the direction of the grave was altered. The grave was repaired in the 12th year of Kin Lung, A.D. 1744, of Ts'ing dynasty, and the inscription on the tablet was composed by Tang Yue Cheung (§§#), a noted Kam T'in scholar.\n\nTang Wan Kuk is supposed to have owned the whole of Hong Kong island, and his great, great grandsons Tang Shing Ngok (# *) and Tang Yuen Fan (1) both very rich men during the Maan Lik period (A.D. 1573-1620) of Ming dynasty, appeared to have shared the island between them, three-quarters belonging to the former, and the rest to the latter. There seems to have been some rivalry between these two gentlemen, and a story often repeated by Kam T'in villagers to-day, tells how when Tang Shing Ngok built a big hall in Shui T'au village, Tang Yuen Fan's youngsters were filled with admiration. Tang Yuen Fan exclaimed, \"Don't waste your time admiring it, but let us do the same thing.\" So he started building a hall equally big and grand, and at the present time Tang Shing Ngok's hall is no longer to be seen, but the old ruins of Tang Yuen Fan's still remain.\n\nTang Shing Ngok's grave was in Sheung To (E✯), now Hung Heung Lo temple (#), Wong Nai Ch'ung (✯✯✯). It was repaired in the 16th year of Kin Lung, A.D. 1751 and the name of the grave was Maau Yee Sai Min (#✯6) \"the cat washes its face.\" The people of early times called it Tsau Ma Hoi Kung (ŁSH) \"to draw the bow to shoot at a galloping horse.\" T'o Shi (A), the wife of Tang Shing Ngok, was buried in Kai Lung Wan (#), her grave being repaired in the 14th year of Kin Lung, A.D. 1749. Both the inscriptions of these graves are still visible.\n\nDuring the Ming dynasty Hong Kong island was known as Ch'ek Ch'ue Shaan (1) \"red pillar hill,” (Stanley is still called Chek Ch'ue), and it was under that name that the island was referred to in the records of the lands owned by the Tangs. Even in the map contained in the San On Record book, published as late as the 24th year of Ka Hing A.D. 1819, of Ts'ing dynasty, the island is called Chek Chue Shaan. The land owned by the Tangs amounted to several tens of “King” (4) (one \"king\" equalled one hundred Chinese acres) and was mentioned under different localities, the names of which are familiar to us now, such as Taai T'aam (✯✯), Wong Nai Ch'ung (✯✯), K'wan Taai Lo (***) “skirt string", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207118, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 189, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n183\n\nroad,” now Victoria city, and So Kwun Po (7). From the fact that these references occurred in the Leung Ch'aak (##) or Register Book of Tung Kwun district, one may judge that the land was owned by the Tangs before the 1st year of Maan Lik, A.D. 1525, as after that the San On district was formed.\n\nTo the East of Shui Mei village there is an ancestral Hall called Mau King T'ong (N). It was built by the descendants of Tang Chan (1) Tang Yui (*) and Tang Kuen (#) the three younger brothers of Tang Yam (3) the father of Tang Tsing Lok. When the descendants of Tang Yam completed the building of Sz Shing Tong, the descendants of the three younger brothers felt it was a disgrace that there were no ancestral halls for their respective ancestors. However they were far from being rich, so they decided to combine together and build one hall under the leadership of Tang Man Wai (4X4), who was a man of rank and a descendant of Tang Chan. On the top of the front door they carved the characters §; › §¡› ✯ ✯✯ “Chan, Yui, Kuen, the three Ancestors Hall,\" and on a signboard the three big characters ✯✯ Mau King Tong, were written by Ts'oi Hok Yuen (4) a scholar of San On, and hung in the hall in the 22nd year of Ka Hing, A.D. 1817, of Ts'ing dynasty.\n\nThe reason why the name Mau King Tong was chosen was on account of the old story \"Tin Shi King fa fook mau” ( # A#*M*) “the Judas-tree of T'in family again becomes luxuriant.\" The story is as follows:--\n\nT'in Chan (₪) and his two younger brothers T'in Hing (w A) and T'in Kwong (□), natives of Chiu Shing district (#K) of Shantung, during the Hon dynasty, decided to divide their family property between them. Among other things, they owned a Tsz King (**), judas tree, and the evening before the dividing up was to take place they found to their surprise that the tree was withered. This upset T'in Chan's feelings very much, he sighed and said to his younger brothers, \"The different branches of the tree come from one root; now that they have heard that they are to be divided up, they have become melancholy and look sorrowful. Now we brothers are human beings, but although we have separate bodies we all came from the same parents, so why should we divide the family property and live separately? Do we not feel ashamed in seeing the appearance of this tree?\" Then the younger brothers were moved by this, and they never mentioned the idea of dividing the family property", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207119, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 190, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "184 \n\nSUNG HOK-PANG \n\nagain, and the judas tree revived, and soon it was covered with blossoms and looked a beautiful sight. \n\nFrom this story the three Tangs had learnt a lesson, and realizing that any one branch of the family was unable to build a hall alone, they combined together and completed one hall, naming it Mau King T'ong \"The luxuriant judas-tree Hall.” Although there is no record of the year that the hall was completed, the following is what is known of its history. The building was started by Tang Mau Wai, who passed the Tsun Sz degree in the 24th year of Hong Hei, A.D. 1685. The hall was rebuilt by Tang Shiu Chau (RA) who passed Sui Kung A† degree in the 1st year of Kin Lung, A.D. 1736; and was repaired twice, first by Tang Hei Sui (###) who passed Yan Kung Shaang in the 21st year of Ka Hing, A.D. 1816, and secondly by Tang Ming Shiu (*) a Lam Shaang during the To Kwong period (the 1st year of To Kwong was A.D. 1821.) \n\nThe T'in Hau Temple (A) Queen of Heaven Temple, in Shui Mei village, was first built during the Hong Hei period (A.D. 1662-1722) of Ts'ing dynasty and possesses a fine bell of 180 catties in weight which was presented by Tang Ch'un Fooi (**) a Kung Shaang in the 10th year of Kin Lung, A.D. 1745. It is said that the tone of the bell is very clear and can be heard from ten Chinese miles away. The Kam T'in people say that one of the past Governors of Hong Kong heard about it and visited Kam T’in to try the bell, which he agreed was as beautiful as reported. For a long time the temple was in a bad state of repair, and the bell had to be kept in a private house where those wishing to, were allowed to see it. Lately the temple has been repaired and the bell re-instated in it; also an incense burner that was presented by Tang Yiu King (*) and his son Tang Chan Suen (**) in the 11th year of Kin Lung A.D. 1746, \n\nKwong Yue T'ong (***) in Taai Hong village is the ancestral hall of Tang Man Wai, who was the only man to pass the Tsun Sz degree in the New Territories (See H.K.N. IV. p. 106). The building is quite a large one, and the ancestral fund belonging to this hall is a very large sum and is considered the richest in the New Territories. For many years $100 was given each year to each family of Tang Man Wai's descendants for their New Year expenses.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207120, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 191, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n185\n\nLei King T'ong (A) is another ancestral hall, and can be found by the side of the main road through Kam T'in. It was built for Tang Ng Shaang (£) (see H.K.N. VII, p. 36).\n\nI Tai Shue Yuen (**) is the new school building built instead of the Man Ch'eung Kok (M) (see H.K.N. VII, p. 256) and is situated in Shui T'au village.\n\nChau Wong Yee Kung Ts'z (M), (=214) (plate 20) is a hall that was built to record the merit of Viceroy Châu Yau Tak (♬) and Governor Wong Loi Yam (*). After the Ming emperors were expelled from China, an officer of the Ming army named Cheng Shing Kung (4) attacked the coast of South China, using Formosa as his base. All the people in sympathy with the Ming dynasty, along the coast helped him, so as the Manchu government had no navy to send against him, an order was made that all the inhabitants of the coast were to be moved inland for 50 Chinese miles. Later they were moved again for another 30 miles and for seven years, A.D. 1661-1668, the New Territories were deserted. The fields were unattended and allowed to lie fallow, and the buildings fell into disrepair. At the end of that time the people made representations to the Governor and Viceroy, and it was through the mediation of these two men, with the Emperor that the people were allowed to go back to their own land. The full account of this story is very long, but it is hoped to devote an article to it later on.\n\nI have to thank Mr. Tang Paak K'au (1) and Mr. Tang Wai T'ong (**), both elders of Kam T'in, for their co-operation and help in obtaining access to the numerous documents that it has been necessary to consult before this series of articles could be attempted. Also Mr. Tang Ch'ong Yip (##) a teacher in Kam T'in, who gave invaluable assistance in searching out references, copying out paragraphs from books in the possession of various villagers, and deciphering inscriptions from stone tablets. Unfortunately Mr. Tang Wai Man (✯) another elder who showed great interest in these articles and helped considerably, died a few months ago, and is unable to see them completed. Lastly, I am much indebted to Mrs. Herklots for her help in writing these articles in readable English.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207167, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 238, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "232\n\nSam Tung Uk\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nThe Sam Tung Uk (village), is a small, square-walled lineage village dating back to the 18th century. It was settled by the Chan (陳) family.\n\nBefore the Ch'ien Lung period of the Ch'ing Dynasty (清朝), the Chan clan lived in Ning Fa District, Ting Chow prefecture in Fukien Province (福建省). One of the branches then moved to Lo Fong, of Po On District* in Kwangtung Province (廣東省). Later Chan Yam Shing (the 13th generation) came to Tsuen Wan (old name Chin Wan meaning shallow bay) with four sons. Guided by his uncle (ancestor of Kwan Mun Hau Village, Tsuen Wan), they took up farming. They worked very hard, put up sea walls, reclaiming much land, and were content. Straw huts were built firstly at Lo Uk Cheung (羅屋丈) (where Block 2 of Tai Wo Hau Estate, Tsuen Wan, is now located) in the 22nd year of Ch'ien Lung, (1757). The elder son, Kin Sheung (堅常) was a herbalist doctor, renowned in fung shui and possessed a wealthy home. The other sons, Ying Sheung (應常), Wai Sheung (維常) and Cheuk Sheung (卓常) were farmers, living moderately.\n\nKin Sheung, after settling down, searched around Tsuen Wan hoping to find a suitable site to establish a village. He found that a piece of land situated on the right side of Ngau Kwu Tun (牛牯墩) (present site of Tsuen Wan Government Secondary Technical School) would be the best, but it belonged to the Sun clan of San Tsuen at that time.† His brothers were told to contact the Sun family, hoping for a possibility to purchase it. One day a member of Sun clan turned up being, at that time, urgently in need of money. He offered to sell the much-desired land but no decision could be made as Kin Sheung was not at home. Mr Sun then said that he would go to Shing Mun to consult with other rich men who were likely purchasers. The brothers debated what should be done but in their elder brother's absence were unable to make any decision. When their elder brother returned home and heard of the Sun Clan's proposal, he was delighted and rushed to Wo Yee Hop (old name Woo Lee Hop meaning Fox's Valley), and the bargain was made.\n\n* Strictly speaking, San On (新安) at that time.\n\n†新村孫旗", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207168, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 239, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n233 \n\nThe fung shui name of the selected spot was known as \"Sleeping Beauty\" (*) Her legs were in the crossed position, and the selected point for the erection of the village was at her thigh. The village was to be pointed 256° at the west, to accept the incoming water from Kap Shui Mun, and would rest on a hill at the back (local name Lion Land *), with the hills of Tsing Yi Island to the left and Fa Shan to the right. The frontage of the village was to face the water channel. It was a glorious view showing the sun setting with the sails of homeward-bound fishing craft, especially in the Spring and Autumn seasons. When the sun is just lowering on the horizon, millions of golden beams reflect from the sea, shining at the village. It is really an excellent site for a village to be established. That is perhaps why Sam Tung Uk and Yeung Uk Village are facing west while the other villages in Tsuen Wan are facing in a south direction. A well was constructed on the right, apart from the north corner of the village, for drinking purposes, just below the Sleeping Beauty's lower part. This well never dries up even in the driest seasons. Even when the supply of water was given once in every 4 days in the 1963 drought, the water was still adequate for use by all the surrounding villagers. How wonderful to find that it is 95% full of water even in the dry season to-day.\n\nTo suit the fung shui requirement, all members of the family started to work jointly, after farming hours, to lower the site. This task lasted for several years, and was very arduous labour. They then began building the super-structures. Solid walls 16 inches thick were formed with a mixture of lime, clay and straw. The entrance to the Chi Tong (ancestral hall) was partly decorated with long hand-hewn granite stone blocks. Roof tops were constructed with wooden beams and clad with Chinese tiles. The entire structures in the village are approx. 17 feet high, of one storey. No height addition or alteration has since been made. Stone steps were laid to the door-way of every house. The structures proved to be strong and stable for nearly 200 years. There were three rows of houses built in the first instance and for this reason it was called Sam Tung Uk (A). After the construction work was completed, they moved in on a lucky day, in the 51st year of Ch'ien Lung (1786). The Chan Sze Pit Tong (), shown in the land record of District Office, Tsuen Wan, was formed by the four brothers at the time of village establishment. Another row of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207169, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 240, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "234\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nhouses were built later at the back when they had more descendants. That is the entire village even to this day.\n\nThere are 42 dwelling houses within the village, divided by 5 lanes and ten gates; measuring 162'-3\" in width and 125'9” in depth. The idea of this layout would seem to have been to protect themselves from pirates, when the whole family stayed inside. The Chi Tong is located in the centre with three roofs and two light wells (#). There is a village school 150 feet from the southern corner for primary education of their children, and a Tin Hau Temple within 500 feet to the northeast for worship.\n\nLand Registration took place in 1906 in Tsuen Wan after the Lease of the New Territories. The village was recorded from Lot No. 1528 to 1559 (Lot No. 1546 excluded) in Demarcation District No. 449 in the Block Crown Lease, totalling 0.43 acre of house land and 0.03 acre of waste land, all belonging to the Chan family. It is a pity that 0.135 acre of house land were sold to outsiders since 1937 otherwise the village would still remain solely in the hands of the descendants of the founder.\n\nChan Kin Sheung, the founder of Sam Tung Uk, was awarded a portrait by Chien Lung of Ch'ing Dynasty, worded \"Heung Yam Tai Bun” (means Honourable Guest in Village Parties). To everyone's sorrow and great loss it disappeared during the Japanese Occupation of Hong Kong.\n\nThere have been very many big changes in the area surround-ing the village since re-development of Tsuen Wan. Fung shui trees at the back were felled, village type houses were built around, roads were constructed in front, multi-storeyed buildings were erected with obstruction of the front view. Ngau Kwu Tun, the small hill by the left, was removed to make way for a school building, and the hill at the back was partly cut off for construction of the Rapid Gravity Filter. Even the grave of the village founder was affected as it was in the same line and over-looking the village. The name in fung shui was called \"Lion over-looking the village platform\" (獅子瑩樓台)\n\nIt is to be hoped that the Walled Village can be retained as a historical relic in Tsuen Wan, even if the whole area is to be re-developed. God has blessed it for over two centuries and it is hoped will continue to do so.\n\nText and visits are organized and prepared by Mak Kai Yim, A. H. Mackreth, Brian Liu and Helga Werle.\n\nPage 240\n\nPage 241", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207171, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 242, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "236\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\non his blackwood cage-bed which is decorated by painted porcelain panels, and a glimpse into a corner of the monk's kitchen.\n\nThe third group of 35 photos are portraits of the monks who inhabited the monasteries of Hua Shan. Hedda Morrison must have been quite a personality to be appreciated and trusted by the monks in such a short time, that she could catch their faces in so many moods and showing so vividly their characters.\n\nAlthough the photos were taken in 1935 they were not published before 1975. In 1935 it was possible for anyone who would brave the steep cliffs and the narrow mountain paths to enjoy the beauty and the peace, to purify one's mind and unite with the Tao. There is not much chance of going there today, nor of finding monks enacting dances symbolizing the cosmic battle of nature (plates 43, 44). The photos are thus a priceless record of the faces of Hua Shan, their value enhanced by their poetic quality.\n\nThe texts are of minor importance but help us to understand the basic Chinese thinking that the individual must be in harmony with the universe.\n\nHong Kong, 1975.\n\nHELGA WERLE\n\nSEALS OF CHINESE PAINTERS AND COLLECTORS OF THE MING AND CH'ING PERIODS. REPRODUCED IN FACSIMILE SIZE AND DECIPHERED. REVISED EDITION WITH SUPPLEMENT. By Victoria Contag and Wang Chi-ch'ien (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1966. pp. Ixviii+726. Illustrations. Paperback issue 1974, HK$50.\n\nThe academic interest of collecting ancient seals in China was generally developed during the first 150 years of the Ch'ing period (1644-1911) and subsequently sub-divided into several offshoots: such as collecting ancient official seals, an interest related to the study of government organization; or collecting seals of the Han (204 B.C.-220 A.D.) and pre-Han period, connected with either an artistic interest in the archaic style of Chinese sealscript or a paleographic interest on etymology. Following these trends, however, the cited scholastic interests are replaced in the 20th century by a more specified academic practice; for instance, to collect seals of established artists and learned art collectors of previous periods. By so doing, the collected seals can serve students of Chinese art,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207172, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 243, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n237\n\non the one hand, as a tool-reference for the understanding of the developments of styles of seal-carving in China, and on the other hand, ensure their capability to differentiate the forgeries from the genuine seals, so contributing to a real connoisseurship in a specialized knowledge affiliated to Chinese painting.\n\nThe Seals of Chinese Painters and Collectors of the Ming and Ch'ing periods, first published in 1940 in Shanghai entitled Maler und sammler-stempel aus der Ming-und-ch'ing Zeit, jointly edited by a German scholar, Victoria Contag, and a Chinese specialist in Chinese painting, Chi-ch'ien Wang, from the above mentioned viewpoint, happens to be the earliest tool-reference of this kind ever published in this century.\n\nAs regards the practical aspects of this book, edited by scholars of two nations, the following are worth noting. Firstly, it contains 9,000 selected seals, an amount which has never been collected by others in any book of this nature. Secondly, names of artists and collectors are arranged in alphabetical order as well as by Chinese stroke system, thus giving ready access to European or Chinese readers. Thirdly, each seal is clearly numbered and deciphered. Finally, a brief but sufficient information about each artist or collector is provided bilingually by German and Chinese texts.\n\nThere remain some minor disputable questions; see my other book review on the same work in Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol. IX, No. 2 (1971, Hong Kong University Press). But despite being overshadowed by a later compilation of a similar nature; Seals and Signatures of Artists, Calligraphers and Connoisseurs since the Tsin Period, a publication of the Kai-fa Co. Ltd., 1964, Hong Kong, still it serves as a most useful tool-reference for not only students of Chinese painting but also museum curators and private collectors.\n\nCHUANG SHEN\n\nUniversity of Hong Kong, 1975.\n\nBALLAD OF THE HIDDEN DRAGON, by M. Dolezelová-Velingerová and J. I. Crump, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1971. 128 pp., introduction, dramatis personae, text, survey of editions, appendix, bibliography, glossary, £3.50.\n\nMuch of the original texts of Chinese novels and dramas have lately been translated from Chinese into either English or other", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207173, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 244, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "238\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nEuropean languages. For instance, in 1964 Horst Erdmann Verley has published Chinesischer liebesgartern which serves as the first German translation of 7 stories selected from the well-known collection of 16th century Chinese novels: P'o-an ching-ch'i. In 1968 this was followed by the same author's second German translation of 17 stories selected from Ching-shih t’ung-yen, (a different collection of novels again written during the 16th century) under the title Neuer Chinesischer liebesgarten.\n\nTurning to drama, in 1965 full English translations of two dramas of the Yuan Dynasty were edited by Cyril Birch into his Anthology of Chinese Literature (Grove Press, New York). The first of the two appears as J. I. Crump's translation of \"Li K'uei Carries Thorns\" (a drama of K'eng Chin-chih fl. 1279). The second happens to be Donald Keene's translation of “Autumn in the Palace of Han” (a work of a more famous Yüan dramatist, Ma Chih-yüan fl. 1251). In 1965 again, Ch'u Chai and Winberg Chai published \"A Treasury of Chinese Literature\" (Appleton Century, New York). A considerable number of English translations for both Chinese novels and dramas were edited into this anthology. In chapters 5th, 6th and 7th of part II, there are 5 novels of the T'ang, 2 of the Sung and 3 of the Ch'ing periods1. Furthermore, in chapters 10th and 11th of part III, the authors presented their translation of two dramas selected from the Yüan period and another two from dramas written during the Ming and the Ch'ing periods. Among them the Yuan drama \"Snow in Midsummer\" (written by the important dramatist Kuan Han-ch'ing) seems to be more notable, since this drama has not only been translated from Chinese into English by Yang Hsien-i and his collaborator Gladys Yang in their Selected plays of Kuan Han-ch'ing (1958, Peking), but also has been put out by Shih Chung-wen with a third English version: Injustice to Tou O (1972, Cambridge University Press, Oxford). Clearly, to put texts of Chinese novel or drama from Chinese into English or other European Language has been a fashionable task favoured by sinologists lately.\n\n1 These 5 short stories of the T'ang period are of the so-called Chuan-ch'i and the 2 of the Sung period are usually called as Ping-hua while the last 3 of the Ch'ing period are selected from Liao-tsai, A Collection of Strange Tales, all written by P'u Sung-ling (1630-1715) of the early Ch'ing.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207174, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 245, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n239\n\nHowever, none of the above-cited translations deal with any original work of the Chin period (1115-1234). Amongst various branches of Chinese literature developed during the Chin period, the Chu-kung-tiao3, (literally, the \"various moods\", hereafter to be abbreviated as CKT), a kind of popular literature of this period, seem to be among the more important.2\n\nTo quote from the introduction of the Ballad of the Hidden Dragon, \"The Chu-kung-tiao belongs to that large group of 'story-tellers' ballads in which prose and verse alternate, but its verse was sung, while its prose was narrated! The sung part of any chu-kung-tiao consists of a large number of tunes (ch’ü-tiao #8) succeeding each other according to fixed musical rules. Groups of tunes belonging to the same mode (kung-tiao) were assembled into a suite (t'ao-shu) to make a musical unit for which different words were supplied by each story-teller.\" (p. 3) Although popular during the Chin period, yet few original texts of the chu-kung-tiao literature remain today. A woodblock print edition of the Liu Chih-yüan CKT✰✰✰ was found in a 1907-1808 excavation by Peter Kuzmitch Kozlov (1863-1935). It remained in the Leningrad Oriental Institute, as the introduction of the Ballad of the Hidden Dragon has pointed out, “until April 1958 when the Soviet Government made the People's Republic of China a gift of this priceless volume and it is now kept in the Peking National Library\" (p. 5).\n\nThe original text of Liu Chih-yüan CKT is divided into 12 sections. But only 5 sections (1-3 and 11-12) have survived. The main body of the Ballad of the Hidden Dragon by M. Dolezelova-Velingerova, a Czech Sinologist, and his collaborator, J. I. Crump, an American professor in Michigan University is in fact, their full English translation of these 5 sections. This book is the first work about Chinese folk literature of this kind ever written in English.\n\nYet this main source of satisfaction is marred in several respects. First of all, the author's knowledge concerning the beginning about the CKT study in China is not complete. pp. 123-125 are devoted to bibliography of Chu-kung-tiao studies, in which Crump and Dolezelova-Velingerova have selected 30 articles contributed by 20 Sinologists from various countries (17 articles by 12 Chinese\n\n静農\n\n2 See T'ai Ching-nung £#£ : \"Chu-kung-tiao-Chinese literature under the rule of the Nüchen Tartars\" ƒÆŒ%TO**£*—*?* in Chung-wai Literature †±‡, Vol. I, No. 1, (1971, Taipei): 6-20.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207175, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 246, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "240\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nscholars, 10 articles by 5 Japanese scholars and 3 by 2 Europeans). According to this bibliography, the earliest study on Chu-kung-tiao seems to be an article by a Chinese scholar, Sun K'ai-ti written in 1932, while Japanese scholars' earliest study on the same subject is an essay written by Yoshikawa Kujiro in 1942.\n\nHowever, among Asian scholars' study on chu-kung-tiao literature, the earliest study on this subject should be credited to “Liu Ti-en shio-kyu tio kō” (A Study of the chu-kung-tiao of Liu Chih-yüan) written by Aoki Masaru. It first appeared in Shina Gaku (Journal on Chinese Studies), Vol. VI, No. 2, pp. 21–56 (Tokyo, 1932, March). Subsequently, the same article was included in the same author's Shina Bungaku Geijutsu Ko (Studies on Chinese Literature and Art), 1942, August, Kyoto (pp. 183-219). In this article, Aoki has not only analysed the written format of the chu-kung-tiao ballad but also compared the composition of Liu Chih-yüan CKT with that of pai-t'u-chi (Tale of a White Hare), a mid-14th century Chinese drama, once again written on Liu Chih-yüan's life stories. In addition, Aoki reproduced a plate to show the page face of the Liu Chih-yüan CKT.\n\nFour months after Aoki's article appeared in Shina Gaku, Ho Ch'ang-ch'ün's Chinese translation of Aoki's same article was published in the July-August issue of the Kuo-li pei-p'ing t’u-shu’kuan kuan'k'an (Bulletin of National Library of Peking) Vol. VI, No. 4, pp. 4603-4620 (1932, Peking). Undoubtedly, Aoki's study on Liu Chih-yüan CKT was regarded as both attractive and important. At this time Sun K'ai-ti's article on other chu-kung-tiao was also published in the volume VI No. 2 (pp. 4345-4350) of Bulletin of National Library of Peking.\n\nIn addition to Aoki Masaru and Ho Ch'ang-ch'ün, once again in 1932, Cheng Ch'en-to (1898-1958), one of the pioneer scholars of Chinese popular-literature also published a study on the same subject. This is the well-received article: “Sung-chin yüan chu-kung-tiao kao”, i.e., “Studies on the 'various mode' of the Sung Chin Yüan Periods\" which appeared in the first issue of the Wen-hsueh nien-pao (July, 1932, Peking). This massive study, occupying the first 78 pages of the cited journal, could in fact be treated as a monograph for this particular subject. In this essay, in addition to his study of the Structure of Liu Chih-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207176, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 247, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS \n\n241\n\nYuan CKT Cheng Ch'en-to has also analysed the chu-kung-tiao literature of three different dynasties in great detail. Furthermore, Cheng again devoted a special chapter to CKT literature in the second volume of his Chung-kuo su-wen-hsüeh shih (i.e. History of Popular Literature in China), at pp. 63-154. This work was first printed in 1938 in Shanghai, and reprinted in 1953 in Peking. As to Liu Chih-yüan CKT in particular, Cheng Ch'en-to has also edited it into his Shih-chiai wen-ku (Library of Literature of the world) volume II (1935, Shanghai) pp. 483-508.\n\nRegrettably, just as Aoki's article in Japanese and its Chinese translation was omitted from Grump and Dolezelova-Velingerova's bibliography, so Cheng's contributions were also ignored.\n\nSecond, the authors' knowledge of the Liu Chih-yüan CKT is not complete. Whilst the edition of this CKT has been correctly regarded by the authors of this book as “a woodblock print which came from a workshop in the region of P'ing-yang in Shansi province\" (p. 5), such an identification would have been far more authoritative and scholarly if the authors had referred to an article written in Chinese by Chao Wan-li, a specialist on Chinese rare books who has served the National Peking Library since the 1930's. The title here referred to is Ch'ung-kao ti yu-i (On the Sublime Friendship). Its subtitle reads chi su-lien cheng-fu tsang-sung ti Liu Chih-yüan chu-kung-tiao ho liao-tsai tu-shuo (Notes on the various-mode of Liu Chih-yüan and the Illustrations of Strange Tales from a Chinese studio as being donated by the Government of the Republic of Soviet). This article appeared in Wen-wu tsan-kao tzu-liao No. 7 (1958, Peking) pp. 15-16, and p. 22. In it Chao Wan-li has not only firmly stated that the printing of the Liu Chih-yüan CKT was woodblocked around the P'ing-yang region at the Shansi province during the Chin period but also specified that the print of this chu-kung-tiao should be identified as the \"P'ing-shui edition\" since the quality of paper, the format of the block, the style of the carving as well as the forms of the blocked characters of this particular chu-kung-tiao are all in conformity to some other books of the Chin period woodblocked at the P'ing-shui area.\n\n3 The title Liao Tsai here referred to follows that of the annotated edition of a selected English translation made by Herbert A. Giles in 1880 (London, Thos de la rue & Co.), and since reprinted in many editions.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207177, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 248, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "242\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nAs to the dating of this Liu Chih-yüan CKT, the authors of the book now under review also have said nothing. Yet, in Thomas F. Carter's well-known work The Invention of Printing in China and its Spread Westward (revised by L. C. Goodrich, 1955, New York), chapter X, footnote 16, this incomplete CKT is acknowledged as being printed around 1300, namely in the early years of the 14th century.\n\nThis reviewer's third minor dissatisfaction concerns the neglected relationships between chu-kung-tiao and some other folk-literatures in China. According to a statistical account contributed by Professor Cheng Ch'ien, the Hsi-hsiang-chi CKT by Tung Chih-yüan has used 15 kung-tiao and 129 ch'ü-tiao. As Cheng has pointed out, at least 66 out of 129 of these ch'ü-tiao are derived from four different sources4. Jen Erh-pei5, on the other hand, presenting different statistics, has pointed out the origin of 28 ch'ü-tiao of chu-kung-tiao and also demonstrated the continuation of these ch'ü-tiao with reference to the Northern drama of the Yuan period, the Southern drama of the Yüan and Ming periods, the Tsa-chü play of the Sung, the Yuan-pen play of the Chin and Yuan periods. Furthermore, he has even added the chia-ch'u songs of Mongolia, the T'ang music in Japan, and the Sung music in Korea into his statistics. The \"Introduction\" of the Ballad of the Hidden Dragon would be more authoritative had the above quoted statistical studies in relation to the CKT study been fully utilized. Mention could also have been made of Chien Nan-yang's analysis of the relationship between the Lin Chih-yüan CKT and the pai-t'u chi6 — a southern drama written in the Ming period.\n\n* See Cheng Ch'ien, \"Tung's 'Western Pavilion, the Literary Link between the Tzu Lyrics and the Ch' Ballads of the Southern and Northern schools”, in Bulletin of the College of Arts, National Taiwan University, vol. II (Taiwan, 1951): 113-137.\n\n5 See Jen Erh-pei: “Chiao-fang-chi chien-ting” (Annotated edition of Chiao-fang-chi) (1962, Peking) pp. 197-254: Appendix II, “Ch'i-ming-liw-pien-piao” (A Table about the History and variations of the titles of Ch'u).\n\n6 See Ch'ien Nan-yang: \"Liu Chih-yüan pai-t'u-chi, On the Tale of a White Hare about Liu Chih-yüan”, in his Yüan ming nan-hsi kuo-liao. Some Brief Remarks on the Southern Dramas of the Yuan and Ming periods (1958, Peking), pp. 28-33.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207221, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 292, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "Plate 31. (Left). Hung Shing Kung. The oldest temple in old Ch'an T'in.\n\nPlate 32. (Right). Laan Paak Wai. The oldest building in the locality, built by one of the Yuen's, before they left Kam Tin.\n\nPlate 33. Kat Hing Wai. A corner of the old wall. To the left of the photograph is Kam Tin Cottage hospital, and San T'suen.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207223, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 294, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "Plate 36. Sz Shing Tong. The Ancestral Hall of Tang Ts'ing Lok.\n\n10.\n\nnift\n\nPlate 37. Ch'eung Ch'un Yuen in Shui T'au village, a school built by a descendant of T'ang Kuen Hin.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207237, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 5, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CONTENTS\n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT\n\nTREASURER's Report\n\nTHE LIBRARY: and the Library Rules\n\nTRANSACTIONS OF THE BRANCH :\n\nI\n\nPage\n\n1\n\n9\n\n13\n\n16\n\nA Hong Kong Spirit-Medium Temple-JOHN T. MYERS\n\nMerchant Organisations in Late Imperial China: Patterns of Change and Development-WELLINGTON K. K. CHAN\n\n28\n\nChina's Economic Planning and Changing Geography—CHIAO-MIN HSIEH\n\n43\n\n∞ NOA\n\n48\n\n61\n\n71\n\n88\n\nARTICLES:\n\nIncident between the Hong Merchants and the Super-cargoes of the British East India Company in Canton, 1811—J. L. Cranmer-BYNG\n\nThe Great Plague of Hong Kong-E. G. PRYOR\n\nNotes on Chiuchow Opera-Helga Werle\n\nCondition of the European Working Class in Nineteenth Century Hong Kong-HENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE\n\nThe Employment of Foreign Military Talent: Chinese Tradition and Late Ch'ing Practice-RICHARD J. SMITH\n\n113\n\nThe Pacific Oyster Industry in Hong Kong-BRIAN MORTON AND P. S. WONG\n\nCaptive Surgeon in Hong Kong: the Story of the British Military Hospital, Hong Kong 1942-1945- DONALD C. Bowie\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES:\n\n...\n\nThe Pottery Kilns at Wun Yiu, Tai Po-J. W. HAYES\n\nThe Noon Day Gun-CARL T. SMITH\n\nThe German Congregation in Hong Kong until 1914-CARL T. SMITH\n\n139\n\n150\n\n291\n\n292\n\n292\n\n295\n\nBoat People's Ceremonies observed from Island House, Tai Po-D. AKERS JONES\n\n300\n\nThe RAS Photographic Survey in Hong Kong—H. A. RYDINGS\n\n311\n\nChief Marshal T'ien, patron of the stage, of musicians and wrestlers-East and South East China-K. G. STEVENS\n\n303\n\nChang Yu-tang and an old Hanging Scroll from Cheung Chau-FRANCIS S. Y. SHAM AND JAMES Hayes\n\nHung Hom: an Early Industrial Village in Old British Kowloon-Carl T. SMITH AND JAMES HAYES\n\nTyphoon Preparations in 1903\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\n318\n\n324\n\n327", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207240, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 8, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "A View in Perspective\n\nThe Staff\n\nConclusion\n\nAcknowledgements\n\n(ii) The footnote reference at p. 295 is now to p. 12\n\n(iii) Take out 'University of California Press' at footnote 5 on p. 132\n\n(iv) The reference to Sir Selwyn Selwyn-Clarke's autobiography at\n\np. 178 should be to the footnote at p. 290.\n\n(v) The following changes/additions should be made to Wellington K. K. Chan's article on 'Merchant Organisations in Late Imperial China':\n\n(a) the references to charitable halls in Shanghai and Canton\n\non p. 33 (second and third paras) are to private ones.\n\n(b) Add to footnote 15: Prior to this, it should be noted that there already were a few semi-active government-run charitable institutions in Canton. See Edward J. M. Rhoads, \"Merchant Associations in Canton 1895-1911,\" in Mark Elvin and G. William Skinner, eds., The Chinese City Between Two Worlds (Stanford, 1974).\n\n(c) Change footnote 38 to the following: See my Merchants, Mandarins and Modern Enterprise in Late Ch’ing China (Harvard University Press, forthcoming). Also Edward Rhoads' \"Merchant Associations in Canton\" cited above. I disagree with Rhoads' interpretation, however, that the chambers of commerce attracted all or most of the gentry-merchants (as opposed to the few or none for the charitable halls), or that they were successful in \"[breaking] down barriers between guilds and [creating] a city-wide merchant organization (p. 107).\" More successful, probably; but as my own study shows, the chambers were still disunited by geographical or trade differences.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207258, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 26, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "18\n\nJOHN T. MYERS\n\nEspecially in Fukien, Taiwan, and the eastern extremity of Kwang-tung Province one finds an apparently long-standing tradition of Chinese spirit-mediumship. Among the Western language accounts of that phenomenon the most notable are Doolittle's2 description of its practice in Fukien Province during the waning years of the Ch'ing Dynasty; Elliott's3 discussion of such cults among the Chinese of Singapore; and recent monographs by Jordan and Ahern on mediums in rural sectors of contemporary Taiwan.\n\nWith the exception of an article by Potter on female mediums in a New Territories village, there is an absence of detailed systematic study of spirit-mediumship in the Hong Kong region; and, for that matter, in Kwangtung Province. The dearth of scholarly literature is complemented by an apparent lack of familiarity with mediumship among Hong Kong's Cantonese residents.\" In those few instances when one encounters a knowledgeable informant his knowledge is usually limited to the type of female mediums discussed by Potter. The female medium known in Cantonese as a man sing poHis ordinarily a middle-aged or elderly woman who at the request of clients will contact spirits of the deceased. The man sing po in the urban area invariably act on an individualistic basis and conduct seances in their own homes rather than at temples. This type of medium is seldom, if ever, the central focus of an organized cult.\n\nThe man sing po, however, is not the only type of medium operating in contemporary Hong Kong. A reasonably careful search of resettlement estates and other urban residential complexes having a significant Chiu-Chow, Hokkien, or Hoi-Luk-Fung9 population will reveal the existence of not a few temples which serve as the operational base for another type of medium, the kei tung *E*\n\nUnlike the man sing po the kei tung whom we have encountered in Hong Kong are males who do not hold commerce with the spirits of deceased mortals. Instead, the kei tung claims a special relationship with one or more traditional deities who on occasion utilize his bodily faculties to communicate with mortals. The urban kei tung is also more apt to limit his possession ceremonies to the \n\n*\n\nDespite the reference to non-Cantonese speech groups, romanization follows R. T. Cowles' Pocket Dictionary of Cantonese, 2nd edition, Hong Kong, 1949, this being the common tongue of Hong Kong. Arthur Wolf touches on the difficulties of transcription for Hokkien in the preface to his edited collection Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society (Stanford 1974).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207267, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 35, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "A HONG KONG SPIRIT-MEDIUM TEMPLE\n\n27\n\n11 Jordan, op. cit., pp. 67-86.\n\n12 For a discussion of \"fairy bones\" see Potter, op. cit., pp. 225-226.\n\n13 For an English translation of the Monkey legend, see Wu, 1942.\n\n14 MacGowan, 1889.\n\n15 It is important that the medium performs this particular act of self-mutilation from time to time because the blood from his tongue is used to make \"powerful\" amulets known as ling chue ✯✯.\n\n16 Lewis, 1971.\n\n17 Feuchtwang, 1974.\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\nAhern, E. The Cult of The Dead in a Chinese Village, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1973.\n\nDoolittle, J. The Social Life of The Chinese, 2 vols., orig. Harper & Row, New York, 1865 (Reprint Ch'eng Wen, Taipei, 1966).\n\nElliott, A. J. Chinese Spirit-Medium Cults in Singapore, London School of Economics and Political Science Monographs on Social Anthropology No. 14, Athlone Press, London, 1955.\n\nFeuchtwang, S. \"City Temples in Taipei under Three Regimes\", in M. Elvin and G. W. Skinner eds., The Chinese City Between Two Worlds, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1974, pp. 264-302.\n\nJordan, D. Gods, Ghosts, and Ancestors, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1972.\n\nMacGowan, J. Christ or Confucius, Which?: The Story of The Amoy Mission, London Missionary Society, 1889, London (Reprint Ch'eng Wen, Taipei, 1971).\n\nPotter, J. \"Cantonese Shamanism\", in A. Wolf ed., Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1974, pp. 207-232.\n\nWu, Ch'eng-en. Monkey (Translated by Arthur Waley), Allen & Unwin, London, 1942.\n\nADDENDUM\n\nA run of annual mimeographed Chinese texts on spirit mediumship, covering the years 1933-1942 and produced in or for Hong Kong, was discovered by the Hon. Editor of this Journal in a second-hand bookshop recently and is now held by the Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207268, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "MERCHANT ORGANISATIONS\n\nIN LATE IMPERIAL CHINA;\n\nPATTERNS OF CHANGE AND DEVELOPMENT\n\nWELLINGTON K. K. CHAN*\n\nIn recent years, a growing number of scholars have begun to re-assess the conventional wisdom about institutional ossification in late traditional and early modern China. The new view is that the Chinese economic and social institutions of this period had great resilience and flexibility, and that the men who ran these institutions demonstrated a good deal of ingenuity for purposeful change. Such a re-assessment can be supported by examining the pattern of institutional developments in the various types of Chinese merchant organisations during the late Ch'ing.\n\nMerchant organisations represented some of the most influential economic and social institutions in Chinese society. Several times in its long imperial era, new organisations were created and existing ones improved upon in response to changing environmental conditions. These institutional changes were particularly active during the nineteenth century, because the Chinese merchant community, for reasons of domestic troubles and foreign trade, was itself undergoing major and rapid changes.\n\nOne index to gauge these changes was the trend towards broader based institutions. These catered to wider economic and social concerns than the traditional commercial guilds (called under various names such as hang-hui, kung-so, t'ang, chao, kung, ko and tien), which had narrow and particularistic interests. Traditional guilds remained powerful, however, throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Indeed, following the defeat of the Taipings, guilds in many areas experienced vigorous growth because new ones were needed to re-establish the internal market system ravaged by the rebellion. Yet, in 1903, when the central government\n\n* Dr. Chan is Assistant Professor of History at Occidental College, Los Angeles. The author wishes to express his appreciation to the American Council for Learned Societies and the Harvard-Yenching Institute for their generous financial support which made possible the writing of this paper.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207271, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 39, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "MERCHANT ORGANISATIONS IN IMPERIAL CHINA\n\n31\n\ntrades and geographical origins became acquaintances and friends as they shared power and worked with the political process in Soochow. When these two merchants returned to Canton to open up their separate lines of business there, their joint social ventures while as sojourners in Soochow would help them toward similar across-guild collaboration in Canton.\n\nIt is generally assumed that the presence of Landsmannschaften suggested strong localism among merchant groups which, in turn, inhibited China's social and economic integration. In fact, one can just as well argue that the reverse is true. Landsmannschaften facilitated the communication among merchants in the various trade guilds on one level, and between merchants and officials on another. They provided outsiders an organisation with which they could participate in the political processes of the local power structure. More broadly, by promoting regional emigration, they upgraded the cosmopolitan tradition of their host provinces.\n\nLandsmann Guilds (Kung-so or Pang)\n\nBy early Ch'ing times, many of these merchant-run Landsmannschaften had given birth to a more specialised organisation, as merchants with the same geographical origins organised independent Landsmann guilds in the large commercial centers. This was conveniently carried out since in many towns, the trade of any one commodity was often controlled by merchant sojourners from one area. In cases where the given trade was not so monopolised, it was likely to find several guilds of the same trade in the same city, each guild attracting its members on the basis of common geographical origin. Meanwhile, the individual Landsmannschaft had many subdivisions formed by its members in the different trades. In Hankow, the Landsmannschaft of Szechwan organised separate pang or kung-so for the dealers in herb medicine and boatmen. From the outside looking in, however, these two subdivisions which gradually assumed independent status were collectively known as the Szechwan pang.8\n\nBy the late nineteenth century, a number of Landsmann guilds assumed very dominant positions. In Shanghai, the most important of these were the Ssu-ming kung-so, a conglomerate of Ningpo merchants in the various trades in Shanghai, and the Kuang-ch'ao kung-so, a similar organisation for the two neighbouring prefectures in the Canton area. The importance of these Landsmann guilds in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207272, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "32\n\n9\n\nWELLINGTON K. K. CHAN\n\nShanghai during the 1900's is shown by the fact that out of the fourteen largest merchant organisations, seven of them were Landsmann guilds. Canton was unlike Shanghai in that commerce there was dominated by the local Cantonese. But even Canton had at least one fairly large Landsmann guild—the Chü-ho t'ang. It was founded in 1860 as an offshoot of the Ch'ao-chou (i.e. Swatow) Landsmannschaft (Pa-i hui-kuan) through the help of the naval garrison commander in Canton, who came from Ch'ao-chou.10\n\nThe functions of these Landsmann guilds resembled their parent Landsmannschaften. Chü-ho t'ang in Canton, Ssu-ming kung-so and Kuang-ch'ao kung-so in Shanghai all owned land for relief work and cemeteries for those who were waiting for permanent burial at their ancestral homes. Social values of this sort loomed large in the thinking of the Landsmann guilds, just as they did for the Landsmannschaften. The well-publicised struggle between the Ssu-ming kung-so and the French Consulate in Shanghai for half a century (1849-1898) was not over some commercial interest, but over the Ningpo merchants' insistence to maintain their cemetery grounds and the French desires to level that area. Ultimately, the French had to back down.11\n\nThe Ssu-ming kung-so's preoccupation with the cemetery shows at once its strength and weakness as an institution which contributed to social and economic integration. The traditional trade guilds were primarily concerned with avoiding competition from among its own members. Their regulations were cast in the \"thou-shalt-not\" vein. Their vigorous growth during the late nineteenth century helped to curb intra-trade competition.12 In contrast, the concern of the Landsmann guilds went beyond class lines and the economic self-interest of their members. They thus had broader orientations. Their aim was not to restrict or to negate, but to assert positively the rights of their entire group. Their weakness was, however, also obvious. They seldom considered the interest of the whole community. The Landsmann guilds were at best a stepping stone toward organisations that could claim community-wide representations.\n\nCharitable Halls (Shan-t'ang)\n\nAnother new institutional development took place sometime in the middle of the nineteenth century. As war and economic decline", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207274, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "34 \n\nWELLINGTON K. K. CHAN \n\ncharitable halls were not merely institutions in which merchants participated; they were merchant institutions initiated and dominated by merchants. In Canton, Governor-general Chang Jen-chün once observed that charitable halls were particularly numerous in Kwangtung because there were a large number of rich merchants.24 \n\nSeveral factors contributed to these developments. The first was a change in the composition of the merchant class by 1900. By turning themselves into entrepreneurs, a number of officials and gentry members had joined the merchant class. Men like Yen Hou-hsin and Chou Chin-piao who came from official backgrounds took the lead in the formation of the Shanghai Commercial Consultative Association and later the Shanghai Chamber of Commerce. The founders of Ai-yü shan-t’ang in Canton probably had official backgrounds as well. Two had taotai rank and the house they bought had belonged to their friend, an official salt merchant who had gone bankrupt. \n\nA second factor was these merchant founders' conscious borrowing from the West. It is not enough to argue that they started charitable halls because as a group they commanded great wealth. For then the question arises: Why had the rich salt merchants or the cotton merchants not done the same before? Insofar as the merchants who sponsored charitable halls came from the treaty port areas, it seems that these merchants had been influenced by the work of the Christian missionaries. In one case, an orphanage was founded in Shanghai in 1892 by merchants and the district magistrate after there were reports of alleged cruelty to orphans in the missionary orphanage.22 Indeed, Po Leung Kuk's emphasis on tracking down kidnappers was in response to complaints of a similar sort, while Tung Wah Hospital's emphasis on healing and hospital care paralleled the activities of missionaries like Peter Parker in Canton. This in no way means that works of philanthropy were alien to the Chinese merchant's ethos. The merchant's traditional justification for acquiring wealth was in order to benefit the rest of society. What was new was not the attitude, but the organisational mechanism they now employed to further their ends. \n\nA third factor was the local officials' increasing reliance upon the leaders of the trade and handicraft guilds from the 1860's. They were asked to help conduct tax farming, and to organise contributions in money and labour towards the reconstruction of public", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207278, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "38 \n\nWELLINGTON K. K. CHAN \n\nCharitable halls in Shanghai did not display the same amount of community leadership even though they should have had a greater community base than the guilds. The reason seems obvious. Charitable halls dominated in communities where the merchants had no problem of collaboration because of differences in dialects or in regional customs. Hence their pre-eminence in places like Canton and Hong Kong. In Shanghai, the cultural gaps between, say, a Cantonese and a Ningpo merchant were often insurmountable. In the final analysis, charitable halls, like the formalised committees of guilds and Landsmannschaften, failed to grow into truly community-wide institutions. \n\nAchievements \n\nMerchant leaders in nineteenth century China were adept at adjusting their organisations to the changing needs of the day. By building up different types of organisations, they hoped to acquire first, broader economic and social interests; second, a large community base; and third, greater political leadership responsibility. As a result, these leaders were singularly successful in the first, especially in providing social welfare and municipal services, but were only partially successful in the second. Thus, in the more homogenous commercial centres such as Canton and Swatow, the charitable halls and the assembly commanded a community base far larger than the traditional guilds, but could not win the allegiance of the entire community. In other places like Shanghai, where the merchant leaders came from several provinces, it was more difficult to set up community-wide organisations. Even the chamber of commerce which followed these organisations and which had explicit aim of involving each entire community was unable to do without sectional interests. \n\nThe Shanghai chamber was dominated by the Ningpo merchants from its inception in 1904 to at least the 1920's.35 The Canton chamber had seven vice-presidents (fu-pan) who were elected by the various guilds from among the chamber directors.36 The most extreme assertion of this form of group separatism was written into the bylaws of the overseas Chinese chamber of commerce in Singapore. There, two concurrent presidents were elected by the two most powerful Hokkien and Teochiu (i.e. Ch'ao-chou) merchant groups, while a specific number of vice-presidents and directors were assigned, in diminishing sizes, to these two and three", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207280, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "40\n\nWELLINGTON K. K. CHAN\n\ncommunity in the major commercial centres helped the regional governments to become more independent of, and ultimately even more powerful than, the central government. In this way, merchant organisations helped the growth of political regionalism even as they advanced the cause of social and economic integration.\n\nWe began this study of Chinese merchant organisations on the premise that they reflected not only great resilience as institutions, but also the flexibility of their organisers in adopting changes consistent with changing values and changing times. To synchronise values and the environmental conditions, however, proved to be highly intractable. In late imperial China, as society made fast and momentous changes towards regionalism, warlordism and political illegitimacy, merchant organisations adjusted admirably, but somehow failed to keep pace with the rapidly changing environment. Our conclusion then is to suggest that indeed both men and institutions showed great resilience, but that in times of great social and political stress, there were limits as to what they could accomplish.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 See, e.g. Thomas A. Metzger's \"The Organizational Capabilities of the Ch'ing State in the Field of Commerce: The Liang-huai Salt Monopoly, 1740-1840,\" in W. E. Willmott, ed., Economic Organization in Chinese Society (Stanford, 1972), pp. 9-45, showing how the organizational flexibility of the Liang-huai salt administration was matched by the manipulative skills and non-conformist behavior of its administrators; and John E. Schrecker, Imperialism and Chinese Nationalism: Germany in Shantung (Cambridge, Mass., 1971) for emphasizing comparable success by late Ch'ing foreign policy institutions and officials.\n\n2 Ch'üan Han-sheng, Chung-kuo hang-hui chih-tu shih (An institutional history of the Chinese guilds) (Shanghai, 1934), pp. 29-36.\n\n3 H. B. Morse, The Gilds of China (London, 1909), pp. 35-48; Ho Ping-ti, Chung-kuo hui-kuan shih-lun (A historical survey of Landsmannschaften in China) (Taipei, 1966). The German term \"Landsmannschaft\" used by Professor Ho for \"hui-kuan\" was first suggested by D. J. MacGowan in his \"Chinese Guilds or Chambers of Commerce and Trade Unions,\" Journal of North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 21 (1888-89).\n\n4 Chung-hsü Hsi-hsien hui-kuan lu (A repeat edition of the continuation to the records of the Hsi-hsien Landsmannschaft) (n.p., 1834), “hsü-lu hou-chi,” pp. 13a, 16b, 19a, 22b; \"hsin-chi,\" pp. 3b-5b, 12a.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207281, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "MERCHANT ORGANISATIONS IN IMPERIAL CHINA\n\n41\n\n5 Ho Ping-ti, \"Salient Aspects of China's Heritage,\" in Ping-ti Ho and Tang Tsou, eds., China in Crisis (Chicago, 1968), I. 1:34-35; Ho Ping-ti, Hui-kuan shih-lun, pp. 33-34, 37-40.\n\n6 See John Fincher's article on provincialism in Mary C. Wright, ed. China in Revolution: The First Phase, 1900-1913 (New Haven, 1968).\n\n7 Ezra F. Vogel and Tamako Yagai, “Japanese Studies of Chinese Guilds,\" unpublished paper delivered at the Seminar on Problems of Micro-Organs in Chinese Society, 1963; Peter J. Golas, \"Early Ch'ing Gilds,” unpublished paper delivered at the Conference on Urban Society in Traditional China, 1968.\n\n8 Ch'üan Han-sheng, Hang-hui chih-tu, pp. 99-101; Peng Chang, “Distribution of Provincial Merchant Groups in China, 1842-1911,\" (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Washington, Seattle, 1958), pp. 51-55.\n\n9 The others were from (1) Chihli, (2) Shantung, (3) Nanking, (4) Wusih and (5) the Shansi bankers. See A. M. Kotenev, Shanghai: Its Mixed Court and Council (Shanghai, 1925), p. 253 n.\n\n10 Lai Lien-san, Hsiang-kang chih-lüeh (A brief account of Hong Kong) (Hong Kong, 1931), 115-17\n\n11 For a detailed account, see Fang Teng, \"Yü Hsia-ch'ing lun,\" (On Yu Hsia-ch'ing) in Tsa-chih Yüeh-k'an (Monthly miscellany), 12.2:46-51 (Nov. 1943); 12.3:62-67 (Dec. 1943); 12.4:59-64 (Jan. 1944).\n\n12 P'eng Tse-i, \"Shih-chiu shih-chi hou-ch'i Chung-kuo ch'eng-shih shou-kung-yeh shang-yeh hsing-hui ti chung-chien ho tso-yung\" (The revival and function of urban handicraft and commercial organizations in late nineteenth century China), Li-shih yen-chiu (Historical studies) 1:71-102 (1965).\n\n13 T'ung-chih Shang-hai hsien-chih (Gazetteer of the Shanghai County for the T'ung-chih reign), ed. Yü Yueh (n.p., 1871), 2:21-28.\n\n14 Ibid.\n\n15 Nan-hai hsien-chih (Gazetteer of the Nan-hai County), eds. Chang Feng-chieh, et al. (n.p., 1910), 6:106-13.\n\n16 Sixtieth Anniversary of the Tungwah Hospital: A Commemorative Issue (Hong Kong, 1930).\n\n17 They were Ai-yü, Kuang-chi, Kuang-jen, Ch'ung-cheng, Shu-shan, Ming-shan, Hui-hsing, Fang-pien, Jun-shen.\n\n18 \"Reports of the Special Committee appointed by H.E. Sir William Robinson, KCMG, to investigate and report on certain points connected with the Bills for the Incorporation of the Po Leung Kuk, a Society for the Protection of Women and Girls\" (Hong Kong, 1893).\n\n19 E.g. see Hsiang-shan hsien-chih hsü-pien (A continuation of the Gazetteer of the Hsiang-shan County), ed. Li Shih-ch'in (n.p., 1923), 4:18a-20b, in which it is stated that a number were founded during the Kuang-hsü reign (1875-1908).\n\n20 Song Ong Siong. One Hundred Years' History of the Chinese in Singapore (Singapore, 1967), pp. 277, 309, 424, 432; George W. Skinner, Leadership and Power in the Chinese Community of Thailand (Ithaca, 1958), pp. 2-13.\n\n21 Nan-hai hsien-chih, 6:10b.\n\n22 Shang-hai hsien hsü-chih (A continuation of the Gazetteer of the Shanghai County), ed. Yao Wen-nan (Shanghai, 1918), 2:38a.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207282, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "42\n\nWELLINGTON K. K. CHAN\n\n23 P'eng Tse-i, \"Shih-chiu shih-chi,\" 1:73, 90-95.\n\n24 Edgar Wickberg, The Chinese in Philippine Life (New Haven, 1965), pp. 216-17.\n\n25 Chang Chih-tung, Chang Wen-hsiang-kung chi (The papers of Chang Chih-tung), ed. Hsu T'ung-hsin (Peiping, 1919-21), \"tsou-kao,\" 12:1-5b.\n\n26 Ibid.\n\n27 E.g., Hsiang-kang Hua-tzu jih-pao (Chinese Mail of Hong Kong), 1901: 4/27, 5/9.\n\n28 Hua-tzu jih-pao, 22/3/1901.\n\n29 Mark Elvin, \"The Gentry Democracy in Chinese Shanghai,” in Jack Gray (ed), Modern China's Search for Political Form (Oxford, 1969), pp. 41-65.\n\n30 Imperial Maritime Customs, Decennial Reports 1882-1891 (Shanghai, 1893), p. 34.\n\n31 Morse, Gilds of China, pp. 53-54; Decennial Reports, 1882-1891, pp. 537-38.\n\n32 In 1892, those of Yunnan and Kweichow were added.\n\n33 Decennial Reports, 1882-1891, pp. 119-20.\n\n34 Sheng Hsuan-huai, Yü-chai ts'un-kao ch'u-k'an (Collected drafts of Sheng Hsuan-huai, first issue), ed. Lü Ching-tuan (Shanghai, 1939), 7:36a.\n\n35 The China Weekly Review (Shanghai), 24/7/1926, pp. 188, 190.\n\n36 Hua-tzu jih-pao, 10/10/1907; 28/10/1908.\n\n37 The Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce: The Fiftieth Anniversary Commemorative Issue (Singapore, 1954), pp. 2-3. These practices, somewhat modified, are still going on today, see Sin Chew Jit Poh (Singapore Daily), 9/2/1975, p. 3.\n\n38 See my own forthcoming article \"The Chamber of Commerce in Late Ch'ing China.\"\n\n**\n\n39 North-China Herald (Shanghai), 23/2/1906.\n\n40 Chang Ts'un-wu, Chung-Mei kung-yüeh fang-chiao (Disputes over the Sino-American labor agreement) (Taipei, 1965).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207311, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "NOTES ON CHIUCHOW OPERA (MA)\n\nHELGA WERLE\n\nMs. Helga Werle, whose article on Chiuchow (in Mandarin Chao-chou) puppets appeared in the 1973 Journal, describes two typical plays of the Chiuchow opera, and gives background information about this particular regional theatre of China. Ed.\n\nIn urbanized Hong Kong today one can see a performance of Chiuchow Opera at City Hall or Lee theatre two or three times a year, but the traditional purpose of this opera is the shen-kung hsi—a performance to celebrate the birthday of a deity. Many areas of Hong Kong have their organized Chiuchow communities centred upon the temple of a certain deity.\n\nThe Chiuchows have innumerable deities, often completely different from the Cantonese. Some of those worshipped in Hong Kong with temples erected in their names are:\n\nLi-shan lao-mu\nT'ai-i chen-ren\nLi lao-ch'un 李老君\nCh'i t'in ta-sheng\nSan-shan kuo-wang\nSan t'ai-tze lao-yeh\nMu-ch'a Chin-ch'a and No-ch'a called the three princes \"san t'ai-tze\", the three sons of Li Ching 李靖\nHan Chung-kung\n\nTo ensure the prosperity of each temple community the birthday of its deity must be properly celebrated. The most outstanding members of the community are chosen to form the prestigious festival committee, which has the duty to collect the necessary amount of money (between 50 and 100,000 HK$) to organize a worthy celebration. And what could rejoice a god's heart more than the luxury of a series of opera performances? After the dates are decided with the consent of the deity involved a large space is booked with a Government office (usually a public playground),\n\nPlates 5-12 at rear of the volume illustrate this article.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207316, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "76\n\nHELGA WERLE\n\nwhich has the shape of a miniature temple, has the three characters Han-lin yuan embroidered on its red curtain; it is not General T'ien who is sitting behind the ever closed curtain, but the San t'ai-tze lao-yeh\n\nthe 3 princes (Mu-ch'a, Chin-ch'a and No-ch'a).* \n\nThe birthday of the San t'ai-tze lao-yeh is celebrated yearly by this troupe with special performances in the first month of the Chinese calendar in the public housing estate Tung Tau Tsuen ✯✯, not far from the airport, where a whole community considers the San t'ai-tze as their patrons.\n\nAt this birthday celebration in 1976, between 9 and 10 p.m. a man suddenly came running to the temple facing the stage and donned the costume prepared on the table. No-ch'a is usually represented as a young boy: his hair tied in a bob over each ear, with his feet on fire-wheels. The man, a medium, is believed to be an ordinary man who might have never thought of No-ch'a. But on his birthday the god (here No-ch'a) will possess a person who will then only act as a medium. The man or sometimes a woman will get up from his bed, if he is sleeping, or from the table if he is eating, and rush to the square where the festivities are held without talking to anyone. Sometimes 3 people appear being possessed by the 3 princes. If the god in this temple has proved to be particularly efficacious (ling) then this event is expected and the respective clothes for the god are already prepared on a table specially marked with a green bamboo 3m high attached to its leg. The costume for the god is usually put into a flat round basket and a weapon is placed beside it. The medium puts on No-ch'a's costume, a yellow silk blouse and trousers and on the head he puts a band with the two hair-knots attached, shaking all the while and aided by those who have expected his arrival. When dressed the medium takes up the weapon, a solid spiky iron-ball on a chain, and wields it against his own body, beating his back and chest, perhaps to prove that he is actually possessed by the god.\n\n* Doré, Chinese Superstitions, Taipei 66, Vol. 7, p. 413 and Vol. 9, p. 111; E. T. C. Werner: Dictionary of Chinese Mythology, page 247.\n\n† Such a bamboo is also fastened to the roof of the stage or where rituals for the dead are held: it indicates the presence of spirits or marks the place to which spirits are invited to come.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207318, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "78\n\nHELGA WERLE\n\npart, and even the music was streamlined by her. There are up to date eight plays in their repertoire: Pa-pao kung-chu† ± princess Pa-pao; T'ao-hua huo tu*; also called Su Liu-niang*; Shih yü-cho£; The Jade-bracelet; Ch'en San Wu-Niang: Tze Liang Chi : Tang Po-hu tien ch'iu-hsiang唐伯虎點秋香(三笑姻緣); Shou Shu-yüan搜書院; and Tze Lang-chu辭郎洲.\n\nHere is the content of two of these operas as they were performed by Hsiao Nan-ying in Hong Kong in 1975.\n\nSTABBING LIANG CHI (✯✯M✯)\n\nLiang Chi, a treacherous prefect, passes through the streets and his guards catch a man who roamed about instead of retiring at the approach of the prefect. When questioned, it turns out that he is a fortune-teller. The prefect dismisses his entourage and encourages the fortune-teller to look at his face and tell his fortune. After some hesitation he talks professional terminology about Liang's eyes and physiognomy and asks him about his age. 63 was the answer. Then he would be stabbed in the next 3 days; but if he could avoid it he would be very successful thereafter. If he wants to avoid it—and he asked the lord to go backwards 3 steps—then he should not go out of his house and not see anyone from outside for 3 days.\n\nThe fortune-teller, although afraid, was rather satisfied with the prospect to see this wretched lord killed.\n\nAfter this the fortune-teller wished to get out of the house as fast as possible, but the lord called his housekeeper and ordered him to feed the fortune-teller,\n\nThe gates were locked and orders given, and then the lord planned to enjoy these 3 days of unexpected leisure. As he had just got a new lady in his residence, he gave orders that she should serve him the wine that night.\n\nThe new lady (performed by Hsiao Nan-ying) was in fact the daughter of a fisherman whom the lord had killed with an arrow. The fisherman's daughter had come instead of another, in order to avenge her father. When she was summoned, she knew that this was her chance to fulfill her vows. She took a hair pin from her hair, and decided that she would stab him with it. The ladies-in-waiting brought a crown and gorgeous red garments to dress her for", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207320, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 88, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "80\n\nHELGA WERLE\n\nThe girl comes out of hiding, and the fortune-teller takes her to safety.\n\nSU LIU-NIANG (SIXTH DAUGHTER SU) *** Drama in 10 acts, lasting about 3.4 hours.\n\nDramatis personae: Su family: Uncle, the eldest of the Su clan Mr. Su and Mrs. Su, their daughter, Liu-niang (6th young lady),* her maid, T'ao-hua, 1 girl-servant and 2 man-servants\n\nAct I\n\nyoung master Yang young master Kuo\n\nand his wet-nurse cousin of Liu-niang\n\nTao-hua the maid comes to the river returning from Hsi-lu\n\nwith a parasol, gay silk trousers and jacket, her hair in two knots one over each ear garlanded with flowers, the temple hair hanging down in two long strands which are adorned with coloured silk-strings. She calls the ferryman [old man-servant type with white beard], who arrives rowing with an oar. There are no other stage props. The movement of the boat is all indicated by mime.\n\nT'ao-hua hides behind the parasol fooling the ferryman and suddenly surprises him by showing her face. Then she pretends to be afraid to jump on the ferry, so the old man tries hard to bring the boat closer. With a wicked smile she jumps on the boat with all her strength, causing it almost to turn over. They perform a beautiful dance to balance the boat and she pretends to be terribly frightened.\n\nThey then start chatting and T'ao-hua proposes to sing a couplet each, composing it as they go along. But which of them first says things that are wrong or cannot rhyme has lost. The old man starts, \"In the first month all flowers bloom...\". T'ao-hua carries on, \"In the 2nd month the cotton tree blooms\" and so on.\n\n*The names of sons and daughters of important families (those with high doors) in these operas are called, for example, Su Liu-niang, meaning the sixth daughter of the Su family. The parents Su have only one daughter, but she is still called the sixth daughter because she is the sixth girl born in this generation to all the brothers of Mr. Su. The same is the case for Wu-niang meaning 5th daughter, called such although she is the only child of her parents. Ch'en San is the third (son) of the Ch'en clan. The term 'niang' is an address for a young lady, whereas the word 'chieh' 'sister' is used for a girl of humble birth.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207321, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "NOTES ON CHIUCHOW OPERA \n\n81 \n\nuntil the 12th month. Then it is the ferryman's turn again and he happily goes on, \"In the 13th month.\" but T'ao-hua catches him, \"Haha! You have lost because there is no 13th month”. They argue but he cannot win, and now they realise that the current has taken the boat too far downstream. This is a most delightful scene, a fully choreographed dance with the music based on Chiuchow folk tunes. The music and the dance are fresh and cheerful. This opening shows characteristic features of Chiuchow opera; it is beautiful, lighthearted and full of songs and dances. \n\nAct II \n\ntakes place in the garden of the Kuo family's mansion in Hsi-lu. Hsi-lu is the native place of Mrs. Su who is of the family Kuo. As she has only one daughter Liu-niang she always sends her to Hsi-lu to study and to play in the company of her cousin Kuo Chi-ch'un, with whom she has fallen in love. Liu-niang decided to declare her love to him today. She carefully drops a jade-pendant, and when she hears his steps, hides and lets him search for a while, and then throws a flower at him. He now expresses his understanding of the purpose of this meeting, but she of course denies it, blushing with embarrassment. He finds the jade-pendant, and realises how earnest she is about her feelings. So he cannot hold back any longer the news that he is leaving to sit for the civil examination; but they vow that when he comes back they will happily stay together like two butterflies. T'ao-hua appears and watches this scene, and jeers at them. The young lady takes a pin from her hair and asks T'ao-hua to act as go-between, then she hurries away. T'ao-hua gives the pin as a betrothal gift to the cousin, and asks him to take up the question of marriage seriously after his return. Then she follows her young lady. \n\nAct III \n\nThe eldest member of the Su clan visits Mr. and Mrs. Su, and urges them to think of marrying off their daughter. He has a very good match in mind, namely the son of the Yang family who is not only very well-to-do and young but has already passed the District Civil Examination and can call himself Hsiu-tsai (elegant talent). Mr. Su is indeed very pleased to hear of these prospects, and agrees wholeheartedly to this match. \n\nAfter the eldest of the Su clan has left, Mrs. Su accuses her husband of dealing with such an important matter too lightly; agree-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207326, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 94, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "86\n\nHELGA WERLE\n\nching the room they find the parting letter on her desk. The mother starts wailing, cursing her husband. They call the servants to check the house, and the two male servants return and report that they found the back-gate open. They panic, and the wet-nurse rushes out to inform the groom's family.\n\nAct X\n\nThe servants lead the way with lanterns to the river. Mr. and Mrs. Su are followed soon after by the eldest of the Su clan, and by Mr. Yang and his wet-nurse. Then the group meets T'ao-hua and she joins in the search. Mr. Su now accuses Mr. Yang of having pushed their daughter to commit suicide. Mr. Yang reads Liu-niang's last letter but is not impressed. Perhaps it is a trick to avoid the marriage. He will not believe it until he has tangible proof.\n\nAfter walking in many circles they come to the bank of the river, where a servant discovers the shoes of Liu-niang. The parents wail and scold Mr. Yang, and finally the old ferryman approaches with his oar. When asked whether he had seen Liu-niang, he answers that he did not see anybody, but heard a big splash. Whereupon the whole party decides to return home.\n\nThe ferryman calls back T’ao-hua and triumphantly tells her that he can now finish the couplet of the 13th month, because every so many years there is in fact an intercalary 13th month. And on this gay note the play ends, providing the reason why this opera is colloquially called \"T'ao-hua Crosses the River”.\n\nAct VIII is the climax of the play and Act IX and X the anti-climax.\n\nFOOTNOTE\n\nChiuchow Opera and Peking Opera\n\nThe repertoire of Chiuchow opera contains plays taken from the Peking opera, as well as plays based on Chiuchow's local traditions. Ch'en San Wu-niang and Su Liu-niang are both typical Chiuchow operas which have no parallel in the Peking opera. Both are elegant and refined literary operas, with a very strong local flavour in the treatment and development of the subject, and in the music and performance style.\n\nIn a Peking opera the hard laws of society, the five relationships instituted by Confucius, are more important than human happiness; and in Peking opera the same plot would have quite a different dénouement, most probably with a tragic end. How would a well-kept young lady ever dare", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207353, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "THE EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT: \n\nCHINESE TRADITION AND LATE CH'ING PRACTICE \n\nRICHARD J. SMITH* \n\nDespite China's persistent and often pronounced Sinocentrism, and her general distrust of aliens in the interior, the theoretically self-sufficient Middle Kingdom in practice had to make almost continual use of foreign military talents. This was true not only of conquest dynasties and periods when martial values were disesteemed.2 The expansive Chinese dynasties of Han and T'ang also employed barbarians in a great number of civil and military capacities. It has been estimated, for example, that at times more than half of the T'ang military posts were held by men of foreign origin.3 So pronounced was Tang Wu-tsung's appreciation for foreign administrative and military talents that he commissioned his minister, Li Te-yü, to compile the biographies of thirty foreigners from Ch'in to T'ang times who had rendered \"meritorious and loyal\" service to China. This two chuan work, no longer extant, bore the title I-yü kuei-chung chuan (Biographies of Foreigners Who Returned to Loyalty), emphasizing the idea that it was natural for outsiders to come to the fold of Chinese culture and offer their submission and service to the Middle Kingdom.4 \n\nWe do not know who the thirty individuals who \"left [their] distant lands and returned to China\" were, but there are several likely candidates. By looking briefly at a few representative foreigners in the Chinese military service, and examining the foreword to the I-yü kuei-chung chüan (preserved in Li Te-yu's collected works) and other evidence, we may gain some idea of the theory behind employing barbarian officers, as well as the circumstances under which they were engaged, the standards by which their loyalty was judged, and the means by which they were controlled. Such a survey provides the necessary backdrop for a discussion of Chinese policy toward foreign employees in the late Ch'ing period, when China faced unprecedented challenges both within and without.5 \n\nAlthough by 1860 at least a few Chinese had come to see that China was entering a new stage in her foreign relations, Chinese \n\n* Dr. Smith is Assistant Professor of History, Rice University, Houston, Texas.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207354, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 122, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "114\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\npolicymakers tended to respond to the unprecedented situation in terms of their own sophisticated tradition of \"managing\" barbarians. The theoretical foundations of this tradition have been much discussed, although usually with reference to China's external relations. Its practical application has received little systematic study apart from inquiries into the structure and operation of the well-known tributary system. Against the background of Chinese tradition in both its dimensions--theory and practice--this article examines the major features of Ch'ing policy toward foreign military employees in the T'ung-chih period (1862-1874), when Western influences first became a significant factor in China's military affairs. It argues that behind the rhetoric of the Chinese world order throughout the imperial era lay realistic, sophisticated and generally effective policies of \"barbarian management,\" which were neither inherently \"unmodern,\" nor even uniquely Chinese. Furthermore, it suggests that the Ch'ing throne was more flexible in its outlook toward Western barbarians than is generally recognized, and that its failure to go further in abandoning its Sinocentrism may be explained largely by the behavior of the barbarians themselves.\n\nThe Theoretical Foundations of Chinese Policy\n\nClassical sanction for the use of foreigners to serve Chinese purposes may be traced to the Tso-chuan (Commentary of Tso), a work written during the chaotic Warring States period, which referred to the practice of using the talents (lit., materials) of the semi-barbarian Ch'u state for the purposes of the Chin state (Ch'u-ts'ai Chin-yung). As employed by later writers, the phrase usually implied the notion that barbarians would willingly turn toward or revert to Chinese civilization (hsiang-hua or kuei-hua) and offer their allegiance. Other classical literature reinforced this view of China's cultural superiority, emphasizing the natural gravitation of foreigners to the Middle Kingdom.10 Mencius provided the neat formula, \"using [the doctrines of] China to transform the barbarian\" (yung-Hsia pien-i), a phrase which became the standard expression of Chinese ethnocentrism for the next twelve hundred years.11 The reverse theme (yung-i pien-Hsia) served as a derogatory epithet to be hurled at those who had allegedly departed from the Chinese cultural tradition.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207355, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 123, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT\n\n115\n\nBarbarians in the Chinese service were usually expected to exhibit signs of cultural transformation. This might involve adopting a Chinese lifestyle (language, clothing, food, transportation, and residence), assuming a Chinese name, marrying a Chinese, enrolling on the Chinese tax registers, and so forth. Such behavior was evidence that the foreigner truly admired Chinese customs (Hua-feng) and had accepted Chinese ways.12 As important, however, and more difficult to discern, were indications that the barbarian had embraced Chinese values. In the words of the Tang scholar Ch'en Yen: \"Some people are born in barbarian lands but their actions are in harmony with rites [li] and right behavior [i]. In that case, they are barbarian in appearance, but Chinese at heart.\" According to Ch'en, the employment of such individuals was extremely beneficial to China, for it inspired other barbarians to \"turn toward Chinese civilization [hsiang-hua].\"\n\nThroughout the imperial era, Chinese policy toward barbarian employees in the interior, like Chinese foreign policy, varied according to China's strategic and administrative needs, the perception of an alien threat, the attitudes and activities of the barbarians themselves, and, of course, the whim of the emperor. The Chinese were not overly concerned with the gap between theory and practice, and some, such as the Ch'ing scholar Chao I, argued in fact that the practice of \"true principle\" (i-li) in foreign affairs necessarily involved adjustments. \"The teachings of true principle,\" he wrote, \"cannot always be reconciled with the circumstances of the times. If one cannot entirely maintain the demands of true principle, then true principle must be adjusted to the circumstance of the time, and only then do we have the practice of true principle.\"14 Ou-yang Hsiu is reported to have suggested that even when Chinese government was \"good,\" barbarians would not necessarily submit, while on the other hand, bad government might not prevent them from surrendering.\n\nAs might be expected, the Chinese historical record abounds with praise for barbarians who \"admired right behavior and turned toward Chinese civilization\" (mu-i hsiang-hua).16 Such conduct accorded with China's self-image of cultural and moral superiority. But all of China's barbarian employees did not serve the Middle Kingdom solely out of admiration. Some individuals were drawn by the prospect of financial or other material rewards. Others submitted with large bodies of troops after defeat in battle or the...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207356, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 124, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "116\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\ndeterioration of prospects in their homeland. Many foreign military men in the Chinese service came from aristocratic families, some as hostages. At times barbarians came to China as temporary allies, returning home after a limited tour of duty.\" Although the general tendency was to measure barbarian devotion by the yardstick of cultural submission, Chinese policymakers recognized that personal, bureaucratic and economic pressures necessarily complemented cultural controls. If an individual did not wholly accept the constraints of Chinese culture and the Confucian value system, he might still be ensnared by having a material stake in Chinese affairs or at least bound by personal relations and institutional limitations.\n\nEconomic inducements were particularly important, given the common stereotype of foreigners as \"animal-like\" and avaricious.18 In the eyes of many, barbarians could never possess what Ch'en Yen described as a “Chinese heart” (Hua-hsin). As the Han thinker Tung Chung-shu put it: \"People like the Hsiung-nu cannot be converted by humanity and justice, but can only be appeased with huge profit, and tied down by an appeal to Heaven.\"19 Chia I, another Han scholar, developed the strategy of the \"three standards and five baits” (san-piao wu-erh), designed to spoil the senses and win the hearts of barbarians through flattery, personal attention, imperial favor and material attractions.20 Yet another policymaker, the Ming statesman Chang Chü-cheng, sought to combine the carrot and the stick. In response to the question, \"How can one hold responsible the arrogant, bellicose barbarians who have surrendered only recently?\" Chang answered: Treat the foreigners like dogs, throwing them bones when they wag their tails and whipping them when they bark.21\n\nMultiple restraints were deemed essential to the effective management of foreign military employees, for military affairs remained a closely guarded sphere of imperial control. The use of aliens in a civil capacity involved comparatively few risks. Outsiders with administrative ability were often genuinely attracted by the refinements of Chinese culture and, in any case, were checked by the usual limitations of civil bureaucratic power. But foreign military men, more likely to be unlettered and unimbued with civil virtues, were less susceptible to cultural and bureaucratic restraints. Since such individuals might command or control large numbers of troops, it was of special concern to the Chinese that their loyalty be both", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207357, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 125, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT\n\n117\n\nobvious and absolute.22 The greater the stake a barbarian had in the order he was defending, the more likely he was to serve China faithfully. Thus, financial attractions, marriage and other personal ties, and bureaucratic checks, worked together to assure barbarian fidelity.\n\nLike Chinese rebels who had been induced by the dynasty to repent of and abandon their rebellious ways, barbarian employees who had “returned to loyalty\" might be honored with rank and title, and brought within the Chinese social and institutional framework.23 But their devotion was never beyond question. Regardless of how close a foreigner might approximate the Chinese cultural ideal, or how long his family boasted residence on Chinese soil, his barbarian origins were seldom forgotten; and if he caused trouble, or proved unfaithful, the problem was usually attributed to his barbarian-ness.24 Nonetheless, the use of foreigners in military positions remained a persistent feature of Chinese administration for well over two thousand years. The nature and extent of this barbarian service may be suggested by a few examples taken from various periods in China's pre-imperial and imperial past.\n\nChina's Early Use of Foreign Employees\n\nWith the rapid expansion of the Chinese cultural sphere during the latter half of the Eastern Chou, the employment of aliens by the various contending states became a common phenomenon although one not without its opponents in this period of continual conflict and intrigue. During Li Ssu's tenure as \"alien minister” (k'o-ch'ing) of the Ch'in, members of the royal house and other dignitaries, fearful that men from foreign states had come to sow dissension, requested that there be a complete expulsion of aliens. Li Ssu, himself from the state of Ch'u, argued persuasively against such a course, citing earlier examples of Ch'in's beneficial employment of foreigners: \"Of old, when Duke Mu was seeking for officials, he procured Yu Yü from the Jung [barbarians] in the west, and obtained Po-li Hsi from Yüan in the east. He welcomed Chien Shu from Sung, and sought P'ei Pao and Kung-sun Chih from Chin. These five men had not been reared in Ch'in; yet Duke Mu, by using them, united twenty [sic] states, and so became Lord Protector over the Western Jung.\"25 Yu Yü's case is especially worthy of note, not only because he was largely responsible for the defeat of the barbarous Jung, but also because he himself had originally", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207358, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "118\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\nbeen a Jung envoy sent to observe Duke Mu's sagacious administration before taking service with Ch'in. Over two thousand years after Li Ssu outlined Yu Yü's achievements in a successful bid to forestall the expulsion of aliens from Ch'in, the Chinese still pointed to the former Jung subject as an example of China's profitable employment of foreigners who had “devoted [their] loyalty” (hsiao-chung) to the Middle Kingdom.26\n\nMuch of traditional practice regarding the employment of barbarians, like much of traditional Chinese foreign policy generally, derived from experience in the Han. From the time of Wu-ti on, phrases such as “using barbarians to attack barbarians” and “using barbarians to check barbarians” had become part and parcel of Chinese policy toward foreign tribes. Alliances were often formed with outsiders through marriage, and the use of native chieftains to govern border barbarians became an accepted practice—in time institutionalized as the fu-ssu system. Yu Ying-shih's masterful study of Han foreign relations is particularly useful in identifying these and other early forms of \"barbarian management.\"27\n\nFor much of the Han period, and especially during the reign of Wu-ti, open enmity existed between China and the fierce Hsiung-nu. Yet even so, the Chinese made abundant use of these dangerous but militarily useful barbarians, establishing an often-invoked precedent. Not only were surrendered Hsiung-nu soldiers incorporated into Chinese forces as cavalrymen, but individual barbarians also found employment in the Han army as officers.28 Those barbarian commanders who submitted to China (k'uan-sai, lit., to \"knock at the frontiers\") together with a large number of barbarian troops were particularly likely to receive substantial military appointments; but individuals with far different backgrounds might also rise to the heights of the Han civil or military bureaucracy on the whim of the emperor. Perhaps the most noteworthy example is Chin Mi-ti, a member of Hsiung-nu royalty who, at the age of fourteen, was captured by the Chinese and enslaved. Eventually, Chin gained Wu-ti's attention, won his confidence and affection, and rose to a high and influential position as a result. He served the emperor faithfully in a variety of important civil and military posts, including General of Chariots and Cavalry (ch'e-ch'i chiang-chün), and although certain members of the court resented his power and prestige because he was an alien, Chin conformed in every way to the dictates of Chinese society. It is not surprising that he married", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207359, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT\n\n119\n\ninto the family of the famous minister and military commander Ho Kuang.29\n\nBut the Han experience in employing outsiders had negative as well as positive effects. While Hsiung-nu might defeat their fellow barbarians in battle, they might also revolt against the Chinese—witness the uprising of the \"Dutiful Barbarians of Huang-chang\" (Huang-chung i-ts'ung hu) in 184 A.D. Financial inducements, honors—and even the Han practice of requiring barbarian soldiers to give up members of their families as hostages—did not always prove sufficient in controlling barbarians with conflicting interests or wavering fidelity.30 Yet on balance, China benefitted from the use of foreigners during the Han, and Chin Mi-ti, like Yu Yü, received the praise of later generations for his faithfulness and devotion to the Middle Kingdom. As a tribute to Chin's loyalty (and in acknowledgement that disloyalty was not a peculiar barbarian trait), the T'ang scholar, Ch'en Yen wrote: \"In the case of the revolt and failure of Lu Wan and Shao-ch'ing [Li Ling] were they not barbarians? In the case of the loyalty of Chin Mi-ti, was he not a Chinese?”32\n\nAfter the fall of Han, subsequent dynasties—both Chinese and foreign—used barbarians in numbers and positions appropriate to circumstance.33 The T'ang is especially noteworthy for its widespread use of aliens in various military and administrative capacities. Turkish tribes, particularly the Uighurs, became indispensable allies of the dynasty, fighting barbarians beyond China's frontiers as well as supplying troops for use against internal enemies. In 757, for example, the Uighur heir apparent (Yeh-hu) led some 4,000 Uighur cavalry forces successfully against the rebel An Lu-shan, for which he was honored with a long edict of praise, gifts, and substantial awards of title and rank.34\n\nOther foreigners, employed permanently in the T'ang service, were such famous generals as Ch'i-pi Ho-li, Kao Hsien-chih, and Li K'o-yung. Ch'i-pi, the grandson of a Turkish (T'u-chüeh) khan, gained high rank and eventual enfeoffment as a duke for his military efforts against various barbarian tribes during the reign of Kao-tsung.35 Kao, a Korean whose father had been an officer in the Chinese army before him obtained numerous high military positions before he fell victim to intrigue following his defeat in the fateful Battle of Talas (751).36 Li was an opportunistic fourth-generation commander of Sha-t'o aristocratic background, whose father had", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207360, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "120\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\nbeen awarded the imperial surname in 869 for his military exploits. Although Li K’o-yung's loyalty was not as unwavering as either Ch'i-pi's or Kao's, his tribal and provincial armies were considered the best in the empire, and his services—particularly during the rebellion of Huang Ch'ao (875-884)—were therefore indispensable to the throne. He was given high rank and large financial awards in the hope of securing his fidelity, but in the end he became a virtually independent warlord.37\n\nLess prominent in the record, but no less significant, is the employment of Wen-mo-ssu (Ormudz), a Uighur prince who submitted, together with more than 2,000 of his troops, to the T'ang after the destruction of the Uighur capital by the Khirgiz in 840. It was his submission that inspired the compilation of the I-yü kuei-chung chuan as a monument to foreign loyalty and military merit.38 Descriptions of Wen-mo-ssu's \"return\" to China, and his career as a T'ang military officer, highlight the behavior patterns and attitudes of barbarian employees deemed most admirable by the Chinese: Loyalty and sincerity, “intuitive” knowledge of right behavior, respect for the throne, and admiration for Chinese ways. These were clear indications that the barbarian had \"turned toward Chinese civilization.\"39 But the Chinese could also admit freely the practical circumstances of the Uighur prince's submission. Li Te-yü, in fact, considered the decision to leave a “disordered state\" evidence of Wen-mo-ssu's wisdom—an additional attribute.40\n\nAs a Chinese officer, Wen-mo-ssu conformed to, and even exceeded, the expectations of his imperial masters. A zealous partisan, who devoted his \"utmost efforts\" to defending China, Wen-mo-ssu was also fully conversant with Chinese customs. As evidence of his complete \"return\" to China, the former Uighur aristocrat requested that he be allowed to marry and make his home in the Middle Kingdom. Obviously such loyalty could not go unrewarded. In addition to enfeoffment, high office and material awards such as banners and leopard tails, Wen-mo-ssu received the imperial surname as a mark of the throne's favor; henceforth he was known as Li Ssu-chung (lit., Li, whose thoughts are loyal). As might be expected of tradition-minded officials and the throne, requests for such honors, as well as the edicts in response, often looked to classic literature and precedent for sanction.41\n\nBut the employment of foreigners in the T'ang, as had been the case in Han times, was not without its hazards. Arab and Turkish", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207361, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT\n\n121\n\nallies, for example, occasionally directed their military efforts against, rather than for, the dynasty; and even the Uighurs sometimes became overbearing and troublesome.42 There were, moreover, tensions between barbarian and Chinese officers, as well as conflicts between various competing barbarian commanders. But perhaps the most vivid illustration of the dangers involved in utilizing foreigners was the famous rebellion of the \"mixed-breed\" barbarian, An Lu-shan, which the Uighur heir apparent had helped combat in its early stages. Contemporary observers saw this uprising not as a civil war between the central government and a local \"warlord,\" but rather as a conflict between the Chinese and a barbarian. Chinese historians went so far, in fact, as to maintain that the rebellion occurred \"because An Lu-shan and other barbarians were given important military and political offices.\"43 Whatever the merits of this view, we may safely assume that An did not rate a biography in Li Te-yü's I-yü kuei-chung chuan; and although foreign troops and individual barbarian commanders assisted in the restoration of imperial rule, and helped sustain the Tang dynasty for nearly a century and a half after the revolt, resentment and distrust of barbarians became increasingly evident as neo-Confucianism rose to prominence.\n\nThe Use of Foreigners in Post-T'ang Times\n\nChinese anti-foreignism, already on the rise in the later years of T'ang, received reinforcement from neo-Confucianism, with its emphasis on the superiority of Chinese culture and the closer identification of Confucianism with that culture. At the same time, the stress on civil virtues and the growing importance of the vaunted examination system as a channel for upward mobility led to a general decline in martial spirit.44 Yet even as China turned inward, her ever-present need for foreign military and administrative expertise assured that outsiders would continue to find their way into the Chinese service. This proved true in the Sung, when specially trained \"barbarian troops\" (fan-ping) operated against internal and external enemies, and barbarian commanders (fan-chiang) such as Kuo Yao-shih (a surrendered Liao officer) rendered similar service. Kuo is particularly noteworthy for having led a military force known as the Ever-Victorious Army (Ch'ang-sheng chün) which, in some respects, resembled the contingent with the same designation raised by Frederick Townsend Ward in the latter stages of the Taiping Rebellion (1850-1864).45", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207362, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "122\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\nDuring the Yuan (Mongol) dynasty, a great many Indians, Sogdians, Uighurs, Persians and even Europeans occupied key positions within the Chinese civil and military bureaucracy. Marco Polo is perhaps the most famous of these individuals, but he is by no means the most important.46 Foreigners enjoyed a distinct advantage in obtaining official posts during the Yuan period owing to the Mongol policy of discrimination against Han Chinese. As a result, the percentage of non-Chinese in the Yuan bureaucracy was much higher than it would later be in the other great “barbarian” dynasty, the Ch'ing. According to the Institutes of the Yuan Dynasty (Yuan tien-chang), in the early fourteenth century foreigners held more than one quarter of all provincial posts and almost one half of those at court. It may be assumed that the majority of foreign employees within the Yuan bureaucracy were military men.47\n\nThe multi-national armed forces of the Mongols included not only troops and officers from the \"Western Regions” (hsi-yu), but also guards regiments stationed at Peking comprised of Alans (i.e., Ossetes), Tanguts, Jurchen, Koreans, Qipchaq and even Russians. According to the Yuan History (Yuan-shih), the total number of Russians in the Peking guard in 1330 was about ten thousand men. These troops were given land north of Peking and settled there as military colonists. Among the various other foreign forces in the Mongol service was a Mohammedan (Hui-hui) artillery corps.48\n\nBy the time of the first Ming emperor, resentment over Yuan (i.e., barbarian) rule had produced a particularly strong anti-foreign reaction. Chu Yuan-chang, founder of the dynasty, was openly hostile toward barbarians and did his best to limit their influence.49 Yet even during Chu's reign (the Hung-wu period), foreigners served the Ming as military and naval commanders, imperial advisers, diplomatic officers and civil bureaucrats. Surprisingly, despite a strong bias against them, Mongols were employed extensively in China during the Ming—mostly in the army, but also in other areas of Chinese administration. Although Mongol soldiers were generally separated from Chinese soldiers, high military posts were not in fact closed to men of Mongol origin.50\n\nNor were Europeans excluded from positions of military responsibility. Indeed, the Jesuits, who gained influence at the Chinese capital in the seventeenth century by virtue of their scientific skills and, significantly, their willingness to conform to Chinese customs,51", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207363, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 131, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT\n\n123\n\nperformed a valuable military function. Not only did they help cast cannon for use against the invading Manchus prior to the Ch'ing takeover, but at least one, Adam Schall von Bell, received orders to join the Ming campaigns against the rebel, Li Tzu-ch'eng, as a military adviser.52 During the 1620's the Ming government even employed a number of Macao-born Chinese and Europeans to fight against the Manchus, although the motley contingent of musketeers and gunners never got further north than Nan-ch'ang (Kiangsi).53 In all, foreigners in the Ming military service played a useful role, but their employment was never viewed with unqualified approbation. Whatever difficulty did occur with barbarian employees, the Chinese bureaucracy and historians tended to label it \"rebellion.\"*54\n\nAfter the fall of the Ming capital in 1644, the Manchus used Western military assistance to consolidate their position in China, while Ming loyalists continued to avail themselves of it in fighting the Ch'ing. During this transitional period, the Portuguese especially showed a marked ability to \"run with the hare and hunt with the hound,\" serving both sides as gunners and craftsmen.55 At Peking, meanwhile, the Jesuits succeeded in transferring their allegiance to the Ch'ing and continued to serve as court scientists and technicians. Remarkably, the Manchus do not appear to have harbored a grudge against either the Portuguese or the Jesuits for their support of the failing Ming cause. Perhaps this was because European military and technical aid remained useful to the dynasty throughout the seventeenth century: In the 1660's, the Dutch, as \"tributary subjects,\" rendered naval assistance to the Ch'ing against the Cheng rebels on Taiwan; in the 1670's and 80's the Jesuits cast cannon for use in suppressing the Revolt of the Three Feudatories (1673-1681); and at various times a few Dutch deserters and some escaped slaves from Macao held low-rank positions in the Ch'ing military service.56\n\nBut with the decline of Jesuit influence in the eighteenth century after the bitter attacks of Yang Kuang-hsien and the famous “Rites Controversy,” the use of Westerners in military affairs likewise declined. Anti-Western sentiment grew more pronounced at the capital, while at the same time, multi-ethnic Ch'ing military forces—composed of Manchus, Mongols, Chinese, and some Russians (with whom the dynasty had a special relationship), sufficed to protect, and even expand, China's boundaries without the aid of new Western technology and significant numbers of European troops.57", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207364, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 132, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "124\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\nTo be sure, the Ch'ing dynasty was not blindly anti-foreign, having accepted both Russians and other Europeans (the Dutch) as allies, and having allowed a number of Russians to be \"naturalized\" (kuei-hua) and incorporated into the elite Banner forces.58 But the ever-tightening strait-jacket of neo-Confucian orthodoxy under the Manchus, and the rise of anti-foreign (particularly anti-Christian) propaganda, did not portend a friendly reception for Westerners when they attempted to \"open\" China by force in the nineteenth century.\n\nThe Nineteenth Century Context\n\nBy the mid-nineteenth century, the West had earned China's well-deserved distrust for its aggressiveness and intractability. Pronounced anti-foreignism (championed, ironically, by a scholar of Mongol extraction in the 1860's) blossomed after the Opium War of 1839-1842 and grew apace with further Western economic, military and religious activity in China. During the Opium War, the throne had countenanced, and even encouraged, limited and unobtrusive military assistance from Americans in the time-honored tradition of \"using barbarians against barbarians.\" In the area of Canton, for example, a few individuals \"dressed in Chinese costume\" assisted the Chinese in building fortresses and casting cannon.59 But by the Hsien-feng emperor's reign, China had adopted a belligerent anti-Western stance, and despite the panic precipitated by the Taiping outbreak in 1850-1851, the throne seemed totally indisposed to accept any kind of foreign assistance against the rebels. The situation did not change appreciably until 1860, when the British and French occupied Peking in an attempt to enforce the provisions of the Treaty of Tientsin (1858).60\n\nAfter the signing of the Peking Conventions in late 1860, which ushered in a new period of \"cooperation\" between China and the foreign powers, Western barbarians began playing a prominent role in Chinese military affairs. A number of diverse individuals became involved: Foreign military men and diplomatic officials, customs personnel, swashbuckling adventurers, and even missionaries.61 On the whole, the participation of these individuals fell within the bounds of China's long tradition of \"borrowing talent from foreign lands\" (chieh-ts'ai i-ti).62 But unlike alien employees in earlier periods of Chinese history, Westerners in the nineteenth century were a new breed of barbarian, confident of their own cultural and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207365, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT\n\n125\n\nmaterial superiority, and intent not on conforming to Chinese ways, but on changing them. Enjoying the privilege of extraterritoriality and other unequal treaty “rights,” they were closely linked to the policies and practices of their respective home governments, who, after 1860, maintained a diplomatic (and at times military) presence on Chinese soil. These foreign employees were at best unwitting agents of cultural change, and at worst, potential tools of the aggressive Western powers. Their use by the Chinese, therefore, introduced special new problems of responsibility and restraint.\n\nThis was particularly true in light of China’s all-too-obvious military weakness and the new role Western technology was beginning to play in Chinese military affairs. The Manchus, obsessed with internal security, were fearful enough of modern Western weapons in the hands of Chinese (as opposed to Manchu) soldiers. To allow foreigners to train and command Western-armed Chinese troops introduced an additional element of risk. Yet under the exigencies of the massive Taiping Rebellion, the dynasty sanctioned the rise of foreign-trained and foreign-officered Chinese contingents in a desperate effort to stem the threatening rebel tide.63 And despite the changed circumstances of China’s internal and external situation after 1860, Ch’ing policymakers instinctively looked to the past for policy guidelines.\n\nPage 04\n\nAs the first Westerner to hold high military rank in the new situation, the career of Frederick Townsend Ward is worthy of special attention. Like many other barbarian employees in China’s past, this outlaw-adventurer from Salem, Massachusetts owed his position in the Chinese military service to singular circumstances. At a crucial juncture in the Taiping Rebellion, Ward raised a unique, foreign-officered Chinese military force, the Ever-Victorious Army, which proved useful not only as a weapon against the Taipings, but also as a means to limit Western intervention in the Chinese civil war.65 In the course of his brief career, Ward attained the rank of colonel (fu-chiang), and upon his death in 1862 he received high posthumous honors and abundant praise for his loyal service to the dynasty. But during his lifetime, Ward’s behavior was under close and constant scrutiny. So innovative was his position that Chinese officials were reluctant to suggest historical parallels, and it was not until well after his death that the “Yankee adventurer” began to be compared with such noteworthy barbarian employees in the past as Yu Yu and Chin Mi-ti.66", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207367, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 135, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT\n\n127\n\nchang, for example, noted in a private letter: \"Although up to now Ward has not yet shaved his head or paid me a visit, do I have time to quarrel with foreigners over such petty indiscretion?”*69 To be certain, Li, no less than the throne, sought a means to exercise effective control over Ward; but he did not place much stock in superficial indicators of cultural submission. More important were the administrative, personal and financial ties that bound the barbarian commander to the Chinese. Ostensibly, at least, Ward was held in check by his superiors in the Ch'ing military hierarchy. At the same time, honors from the throne and substantial emoluments provided material incentives for the ambitious and avaricious foreigner. But Ward's closest tie with the Chinese was his special relationship with the merchant-turned-official, Yang Fang, who sponsored the Ever-Victorious Army in its initial stages and later became a co-commander of the force. Ward owed much of his early success to Yang, who in turn benefitted from his association with the vaunted foreign-officered contingent. In 1862, Ward married Yang's daughter and acquired a large tract of land (probably through Yang), upon which he began building a house shortly before his death. He also became Yang's business partner in a few lucrative undertakings (such as steamship rental), and, through Yang's machinations, invested a reported one hundred and fifty thousand dollars in the Ch'ing government's salt monopoly. Such a stake in the established order assured that Ward would remain a loyal, if not always completely satisfied, servant of the dynasty.70\n\nFar from the scene of Ward's operations, the throne could not easily see that he was responding positively to the patchwork of formal and informal controls operating on him at the local level. From Peking's perspective, Ward was valiant and effective, but insufficiently submissive, and anxious edicts from the throne admonished local officials to keep him under tight rein. Prince Kung articulated Peking's fears: \"Although Ward exerts himself on China's behalf, he is still a foreigner. His nature is basically unrestrained and his heart even more difficult to fathom.\"71 Yet when Ward died in battle, whatever doubts Peking may have had about his reliability were all but forgotten, and the American commander became at once a conspicuous symbol of foreign devotion. Li Hung-chang glowingly summarized his career in China, praising Ward's complete dedication to the dynasty and recommending that special temples be erected at Shanghai and Ningpo \"to give comfort\n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207368, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 136, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "128\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\nto his loyal soul” (i-wei chung-hun). The throne, for its part, expressed profound grief over Ward's death, and ordered that special posthumous honors, including the erection of memorial temples, be bestowed upon this upright, brave, and “irreproachable” warrior.72\n\nWard as a Model for Barbarian Employees\n\nIt is perhaps not surprising that Ward's employment became the standard for other foreign employees in the Chinese military service. Soon after his death, an imperial edict expressed the view that if foreigners were to lead Chinese troops and be granted military authority, they had, like Ward, \"to petition requesting to be enrolled on the Chinese population register [p'an-t'u] and be willing to accept Chinese control [chieh-chih].\"73 At least in part because of such stipulations, Ward's second in command, Henry Burgevine, assumed command of the Ever-Victorious Army in October, 1862. Like his predecessor, Burgevine had petitioned to become a Chinese subject, and expressed his willingness not only to accept Chinese control, but also to be bound by Chinese law.74 In the course of his career he had been granted honors similar to those bestowed upon Ward, and had also married a Chinese. But he did not enjoy a close personal or business relationship with any Chinese officials, and in time he clashed with his Chinese sponsors. After a quarrel with Yang Fang in early 1863, Burgevine was dismissed by the Ch'ing authorities and branded a “rebel” (ni).75 Eventually he joined the Taipings, and although subject to Chinese jurisdiction by the terms of his own petition, Burgevine avoided prosecution owing to the intercession of foreign officials. In 1865, he drowned under mysterious circumstances while in the custody of the Chinese authorities.76\n\nThe Burgevine episode highlighted the inadequacy of cultural controls in \"managing\" barbarian employees. But even before Burgevine's \"rebellion,\" the Chinese had begun to appreciate the limitations of cultural submission as a determinant of loyalty. On December 6, 1862, the throne received a joint memorial from Hsüeh Huan and Li Hung-chang which spelled out these limitations on the basis of their experience with Ward. Hsüeh and Li harbored few illusions about the American commander and his motives. Pointing out that Ward had indicated his willingness to become a Chinese subject, but had never shaved his head or changed to Chinese clothing, the two officials went on to state that despite his", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207370, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 138, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "130 \n\nRICHARD J. SMITH \n\nArmy,83 Others, such as Captain Coney, Baron de Meritens, and William Winstanley, headed foreign-training programs established in treaty port areas. Still others, including John Pennell, Halliday Macartney, and William Mesny, served in Chinese armies as individual instructors or officers.85 Forced by circumstance to employ these foreigners, the Chinese became quite adept at handling them—despite China's disadvantageous position vis-à-vis the West. \n\nAs in the past, Ch'ing officials paid their foreign employees well, at the same time subjecting them to close surveillance, and fostering personal relationships with them as a means of control. In addition, however, they also took special pains to define regular channels of communication and command, and specified roles and responsibilities through the use of detailed regulations and written agreements.86 Furthermore, in rewarding loyal foreign service, the Chinese authorities went beyond simply arranging for edicts of praise and encouragement, the dispensing of ranks and titles, and the bestowal of traditional marks of imperial favor such as peacock feathers, silk, animal skins, and silver. They also began notifying foreign governments of the accomplishments of their respective nationals, and distributing foreign-style (as opposed to Chinese-style) medals—a rather significant departure from traditional practice. The throne even went so far as to acknowledge in 1864 that since Westerners especially esteemed foreign-style medals, these awards were the most generally appropriate expression of imperial gratitude.87 \n\nTo be sure, Peking continued to reward evidence of cultural submission, casting it in traditional terms of imperial condescension. The cases of Pennell and Mesny provide striking examples of this tendency.88 Moreover, throughout the nineteenth century, even as the Chinese world order crumbled about them, Ch'ing policymakers continued to use expressions such as \"turning toward Chinese civilization,\" \"cherishing and soothing men from afar,” and “using [the doctrines of] China to transform the barbarian.\" Policymakers also persisted in referring to both ancient and more modern precedent in order to justify (or argue against) the employment of barbarians in Chinese military affairs. Allusions to the use of foreign \"allies\" as the Hsiung-nu and Uighurs, as well as references to such diverse individuals as Yu Yü, Chin Mi-ti, Ch'i-pi Ho-li, and Gordon, continue to crop up in Ch'ing documents of the 1890's", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207371, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 139, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT\n\nConcluding Remarks\n\n131\n\nIt is difficult to know to what extent the vision and vocabulary of the Chinese world order affected the perceptions and policies of Chinese officials in the late Ch'ing period. Obviously, the compelling rhetoric of the Chinese world order lasted longer than the Sinocentric system it described. This is quite understandable, for one could hardly expect the Ch'ing emperor to willingly abandon his claim to rule \"all under Heaven\" (t'ien-hsia). At the same time, it is clear that among the few informed \"Confucian patriots\" who had extensive contact with foreigners in treaty port areas, a new world view was rapidly evolving. Not surprisingly, this is clearer in their private writings and conversations than in their official communications and pronouncements.\n\nMy point, in any case, is not that \"traditional\" attitudes were breaking down faster than the official record would seem to indicate—although this was certainly true and deserves further study. Rather, I am suggesting that certain aspects of Chinese tradition were not, as is commonly supposed, necessarily inimical to modernization. Although the lingering perception of a hierarchical, Sinocentric world order unquestionably retarded China's modern development in some areas—notably her entrance into the so-called \"family of nations\"—this was less true in military affairs, where China's long tradition of borrowing foreign military talent was more of an asset than a liability. Recourse to foreign military assistance did not, after all, imply the inferiority of China's inherited culture, with its predominantly civil ethos, nor was it an affront to the dignity of the Chinese state (t'i-chih).\n\nChina's failure to use foreign military assistance effectively in the late nineteenth century was less a function of traditional attitudes toward the employment of barbarians, than of late Ch'ing administrative practice. Stripped of its world order rhetoric, much of Chinese policy toward the use of foreigners in late Ch'ing times seems to compare favorably with that of other nations in similar periods. A glance at Civil War America, for example, indicates that China was not alone in her concern over the linguistic and cultural integration of foreign officers, their fidelity, or the potential for interference on the part of their respective governments. Like the Chinese, both the Confederacy and the Union liberally rewarded foreign service, yet significantly, both also tended to reserve the highest ranks and greatest honors to individuals who", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207372, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "132\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\nbecame American citizens,93 Meiji Japan held similar views and pursued similar policies. In short, China's response to the basic problems of employing foreign military men, although tinged with specific characteristics of Chinese political culture such as a special emphasis on personalistic relations, was reasonably enlightened, and not fundamentally different from that of other countries, Asian or Western.95\n\nChina's attempt to build a modern, Western-trained officer corps in the T'ung-chih period did not fail because the foreigners she employed refused to become Chinese subjects or to accept Chinese culture. It failed primarily because the Chinese did not use foreign military assistance in a systematic and sustained way, as did, for example, Meiji Japan. Plagued by continual foreign meddling, and unwilling to fundamentally restructure the existing military establishment with its carefully devised system of checks and balances, the weak Ch'ing government neglected to sponsor meaningful, centralized military reform, dooming itself to defeat at the hands of the Japanese in 1894-95.97\n\nNOTES\n\n1 See, for example, Edward Schafer, The Golden Peaches of Samarkand (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1963), esp. p. 49, 291 note 75; Henry Serruys, \"Were the Ming against the Mongols settling in North China?,\" Oriens Extremus, 6 (1959), 136ff; etc.\n\n2 For the employment of foreigners under these circumstances, consult Wolfram Eberhard, Conquerors and Rulers (Leiden, 1965); Lei Hai-tsung, Chung-kuo wen-hua yû Chung-kuo ti ping [Chinese Culture and the Chinese Military] (Ch'ang-sha, 1940); Michael Loewe, Imperial China (New York, 1969), 182.\n\n3 Kuwabara Jitsuzo, “On P'u Shou-keng,” Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko, 7 (1935), 44-45; also Su Ch'ing-pin, (Liang Han ch'i Wu-tai ju-chi Chung-kuo chih fan shih-tsu yen-chiu) [Research on barbarian families residing in China during the period from the Han to the Five Dynasties] (Hong Kong, 1967), 2; Wai-ming George Yuan, \"Ko Son-ji (Kao Hsien-chih): A Korean in the Chinese Military Service,” Asea Yongu, 13.3 (1970), 160.\n\n4 See the forward to this work in Li Te-yü's collected writings, Li Wei-kung hui-ch'ang i-pin chih [The collected works of Li Te-yu] (Shanghai, 1937), chüan 2, 10-11 (consecutive pagination). The book is listed in the sections on literature in the T'ang-shu (2:20) and the Sung-shih (2:19a). All references to the dynastic histories are to the po-na edition.\n\n5 I have discussed these challenges and their implications in a forthcoming study entitled . (University of California Press).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207373, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 141, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT\n\n133\n\n6 On this point, see John K. Fairbank, \"The Early Treaty System in the Chinese World Order,” in J. K. Fairbank, ed. The Chinese World Order (Cambridge, Mass., 1968). See also L. S. Yang's article entitled \"Historical Notes on the Chinese World Order\" in ibid., 22, for a discussion of Kuo Sung-t'ao's innovative outlook.\n\n7 See Fairbank's introductory essay in The Chinese World Order; also, John K. Fairbank and S. Y. Teng, “On the Ch'ing Tributary System,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 6 (1941). An exception to the standard tributary view of China's foreign relations is John Wills' Pepper, Guns and Parleys (Cambridge, Mass., 1974).\n\n8 James Legge, The Chinese Classics (Hong Kong, 1961), 5:521. For the use of this phrase in various contexts, consult Li Te-yü, chüan 8: 59; Li Hung-chang, Li Wen-chung-kung ch'üan-chi [The collected works of Li Hung-chang] (Nanking, 1908), Letters to the Tsungli Yamen, 11:24b; Chang Ch'i-yün, Chung-kuo chin-shih shih-lüeh (A short history of Chinese military affairs] (Taipei, 1956), 115.\n\n9 Dai Kanwa jiten [Sino-Japanese Dictionary] (Tokyo, 1955-1960), 1926, 6437. For random examples of this common usage, see Su Ch'ing-pin, 1, 2, 35; Hsin T'ang-shu, 145:14b; Ch'ou-pan i-wu shih-mo [The management of barbarian affairs from beginning to end] (Peiping, 1930; hereafter, IWSM), TK, 72:34b, TC 4:25b; 5:51; 8:64b; 12:2b; 23:36b; etc.\n\n10 See the illuminating discussion in Mi Chu Wiens, \"Anti-Manchu Thought during the Early Ch'ing,\" Papers on China, 22A (May, 1969), especially 2-3.\n\n11 Legge, 2:253; Wiens, 2; Wu Hung-chu, \"China's Attitude towards Foreign Nations and Nationals Historically considered,\" The Chinese Social and Political Science Review, 10.1 (1926), esp. 17-19. On the reverse theme, consult Li Hung-chang, Letters to Friends, 1:9b; Lu Shih-ch'iang, Ting Jih-ch'ang yü tzu-ch'iang yün-tung [Ting Jih-ch'ang and the self-strengthening movement] (Taipei, 1972), 241-244.\n\n12 Chinese policy toward the \"sinicization\" of foreigners was not consistent, however. See Schafer, 22, 49, 291 note 75; also Ch'ien Hsing-hai and L. C. Goodrich, trans., Western and Central Asians in China under the Mongols, by Ch'en Yuan (Los Angeles, 1966), 6ff.\n\n13 Cited in Ch'ien and Goodrich, 9. I have modified the translation slightly after consulting the Chinese original. For a view contrary to Ch'en Yuan's, see Legge, 5: 355: \"If he is not of our kin, he is certain to have a different mind”—an oft-cited passage from the Tso-chuan. These two conflicting views suggest a central question: What constituted a barbarian? Unfortunately, no clear answer can be given. Liang Ch'i-ch'ao noted in the late nineteenth century that the implications of the term had changed over time (see Wiens, 1); but even his comparatively sophisticated analysis oversimplifies an enormously complex problem. Lacking an objective standard by which to judge barbarian-ness, one is perhaps best served by deferring to the Chinese chronicler. If, for whatever reason, an individual appears in the record as a barbarian, then that is what he is. Such an arbitrary classification is in many respects unsatisfactory, but it reflects accurately the Chinese viewpoint at a given time, and underscores the uncertain status of even the most \"sinicized\" barbarian. An argument against writing about China's relations with foreign peoples \"in the Chinese idiom and from the Chinese point of view\" may be found in Timothy Connor, \"Translating the 'Barbarians': A New Book in an Old Tradition,\" Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies (hereafter, HJAS), 32 (1972).\n\n14 Cited in Benjamin Schwartz, \"The Chinese Perception of World Order, Past and Present,\" in Fairbank, The Chinese World Order, 280.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207374, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "134\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\n15 Cited in Mary Ferenczy, \"Chinese Historiographers' Views on Barbarian-Chinese Relations (14-16th C.), Acta Orientalia, 21.3 (1968), 356-357.\n\n16 See Su Ch'ing-pin, 1-2, 596-597. As might be expected, the vocabulary of submission was highly refined, and often connected with the idea of return (kuei): Some common terms included: \"[to come to] adhere to China' (nei-fu); “return and submit” (kuei-fu or kuei-chiang); “return to loyalty\" (kuei-chung); “turn toward [Chinese] civilization” (hsiang-hua), etc. Related terms referring to specific values included \"return to sincerity\" (kuei-ch'eng), \"return to right behavior\" (kuei-i) and “return to virtue\" (kuei-te). For the use of these various expressions in the context of employing foreigners in military affairs, consult Li Te-yü, chüan 2, 8, 10-11; chüan 5, 31, 34; chüan 7, 56-57; chüan 8, 59, 60-61; chüan 13, 101-103, 104, 108-109; chüan 14, 117; chüan 19, 159-160. See also Michael Loewe, \"Chinese Relations with Central Asian, 260-90,\" in the Bulletin of the London School of Oriental and African Studies, 32 (1969), 100.\n\n17 For a discussion of the circumstances under which a foreigner might gravitate to China, see Su Ch'ing-pin, 1-3 and especially 596-597; also Ch'u Tung-tsu, Han Social Structure (Seattle and London, 1972), 138-139; L. S. Yang, \"Hostages in Chinese History,\" Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 15 (1952), 512; Wang Yi-t'ung, \"Slaves and Other Comparable Social Groups during the Northern Dynasties (386-618),\" HJAS, 16 (1953), 295; Yu Ying-shih, Trade and Expansion in Han China (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1967); Colin Mackerras, trans., The Uighur Empire (Columbia, S.C., 1972) and the numerous works by Henry Serruys in HJAS 17 (1954) and 22 (December, 1957), Oriens Extremus 6 (1959) and 8 (1961), Monumenta Serica 25 (1966), etc.\n\n18 See the informative discussion of Chinese stereotypes regarding barbarians in Earl Swisher, China's Management of the American Barbarians (New Haven, 1951), 43-53.\n\n19 Cited in Yang, \"Historical Notes,\" 28.\n\n20 Ibid., 28-29.\n\n21 Ibid., 31.\n\n22 Ch'ien and Goodrich, 8. \"Before the Yuan, people of the Western Regions who served as officials in China were mostly military men; very few distinguished themselves in cultural affairs.\"\n\n23 See Henry Serruys, \"Mongols Ennobled during the Early Ming,” HJAS, 22 (December, 1957). For the use of the term \"turning toward Chinese civilization” (hsiang-hua) with reference to the submission of Chinese rebels, see IWSM, TC 12:26.\n\n24 See, for example, Serruys, \"Were the Ming against the Mongols,\" 136ff.; also note 43.\n\n25 Cited in Derk Bodde, China's First Unifier: A Study of the Ch'in Dynasty as Seen in the Life of Li Ssu, 280 (?)-208 B.C. (Leiden, 1938), 14-15. For background on Yu Yü, consult Edouard Chavannes (trans.), Les mémoires historiques de Se-ma Ts'ien (Paris, 1895-1905), II: 40-45; also Shih chi, 5: 15b-17b; 68: 7b-8; 83: 13a-b; 87: 3a-b; 110: 4b.\n\n26 IWSM, TC 79; 11; Ch'ing-chi wai-chiao shih-liao [Historical materials on late Ch'ing foreign relations], (Peiping, 1932; hereafter WCSL) 129: 17.\n\n27 See Yu cited in note 17.\n\n28 See Michael Loewe, \"The Campaigns of Han Wu-ti,” in Frank A. Kierman, Jr. and John K. Fairbank, eds., Chinese Ways in Warfare (Cambridge, Mass., 1974), 79 and 89; Chun-chu Chang, \"Military Aspects of Han", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207375, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT\n\n135\n\nWu-ti's Northwestern Campaigns,\" HJAS, XXVI (1966), 170, 172-173; Yü, 14; Lattimore, 485. Northern barbarian cavalry units were designated Hu-ch'i; southern barbarian units were called Yueh-ch'i.\n\n29 Michael Loewe, \"The Case of Witchcraft in 91 B.C.,\" Asia Major, XV.2 (1970), 180-181 traces Chin's career, major offices, and impact. See also Han-shu, 7: 1b; 38: 21ff; 68: 2a-b, 20b; 112: 16a-b.\n\n30 G. Haloun, \"The Liang-chou Rebellion 184-221 A.D.,\" Asia Major, I (1949-1950), 119; 121. Note the interesting case of Chao Hsin, discussed in Loewe, \"The Campaigns,\" 79.\n\n31 WSM, TC 79; 11; WCSL, 129: 17.\n\n32 Cited in Ch'ien and Goodrich, 9.\n\n33 See, for example, Yü, 205; Chi Ch'ao-ting, Key Economic Areas in Chinese History (New York, 1963), 99; Eberhard, 126; etc.\n\n34 Mackerras, 56-61, especially 60-61.\n\n35 See Su Ch'ing-pin, 399; Yüan, 160; Gabriella Molé, The T'u-yü-hun from the Northern Wei to the Time of the Five Dynasties (Rome, 1970), 157, 163, 167, 169, 180.\n\n36 See Yüan, 153-163; Su Ch'ing-pin, 589.\n\n37 See Wang Kung-wu, The Structure of Power in North China During the Five Dynasties (Kuala Lumpur, 1962); also Su Ch'ing-pin, 399.\n\n38 The preface to this work is very illuminating. Therein, Li Te-yü describes the general circumstances of Wen-mo-ssu's submission, making repeated reference to past experience with submissive barbarians and lauding the present emperor's virtue. After extolling Wen-mo-ssu's merits, Li suggests that just as the Hsiao-ching (Classic of Filial Piety) defines the proper relationship of ruler and minister, father and son, so the I-yü kuei-chung chuan defines the proper behavior of foreign employees in the Chinese service. Implicit in the comparison is the idea that Li is to T'ang Wu-tsung what Tseng Ts'an was to Confucius. For further information on Wen-mo-ssu, see Chang Ch'ün, T'ang-tai hsiang-hu an-chih k'ao [An examination of the treatment of surrendered barbarians in the Tang dynasty]. Hsin-Ya hsieh-pao [New Asia College Journal], 1.1 (August, 1955), 310-311; James R. Hamilton, Les Ouïghours à l'époque des Cinq Dynasties d'après les documents chinois (Paris, 1955), 69, 71, 153-154; Su Ch'ing-pin, 397; Hsin T'ang-shu, 217(B) [lieh-chuan, 142 hsia]: 1-3; T'ang-shu, lieh-chuan, 145: 13-14.\n\n39 Li Te-yü, 2: 10-11; see also ibid., 7: 56; 8: 57; etc.\n\n40 Ibid., 2: 11.\n\n41 Ibid., 5: 29, 31; 5: 33-35; 7: 56; 8: 59-60; 13: 101-109; 19: 159-160.\n\n42 See Mackerras, 14-47; also Li Te-yü, 14: 116-119. Tseng Kuo-fan undoubtedly had the T'ang experience in mind when he wrote: \"Since ancient times outer barbarians (wai-i) have assisted China; but in each case, after success, there have been unexpected demands,\" IWSM, HF 71: 10b.\n\n43 Howard Levy, Biography of An Lu-shan (Berkeley, 1961), 17-20.\n\n44 See Richard J. Smith, “Chinese Military Institutions in the Mid-Nineteenth Century, 1850-1860,\" Journal of Asian History 8.2 (1974), 124-125; also Lo Jung-pang, \"The Decline of the Ming Navy,\" Oriens Extremus, 5 (1958), 165-168.\n\n45 Sung-shih, 472: 18-21; Liu Sheng-mu, Ch'ang-ch'u-chai hsü-pi [Supplementary writings from the Ch'ang-ch'u study] (preface date 1929), 5: 146.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207376, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 144, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "136\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\n46 See K. A. Wittfogel and Feng Chia-sheng, History of Chinese Society, Liao (907-1125) (Philadelphia, 1949), 8-10; also Igor de Rachewiltz, “Yeh-lü Ch'u-ts'ai (1189-1243); Buddhist Idealist and Confucian Statesman\" in Arthur F. Wright and Denis Twitchett, Confucian Personalities (Stanford, 1962).\n\n47 Wittfogel and Feng, 9.\n\n48 See Herbert Franke, \"Sino-Western Contacts under the Mongol Empire,” Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 6 (1966), 52.\n\n49 Kuwabara, 96-99.\n\n50 See Henry Serruys, \"Mongols Ennobled during the Early Ming,” HIAS, 22 (1959); also Serruys, \"Landgrants to the Mongols in China: 1400-1460,” Monumenta Serica, 25 (1966), especially 394. As had been the case with other barbarians in China's past, the use of Mongol and Jurched troops in the Ming could be a liability as well as an asset. See Serruys, \"Sino-Jürched Relations During the Yung-Lo Period (1403-1424),” Göttinger Asiatische Forschungen (Weisbaden, 1955); 67-68, 71.\n\n51 See the summary discussion in Immanuel C. Y. Hsü, The Rise of Modern China (London and Toronto, 1975), 138-139; also George L. Harris, \"The Mission of Matteo Ricci, S.J.: A Case Study of an Effort at Guided Culture Change in China in the Sixteenth Century,” Monumenta Serica, 25 (1966).\n\n52 James B. Parsons, Peasant Rebellions of the Late Ming Dynasty (Tucson, 1970), 129.\n\n53 C. R. Boxer, \"Portuguese Military Expeditions in Aid of the Mings Against the Manchus, 1621-1647,\" T'ien-Hsia Monthly, VII (1938); S. Y. Teng and John K. Fairbank, China's Response to the West: A Documentary Survey, 1839-1923 (New York, 1970), 13; North-China Herald, January 10, 1852. Boxer, 32, offers the explanation that the expedition was undermined by Cantonese who feared that the Portuguese, if successful, would be granted extended trading rights, while the North-China Herald suggests that when the men reached Nan-ch'ang they were ordered to return because \"the contemptible figure they presented completely disappointed expectation.\" It is probable that each of these interpretations has a measure of validity.\n\n54 Serruys, \"Were the Ming,” 136.\n\n55 Boxer, 35.\n\n56 Wills, Guns, Pepper and Parleys, especially chapter 2; Fu Lo-shu, A Documentary Chronicle of Sino-Western Relations (1644-1820) (Tucson, 1966), I: 32-33, 58; Teng and Fairbank, 34.\n\n57 The Ch'ing did, however, ally with the Russians against the Dzungars during the K'ang-hsi period and the Ch'ien-lung emperor did make good use of Western cannon (Hsi-yang p'ao) in his famous campaigns. See, for example, IWSM, TC 9: 30a-b; also Teng and Fairbank, 34; Swisher, 697.\n\n58 See Immanuel C. Y. Hsü, \"Russia's Special Position in China during the Early Ch'ing Period,\" Slavic Review, 13.4 (December, 1964).\n\n59 Chinese Repository 11: 64; Swisher, 98-99.\n\n60 See Masataka Banno, China and the West, 1858-1861 (Cambridge, Mass., 1964), especially 45-53, 207-209; Swisher, 683-697.\n\n61 See, for example, IWSM TC 22: 11b-13b; also Richard J. Smith, \"Foreign-Training and China's Self-Strengthening: The Case of Feng-huang-shan, 1864-1873,” Modern Asian Studies, 10.12 (1976).\n\n62 For the use of this expression (or a variant) as late as the 1890's see WCSL 101: 9 and 129; 16.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207378, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "138\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\n86 See Smith, \"Foreign-Training;\" also Yang-wu yün-tung [The “foreign matters\" movement] (Shanghai, 1961), 3: 463, 469, 492, 599, 613, etc.\n\n87 IWSM, TC 22: 12-13b; 23: 42-43.\n\n88 See the IWSM references cited in note 85. Pennell became fully sinicized, shaving his head, changing to Chinese clothing, learning Chinese, marrying a Chinese, and finally petitioning to be registered as a native of Ho-fei, Anhwei. Mesny, too, was attracted by Chinese civilization, thus reinforcing the persistent notion of barbarian \"transformation\". See especially the memorial by Wu Tang and Ch'ung-shih in 1870 requesting that Mesny be advanced to the rank of lieutenant-colonel (ts'an-chiang) and awarded the peacock feather for his efforts against the Miao. This memorial was in many respects a replica of Hsueh Huan's request for similar awards to be granted to Ward in 1862.\n\n89 Examples in IWSM and WCSL abound. See also Fairbank, \"The Early Treaty System,\" esp. 264-265; John Schrecker, Imperialism and Chinese Nationalism (Cambridge, Mass., 1971), 50. Traditional attitudes were, of course, reinforced by the examination system. One of the topics for the metropolitan examinations in 1880 was the following quotation: \"By indulgent treatment of men from a distance they are brought to resort to him from all quarters. And by kindly cherishing the princes of the states, the whole empire is brought to revere him.\" Cited in the North-China Herald, May 18, 1880.\n\n90 See, for example, WCSL 101: 9; 129: 17.\n\n91 See especially K. C. Liu, \"The Confucian as Patriot and Pragmatist: Li Hung-chang's Formative Years, 1823-1866,\" HJAS, 30 (1970); David Pong, \"Confucian Patriotism and the Destruction of the Woosung Railway, 1877,\" Modern Asian Studies, 7.4 (1973).\n\n**\n\n92 For a discussion of the concept of r'i-chih, see Immanuel Hsü, China's Entrance into the Family of Nations (Cambridge, Mass., 1960).\n\n93 See Ella Lonn's Foreigners in the Confederacy (Chapel Hill, 1940) and Foreigners in the Union Army and Navy (Baton Rouge, 1951).\n\n94 See, for example, Ernst Presseisen, Before Aggression: Europeans Prepare the Japanese Army (Tucson, 1965); Noboru Umetani, \"Foreign Nationals Employed in Japan during the Years of Modernization,\" East Asian Cultural Studies, 10.1 (March, 1971).\n\n95 What differed was China's international situation. China had to endure far more political, economic and military pressure from the European powers than either the United States or Japan in the nineteenth century.\n\n96 The great majority of Japanese military employees in the latter half of the nineteenth century neither became Japanese subjects nor accepted Japanese culture. See, for example, Presseisen, 112.\n\n97 See the discussion in Smith, \"Foreign-Training.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207401, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 169, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n161\n\ntroops, in my opinion, put up an excellent resistance from the static strong points which were the mainstay of the defence plan. They were pitted against a numerically superior and much more mobile enemy and no blame should be placed on them for the fact that our resistance was broken in under three weeks, nowhere near the ninety days originally judged to be desirable. These views imply no criticism of the defence plan for the circumstances of the Colony decided the plan. The defence was further prejudiced by the huge population of non-combatants in Kowloon and Victoria. Given the conditions under which our troops had to fight, I believe that our defeat could never have been avoided except by avoiding hostilities altogether. I believe we could have accepted any loss of face which a pre-war withdrawal, leaving only internal security forces, would have entailed. Having said that, however, the troops thereby released from Hong Kong would probably have been used in Singapore and almost certainly would not have changed the outcome there. One can only sympathise with the Governor and the G.O.C. and their staffs in their task of defending a Colony whose fate was sealed long before the fighting and they and the troops did their jobs well. The story unfolded slowly but inexorably after the style of a Greek tragedy.\n\n26 DECEMBER 1941–7 AUGUST 1942\n\nThe Japanese were slow to move in to take control of the hospital though they did concentrate our fighting troops at once and moved them to prisoner of war camps. For years I wondered why the hospital and indeed the whole of Hong Kong was spared the large scale rape, murder and looting which seemed to be the reward for Japanese troops upon the capture of large cities in China. The case of Nanking in December 1937 was the best known of these, when the city was given over to the victorious Japanese troops and for some weeks suffered on a huge scale.\n\nIt was not until I read the Official History of the War Against Japan that the probable explanation appeared in Volume 1. The Japanese attack on Hong Kong was made by the 38 Division reinforced by additional troops. The division had three regiments, the 228, 229 and 230 Infantry Regiments. The 228 regiment was transferred from Hong Kong to Davao on 18 January 1942 and thence to Amboina and Timor. The 229 regiment and one battalion", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207528, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 296, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "288\n\nRank\n\nName\n\nCorporal\n\nLeath*\n\nN.J.\n\nMr\n\nLeghorn\n\nJ.\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nUnit\n\nR.A.M.C.\n\nAtt. R. Engineers\n\nW.O.I.\n\nMuxlow*\n\nJ.L.\n\nR.A.M.C.\n\nPrivate\n\nMolloy*\n\nW.\n\nR.A.M.C.\n\nCorporal\n\nNicholls*\n\nR.\n\nR.A.M.C.\n\nS/Sergeant\n\nPlatt*\n\nJ.H.\n\nR.A.M.C.\n\nSergeant\n\nPeasegood\n\nH.\n\nR.A.M.C.\n\nCorporal\n\nPike\n\nS.C.\n\nR.A.M.C.\n\nPrivate\n\nPratt*\n\nD.G.\n\nR.A.M.C.\n\nL/Corporal\n\nRennison\n\nR. Engineers\n\nS/Sergeant\n\nRoberts*\n\nJ.H.\n\nR.A.M.C.\n\nCorporal\n\nReynolds*\n\nJ.S.R.\n\nR.A.M.C.\n\nPrivate\n\nRichardson\n\nJ.\n\nR.A.M.C.\n\nPrivate\n\nRoberts\n\nT.\n\nR.A.M.C.\n\nPrivate\n\nRoss*\n\nL.\n\nR.A.M.C.\n\nMajor\n\nSwyer\n\nJ.E.\n\nR.A.M.C.\n\nRevd.\n\nSquires*\n\nS.J.\n\nR.A.Ch.D.\n\nPrivate\n\nSinclair\n\nA.L.\n\nR.A.M.C.\n\nPrivate\n\nSkimins\n\nW.\n\nR.A.M.C.\n\nPrivate\n\nSyme\n\nJ.A.\n\nR.A.M.C.\n\nPrivate\n\nStanley*\n\nE+\n\nR.A.M.C.\n\nS/Sergeant\n\nShorthouse\n\nG.P.\n\nA.D. Corps\n\nSergeant\n\nSmith\n\nA.W.\n\nA.D. Corps\n\nM.S.M.\n\nSims*\n\nE.\n\nR. Engineers\n\nQ.M.S.\n\nSamways*\n\nW.\n\nR. Engineers\n\nCorporal\n\nThompson\n\nR.\n\nR.A.M.C.\n\nCorporal\n\nTwitchett*\n\nA.\n\nR.A.M.C.\n\nQ.M.S.\n\nTyas*\n\nT.A.\n\nR. Engineers\n\nCorporal\n\nWhybro*\n\nR.A.M.C.\n\nCorporal\n\nWilkinson*\n\nCorporal\n\nVarty*\n\nR.A.M.C.\n\nR.A.M.C.\n\nFootnote:-\n\nNo asterisk\n\nOne\n\nTwo\n\nServed in Bowen Road only\n\nServed in Bowen Road and Central British School Served in Central British School only\n\nshould be rewritten in HTML as:\n\n288\n\n \n Rank\n Name\n Unit\n \n \n Corporal\n Leath* N.J.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Mr\n Leghorn J.\n Att. R. Engineers\n \n \n W.O.I.\n Muxlow* J.L.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Private\n Molloy* W.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Corporal\n Nicholls* R.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n S/Sergeant\n Platt* J.H.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Sergeant\n Peasegood H.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Corporal\n Pike S.C.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Private\n Pratt* D.G.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n L/Corporal\n Rennison\n R. Engineers\n \n \n S/Sergeant\n Roberts* J.H.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Corporal\n Reynolds* J.S.R.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Private\n Richardson J.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Private\n Roberts T.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Private\n Ross* L.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Major\n Swyer J.E.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Revd.\n Squires* S.J.\n R.A.Ch.D.\n \n \n Private\n Sinclair A.L.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Private\n Skimins W.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Private\n Syme J.A.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Private\n Stanley* E+\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n S/Sergeant\n Shorthouse G.P.\n A.D. Corps\n \n \n Sergeant\n Smith A.W.\n A.D. Corps\n \n \n M.S.M.\n Sims* E.\n R. Engineers\n \n \n Q.M.S.\n Samways* W.\n R. Engineers\n \n \n Corporal\n Thompson R.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Corporal\n Twitchett* A.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Q.M.S.\n Tyas* T.A.\n R. Engineers\n \n \n Corporal\n Whybro* \n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Corporal\n Wilkinson*\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Corporal\n Varty*\n R.A.M.C.\n \n\nFootnote:-\n\nNo asterisk - Served in Bowen Road only\n\nOne * - Served in Bowen Road and Central British School\n\nTwo + - Served in Central British School only\n\nHere is the corrected version in HTML format:\n\n288\n\n \n Rank\n Name\n Unit\n \n \n Corporal\n Leath* N.J.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Mr\n Leghorn J.\n Att. R. Engineers\n \n \n W.O.I.\n Muxlow* J.L.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Private\n Molloy* W.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Corporal\n Nicholls* R.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n S/Sergeant\n Platt* J.H.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Sergeant\n Peasegood H.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Corporal\n Pike S.C.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Private\n Pratt* D.G.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n L/Corporal\n Rennison\n R. Engineers\n \n \n S/Sergeant\n Roberts* J.H.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Corporal\n Reynolds* J.S.R.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Private\n Richardson J.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Private\n Roberts T.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Private\n Ross* L.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Major\n Swyer J.E.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Revd.\n Squires* S.J.\n R.A.Ch.D.\n \n \n Private\n Sinclair A.L.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Private\n Skimins W.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Private\n Syme J.A.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Private\n Stanley* E+\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n S/Sergeant\n Shorthouse G.P.\n A.D. Corps\n \n \n Sergeant\n Smith A.W.\n A.D. Corps\n \n \n M.S.M.\n Sims* E.\n R. Engineers\n \n \n Q.M.S.\n Samways* W.\n R. Engineers\n \n \n Corporal\n Thompson R.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Corporal\n Twitchett* A.\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Q.M.S.\n Tyas* T.A.\n R. Engineers\n \n \n Corporal\n Whybro*\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Corporal\n Wilkinson*\n R.A.M.C.\n \n \n Corporal\n Varty*\n R.A.M.C.\n \n\nFootnote:-\n\nNo asterisk - Served in Bowen Road only\n\nOne * - Served in Bowen Road and Central British School\n\nTwo + - Served in Central British School only", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207543, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 311, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n303\n\nCHIEF MARSHAL T’IEN, PATRON OF THE STAGE, OF MUSICIANS AND WRESTLERS-EAST AND SOUTH EAST CHINA\n\nMiss Werle in her fascinating article1 on Swatow horizontal stick puppets referred to Chief Marshal T'ien (###)* patron of Fukienese and Ch'aochow actors and musicians, and quoted from Werner's2 extract from Doré's translation of the Han dynasty classic Shan Hai Ching (1), which partly explains T'ien's deification.\n\nMarshal T'ien appears on altars as a tablet bearing his titles, or as a lone image on the small, portable altar found backstage of most Fukienese or Ch'aowchow travelling operas and theatres in Taiwan and South East Asia, or less frequently with attendants who only appear on temple altars.\n\nHis image is easily recognised by one unique characteristic: one or two crabs painted on his face. He is also unusual, though not unique, in having a small dog under one of his feet or beside him. This animal, called the 'Dragon Dog' (#14) is normally black, though white and piebald have been seen. It is comically dressed in a theatrical jacket with trousers of red, yellow and green and is often represented kneeling and carrying a small, wrapped package said to be T'ien's official seal (Plate 19).\n\nT'ien himself generally is depicted as a teenager, seated, with protruding eyes and a tightly rolled scroll in his right hand. His left hand is raised waist height with one finger or two fingers together, pointing vertically in a theatrical manner (Plate 20). His robes are shiny, golden and heavily decorated, and occasionally he has two long pheasant tail feathers protruding from the top of the head trailing down behind him. The crab may be painted around his mouth, across his forehead or both.\n\nIn the early part of this century a French priest on the Yangtze plain, Père Doré, described the three musician brothers T'ien as\n\n*It is difficult to translate To Yuan Shuai meaning fully: literally it means 'the marshal of the Capital'.\n\n1JHKBRAS, 13, (1973), pp. 73-84.\n\n2E. T. C. Werner: A Dictionary of Chinese Mythology, pp. 125, 322 & 574.\n\n3Père Doré: Récherches sur les superstitions en Chine (Zikawei 1961) Vol. IX, p. 188, and Vol. XI, p. 1,004.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207544, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 312, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "304\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\npatrons of musicians and sketched them without either crab decorations or the dog. The main brother was shown holding a fan in each hand whilst the other two stood beside him with two attendants. Later in this Note, you will see that one of Chief Marshal T'ien's titles is Wu Tai Yuan Shuai. Père Doré described Wu Tai separately and sketched him as a young man with green twigs behind the ears, a large crab on his forehead, a tiny Taoist crown on his bald head and dressed in loose-fitting robes. Wu Tai, according to Doré, was accompanied by two male and two female attendants. This would appear to be the southern provinces' temple version which Doré did not realize was a manifestation of Marshal T'ien.\n\nThere are, as one would expect, many variations in characteristics in Ch'aochow and Fukienese carvings. For instance, occasionally he is represented as bald, or the front of his hair is shaven in Ch'ing fashion making him half-bald; in others he has a long queue or two long pigtails; sometimes he wears a military helmet or a scholar's cap, and in some images he has a black cock under his other foot. In several places he is represented as a youth standing on one foot with both arms raised in a dramatic, theatrical stance, and in others he is standing stolidly, with both feet together holding one or two swords. A sketch of T'ien To Yuan Shuai by a Singaporean Fukienese god carver depicted him with a red face, staring eyes and dressed in scholar's robes. (Plate 21). An actor, one of a company of Ch'aochow players in Bangkok, explained that they only had a tablet in their portable shrine, and that their image with only one crab painted on his forehead, was permanently in a temple. He told me that the single crab on the forehead meant that T'ien was the patron of actors, whereas others with the crab on the mouth represented the middle brother of the T'ien trio who is only prayed to for good health.\n\nIn one sighting in Ipoh, in North Malaya, Marshal T'ien was wearing armour, carried a sword and bell, but was barefoot and had a crab painted on his mouth. He was known to the temple priests to have been a vegetarian monk from Ch'aochow, insane as a child who had cured himself and is now worshipped for a similar cure by parents of the mentally sick. (Plate 22).\n\nAbove his image on a small backstage altar of a Foochow opera troupe in Singapore, was the carved inscription ‘Ministry of Wind", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207545, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 313, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n305 \n\nand Fire of the Ninth Heaven' (AARAX). The character for fire () was written upside down and though he was unable to explain why, a senior actor claimed that in this title it was always written in this way. \n\nIt is possible to group the images of Marshal T'ien into two types, the civil and military, the former without a sword or swords. In the latter he is unconnected with the theatre and is a potent God of epidemics and a demon dispeller, and as a soldier he frequently carries a bell and wears armour. We have only the Bangkok Chinese actor's unsubstantiated claim that this epidemic deity is the middle brother of the three, although in Singapore and in Taiwan the sword carrying, armour-wearing version also bore the same title as the actor's patron. \n\nAs a general rule Marshal T'ien has eight attendants: two boxers, two jugglers or dancers, two wrestlers and two musicians (one male and one female normally surnamed Cheng). His main festival is celebrated on the sixteenth of the sixth lunar month, although his birthday is also celebrated in one or two places on the twenty-third of the eighth lunar month. \n\nChief Marshal T'ien's titles \n\nHe is known by many titles, the following being the most common: \n\na) T'ien To Yuan Shuai (田都元帥)\n\nb) San T'ien To Yuan Shuai (三田都元帥)\n\nc) San T'ien To Ch'ien Sui (三田都千歲)\n\nT'ien, the Chief Marshal\n\nThe Chief Marshal, Tien the third (brother)\n\nThe Imperial Prince, Tien the third (brother)\n\nd) To Yuan Shuai (*) The Chief Marshal\n\ne) T'ien Kung Yuan Shuai (田公元帥) Duke T'ien, the Marshal\n\nf) T'ien Hsiang Kung (田相公) T'ien the Minister\n\ng) Chen Hua San T'ien To Yuan Shuai (探花三田都元帥) The Graduate T’ien*\n\n* Chen Hua (T'an Hua) - the third level of Imperial graduate in the chin shih or doctoral examination at the Capital.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207546, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 314, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n306\n\nh) Feng Huo Yuan T'ien Yuan Shuai (風火院田 元帥)\n\ni) Wu Tai Yuan Shuai (五代元帥)\n\nj) Chung Lich Ta Yuan Shuai (忠烈大元帥)\n\nk) Lei Hai-ch'ing (†)\n\nVarious Sightings\n\nTien the Marshal of the Wind and Fire Ministry\n\nMarshal of the Five Dynasties\n\nThe Great and Loyal Marshal\n\nSee Werner's story below. I have never seen nor heard this title in any temple in Taiwan and South East Asia, nor in any book on these places.\n\nIn Anking on the Yangtze in the thirties, the three gods of the actor's guild were T’ien (□) To (†) and Kuo (#)*\n\nIn 1971 there were at least five temples dedicated to Chief Marshal T’ien and the three Tien brothers in Taiwan. One of these was in Taipei and one in Changhua (title 'c' in the list above) and another in Taipei, one in Tainan and one in Yunlin (title ‘a' above).\n\nAccording to a Penang (Malaysia) temple keeper and a Hsinchu (Taiwan) devotee, prior to 1949 the cult centre of this Taoist heterodox (*) cult used to be at Ch'uanchow (*), Fukien.\n\nLegends\n\nNumerous legends surround Chief Marshal T'ien. One basic story has already been recounted by Miss Werle. Variations and other stories include another recounted by Werner who, like Père Doré, failed to connect Marshal T'ien with Wu Tai Yuan Shuai, Marshal of the Five Dynasties (5#†) whom he calls the 'God of the Musicians'. Werner continued,\n\n\"this god had his origin in a practical joke played by his school fellows on a young scholar who lived in the time of the Five Dynasties (907-60 AD). Whilst he was taking a siesta they drew a picture of a crab on his forehead and stuck two willow branches (sometimes represented as pheasant's tail feathers) behind his ears. When he awoke he was so chagrined that he\n\n4 Shryock: The Temples of Anking: Libraire Orientaliste: Paris 1931, p. 163.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207547, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 315, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n307\n\ncommitted suicide'.... \"This spirit, honoured at Foochow under the name of Wu Tai Yuan Shuai is the same as Lei Hai-Ch'ing (*) of the T'ang dynasty worshipped in several cities in Fukien. The character Hsieh (), crab, has approximately the same sound locally as Hai () the sea, and the willow branches symbolize Verdure, Ch'ing (†). Lei Hai-Ch'ing was a musician and is popularly referred to in the district as Marshal. He died cursing robbers, and for that reason temples were erected to him. Thus the young scholar become apotheosized owing to this play on words having the same or similar sounds. He is represented as attended by two male and two female instrumentalists holding respectively a mandolin, a lute, a violin and a tambourine. To evoke the spirit, his image is placed on a raised platform, its forehead is dabbed with red, it is prayed to and candles and incense burnt before it. The priests kneel in front of it, and then rise, skipping about with dishevelled hair and staring eyes. Crying out that the Spirit has come they scratch their tongues and write charms with the blood. When incense has been lit in the four corners of the room everyone can ask the spirit for what he wants, and the answer is explained by the accompanying musicians. He is frequently prayed to remove abscesses, boils etc. from children'. \n\nI can confirm the latter from medium practices in Singapore, and looking back to the sighting in Ipoh referred to earlier he is also a deity worshipped for a cure for mental diseases in children. \n\nThe following legends were told to me by devotees :— \n\na) Tien is the deification of a rich patron of actors in Foochow city (or Soochow) who lived in the fifteenth century. b) As a handsome child, the youngest son of three, he constantly played pranks on others. An ugly sister-in-law in a fit of pique drew a crab around his open mouth whilst he was asleep, and as a result his soul which had left his body to roam was unable to return. He complained to the Jade Emperor (1) who out of pity adopted him and allowed his soul to inhabit his body again. His mouth was open, incidentally, because he was an unwanted child, thrown out as a babe and suckled by animals! \n\nc) Prince T'ien of Foochow lived for pleasure. He was once sleeping with the wife of a local businessman and awoke to \n\nPage 315\n\nPage 316", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207548, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 316, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "308\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nfind that for a joke, which he would be unable to explain to his friends, she had painted a crab in indelible ink around his mouth. The prince got away with it the first time by telling his friends that he had painted it himself for amateur theatricals. However, when next she painted one on his forehead, he was at a loss as to how to explain it away and never again demanded the company of the businessman's wife.\n\nHaving examined Chief Marshal T'ien in some detail, let us move on to a Swatow articulated figure with which it is closely connected. At the back of a bamboo temporary stage of a travelling Ch'aochow opera company in Singapore there was a small shrine (Plate 23) on one of the crates used for transporting the actor's robes. This shrine contained Marshal Tien seated well back, under a plaque bearing the title Han Lin Yuan (✯✯E) (The Han Lin Academy*). Before it, between a doll's size wicker chair and a bamboo pot of incense sticks, was a seated articulated puppet (Plate 24) dressed in a short-sleeved jacket and knee-length trousers. He was known as Chi Hsiang Ko (**) (Lucky Brother) and, as one of the actors explained, he is a three-year-old child, another form of Marshal T'ien, who when seen outside the bounds of the theatre is an extremely potent fertility deity and who, when on a permanent altar in a temple, is also prayed to for luck. This articulated image of a child deity can be seen in several temples, (one especially attractive one—rather surprisingly nude—being in a cave temple near Tanjong Rambutan in Perak), all worshipped by the childless of the Ch'aochow communities for sons and daughters. One temple keeper, possibly with tongue in cheek, said that Chi Hsiang is the brother of Kuan Yin, who in one of her forms is the 'Giver of Sons'***.\n\nThe Three Jesters\n\nIn his articles on three prominent puppets Schipper explains that the 'Jesters' who stand out amongst the total of 72 puppet heads and 36 bodies of the Fukienese puppet theatres, are the three gods of marionettes. He continued that puppet plays are connected\n\n* The Chinese nation's highest academic institution during Imperial times.\n\nSK. M. Schipper: 'The Divine Jester', Academica Sinica 21:1961, pp. 81-94.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207549, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 317, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n309 \n\nwith Taoist exorcisms and are performed at wedding ceremonies to obtain from Heaven the happy union, using the ritual of a local Taoist folk religion heterodox cult of the Three Ladies' (三娘). The 'Three Jesters' are called by the puppeteers the \"Three Brothers' (三兄弟) or, individually, the Great, Second and Third Wang Yeh.* \n\nSchipper then explained that he and his informants had made many conjectures in order to identify the Three Jesters. He believed tradition links the Three Brothers (Three Jesters) with the Three Tien Brothers and thus with Tien To Yuan Shuai, and this seemed to him to be better founded than other conjectures. He continued that the identity of T'ien is extremely confused, and claimed that T'ien is reputed to be the master of T'ang Emperor Ming Huang (唐明皇) and to have taught the actresses of the Peach Garden (梨园), popularly believed to be the first academy of the theatre. Iconography, he said, represents T'ien the puppet as the 'laughing lad', similar to T’ien To Yuan Shuai. \n\nSchipper observed that when the plays are of the northern Fukienese type, the Three Jesters are identified with T'ang Ming Huang, the patron of the theatre of North China. When the play is Southern Fukienese or Ch'aochow, T'ien To Yuan Shuai (Chief Marshal T'ien) is the patron, and the Three Jesters are identified with him. The T'ang Emperor is also often referred to in Taiwan and South East Asia, where he is also accepted as the God of Actors bearing the title of the Imperial Prince or King of the Western Ch'in (Hsi Ch'in Wang Yeh, 西秦王爷) or Hsi Ch'in Lao Wang Yeh (西秦老王爷), or, on Taipei and Keelung altars just as Hsi Ch'in Wang (西秦王). (He is called the King of the Western Ch'in because of his exile in Szechuan, in Western China). His image is more colloquially referred to as The Young Gentleman (小哥) and less respectfully as The Old Boy (老郎). Schipper agreed all this might seem highly incongruous, but, he continued, the tradition which links the 'Three Brothers' (The Jesters) with Tien To Yuan Shuai (Chief Marshal T'ien) seems, as we said earlier, better founded than others. \n\nWang Yeh \n\nSchipper has linked the Three Jesters with the Fukienese epidemic gods by the title of Wang Yeh. He also noted the legend \n\n* More often than not Wang Yeh (Imperial Princes) in Fukienese communities are epidemic deities.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207550, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 318, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "310\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nof the assistance given to Chang T'ien Shih (*) the First Master of Orthodox Taoist folk-religion, by the Three Jesters when they played their music, attracted and led the evil spirits (as the Pied Piper led the rats) to the spirit boat on which they were shanghaied, whereupon the epidemic immediately ended.\n\nNow we know from many sources, in addition to our own observations, that the rite for expelling pestilence performed by the Fukienese of Taiwan and South East Asia consists of a ceremony at which the spirits of the Wang Yeh encourage the demons of pestilence to board a paper boat which is set fire to and pushed out midstream. These Fukienese pestilence gods, the Wang Yeh (*), an heterodox cult of folk religion, although they are worshipped as one on altars, can be classified into two types. The first is the large group of musicians or scholars, varying from 36 to 360, who in legend died at the whim of an Emperor and were deified; the second group are individual spirit generals bearing family surnames, said to be either blood brothers or close friends. These appear individually or in groups of up to six on altars. Wang Yeh from both groups have identical roles, the prevention of epidemics. Most Chinese with whom I have discussed these Wang Yeh, although they subconsciously realized it existed, had not considered this separation into two groups. They had unconsciously accepted the multitude of blood brothers with their individual surnames as individual musicians or scholars from the large group. Du Bose6, incidentally, heard another legend which described one single Fukienese deity, the Wang Yeh, as a scholar who sacrificed himself and saved the village from a demon-infested public well.\n\nThe Wang Yeh festival of expelling the pestilence demons usually takes place during the fourth month, when sickness is (or was) rife. In South East Asia and in Taiwan individual images of Wang Yeh (seated, unarmed and bearded generals) are taken down to the water's edge during the launching ceremony, and occasionally a wooden image is actually launched aboard a more substantial miniature boat, and wherever it lands a temple is supposed to be built to house the deity, thereby spreading the cult.\n\nChief Marshal T'ien is not the localized cult deity Miss Werle believed him to be. He has appeared not only in Ch'aochow and\n\n6 H. C. du Bose: The Dragon, Image & Demon. Partridge & Co., London, 1886.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207551, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 319, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n311\n\nFukienese communities but also on the Yangtze, possibly in at least two areas, and is not only the patron of most entertainers (musicians, boxers, wrestlers, actors etc.) but also has the secondary function as a health and fertility god, possibly performed by the middle brother.\n\nMersham, Kent, 10 February, 1975\n\nKEITH G. STEVENS\n\nCHANG YU-TANG AND AN OLD HANGING SCROLL FROM CHEUNG CHAU\n\nThis note relates to an interesting local figure and Kwangtung worthy. It is thought that readers will be interested both in the content and style of writing of such literary pieces.\n\nIt is not known where the following material (First and Second Accounts) was obtained, nor why there should be two similar pieces in the Hong Kong Wai Chau General Association Bulletin. There are no biographies of Yu-tang in the Kwei Shin district gazetteer (last edition seems to be Ch'ien Lung 48, which is, of course, too early) nor in the Kuang Hsü 7 edition of the Wai Chau prefectural gazetteer, the most likely sources for biographical aid. (Information supplied by Mr. Arthur Lai Shue-tim of the Chinese Library, University of Hong Kong, who kindly checked them at our request).\n\nFIRST ACCOUNT [translated from the Chinese of p. 109 of the Hong Kong Wai Chau General Association Bulletin, 1964 by Francis Sham Shui-yu].\n\nGen. Cheung Yuk-tong* was appointed as the Kowloon Deputy Garrison Commander at Taipang (A). Under his charge, the inhabitants along the coasts enjoyed security and peace. Later when the southern part of the Kowloon Peninsula was ceded to Britain as a colony [in 1860] he contributed immensely to establishing the demarcation line which forms the Boundary Street of today. The relics in connection with him which are partially left behind are what is called the \"Spare-the Waste-Paper Pavilion” (***) as well as his fist-writing (*) of Chinese calligraphy. One can hardly refrain from sighing with admiration whenever we think upon the historical relics.\n\n* Cantonese romanization.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207552, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 320, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "312\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nThe Deputy Commander at Taipang was the highest ranking officer in the locality of Kowloon during the Ch'ing Dynasty. At that time, the headquarters was set up within the Kowloon Walled City. This office, which also served as a garrison, still existed before the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong, but had been converted into a Home for the Aged run by a Catholic Mission. In accordance with the [Kwangtung] military system adopted in Ch'ing Dynasty, there were altogether 6 battalions of armed forces under the Kowloon garrison commander. The reason why the Kowloon headquarters was named the Taipang Garrison is that the geographical name of Kowloon was once alternatively called Taipang Shan (⚟) and was politically under the sovereignty of Po On (then San On) District Magistracy.* Besides, there is also a very good harbour by the name of Taipang Bay located at the southeastern part of Po On District and east of Kowloon. In Taipang harbour the water runs to 5-10 fathoms deep where large warships can cast anchor. It was partly due to the importance of local coastal defence and partly due to the necessity of civil administration that such a garrison was established at Taipang Bay. The post of Deputy Commander was normally held in a 3 years' term; and among all the previous commanders, General Cheung was the most important in terms of historical significance.\n\nCheung Yuk-tong, alias Hon-sang,† was born in Wei Yeung District, Kwangtung, and for many generations the Cheung's family lived in the Peach Garden in the capital town of the Wai Yeung District. In the 4th year of Hsien Feng (A.D.) (1853) he was appointed as Deputy Commander at Taipang, being promoted from staff officer at the Chin Shan Checkpoint [near Macao]. For four successive tours of service, in all a total of 13 years Gen. Cheung had been holding this post, and in those days the local inhabitants enjoyed a very peaceful time.\n\nIt was not until the 5th year of Tung-chih reign (1866) that General Cheung retired from the military service at the age of 72. When the southern part of the Kowloon Peninsula was ceded to Britain as a consequence of the signing of the Peking Treaty he was still in office. As the Treaty was signed by the Imperial Court,\n\n*This is not so, but the Taipang garrison force served in and controlled Kowloon and district. Except where stated footnotes are supplied by James Hayes.\n\n†", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207568, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 336, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n\"A THOUSAND PEAKS AND MYRIAD RAVINES, by CHU-TSING LI, Zurich Artibus Asiae, 1974 (Vol. 1, pp. xi + 319, Vol. 11, 104 plates, signatures and seals, maps)\n\nIn studying the history of Chinese art, particularly that of painting, Professor Chu-tsing Li of the University of Kansas is an active scholar. Formerly his main field of study was the Yuan Dynasty (1280-1368); and for this period his thorough studies on Chao Meng-fu (1254-1322), Tsao Chih-po (1272-1355) and Hsueh Ch'uang (active ca. mid-14th century), as well as a general, but extensive, study about a group of artists active in the late Yüan period in Soo-chou area, are all highly regarded. However, in studying the history of Chinese painting, he seems now no longer to confine himself to individuals of the Yuan Dynasty but has begun to focus on other aspects of the later periods of Chinese art history, c.f. his latest monographs on Ting Yun-peng and Chin Nung (1687-1765). Following this, his latest publication; A Thousand Peaks and Myriad Ravines, a voluminous work in two volumes, deals, with the exception of one painting by a late Yüan artist, many different types of Chinese paintings of either Ming or the Ch'ing Dynasties. It was published in 1974.\n\n5\n\nBeginning from the late 19th century, when private collecting of Chinese art reached its climax, in the East as well as the West, a detailed illustrated catalogue, more commonly edited by a specialist in the field rather than by the collector himself, was published. A few examples for ancient Chinese bronzes are those essential works contributed by Professors Kosaku Hamada,1 Yoshito Harada,2 and Sueji Umehara3 in Japan, and those works by Professors Bernhard Karlgren,4 Gustav Ecke, and Chen Meng-chia in America or other countries; all well-edited bronze catalogues on private collections. For archaic Chinese jade, the catalogue produced by Professor Alfred Salmony is also well known. In addition to those cited which always deal with a specific subject of Chinese art, there are also some catalogues characterized by dealing with more than two branches of Chinese art in the one publication, or separately devoted to Chinese art and art objects in another Asiatic country. For the former, the over-sized catalogues about the famous collection", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207569, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 337, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "328\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nof George Eumorfopolos edited by Professor Perceval Yetts is certainly representative; and with respect to the latter, a good example is the first volume of the catalogue about the Charles Seligman Collection, on Chinese, Central Asian and Luristan bronzes, edited by Professor Howard Hansford.\n\nProfessor Li's latest publication, although independently associated with a book title, yet, by its nature, should be classified as an illustrated catalogue about a private collection of Chinese art, since every item discussed by the author in Volume I and illustrated in Volume II is from the collection of Dr Charles Drenowaltz in Switzerland.\n\nVolume I consists of 15 chapters. I propose to give a brief summary for each chapter before presenting other remarks about this book in this review. Chapter I:\n\nChapter II:\n\nChapter III:\n\nChapter IV:\n\nChapter V:\n\n\"Introduction\", gives a general account of how European collectors built up their collections of Chinese art. It also gives a survey of the general development of Chinese painting. \"Figure painting: Persistences and Transformation of the past\", Here the central discussion is focused on figure paintings by Chao Liu (ca. 1350-1370) of the late Yuan Dynasty, and Hsieh Shih-chen (1487-after 1567), Chen Hung-shou (1599-1652) and Ting Yün-peng (b. 1547) of the Ming Dynasty; also Chao Yuan of the late Ch'ing Dynasty. \"Landscape painting of Ming and Ch'ing: A point of view\", serves as a general introduction to this branch of Chinese painting over some 500 years. \"The Wu School: Re-establishment of the Yuan Tradition\", emphasis is laid upon works by five literati artists of the Ming Dynasty; Shen Chou (1427-1509), Wen Cheng-ming (1470-1559), Lu Chih (1496-1576), Ch'en Kuan (ca. 1570-1640). In addition, works by artists of the school of T'ang Yin (1470-1523), and an album painting by an anonymous artist are also discussed.\n\n\"The Wu School in the Seventeenth century: A Host of Little Masters\", points of view are based on works by the following seven artists: Ch'en Kuan, Ch'en Huan (act. 1600-20), Chang Hung", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207570, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 338, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n329\n\nChapter VI:\n\nChapter VII: (1577-after 1668), Sheng Mao-yueh (act. 1620-40), Hsiang Sheng-mo (1597-1658), Yün Hsiang (1586-1655) and Shen Hao (act. 1630-50).\n\n\"The Sung-chiang School: Triumph of a New Theory\", under this headline five artists of the Ming Dynasty, Mo Shih-hung (ca. 1540-1587), Tung Ch'i-chang (1555-1636), Ku Shau-yu (act. early 17th century), Li Liu-fang (1575-1629), and Pien Wen-yü (act. 1620-1670) are discussed.\n\n\"Various Directions of Late Ming: A Mixture of Old and New\", this chapter covers Mi Wan-chung (1595-1628), Chang Jui-t'u (1576-1641), and Lan Yü (1585-1664).\n\nChapter VIII: \"The Orthodox Masters of Early Ch'ing: The Great Synthesis”, discussions are concentrated on Wu Li (1632-1718), Wang Hui (1632-1717) and Wang Yuan-ch'i (1642-1715).\n\nChapter IX:\n\nChapter X:\n\nChapter XI:\n\nChapter XII:\n\n\"The Lou-tung School: Homage to Wang Yuan-ch'i\", in this chapter the Lou-tung school artists are represented by Huang Ting (1660-1730), Chang Tsung-ts'ang (1686-still alive in 1755) and Wang Ch'en (1720-1797).\n\n\"The Yu-shan School: Homage to Wang Hui”, in this chapter, Chiao Ping-chen (act. 1680-1720), Wang Chiu (act. later 18th century) and Prince Yung-jung (1744-1790) are taken as being representatives of this School,\n\n\"The Anhwei School: Transformation of the Ni Tsan Tradition\", four early Ch'ing artists: Hsiao Yün-ts'ung (1596-1673), Yao Sung (1648-after 1717), Hung-jen (1610-1663), and Mei Ch'ing (1623-1697) are discussed in this chapter.\n\n\"Monks and Hermits: A silent Revolution”, another four early Ch'ing artists; K’un-ts'an (b. 1612-ca. 1673), Kung Hsien (b. 1617-1618, d. 1689), Chu Ta (1626-ca. 1705), and Tao-chi (b. 1641-d. before 1720), are discussed under this heading.\n\nChapter XIII: \"The Yang-chou School: Haven of the creative mind”, two Yang-chou school artists; Chin Nung (1687-1765) and Huang Shen (1687-1768) are discussed in detail.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207571, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 339, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "330\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nChapter XIV: \"The Nineteenth century: Looking Backward and Forward\", is mainly a discussion of the landscape paintings of the 19th century, represented by Ch'ien Tu (1763-1844) and Tai Hsi (1801-1860).\n\nChapter XV: \"Bird-and-flower painting: The end of a tradition”, five artists of the Ming Dynasty; Lu Chih, Hsiang Yuan-pien (1525-1590), Chou Chieh-mien (act. 1580-1610), Chang Hung, and Sun K’o-hung (1532-1610), and two artists from the Ch'ing Dynasty; Hua Yen (1682-after 1755) and the Empress Dowager Tz'u-hsi (1835-1908) form key figures for discussion.\n\nThe merits of this book are shown, first of all, by a detailed chronology of the artists of the Ming and Ch'ing Dynasties. This point can be clearly seen if the chronologies of the same group of artists as they appear in other writings on history of Chinese painting are compared with those in Prof. Li's new publication. In order to make this point clear, a concordance table about the chronology of many artists is provided below.*\n\nThe second merit of this book seems to be a new use of old editorial principles practised in Chinese historical writings. As stated, Volume I consists of 15 chapters. In every chapter, a detailed study of each picture is always preceded by an introductory essay. The origin for presenting such an essay in a descriptive catalogue, when old writings on Chinese painting are studied, can be traced back at least to the early 12th century work, Hsuan-ho hua-p'u *1#,\" a descriptive catalogue about paintings, in Emperor Sung Hui-tsung's imperial collection, the Ming Hua Lu ***;14 and also to \"Records of History of painting in the Ming Dynasty\", edited by Hsü Hsin in late 17th century, both edited according to this principle. In the former, the subject-matter of Chinese painting is classified by the anonymous editor into 10 categories; and in the latter, into 15 subdivisions. Using modern concepts to review Hsuan-ho hua-p'u and Ming hua-lu, each category in these two historical documents should evidently be read as an independent chapter. More significantly, introductory essays, no matter whether long or short, are always addressed to each chapter-like category.\n\np. 330.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207574, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 342, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n333\n\n\"On the Road to Mt. T'ien-chu” (or as Prof. Li prefers, \"On the Road to the Peak that holds up the sky\"). This very Mt. T'ien-chu is geographically located in the present western An-hui Province16, south of the Huai River. During the 6th century B.C. (or the active period of Yen Tsu), the area which included Mt. T'ien-chu was part of the territory of the State of Ch'u17. Thus, to associate the oranges of Ch'u to Mt. T'ien-chu is but to relate some old historic and geographic references to the real scenery that Huang Shen might have seen in 1729.\n\nSecondly, in structure and in style, as far as those example-characters in the \"Dictionary of Six Different Scripts for Characters of Chinese Calligraphy\" is concerned, the 16th character hand-written by Huang Shen for leaf 9 of his landscape album, certainly bears more physical resemblances to 'ch'u' rather than ‘yeh'. \n\nThus, there seems to be reason enough to conclude that this problematic Chinese character 'yeh' should be more properly identified as 'ch'u' instead of ‘yeh'. This is not only because the new identification has more possibilities to conform with the old geographical and historical information, but also because it is able to fit in with other calligraphical references as a whole.\n\nThe second example of this nature happens to be Prof. Li's failure in identifying a literary reference. In Volume II, Plate CVII illustrates a fan-painting attributed to K'un-ts'an. In Volume I, p. 203, Prof. Li's English translation, together with the original poem in Chinese inscribed by the artist himself, are presented side by side. It does seem essential to quote them both here again:\n\n“Leisurely I sit in my boat below the valley\n\nIn the vast twilight of dusk, smoke rises gently from an old house;\n\n水屋蒼冥起昏煙;\n\nthe autumn scene is there for me to sing and\n\nto enjoy, 自有秋光共嘯傲,\n\nand one needs no money to own mountains\".\n\nI47#★¶¤·\n\nIt is obvious that after comparison, the literary implication of the term \"Chang-tou\" which appears in the last Chinese line has not been rendered by any literary equivalent in the English version. In fact, this term happens to be not only the key word in terms of an overall understanding of the last line but seems a key point in interpreting the poet's intention as expressed by the whole poem. Documentarily, “Chang-tou” §§ is a reference to Juan Hsiu #k.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207575, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 343, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "334\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\na literary figure of the Chin Dynasty. In his biography it has been recorded that whenever he travelled alone he always tied 100 coins on top of his stick, and wherever he found a wine shop he always drank with pleasure, as much as possible. He did not care what his wife prepared for her meals.19 Juan Hsiu is stated by the same source of information as a step-son20 of Juan Chi ✯ (210-263), one of the eccentric masters of a literary circle collectively known as \"the Seven Talents of the Bamboo Groves\".21 Juan Hsiu's alcoholical love, therefore, might have been a reflection of the deep spiritual influence of Juan Chi.\n\nBecause of this reference, it is clear that to tie 100 coins onto a stick, could certainly be interpreted as to have some private money, which can be taken one step further to mean wine money. Thus, the literary meaning of K'un-ts'an's last line, as far as the surface implication is concerned, should read as \"there is no need to take wine money to own mountains\". According to such an understanding, if this line is to be rendered into English, but still taking Prof. Li's same basis for using no explanation of the term \"Chang-tou\", then it suggests as \"I would rather take money to buy wine but not to consider a piece of land.”\n\nA second but more weighty problem is, once again, one of identification. In the Drenowaltz collection there is a 12-leaved album of landscape painting by Chin Nung. This album is dated 1736, the first year of the Ch'ien-lung era, by the artist's own inscription. According to Prof. Li's study of Chin Nung's life, the artist was in Peking in that year, and had attempted to pass the Po-hsueh-hung-tz'u22 degree examination but failed. In this album each leaf contains a landscape painting completed in an extra elaborate manner. This is quite noticeable since the normal subject-matter of this artist, as Prof. Li has rightly pointed out, happens to be either Buddhist figures, horses, bamboo, or plum blossoms, all in ink. Moreover, such stylistic continuity achieved by the careful but conscious use of the brush in these landscapes seems to be extraordinarily unusual for Chin Nung. In addition, in each of these 12 leaves, the un-used space in each composition is always completely filled up by a good number of small but regular characters written in Chin Nung's peculiar Ch'i-shu script. The contents of these inscriptions on each leaf of this album have been identified by Prof. Li. However, this brings up a second type of problem of identification.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207576, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 344, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n335\n\nIn brief, the contents of the writing on each composition of the first 10 leaves have been collectively identified by the author as prose written by seven well-known literary figures; T'ao Ch'ien (365-427), Po Ch'u-i (772-846), Liu Tsung-yüan (773-819), Wang Yu-ch'eng (954-1001), O-yang Hsiu (1007-1072), Su Shih (1036-1101) and Sung Lien (1310-1381).\n\nThe nature of those writings inscribed on the last two leaves of the same album seem quite different from the foregoing. The first inscriptions are all prose and their authors are historical figures; while those appearing on the last two leaves are poem and their authorship is obscure. The literary implications of the prose are all associated with a unified theme; life in the future is hard to know, thus it is more suitable to seek one's personal comfort by way of enjoying nature. In contrast, this theme in leaves 11 and 12 becomes very weak. Instead, remarkable fantastic literary allusions are demonstrated by the poets. After having differentiated the nature as well as the forms of inscriptions on the last two leaves from the first ten, Prof. Li concludes that those unidentifiable poems are most probably verses by Chin Nung himself. The reason that they have been written in an unrealistic manner is because the artist-poet was trying to use those poems to console himself for failing to pass the Po-hsüeh-hung-tz'u degree examination in Peking in 1736.\n\nThis conclusion is theoretically sound, yet it is not convincing; for the poems inscribed on 11 and 12 are not as easily unidentifiable as Prof. Li has claimed. Consequently, because of these poems the date of this album has to be changed. Therefore, the authenticity of this collection of 12 landscapes is also to be questioned.\n\nIn the mid-18th century, at Yang-chou, the richest economic center in China at that time,23 Ma Yueh-kuan (1688-1745) and his younger brother, Ma Yüan-lu (1687-1766?) were not only active as leading salt merchants but also as central figures in terms of their patronage towards literature and art. Amongst those who were closely affiliated to the Ma brothers, was a well-established poet, Li E (1692-1752). Although a native of Ch'ien-t'ang from Chekiang province, he happened to be the most important literary figure whenever he was in Yang-chou.\n\nWhen\n\nIn the winter of 1748, the 13th year of the Ch'ien-lung era, Chin Nung was doing his extensive travels in the north, seven poets,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207577, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 345, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "336\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nincluding Li E, accepted an invitation of the Ma brothers to go on a joint-tour to visit Chiao-shan, the famous island situated in the middle of the Yang-tze River near the present day Ch'en-chiang in Chiang-su province.24 For this trip, all members wrote some poems which were later put together, and titled as Chiao-shan Chi-yu Shih (hereafter to be abbreviated as Chiao-shan CYS), A Collection of poems Commemorating A Travel to the Chiao Island.25\n\nThose poems inscribed by Chin Nung on leaves 11 and 12 of the Drenowaltz album are, in fact, two poems written by two different poets of this joint-tour. The first poem, \"Watching the Moon on Chiao Island but being required in designing poem rhyme to use the word 'Sheng'\"26 is written by Li E. It is not only to be found in the Chiao-shan CYS but also in Li E's own collection of poems; Fan-hsieh Shan-fang-chi #### (hereafter to be abbreviated as Fan-hsien SFC), A Collection of Poems Composed in the Fan-hsien Mountain Studio.27 Similarly, the second poem which is entitled \"Watching the Moon in the Chiao Island but Required to have the word 'Yueh' in rhyme\"28 is composed by Ma Yueh-kuan. It is found in the Chiao Island Collection29 and also in Ma Yueh-kuan's own collection of poems, “A Small Collection of Poems by An Untrammelled and Elderly figure at A Sandy River\".30\n\nIn Vol. I, from p. 235 to the first line in p. 236, Prof. Li's English translation deals with Li E's poem; and, from line two onwards, the latter portion of the poem in English is Prof. Li's translation of the cited poem by Ma Yueh-kuan. To consider these poems by two identifiable poets as one is certainly incorrect.\n\nWith respect to the second inscription, treated by Prof. Li as a long poem of Chin-Nung, it is in fact, a collection of three different poems once again all written by Li E. In Vol. II Plate LXXXI-L which is a reproduction of the last leaf of the album, from line 1 up to the first four characters in line 8, the content is to be identified as the first poem by Li E and the title of the poem is read as \"Lodged in the Fo-jih Ching-hui Buddhist Temple\".31 In Vol. I, page 236, line 1 to line 12 of Prof. Li's English translation deals with this poem. Similarly, in Plate LXXXI-L, from the fifth character of line 8 up to the first five characters of line 17, this section of the inscription on leaf 12 is to be identified as Li E's second poem associated with the long title \"Getting up at dawn, monk Ch'e\n\nPage 345\n\nPage 346", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207581, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 349, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "340\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nChinese bronze is again by Prof. S. Umehara and was separately published in Kyoto in 1961.\n\n2 The Senoku Seisho is sub-divided according to nature of bronzes, into two parts. The first part dealing with ritual vessels is by Prof. K. Hamada while the next part, devoted to Chinese bronze mirrors, is edited by Prof. Yoshito Harada.\n\n3 In addition to these catalogues about the Sumitomo collection, in 1951 Prof. S. Umehara has also edited Kakkaku Kikkin Senshu (Selected specimens of the Chinese Bronze collection in the Hakkaku Art Museum), an illustrated and descriptive catalogue on Chinese bronzes housed in a private museum possessed and financed by Mr. Jihei Kano in Kobe.\n\n4 For instance, among his various studies on ancient Chinese bronzes, there are three catalogues. The first, \"Bronzes in the Hellström Collection\", is in the Bulletin of Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities (hereafter abbreviated as BMFEA) (1948, Stockholm), No. 20, while the second, \"A catalogue of the Chinese Bronzes in the Alfred F. Pillsbury Collection\" was published in Minneapolis in 1951. The third, \"Bronzes in the Wessen Collection”, is in BMFEA, (1958, Stockholm), No. 30.\n\n5 For instance, his Fruhe chinesische Bronzen aus der Sammlung Trautmann (1939, Peking).\n\n6 For instance, the Chinese Bronzes from the Buckingham Collection, (1946, Chicago), jointly edited by M. C. Chen and Charles F. Kelley.\n\n7 Alfred Salmony (1890-1958): Archaic Chinese Jades from the Edward and Louis B. Sonnenschein Collection (1952, Chicago).\n\n8 W. Perceval Yetts (1878-1957): The Georg Eumorfopoulos Collection: Catalogue of the Chinese and Corean Bronze, Sculpture, Jade, Jewellery, and Miscellaneous objects (1929-32, London).\n\n9 Howard Hansford: The Seligman Collection of Oriental Art, Vol. I, (1957, London).\n\n10 Yoshito Yonezawa: Painting of the Ming Dynasty, (1956, Tokyo).\n\n11 Osvald Siren: Chinese painting, Vol. VII, (1958, London).\n\n12 Victoria Contag: Chinese Masters of the 17th Century (1969, London).\n\n13 The date of Hsuan-ho hua-p'u is not known. But a general date, 1120, the second year of the Hsuan-ho era during the reign of the Emperor Hui-tsung of the Northern Sung Dynasty, associated with its preface, is normally considered to be the date of completion of its compilation. Regarding its authorship, it has been previously suggested by scholars in the Ch'ing Dynasty, such as Wang Wan, as having been edited by Emperor Hui-tsung himself, and by Chou Chung-fu as being by Tsai Ti, and by Pien Yung-yu as being by Hu Kuan. But according to Yu Shao-sung, a 20th-century specialist on the historiography of Chinese art, none of these old identifications are reliable. Instead, a possible editor of this imperial catalogue is perhaps an anonymous eunuch of the Northern Sung palace. For detailed discussion see his Shu-hua shu-lu chieh ti (hereafter abbreviated SHSLCT), \"A Collection of Summary of content and Studies of Titles of Books on Chinese calligraphy and painting\", (1931, Peking).\n\n14 Although it carries a preface by the author, this book is undated. In general, as Yu Shao-sung has suggested (SHSLCT Chuan 12, p. 9), Hsu Hsin must have lived in the transitional period of Ming and Ch'ing but the book itself is written in early Ch'ing.\n\n15 See Yen-Tzu chun-chiu, Nei pien, 10th chapter of the Tsa-hsia section. This book is generally regarded as a work of the 6th century B.C.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207582, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 350, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n341\n\n16 This mountain is clearly marked in the map (pl. CXIV of Vol. II) of the book review. In addition, according to Chun kuo ku-chin ti-ming ta tzu-tien \"Dictionary of Ancient and Present Place Names in China\", edited by Tsang Li-ho and others (1933, 2nd edition, Shanghai), p. 135, Mt. Tien-chu is at the northwest of Chien-shan in the present western An-hui Province.\n\n17 In Tung Shih-heng's Li-tai chiang-yu hsing-shih i-lan-t'u (1914, Shanghai), Map 3 (Chan-kuo ch'i-hsung-t'u A Map of the Seven Strong States during the Warring States period); again in Watari Yanai's Toyo Tokushi Chizu (1934, 3rd edition, Tokyo), Map 3; also in Albert Herrmann's A Historical Atlas of China (1966, 2nd edition, Chicago), Map 8 (The Contending States), the Huai River area is always marked as part of the territory of the State of Ch'u.\n\n18 This is to be seen in Fujiwara Sosui's Chokuoku shoho rokutai dai-jiten, Dictionary about Six Different scripts of Chinese calligraphy, (1960, Tokyo), pp. 615-616.\n\n19 See Chin Shu, History of the Chin Dynasty (1974, Peking punctuated edition), Chüan 40, (in Book V), p. 1366.\n\n20 Ibid., p. 1359.\n\n21 For the latest findings of scholars of this small circle, see Ho Ch'i-min: \"Chu-lin ch'i-hsien yen-chiu\" \"A study of the Seven Talents of the Bamboo Grove\", 1966, Taiwan.\n\n22 Po-hsüeh hung-tz'u. This examination, initiated in 731, the 19th year of the K'ai-yüan era during Emperor Hsüan-tsung's reign in the Tang Dynasty was during the Ch'ing Dynasty confined to some limited candidates primarily recommended by the Education Department in each province.\n\n23 For sound scholarship on the economic importance of Yang-chou during the Ch'ing Dynasty, see Prof. Ho Ping-ti: \"The Salt Merchants of Yang-chou: A Study of commercial capitalism in Eighteenth century China\", in the Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies (1954, Cambridge), Vol. 17, pp. 130-168.\n\n24 Tsang Li-ho and others, op. cit., p. 923.\n\n25 The edition that the reviewer used is the Yüeh-ya-t'ang ts'ung-shu edition, first wood-blocked in Canton in 1850.\n\n26 The Chinese title reads: \"44415447\".\n焦山看月分得辇字\n\n27 In Chiao-shan chi it is to be found in p. 1b-p. 2a, while in Fan-hsieh shan-fang chi, (1937, Shanghai), hsü-chi (a supplementary collection), chüan 7, pp. 359-360 (In the Kuo-hsüeh chi-pen ts'ung-shu edition).\n\n28 The Chinese title reads: \"9493A7”.\n同作分得月字“\n\n29 In Chiao-shan chi it is to be found in p. 9a-9b, while in Fan-hsieh shan-fang chi it is in hsü-chi, chüan 7, p. 360.\n\n30 In Ma Yueh-kuan's own Sha-ho i-lao hsiao-kao (also the Yüeh-ya-t'ang ts'ung-shu edition), it is to be found in chüan III, p. 17a-17b.\n\n31 The Chinese title reads: \"宿佛日淨慈\". It is to be found in Fan-hsieh shan-fang chi, chüan 7, p. 134.\n倪龍瘢痕\n\n32 The Chinese title reads: “晚起 撖上人導行黃萬峯下 倪龍瘢泉 尋龍”. It is in Fan-hsieh shan-fang chi, chüan 7, p. 134.\n\n33 The Chinese title of this poem reads: \"...\". It is to be found in Fan-hsieh shan-fang chi, chüan 7, p. 135.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207583, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 351, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "342\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\n34 This observation is mainly based on the fact that the first poem from his own collection is entitled \"Chin shou-men has shown me a rubbing of the inscription taken from the bronze bells being made for the Ching-lung Monastery during the Tang Dynasty.”\n\n毒門见示所裁唐景龍觀錘髭拓本 In Li E's Fan-hsieh SFC, chuan 1, p. 1 under this poem, the date of its completion is recorded by the combined used of the Chinese cyclical characters: chia-mu which according to Li E's chronology, is to be identified as 1714 (the 53rd year of the Kang-hsi era).\n\n35 Ever since 1963, the Kwang-tung ying-jen chuan, “A Biographical study of the seal-carvers in Kwang-tung\", edited by Ma Kuo-chuan, has continuously appeared in the -lin section of Hong Kong's Ta Kung Pao Daily News. His study about Chang Hsiang-ming in particular, appeared in Ta Kung Pao, December 19, 1965. In October 1974 this biographical information was edited and published by the Nan Tung Company in Hong Kong, still entitled Kwang-tung ying-jen chuan. The portion concerning Chang Hsiang-ning is to be seen in this book edition p. 98.\n\n36 This is based on Takikawa Shiteru's colophon being inscribed on Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's painting entitled Li Sao T’u. A full reproduction of this painting has been printed in 1924 in Tokyo by Seigei Omura as one item of his edited Zubon Sosho. In addition, Takikawa's colophon was also quoted by Professor Akiyama Mitsuo in his Sho Sekiboku to Shuzan Koryo zu which appeared as the last article, being collected in the same author's Nihon bijusisu ronko (1943, Tokyo), pp. 413-414.\n\n37 According to Tzu Hai (1967, Taiwan edition), Appendix V (A conversion chart British, Japanese and Metric Lengths), each Japanese feet equals 0.3030 metre. Thus, 40 Japanese feet equal 12.12 metre. On the other hand, since the Drenowaltz handscroll measures 1302 cm; namely, 13.02 metre, the lengths of this painting, now in Switzerland, and the Li Sao Tu, once in Japan, are certainly very close.\n\n38 See Hu I: \"Hsiao Yun-ts'ung Nien-p'u” “A Biographical study of Hsiao Yün-ts'ung on A Yearly Basis”, in Mei-shu Yen-chiu (1960, Shanghai), No. 1.\n\n39 For these literary men who were gifted artists as well as members of the Fu She Association, these were, in addition to Hsiao Yün-ts'ung, many others, such as Li Sui-chlu from Kwangtung province, Wan Shou-ch'i (1603-1652), Wu Wei-yeh (1609-1671), Chi Pao-chia (middle 17th century) and Mao Hsiang (1611-1693) from the Kiangsu province, Fang I-chih (1611-1671) from the An-hui province, and Yang Wen-ts’ung (1597-1645) from the Kwei-chou province. These were all example-figures of such a type.\n\n40 Hsiao Yün-ts'ung name is listed in Fu She Hsin-Shih Lu \"Records of Members of the Fu-she Association\" first volume, p. 7a. This rare book is now owned by the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica at Nankang, Taiwan.\n\n41 Hsieh Kuo-chen: \"Nan-ming shih-luch\" “A Brief History of the Southern Ming Period\" (1957, Shanghai), pp. 12-13.\n\n42 S. W. Stephen: Chinese Art, 2 vols. (1904-06, London).\n\n43 Ch'eng Wei: “A primary study on the Origin and Development of Ancient Bird-and-flower paintings\" in Wen-wo (1963, Peking), No. 10, p. 22-29. This article probably serves as the only research on the history of Chinese painting by using one single painting collection as its basis. Yet unlike the work done by Professor Li", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207584, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 352, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n343\n\nin this new publication, the subject being discussed by Ch'eng Wei is only one of many aspects of Chinese painting.\n\n44 Such as (A) in Chapter X whether Chiao Ping-chen should be regarded as an artist of the Yu-shan school, and (B) in Chapter IV, whether Mo Shih-lung's chronology is to be rendered as ca. 1540-1587. Undoubtedly the chronology which appears in Professor Li's book is far more reasonable than ca. 1567-1582, the impossible chronology suggested by C. C. Wang and Victoria Contag in their Seals of Chinese painters and collectors of the Ming and Ch'ing Periods (1966, Hong Kong), p. 134. Nevertheless, for many years Mo Shih-lung's chronology has always been a puzzle to students of Chinese art. No one so far, except Professor Li, has so explicitly pointed out the years of birth and death of this artist. For example, in Nan-ching po-mu-yüan tsang-hua-chi, Chinese paintings in the collection of the Nanking Museum (1966, Peking), Vol. I, p. 3, the editor was able only to find Mo Shih-lung's death was in 1587. In Professor Li's book, this artist's year of death agrees with what the Nanking specialists have found. About Mo's year of birth, Vol. I, p. 106 states, \"he must have been born around 1540, though the precise date is not known\", so it seems that 1540-1587 is a tentative calculation. However, students of Chinese art would feel grateful if Professor Li could give his original information and state that on what ground this chronology is obtained.\n\nTHE\n\nSANDALWOOD MOUNTAINS; READINGS AND STORIES OF THE EARLY CHINESE IN HAWAII: compiled and edited by Tin-Yuke Char, pp. xv, 359. Honolulu, University Press of Hawaii 1975.\n\n“Yum sai see yuen.” “When drinking water, think of the source.\" This ancient Chinese proverb came to mind as I read Mr. Char's compilation, The Sandalwood Mountains.\n\nThis is a monumental book—a monument to the Chinese who came to Hawaii in the early 1800s to start the first sugar plantations there and who later came in the tens of thousands in the latter third of the 19th century.\n\nMany of these early Chinese laborers were brought to Hawaii indentured for three to five years at a cost of $5 to $7 a month, including pay and support. Many of them later left to start their own rice plantations and other agricultural pursuits. Others left to go into retailing and service industries. Many lived to see their children and grandchildren become teachers, professional people, political leaders and thoroughly integrated into Hawaii's multi-racial life.\n\nThe book is also a monument to the compiler, Tin-Yuke Char, who has brought to his task an unusual background including studying and teaching in Hawaii, China and the mainland United", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207615, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 3, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "163\n\n3\n\nin the Hong Kong region in the late Ming dynasty than in the early Ch'ing. Then, from the early Ch'ing, after a period of decline, the boat population must have expanded until almost 1900. A particular type of settlement grew up in the area, quite possibly within the eighteenth century, such as on Kau Sai Island or Leung Shuen Wan, where a group of Hakka people farmed on the coastal strip and fished in coastal waters, and maintained a symbiotic relationship with a group of boat people whose boats moored in a permanent anchorage nearby. Boat people's temples, in honour of T'in Hau or Hung Shing, were frequently constructed in these communities. Ships from the naval squadron based in Tai P'ang occasionally called at these inlets and contributed to the construction and repair of the temples. The earliest datable object in these temples is a Ch'ien-lung 6 (1741) bell in the T'in Hau Temple on Leung Shuen Wan.5\n\nThe second stage of economic development began in the middle of the nineteenth century when Hong Kong was opened as a port. This stage continued until the Second World War. At the beginning of this period, Sai Kung District consisted of farming and fishing communities, with some salt-making at Yim Tin Tsai. But the opening of Hong Kong had an immediate impact on Hang Hau and the islands near Sai Kung. A bell was donated to the Hang Hau T'in Hau Temple in 1840, and there were a number of donations to both this and to the Hung Shing Temple on Tung Lung Island from the 1870's on. The temple at Tai Miu (Joss House Bay), and those in Po Toi O and Tin Ha Wan, were possibly built or repaired at this time. Donations were also made to temples on Kau Sai and Leung Shuen Wan in the 1880's and 1890's. The wide connections of Hang Hau are attested to by the donation tablet that was set up for the repair of the temple in 1876, on which are recorded the names of well over a hundred and fifty shops. Many of these were obviously not located in Hang Hau but conducted business there.6\n\nThe reason for this apparent increase in wealth from the mid-nineteenth century on in these coastal communities is the growing importance of fishing as a source of cash income. The new city provided a large market for fresh as well as salted fish, and a fishermen's community was growing at Shaukiwan on", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207628, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 16, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "PRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1975\n\n(Covering the period April 7, 1975-April 1, 1976)\n\nThis has been another active twelve months for your Society. I start my Report with a review of the programme and will then turn to matters concerning publications, the Art Centre, Library, Membership, and the Photographic Survey which has been one of our more recent ventures.\n\nDuring the period we have organised nine lectures, 2 excursions to places of local interest, and one tour abroad, to Burma. We have arranged two film shows, one recital and a symposium — the seventh in our series. Most events were well attended.\n\nLectures and films related to the regions of China, contemporary and traditional, Vietnam, India, Korea and Hong Kong. The year started last April with a lecture on changing patterns of merchant organization in late Ch'ing China given by Dr. Wellington K.K. Chan, a visitor from the United States, and also in that month we arranged our first excursion, to Macau, where members, guided by Dr. Leigh Wright, visited Chinese temples and toured the Museum and colonial cemetery. In May and June our focus was on Peking opera. In May, Dr. Rulan Pian, visiting professor in music at Chung Chi College, spoke on musical elements in the opera; and in June Dr. Chiao Chien explained revolutionary opera as a means for transmitting values and political ideas. The arts were further represented in June with a demonstration of Kathak dancing by a well-known expert Mr. Satyanarayana Charka; and in July and August we showed films--one on Chinese paintings and one on music. Another film dealt with the excavation of a Silla tomb of 5th century Korea.\n\nIn August Sir John Addis, formerly Ambassador to China, described a visit to Ching-te Chen; and in September a talk was given on Brahman ritual by Professor Fritz Staal. Also that month James Hayes, our editor and one of our vice-presidents who in his professional life is District Officer Tsuen Wan, led members to visit his area. The focus was on the past-historical places, the present, as well as the future of the area--development plans. Following, in October, a discussion was conducted by Drs. Graham and Elizabeth Johnson, both anthropologists working in Tsuen Wan", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207639, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 27, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "REFLECTIONS ON THE COMPARATIVE STUDY OF MODERNIZATION IN CHINA AND JAPAN: MILITARY ASPECTS\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH*\n\nPaul Cohen has recently warned against measuring nineteenth century China’s modernization by the yardstick of Meiji Japan. From the vantage point of Japan’s ‘success,’” he writes, “the late Ch’ing epitomizes ‘failure,’ and next to the dynamism of the Meiji era, China, during the latter half of the nineteenth century, appears as the very embodiment of stasis. The trouble with this perspective is that it glosses over a very important fact, namely that China and Japan, in their respective encounters with the West in the last century, did not start out at the same point.” Cohen suggests that a “much more valid way of measuring change in nineteenth century China is by internal points of reference.” “Modernization is not, after all, a horserace,” he maintains,2\n\nThis approach has much to commend it, if only as a reminder that China did not simply stand still in the nineteenth century. Thomas Kennedy correctly indicates, for example, that for all its weaknesses, the “self-strengthening” movement from 1860 to 1894-1895 brought “far more comprehensive and far-sighted [changes] than earlier studies infer.” Cohen notes that when we measure the modernizing experiences of China and Japan against those of the rest of the world, rather than against each other, “we find that both China and Japan come off relatively well.”+\n\nYet the knowledge that historians would eventually vindicate China’s modernizing efforts would have been small consolation to Li Hung-chang at Shimonoseki. One doubts that he muttered at the signing table in 1895, “How far China has come in the last thirty years!” The fact is that Chinese modernizers continually viewed their progress in terms of Japan’s accomplishments. Li Hung-chang wrote as early as 1872: “Japan is just a small nation. Recently she has begun to trade with Europe; she has instituted\n\n* Dr. Smith is Assistant Professor of History, Rice University, Houston, Texas. His article “The Employment of Foreign Military Talent: Chinese Tradition and Late Ch’ing Practice” appeared in Vol. 15 of this Journal, pp. 113-138.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207641, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 29, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "14\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\nforeign military aid reaped few long-term gains. Western officers from \"Chinese\" Gordon to Constantin von Hanneken introduced a measure of modernity to at least a few armies in the late Ch'ing period, but none of these individuals was able to promote more basic institutional reform.10 The effects of Japan's success and China's failure in this regard were far-reaching.\n\nGenerally speaking, China's approach to military reform in the years from 1860 to 1895 may be compared with that of Japan in the years from 1853 to 1868. In each instance, foreign assistance was acquired piecemeal by both the central government and local governments, with no real coordination between the two. Similar rationales were offered, and similar results obtained, although in the case of China the new knowledge and technology acquired was used to bolster rather than to undermine the existing central government.11\n\nA high priority for both pre-Meiji Japan and late Ch'ing China was the training of troops and officers in Western techniques. In each country, the use of foreign military assistance followed similar lines. The training program established for the Bakufu by the French Minister, Leon Roches, at Yokohama during the mid-1860's, for example, may be compared with the central government training program set up by the British Minister, Frederick Bruce, at Tientsin in the early 1860's.12 Similarly, the various foreign-training efforts begun in Chōshu and other han during the 1860's bear a basic resemblance to the post-Taiping training camps established at Shanghai, Canton, Foochow and elsewhere.13 The Japanese even had their own rough equivalent of China's famous Ever-Victorious Army.14 Common problems in these early military improvement programs included language difficulties, foreign rivalries, financial limitations, lack of standardization in arms and training, and foreign meddling.15\n\nChina never overcame these problems. From the 1860's to the early 1890's, a handful of foresighted individuals, most notably Li Hung-chang, undertook a variety of modernizing enterprises aimed at building up China's “wealth and power.” Their efforts succeeded in a limited way, but were severely hindered by obscurantism, official opposition, bureaucratic inertia, and the deliberate policies of the Empress Dowager, Tz'u-hsi, who carefully manipulated political factions in order to maintain and enhance her own power.16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207642, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 30, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "STUDY OF MODERNIZATION IN CHINA & JAPAN\n\n15\n\nThe modernizing activities of Li and others were never coordinated by the central government. Nor were any efforts made to integrate the \"regional\" armies of these leaders into the dynasty's \"regular\" military system. At the time of the Sino-Japanese War, the Ch'ing army was little more than a motley collection of diverse armies at various stages of development. There was no standardization in arms, dress or training, no unity in command, and only the most rudimentary commissariat, transport, medical and other services.17 China's two small, uncoordinated provincial military academies did little to improve the situation. China had no draft system and no General Staff. Funding for most modernizing projects (including the armies of Li and others) was irregular and unpredictable. Meanwhile, the \"regular\" military forces of the empire—some of which had undergone cosmetic surgery to become \"re-trained troops\" (lien-chün) or members of the Peking Field Force (shen-chi ying)—continued to consume about two-thirds of the national \"budget.\"t\n\nChina's failure to reform her military institutions in the nineteenth century prevented the emergence of a modern, Western-trained Chinese officer corps. In the eyes of most foreign observers in China, this was the key deficiency of the Chinese army.19 Lacking sufficient numbers of competent Chinese officers, individual Ch'ing officials found it necessary to continue employing foreigners not only to instruct and drill Chinese troops, but also occasionally to lead them.20 The presence of these individuals in Chinese armies often produced or exacerbated anti-foreign feelings, encouraged foreign interference, and created security problems.21 The existence of neutrality laws and other legal obstacles complicated the problem of employing foreigners in a military capacity after the breakdown of the \"Cooperative Policy,\" and the absence of central government guidelines for the employment of foreign nationals encouraged rivalry and intrigue among the Western powers for heightened influence in Chinese military affairs.22 In all, the experience of using foreign military assistance was humiliating, expensive and frustrating.\n\nThe contrast with Japan is striking. Although no less anxious than the Chinese to maintain control over foreign military employees, and to avoid surrendering administrative authority to them, the Japanese treated foreigners far more regularly, rationally, and regally.23 Extremely careful in its centrally-supervised hiring\n\nPage 30\n\nPage 31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207645, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 33, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "18\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\nWestern attire in Japan, although never complete, undoubtedly received some of its impetus from the military. Likewise, the wearing of Western-style military caps necessitated the cutting of top-knots, which quickly became a mark of \"enlightenment\" in Japanese society generally. As early as the 1870's, the emperor began wearing a military uniform in the fashion of European royalty.39 One can hardly imagine a Chinese emperor doing the same.\n\nAnother socio-cultural effect of military modernization was the boost given to music, drama, art, literature, and even the use of the Japanese vernacular by the Sino-Japanese War. Donald Keene has brilliantly summarized the impact of the war on these areas of Japanese life, emphasizing also the change in Japanese attitudes toward China, the growth of Japanese national pride, and the altered perceptions of Westerners toward Japan as a result of the war and Japan's resounding victory.40\n\nIn economic terms, the modernizing effect of the military is more difficult to judge. Ogawa's study of conscription, for example, sees the military as a mixed blessing in nearly every sphere of economic life, including labor, productivity, and consumption.41 Yet on balance, military development seems to have benefited the economy. Even the most outspoken critics of the military and its costs, such as Ono Giichi and H. T. Oshima, concede that there were at least some economic advantages to the Meiji program of military modernization—especially in the creation of military and military-related industries, which served as model plants, and in the increased demand for products through inter-industry linkages.42 Military needs, in other words, generated a demand for modern products produced by modern means, and contributed to the growth of economies of scale. The Sino-Japanese War brought Japan numerous economic benefits and a huge indemnity (231 million taels; nearly 368 million yen), which was put to effective modernizing use, although war expenditures and the indemnity did contribute to economic problems such as business fluctuations and inflation.43\n\nFor China, much of the foregoing discussion can be stated in reverse. Although the lack of a centralized military did not appreciably impair the Ch'ing government's authority as long as \"regional\" leaders remained loyal to the throne, it did prevent China from contending effectively with foreign aggression, and eventually undermined support of the dynasty. Furthermore, the fragmentation", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207646, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "STUDY OF MODERNIZATION IN CHINA & JAPAN\n\n19\n\nof the army hindered the growth of nationalistic sentiment among Chinese soldiers. Locally raised, armed, and trained, most Chinese troops had little sense of national identification.44 The great majority of Chinese soldiers remained illiterate and uninformed.\n\nNot surprisingly, the Chinese military contributed little bureaucratic talent to the civil sector. In fact, the Manchus actively discouraged this tendency. With few notable exceptions (e.g., Liu Ming-ch'uan), the Ch'ing government avoided the appointment of military men to high posts in the bureaucracy. Throughout the nineteenth century, the virtually unchanged civil service examination system remained the accepted channel of bureaucratic mobility. Only after the Sino-Japanese War did this begin to change.45\n\nThe Ch'ing military did nothing to promote social change. Indeed, it tended to reflect the least modern aspects of Chinese society. Even in the new-style armies of Li Hung-chang and others, personal ties of blood, friendship, or local affinity often counted for more than expertise, thus helping to militate against the introduction of new ideas and influences.46\n\nThere is no evidence to suggest that the Chinese military contributed significantly to urbanization or to the cultural transformation of Chinese soldiers. Although some troops received exposure to limited Western influences through contact with foreign instructors or temporary residence in treaty port areas, the lifestyle of most Chinese soldiers changed imperceptively. Manchu troops remained isolated in Banner garrisons, and Chinese troops continued to wear Chinese uniforms and the Manchu-imposed queue. Ch'ing military forces ate Chinese food, lived in Chinese housing, and often even reverted to Chinese-style weapons.47 The existence of widespread corruption and opium smoking, coupled with the lack of modern medical and other facilities, neither improved the living conditions of the average Chinese soldier nor altered his expectations.48\n\nThe disastrous effects of the Sino-Japanese War on China are too well-known to require elaboration.49 Ironically, however, Japan contributed substantially to China's military modernization and political transformation in the post-war era, providing large numbers of advisers and instructors, as well as a variety of educational opportunities for Chinese students in Japan.50 Mutatis mutandis, we may say that Japan in late nineteenth century China", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207647, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 35, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "20\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\nplayed an historic role similar to that played in the West in late Tokugawa Japan, first precipitating a political crisis, and then helping to resolve it in favor of revolution. It would not be the last time Japan would play the part in China.\n\nViewed from the perspective of military modernization in China and Japan, two factors seem crucial to Meiji Japan's domestic and international success: (1) A sustained sense of crisis, sufficient to justify fundamental institutional change; and (2) strong central government leadership and support in implementing reform, together with the systematic use of foreign assistance. Paul Cohen is obviously correct in pointing out that pre-Meiji Japan enjoyed a number of distinct advantages in responding quickly and creatively to the Western \"impact.\"51 But we may question whether without the self-conscious and concerted modernizing policies of the Meiji central government Japan could have achieved \"wealth and power\" so quickly, even with these advantages. An examination of military change in Japan during the period 1853-1868 indicates, for example, that Bakumatsu military reform efforts were in fact no more effective than those of the T'ung-chih era.52\n\nIn China, the Manchus refused to sponsor basic institutional change, fearful of upsetting the system of military checks and balances that had preserved their rule in China for over two hundred years. More concerned with the maintenance of internal control than with the problem of external defense, the Manchus had little incentive to go beyond the limited military changes that had enabled them to suppress the major rebellions of the 1860's and 70's. It was not until 1907 that the throne took the first concrete steps to dismantle the costly, cumbersome and worthless Manchu Banner system-steps that even then were soon retraced.53\n\nIt should be noted that Manchu rule was less significant in other areas of Chinese life, notably the economy. Dwight Perkins insists, for example, that the Ch'ing government's sins in the economic realm were less those of commission than of omission, that the policies of the Chinese government \"were not so much wrong as inadequate.\"54 But in comparing Japan's economic success with China's failure, Perkins attributes China's difficulties primarily to \"lack of funds.\" Sapped of money by foreign and domestic wars, heavy indemnities, the sustenance of huge and useless \"regular\" standing armies, and the high cost of maintaining irregularly financed \"temporary\" imperial armies, the Ch'ing government...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207648, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "STUDY OF MODERNIZATION IN CHINA & JAPAN\n\n21\n\nvernment was, in Perkins' words, \"an almost unbelievably weak [financial] instrument.\"\n\nEven if the Ch'ing government had been moved to undertake more fundamental military reform, China's transition to modernity would have been painful; but without such reform, it was virtually impossible.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Paul Cohen, Between Tradition and Modernity: Wang Tao and Reform in Late Ch'ing China (Cambridge, Mass., 1974), 4.\n\n2 Ibid.; see also 148-149.\n\n3 Thomas Kennedy, \"Self-Strengthening: An Analysis Based on Some Recent Writings,” Ching-shih wen-t'i, 3.1 (November, 1974), 27.\n\n4 Cohen, 149.\n\n5 Quoted in S. Y. Teng and John K. Fairbank, eds., China's Response to the West: A Documentary Survey 1839-1923 (New York, 1966), 109.\n\n6 See, for example, William Lockwood, \"Japan's Response to the West: The Contrast With China,\" World Politics, 9.1 (October, 1956); Marion Levy, \"Contrasting Factors in the Modernization of China and Japan,\" Economic Development and Cultural Change, 2 (October, 1953); Marion Levy, \"Some Structural Problems of Modernization and High Modernization: China and Japan,\" Proceedings of the Symposium on Economic and Social Problems of the Far East (1962); Allan Cole, \"Contrasting Modernization in China and Japan,\" Ch'ung-chi hsieh-pao, 4.2 (May, 1965); E.O. Reischauer, “Modernization in Nineteenth-Century China and Japan,\" Japan Quarterly, 10.3 (July-September, 1963), etc. A partial exception is the fine article by John K. Fairbank, et al., entitled \"The Influence of Modern Western Science and Technology on Japan and China,\" Explorations in Entrepreneurial History, 7 (1954).\n\n7 Two of the most obvious advantages were, of course, Japan's greater and more immediate awareness of the Western military challenge (a product of geography and historical timing), and the military orientation and ethos (bushido) of the Japanese elite, as compared to the civil orientation and ethos (wen-te) of the Chinese elite. Other factors were also important, including the absence of opium smoking among Japanese officers and the rank and file, which again contrasts so markedly with the case in China. See Jonathan Spence, \"Opium Smoking in Ch'ing China,\" in Frederic Wakeman, Jr., and Carolyn Grant, eds., Conflict and Control in Late Imperial China (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London, 1975).\n\n8 See Fairbank, et al., \"The Influence,\" 192-194, esp. 193.\n\n9 Ernst Presseisen, Before Aggression: Europeans Prepare the Japanese Army (Tucson, 1955), 139.\n\n10 See Richard J. Smith, Ward, Gordon and the Ever-Victorious Army: Foreign Assistance and Military Modernization in Nineteenth Century China (manuscript).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207649, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "22 \n\nRICHARD J. SMITH \n\n11 Comparative studies on selected aspects of modernizing change in these two time periods would be illuminating. One might compare, for example, the aims and accomplishments of the Peking Tung-wen kuan (established in 1862) and the Bansho Shirabesho (established in 1858). On the former, see Wright, The Last Stand of Chinese Conservatism: The T'ung-chih Restoration, 1862-1874 (New York, 1967), 241-248; on the latter, consult Marius Jansen, \"New Materials for the Intellectual History of Nineteenth-Century Japan,\" Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 20 (1957), 569-582. On the use of Westerners in military affairs in Japan from 1853-1868, see Presseisen, 1-23; H. J. Jones, \"Bakumatsu Foreign Employees,\" Monumenta Serica, 29.3 (Autumn, 1974).\n\n12 Presseisen, chapter 1; Smith, , chapter 4.\n\n13 Albert Craig, Chôshu in the Meiji Restoration (Cambridge, Mass., 1961), 131-136, 201-203, etc.; Richard J. Smith, \"Foreign-Training and China's Self-Strengthening: The Case of Fenghuang-shan, 1864-1873,” Modern Asian Studies, 10.2 (1976).\n\n14 Presseisen, 22-23.\n\n15 See notes 7 and 8; also Hyman Kublin, \"The 'Modern' Army of Early Meiji Japan,\" Far Eastern Quarterly, 9.1 (November, 1949), 24-26; Meron Medzini, French Policy in Japan during the Closing Years of the Tokugawa Regime (Cambridge, Mass., 1971), 125-133.\n\n16 For a discussion of Li's modernizing efforts, his extensive use of foreign assistance, and the obstacles he encountered, see S. Y. Teng and John K. Fairbank, China's Response to the West (New York, 1966), 111-112; K. C. Liu, “The Confucian as Patriot and Pragmatist: Li Hung-chang's Formative Years, 1823-1866,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 30 (1970); Kenneth Folsom, Friends, Guests and Colleagues (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1968), 152-157; and K. C. Liu, “Li Hung-chang in Chihli,” in Albert Feuerwerker, et al., eds. Approaches to Modern Chinese History (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1967).\n\n17 See, for example, Lord Charles Beresford, The Break-up of China (New York and London, 1899), 267-289, esp. 270-280; Major A. E. J. Cavendish, \"The Armed Strength (?) of China,\" Journal of the Royal United Service Institution, 42 (June, 1898), 709-710, 713-714, 717; Richard J. Smith, \"Chinese Military Institutions in the Mid-Nineteenth Century, 1850-1860,\" Journal of Asian History, 8.2 (1974), 127.\n\n18 See Smith, \"Foreign-Training,\" 212; Cavendish, 709-710, 713-714.\n\n19 See, for example, Cavendish, esp. 720-723; Captain W. R. E. Gill, \"The Chinese Army,\" Journal of the Royal United Service Institution, 24 (1881), 371-377; Chester Holcombe, China's Past and Future (London, 1904), 81-88; \"The Chinese and Japanese Armies,\" reprinted from the Army and Navy Gazette in the Journal of the Military Service Institution of the United States, 15 (1894), 1258; James Scott, \"The Chinese Brave,\" Asiatic Quarterly Review, 1 (1886), esp. 240; etc.\n\n20 See Smith, , Chapters 8 and 9.\n\n21 See Yang-wu yün-tung cited in Smith, \"Foreign-Training,\" 218. On Chinese resistance to foreign instructors and officers, see ibid.; also Cavendish, 720-721.\n\n22 See, for example, L. C. Arlington, Through the Dragon's Eyes (London, 1931), 18; Stanley Wright, Hart and the Chinese Customs (Belfast, 1950), 478-481; John Rawlinson, China's Struggle for Naval Development, 1839-1895 (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), 65-78, 93-94, 163; Holcombe, 80-85, esp. 83.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207651, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 39, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "24\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\n43 See Ono Giichi, War and Armament Expenditures of Japan (New York, 1922), 57-58, 70-71, 140-144, 273-277, and Ono's Expenditures of the Sino-Japanese War (New York, 1922), 120-126; also Oshima, 372-375, 376, note 18.\n\n44 Smith, \"Foreign-Training,\" 219-220; Yamagata, \"The Army,” 107-108; British Public Record Office, W.O. 33/34, Captain Trotter, \"Some Remarks on the Army of Li Hung-Chang;\" Rawlinson, 190.\n\n45 Smith, \"Foreign-Training,\" 219, 221; see also Rawlinson, 202-203; Thomas William Ayers, Chang Chih-tung and Educational Reform in China (Cambridge, Mass., 1971), 164-189, 204-215.\n\n46 Smith, \"Foreign-Training,\" 218-219; Cavendish, 721.\n\n47 Cavendish, 711, 713-715, 719-723.\n\n48 Smith, \"Chinese Military Institutions,\" 157, note 135.\n\n49 See Fairbank, et. al., “Economic Change,\" 20-21; Hsü, The Rise of Modern China, 527-534. On the more positive side of the ledger, consult Ernest Young, \"Nationalism, Reform and Republican Revolution: East Asia: Essays in Interpretation, 160-162; Hsü, The Rise of Modern China, 535.\n\n50 See, for example, Hatano Yoshihiro, \"The New Armies,” in Mary Wright, ed., China in Revolution: The First Phase, 1900-1913 (New Haven and London, 1968).\n\n51 Paul Cohen, Between Tradition and Modernity: Wang T'ao and Reform in Late Ch'ing China (Cambridge, Mass., 1974), 4, 148-149.\n\n52 See Kublin.\n\n53 Smith, \"Foreign-Training:\" Ralph Powell, The Rise of Chinese Military Power, 1895-1912 (Princeton, 1955), 245-246, 262. An interesting question is whether the Manchus could have preserved their power, and even enhanced it, by undertaking meaningful military reform at the central government level. Although vested interests in the army were pervasive and solidly entrenched, one cannot assume that what happened to the dynasty in 1911 would necessarily have happened in the same way had the Ch'ing government initiated reforms in the 1860's and 1870's comparable to those undertaken by the dynasty in the early 1890's. By the beginning of the twentieth century, anti-Manchu sentiment was a powerful ideological weapon, at least in part because the Manchus had proven so totally incapable of protecting Chinese interests against foreign encroachments. But during the Tung-chih period, anti-Manchuism was no real issue at all.\n\n54 Dwight Perkins, \"Government as an Obstacle to Industrialization: The Case of Nineteenth-Century China,” Journal of Economic History (1967), esp. 486, 492.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207660, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "THE TEOCHIU: ETHNICITY IN URBAN HONG KONG\n\n33\n\nbetween Hong Kong and Thailand was at its height during two periods of several years following the two World Wars. Teochiu import/export firms trading with Thailand established a commercial association in 1946 (Hung, 1961:4). In the 1920s there were at least 21 Teochiu firms involved in trade with Singapore, and in 1930 these firms established a commercial association which by 1951 had 41 member firms (Hung, 1961:2). Teochiu trade between Hong Kong and Vietnam began in the last years of the Ch'ing Dynasty and became substantial in 1914, apparently as a result of World War I. This trading gradually increased until the involvement of the U.S. in the war of liberation at which time the importation of goods into Vietnam from China ceased. This drastically curtailed the importing activities of Teochiu firms in Hong Kong exporting Chinese commodities to Vietnam (Hung, 1961:7).\n\nAfter the opening of Swatow as a treaty port in 1858, Teochiu firms in Hong Kong became active in importing Teochiu products from there and then re-exporting them to Southeast Asia, primarily for Teochiu consumption. In 1946 there were at least 20 firms involved in such trading and by 1948 about 100. Many of these were evidently forced out of business or into other areas of business after 1949, although there were still about 20 firms still involved in Swatow/Southeast Asian trading during the 1950s. These firms were evidently forced to operate with a very low profit margin (Hung, 1961:8).\n\nImmediately prior to World War II there were perhaps 20,000 Teochiu in Hong Kong, many living in Western District. During the 1930s, however, some Teochiu began to move over to the Tsim Sha Tsui district of Kowloon, particularly Haiphong, Hankow and Canton Roads (Lee, 1969:55). Many of these people were employed as coolies in the Kowloon Godown, which still today employs predominantly Teochiu laborers. Most, however, were forced to move out of the area after World War II with the commercial and tourist development of Tsim Sha Tsui.\n\nAnother area of Teochiu concentration prior to World War II was in the hills around Kowloon Walled City where Teochiu squatters raised pigs and poultry (Lee, 1969:56). This early concentration was undoubtedly a factor in the later heavy concentration of Teochiu in Kowloon City in the 1950s and 1960s. By 1961, according to the government census, there were 257,319 Teochiu in Hong Kong and by 1971 the figure", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207690, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "ETHNICITY IN A HOUSING ESTATE IN HONG KONG\n\n63\n\nI studied Village 10 is a central point on the map. It is 8 li (Chinese mile, about one third of a western mile) from this village to Village 6 on the ocean; 10 li to Village 12; 20 li to Village 15; and 80 li to Village 17. It is 60 li from Village 1 to the town of Kap Jib and 60 li from Village 14 to the town of Luk Fung. These distances are only approximate in that they were supplied by informants. The entire area is very small and densely populated. Many of these former villagers had friends and relatives in nearby villages and had traveled throughout the area under consideration. The historical origins of Teochiu and Hoi Luk Fung, changes in administrative structure in the area and relationships between border villages are discussed in the following section.\n\nHistorical Origins and Relationships\n\nHistories of districts and prefectures in China are confusing, given the many changes in administrative boundaries and names. This article will not be concerned with the overall history of Teochiu nor with the frequent changes in boundaries. The historical origins of the Teochiu people will be briefly outlined as well as the establishment of and administrative changes in Hui Lai, Hoi Fung and Luk Fung districts. The histories of these districts are relevant to the understanding of social relationships between Teochiu and Hoi Luk Fung living in Hong Kong today.\n\nTeochiu are Han Chinese, the major racial group in China, and their language is one of the Southern Min languages (Forrest, 1965). The earliest migration of Han Chinese into the area known today as Teochiu occurred in 214 B.C. after Ch'in Shih Huang conquered Nan Yüeh (✯✯), an area in Southern China, and established the Nan Hai prefecture ( ). These first migrants were some of the 50,000 troops who stayed in southern China to initiate the settlement of the area (Chan, 1974: 120). During the Ch'in Dynasty there were several waves of migration from the Central Plains of the Yellow River southward to Teochiu. From 317 to 581 A.D. larger numbers of Han Chinese migrated into Fukien and as the latter became populated, there was further movement into Teochiu. The latter were led by four large clans (✯ ✯ ✯) which constituted the majority of the migrants (Chan, 1974:122). During this period the downstream areas of the major river system in Teochiu, the Han River, were populated by the original inhabitants of Teochiu, who were not Han Chinese. These people were gra-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207691, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "64\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\ndually pushed into the hilly regions further away from the coastal areas and the majority were eventually exterminated or assimilated after a series of rebellions during the seventh and eighth centuries (Chan, 1974:123). In successive dynasties, as southern Fukien became over-populated, there was further extended migration into Teochiu beginning at the end of the T'ang Dynasty and lasting until the 1660's (Chan, 1974:125). There are a few settlements of the original natives of Teochiu that have survived until the present in several of the Teochiu districts (Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce, 1971:66; personal communication with Jao Tsung-i of The Chinese University of Hong Kong). Hoi Luk Fung was presumably populated during these successive waves of southward migration by groups who moved a short distance beyond the present day boundaries of Teochiu.\n\nAccording to Jao Tsung-i, who has edited and compiled Teochiu local histories or gazetteers, a separate administrative unit was first established in Teochiu in the Ch'in Dynasty (221-209 B.C.) and was a part of the Nan Hai prefecture (☞☞) (Jao, 1965). There then followed a confusing series of boundary and name changes which will not be mentioned here. The name Teochiu first appeared in 591 A.D.; this name was chosen because it refers to a coastal area where the tides move constantly and the first character of the name () has the literal meaning of “tide” (Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce, 1971:59). Although there were later name changes this particular name survived into the present. There were also frequent internal boundary changes. To simplify, in 1936 Teochiu was divided into 9 districts, one city and one supervised area (Chan, 1972:93). After 1949 other surrounding districts, including Hoi Luk Fung, were added to the traditional districts to make a larger administrative area,\n\nIn the late 15th century the town of Hui Lai, three surrounding districts of Teochiu (which was then known as Chiu Yeung, * () and a small subdivision of Hoi Fung were joined together to form the administrative district of Hui Lai (Chiu Kiu, 1975:33; Hui Lai Gazetteer, 1930:80). At that time the village of Kap Jih was part of Hoi Fung and everything 5 li inland from Kap Jih became a part of Hui Lai and the villages and towns along the banks of the river running into Kap Jih became part of Hui Lai (Hui Lai Gazetteer, 1930:59). This new district contained 160 square miles. The district was established as a result of a petition from a local official stating", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207692, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "ETHNICITY IN A HOUSING ESTATE IN HONG KONG\n\n65\n\nthat the area was far from administrative centers, was very hilly and a refuge for bandits. The local people were described as rough, uneducated and rebellious. It was suggested that another administrative unit be established in the area to suppress bandits and establish schools in order to civilize the inhabitants (Hui Lai Gazetteer, 1930:81).\n\nPrior to the establishment of this separate district (the local administrative unit at that time being #), the area that was to become Hui Lai was part of the administrative unit of Hoi Fung. The latter first appeared as an administrative unit in 627 A.D.; prior to that Hoi Fung had been a part of Nan Hai (✯✯) and later administrative units in southern China (Hoi Fung Gazetteer, pp. 11-12). In 1142 Hoi Fung was combined with surrounding units to form Wai Chow prefecture () (Hoi Fung Gazetteer, pp. 11-12). According to the Hoi Fung Gazetteers, during the Ming Dynasty, in 1524, some of the Wai Chow sub-units were combined to form the district of Hui Lai, leaving Hoi Fung with only 7 districts (Hoi Fung Gazetteer, p. 11). Evidently Hui Lai then became administratively subordinate to Chiu Yeung, as Teochiu was then known. During the Ch’ing Dynasty, in 1731 Hoi Fung was divided into two units, Luk Fung and Hoi Fung, which remained a part of the larger unit of Wai Chow (Hoi Fung Gazetteer, p. 11). Prior to the establishment of Luk Fung, Kap Jih had always been a part of Hoi Fung and in 1731 when Luk Fung was separated from the rest of Hoi Fung, Kap Jih became a part of Luk Fung (Wai Chow Gazetteer, section on the geography of Luk Fung). Kap Jih was originally a small horse changing station for government messengers. It was always a part of Wai Chow Fu (AF), and except for one brief period, was never a part of Teochiu. From 1914 to 1921 Wai Chow, including Kap Jih and Hoi Luk Fung, were combined with Teochiu into a larger administrative unit containing 25 districts (personal communication from Jao Tsung-i, October, 1976). After 1921 this larger unit was disbanded, and Kap Jih and adjacent Hui Lai villages became parts of different administrative units, as had traditionally been the case after the early 1500's.\n\nThis brief administrative history, although confusing to follow, is important in indicating the following points: (1) The district of Hui Lai was a part of Hoi Fung until about 1500, a fact which is virtually unknown to Teochiu in the housing estate who think that Hui Lai has always been a part of Teochiu. Aside from indicating", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207703, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "76\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nact with regard to the person in terms of accepted norms connected to that category. This model is appropriate in cases of clearly defined others or outside groups. The identification of some groups in some cases, however, is not clearly defined and the definition of the \"outside\" group may vary with participation in interaction with members of that group. The definition itself is susceptible to manipulation; development of friendships, modification of history, participation in formal organizations can gradually lead to a re-definition or to variation in the definition.\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\nChan (i). \"The Southward movement of the Teochiu people and the 1974 progression of Teochiu culture\" in Yearbook of the Cultural and Educational Association of Chiu-Chow and Swatow Residents (no. 3), (1974). Hong Kong: The Cultural and Educational Association of Chiu-Chow and Swatow Residents.\n\nChiu Chow Chamber of Commerce. Joint Publication on the Celebration of the Completion and Opening of the Hong Kong Chiu Chow Union Building and the Jubilee Anniversary of the Hong Kong Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce, 1971. Hong Kong: The Hong Kong Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce.\n\nChiu Kiu Annual Report Editorial Committee. Chiu Kiu Annual Report, 1975. Hong Kong: Hong Kong News Review Publishing Company.\n\nCultural and Educational Association of Chiu Chow and Swatow Residents. 1974 Yearbook of the Cultural and Educational Association of Chiu Chow and Swatow Residents, no. 3. Hong Kong: The Cultural and Educational Association of Chiu Chow and Swatow Residents.\n\nForrest, R.A.D. \"Appendix I: The southern dialects of Chinese\" in V. Purcell, The Chinese in Southeast Asia, 1965. London: Oxford University Press.\n\nHoi Fung Gazetteer. (Date unknown). Originally published in the Ch'ing Dynasty.\n\nHui Lai Gazetteer. (1930). Originally published in the 1730s and reprinted in 1930.\n\nJao Tsung-i (compiler). Collective Volume of Teochiu gazetteers, 1965. Hong Kong: Lung Men Book Store.\n\nKwangtung Province Geography, vol. 1, 1934. Published by the Kwangtung Government Press.\n\nWai Chow Gazetteer, vol. 2, geography. (Date unknown). Originally published in the Ch'ing Dynasty.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207735, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 123, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "108\n\nTIN-YUKE CHAR\n\nTo identify Li Sun's name as written in Chinese characters and to gather more information on this interesting person, a letter was written to Hamilton College on April 8, 1975. A reply from the President's office said, “A search of our records revealed that Li Sun (listed as Chan Lai Sun in our files) attended Hamilton College for two years, in 1846-48. He was awarded the honorary degree of Master of Arts during his visit to the College in 1873 [as a member of the Chinese Educational Mission].\" Frank K. Lorenz, Reference Librarian at Hamilton, also wrote, \"Unfortunately we cannot determine what Chan's full name was in Chinese. We have a dozen letters from him, under the letter head of the Chinese Educational Commission, but they are entirely in English (very fluent and colloquial English at that) and are all signed \"Chan Laisun.\"\n\nThus began the search for Chan Laisun's name in Chinese.\n\nYung Wing, a commissioner of the Chinese Educational Mission in 1873 made this report: \"The educational commission was to consist of two commissioners, Chin [Ch'en] Lan Pin [  ] and myself. Chin Lan Pin's duty was to see that the students keep up their knowledge of Chinese while in America; my duty was to look after their foreign education and to find suitable homes for them. Chin Lan Pin and myself were to look after their expenses conjointly. Two Chinese teachers were provided to keep up their studies in Chinese, and an interpreter was provided for the Commission. Yeh Shu Tung [***] and Yung Yune Foo [***] were the Chinese teachers and Tsang Lai Sun was the interpreter.” He was most likely selected because he had been educated in English and was familiar with the Chinese dialects of the Southern maritime provinces from where most of the students were chosen by Yung Wing who was himself from the Heung Shan (now Chung Shan) district of Kwangtung.\n\nTsang Lai Sun was identified with the Chinese characters 曾蘭生 (Tseng Lan-sheng in kuo-yu pronunciation) in the Chinese translation of Yung Wing's book. Thus, it appears that this Tsang Lai Sun was the same person as Chan Lai Sun as listed in Hamilton College records and also Li Sun who met the Hawaiian King.\n\nChan wrote in a letter to Professor Edward North of Springfield, Massachusetts, that he would be enclosing a family photograph about which Mr. Lorenz wrote on July 30, 1976, “..\n\nwe cannot", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207736, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 124, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "IN SEARCH OF THE CHINESE NAME FOR “LI SUN”\n\n109\n\nlocate a photograph of Chan Lai-sun. It is not very surprising that there is none from his College days, as photography was not yet widely adopted in the 1840's. And no photographs were usually taken of honorary degree recipients in the late nineteenth century. As to the reference in the 1872 letter to Professor North, the family photographs are not in the correspondence file. They were evidently separated out when the alumni correspondence files were established. I have searched the miscellaneous North papers, but with no success. There is an old trunk of North memorabilia which I will also search as soon as time permits. . .\n\nChan's letters to Professor North from October 28, 1872 to September 10, 1873 and selections from Hamilton College Literary Monthly, July 1869 to February 1887, made possible a tentative biographical sketch. Also very helpful were Carl T. Smith's two articles in the Chung Chi Bulletin of the Chinese University of Hong Kong.\n\nChan Laisun (hereafter this name will be used just as he used it in his signature) was born 1829 in Singapore, the son of a poor gardener. Chan attended the Chinese day and boarding schools conducted by the American Board missionaries. His mother tongue was Malay, although his father was from the Ch'aochow prefecture of Kwangtung Province. His parents died leaving him an orphan.\n\nThe Reverend Joseph S. Travelli of Sewickley, Pennsylvania, and his wife served as missionaries of the American Board. Soon after their arrival in Singapore, their attention was attracted by a Chinese boy waiting on the table of the American Consul, and they took him into the school which they established for Chinese children for English and Chinese studies.\n\nWhen the school was disbanded in 1842, Chan was taken to the United States and put into Mr. Randall's School in East Bloomfield, New Jersey until 1846. Then the Reverend Samuel Wells Williams of the American Board arranged for him to receive free instruction at Hamilton College. His college term ended in June 1848, and he returned to China with Reverend Williams as an assistant with the American Board mission in Canton until 1853. He had lost almost all knowledge of the Chinese he had known and had to engage a language tutor to relearn Chinese. In July 1850, he married Ruth Ati (1827-1917), one of two girls Miss", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207737, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 125, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "110\n\nTIN-YUKE CHAR\n\nAldersey brought over from her Batavia, Java mission school to become assistant leaders in her Ningpo school. Ruth and Laisun had a family of six children: Elijah, Spencer, Willie, Annie, Lena, and Amy.\n\nChan later left his mission work and went to Shanghai in 1853 where he became quite successful through his connections with an English mercantile firm. On a corner of the American Board's property in Shanghai, he built a school house where his wife opened a girls' school. As he was acquainted with Yung Wing and was qualified, he was engaged to accompany the Educational Mission to America in 1872. He took along his wife and six children. His two eldest sons were ready to enter college in two years and his two eldest daughters received part of their education in England.\n\nIn 1875 Chan was detached from the Educational Mission and appointed interpreter to Li Hung-chang, Governor-general of Chihli. Thus, he met Hawaiian King Kalakaua in Tientsin in 1881.\n\nThe February 1887 issue of the Hamilton College Literary Monthly had this letter from Chan, \"We all love the United States, for many reasons. Our hearts are still there, although we are back in China. I am in Tientsin, with the well-known viceroy, Si [Li] Hung Chang, as his Secretary, and Interpreter. Annie, our eldest daughter, is married to a Dane, Captain of the Chinese government revenue cruiser; and is the happy mother of a beautiful son. Elijah, the eldest boy, graduated from the Yale Scientific School in 1887. He then went to Freiburg in Saxony, and remained there eighteen months. On his return to China, he was commissioned to open the copper mines in Eastern Mongolia. His prospects are very bright. He was offered the post of chief engineer for the government railroads, but declined to accept it. He is the first scientific engineer China has produced. His field is the largest ever offered to a single individual, for the mineral resources of China are almost infinite.”\n\nFrom Carl Smith's article, it was learned that another son, Spencer Tsang Lai Sun, married Man Kwai, daughter of the Reverend Ho Fuk-tong (1818-71) of Hong Kong.\n\nA further lead to more information was given by Chi Wang of the Orientalia Division, United States Library of Congress. In Shu Hsin-ch'eng's Chinese book on Chinese Students in Foreign Countries, the interpreter of the Educational Mission was identified by his official name, Tseng Heng-chung. The same is true in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207744, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 132, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "NOTES ON FRIENDS AND RELATIVES\n\nOF TAIPING LEADERS\n\nCarl T. Smith*\n\nThe Christian element in the Taiping rebellion has been of special interest to interpreters of the movement. It was this non-Chinese factor which made this rebellion different from all previous Chinese rebel movements. Through its Christian elements the rebels were expressing one aspect of the effect of increasing western influence on Chinese national life.\n\nThe precise relation of Christianity to the origin and development of the movement has been a matter of debate. One aspect of the problem is the relationship established between family members and friends of the originators of the movement and the missionaries.\n\nOn the one hand, there was a tendency for these relations and friends to seek out the missionary in the course of the disruption to their lives caused by their connection with the rebel leaders. They especially looked to the missionaries for financial assistance in their efforts to join the movement once it had been successfully established at Nanking.\n\nOn the other hand, the missionary vision and hope had been stimulated by the early, but confusing, reports of the Christian nature of the rebel movement. They welcomed the opportunity to learn more particulars about the movement from first-hand accounts. It was the small book written by the Rev. Theodore Hamberg in Hong Kong on The Visions of Hung Siu-Tschuen which first gave the outside world detailed knowledge of the Christian influence upon the rebels. Most of the subsequent accounts of the origins of the movement draw heavily upon the material recorded by Hamberg, who received it through Hung Hsiu-ch'uan's cousin Hung Jen-kan.\n\nThe missionaries were eager to use the refugees, who were physically cut off from the movement by the troops of the Imperial\n\n* Carl Smith, at present Research Associate in the Theology Division, Chung Chi College, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, is well known for his researches into the early Chinese community of Hong Kong and the Protestant church in China. He is currently Vice-president of the Hong Kong Branch, R.A.S.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207745, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "118\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nGovernment, for they hoped that through those converts, whom they financed in their efforts to reach the areas controlled by the Taiping government, they might influence the movement. Since they believed that these converts who had been under their instruction were better grounded in the fundamentals of the Christian faith than the Taiping leaders at Nanking, the missionaries expected their converts to strengthen the Christian element in the movement and correct some of its reported misconceptions in doctrine and aberrations in practice. They also hoped that through the good offices of these converts, once they had established themselves at Nanking, the missionary would, in time, be able to join them.\n\nThe most prominent of these individuals was Hung Jen-kan, a distant cousin of the Taiping leader Hung Hsiu-ch'uan. He became the Kan Wang (Shield King) in the Taiping government at Nanking in 1859 and was executed in November, 1864, after the fall of Nanking.\n\nHe accompanied Hung Hsiu-ch'uan to Canton for Christian instruction under the Rev. Issachar Roberts in 1847. In an appendix to Dr. Margaret M. Coughlin's unpublished doctoral thesis, Strangers in the House: J. Lewis Shuck and Issachar Roberts, First American Baptist Missionaries to China (University of Virginia, 1972), there is a letter of Roberts to Shuck, dated 27 March, 1847, giving details of Hsiu-ch'uan's spiritual development. After a month's instruction, they were sent out on a preaching tour in the course of which they returned to their home district, Hua-hsien, Kwangtung. Jen-kan did not return to Canton with Hsiu-ch'uan for further studies but remained at home to study medicine.\n\nWhile Hung had been preaching near his home in Kwangtung and studying with Roberts at Canton, Feng Yün-shan, a friend of his who had also been influenced by Christian ideas, had been gathering a group of followers in Kwangsi. They adopted the name of \"The Society of God Worshippers\" and were the nucleus from which developed the Taiping movement. The usual accounts of the movement attribute its origins to the activity of Hung Hsiu-ch'uan. This interpretation rests heavily on the account given in Hamberg's booklet The Visions of Hung Siu-Tschuen and Origin of the Kwang-si Insurrection, published in Hong Kong in 1854, and on various documents of the movement which were written after the death of Feng Yün-shan. There are several contemporary references which", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207746, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "NOTES ON FRIENDS AND RELATIVES OF TAIPING LEADERS 119\n\npoint to Feng as the more active leader in the movement's initial phases. An account given of him by a deserter from the Taiping army and a former member of Gützlaff's Chinese Christian Union, published in The Hong Kong Register, 27 September, 1853, states that when he met Feng in Kwangsi, they recognized each other as fellow members of the Union. According to the account, Feng had studied under Gützlaff. I have carefully gone over the rather detailed reports Gützlaff sent back to Germany reporting the activities of the Chinese Christian Union, hoping that he might have mentioned Feng, but I was unable to find him named. Gützlaff, however, does report trips made by his workers into Kwangsi, where they preached and distributed tracts. These reports were published in the Calwer Missionsblatt and Gaihan's Berichte.\n\nWhen Hung Hsiu-ch'uan left Roberts and Canton in the late spring of 1847, he travelled to Kwangsi in search of Feng, arriving there in August. In the Journal of Roberts published in the Southern Baptist Missionary Journal, vol. 2, no. 10 (March 1848), under date of 25 June, 1847, Roberts states that two of his followers were appointed to visit the inquirer Hung in a different province.\n\nSeveral efforts were initiated to bring the families and followers of the Taiping leaders to Kwangsi from Kwangtung, but the plans were frustrated by the authorities. Some were caught and imprisoned, others scattered and fled. The friends and relatives of the leaders of the Taipings were rooted out of their native districts and at the same time cut off from the troops of the Rebellion as it advanced from Kwangsi to Nanking. Some appear to have had branches of their clan settled in Hsin-an District, adjacent to Hong Kong. Many of the people moved in and out of Hong Kong. These movements left traces in the reports and records of the Missions, but they are not complete enough to provide a comprehensive account.\n\nThe various adventures and travels of Hung Jen-kan before he reached Nanking in 1856 are documented in the writings of Jen Yu-wen. For an English language account see his The Taiping Revolutionary Movement (New Haven, 1973). A few additional details are provided by missionary archival sources.\n\nIn 1852, Hung Jen-kan was brought to Hong Kong by a young tailor from Lilong (Li-lang) in Hsin-an District. He was the grandson of a clansman of Hung, who had befriended Jen-kan in his wanderings. The grandson Fung (Hung?) Sen1 had been under", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207747, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 135, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "120 \n\nCARL T. SMITH \n\nthe instruction of the Rev. Theodore Hamberg, preparatory to baptism. On 26 April, 1852, Fung Sen introduced Hung Jen-kan to Hamberg. Two days later, Fung was baptized with ten others at the small chapel of the Basel Missionary Society in Hong Kong. The entry in Hamberg's report lists him as \"Fung Asen, aged 21 years, from Lilong, tailor's worker.\" When Hamberg left Hong Kong at the end of March, 1853 to establish a station at Pukak (Pu-kit, Hsin-an District), Fung Sen accompanied him. He was employed by the Mission as a watchman. \n\nA biographical notice of one of the Taiping refugees, Li Tsin-kau (†), which was published in the missionary magazine of the Basel Society, Die Evangelischen Heidenboten, June, 1868, provides interesting sidelights on Hung Jen-kan's unsuccessful effort to reach Nanking in 1854. It also illustrates the connections established between missionaries and those who had been influenced by personal association with Hung Hsiu-ch'uan before he became the Taiping Wang. \n\nLi Tsin-kau was a native of Wo Kuk Lyan, in the Ch'ing-yüan District, Kwangtung. Hung Hsiu-ch'uan had been a teacher in the household of the maternal grandfather of Li Tsin-kau, and Tsin-kau's father was a good friend of Hsiu-ch'uan. He had often heard his father tell of Hung and his visions. Was the father the Li Ching-fan who drew the attention of Hung to Liang A-fa's Christian tract? Hung himself often visited Wo Kuk Lyang. During these visits there would be discussions regarding the moral and political conditions of China and hopes expressed that these could be improved and the rule of Heaven (T’ien-kuo) established. Hung Hsiu-ch'uan and Li Tsin-kau discussed especially the benefits of fasting and abstaining from meats and the worship of idols. Tsin-kau remembered that Hung spoke often of the power of God to conquer the demons. He also spoke of Jesus as our Heavenly Brother who forgave men's sins, but this was not the main theme of Hung's thoughts, \"It was though it had not much touched his heart (“Wenigstens sei es ihm nicht sehr zu Herzen gegangen\"). \n\nLi Tsin-kau was caught up in the displacement of the former friends and relatives of the Taiping leaders. When the authorities frustrated the plan to join the Taiping movement in Kwangsi, he fled to Macao. He lost track of his brothers and father, and later believed that they were imprisoned. His mother was taken in and \n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207748, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 136, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "NOTES ON FRIENDS AND RELATIVES OF TAIPING LEADERS 121\n\ncared for by friends of the family, and his wife and children fled to her parents' home. Tsin-kau tried to make a living by travelling about the area between Macao and Canton offering his services as a fung-shui expert. After a time, he moved east to the districts of Kuei-shan and Po-lo. After more than a year, he ventured to return to his home district. Here he met up with Hung Jen-kan. The two of them, accompanied perhaps by other friends and relatives, came down to Hong Kong hoping that they could from here find a way to join Hung Hsiu-ch'uan at Nanking, the capital of the Taiping Kingdom. As Hakkas, they sought out the missionaries of the Basel Society, which had devoted itself to work among this dialect group. Jen-kan met the Rev. Theodore Hamberg for a second time at Pu-kit in Hsin-an District. Here he received further instruction in preparation for baptism and was baptized on 20 September, 1853. Hamberg reports six baptisms on this date. The first was \"Fung or Hung, from Faheen, aged 31 years, teacher and doctor”, of whom he remarks that he was a relative and youthful friend of Hung Hsiu-ch'uan, the Taiping Wang. Four others were members of the Kong family of Lilong, and the sixth was \"Fung Tet-schin, from Thatipun, aged 31 years, schoolteacher\".\n\nLi Tsin-kau did not remain at Pukak with Jen-kan but continued on to Hong Kong with two friends Khi-sem and A-kap. Here they were welcomed by the missionaries and taken on as inquirers to receive instruction. The Rev. Rudolph Lechler had come down from his station in the country to await the arrival from Germany of his fiancé. He assisted Hamberg in the instruction of the new arrivals. The basis of the instruction was the Lutheran catechism. In the light of it, Li Tsin-kau confessed he previously had held a distorted view of the Christian faith. He had understood, under the influence of Hung Hsiu-ch'uan, \"the discourses concerning the power of God and false idols, but had no understanding of sin and forgiveness through Christ\". His prayer had been patterned after a form taught by Hsiu-ch'uan. After three months instruction, he was baptized by Hamberg, although on the urging of Hung Jen-kan, he had some years previous been baptized by Hung Hsiu-ch'uan.\n\nThe Day-book of the Rev. Lechler in the Archives of the Basel Missionary Society under date of 28th February, 1854, has the entry of the baptism of four who were instructed by Hamberg at Hong Kong: \"Li Khi Lim, from Tseang ye, Li Hin Long, from Tseang ye, Li Chin Kau, from Tseang ye, and Fun Shen Fong from Tung...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207751, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 139, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "124\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nlished there in a responsible position, he wrote to Li Tsin-kau inviting him to join him. Tsin-kau set off for Nanking but turned back before arriving there, because, as he claimed, he had heard alarming accounts of the religious and moral aberrations of Hung Hsiu-ch'uan. On his return to Hong Kong, he was taken on by Lechler as a helper in his ministry to the Hakka population in Hong Kong.\n\nLi Tsin-kau continued as a valuable assistant in the Basel Mission in Hong Kong, serving as a catechist until his death in 1885. For some years in the 1860's he was a travelling preacher, using Hong Kong as his home base. His mother, wife and children, and a younger brother joined him in Hong Kong and all of them became members of the Basel Society congregation on High Street, Saiying-poon. In 1858, he mentions a brother, Schiu-siu, in California. The Eighth Report of the Berlin Society, for the years 1861 and 1862, mentions A-tat the unbaptized brother of the Basel Mission helper Lichenko.\n\nLi Tsin-kau after his initial efforts to join the Taiping forces spent the remainder of his life serving the church in Hong Kong. However, his friend Hung Jen-kan became an important figure in the Taiping government under the title Kan Wang. Before assuming this political role, he also was a valued assistant in the Protestant Mission work in Hong Kong. While Li Tsin-kau worked among the Hakkas under the direction of the Rev. Rudolph Lechler, of the Basel Missionary Society, Hung Jen-kan worked with the Rev. Dr. James Legge, of the London Missionary Society, among the Cantonese speaking population.\n\nDr. Legge took an interest in the Taiping movement and saw within it a potential for providing a turning point in the relation of the Christian church with the whole of China. In the summer of 1853, he sent two of his assistants to Shanghai to open communication with the Taiping government so as to prepare the way for a missionary to enter Nanking. The delegation consisted of a long-time assistant in the London Missionary Society, Keuh A-gong, alias Wat Ngong A, and a young theological student of Dr. Legge's school, Ng Mun-sow. Their efforts were unsuccessful, so after spending six months in Shanghai, they returned to Hong Kong.4\n\nWe have already noted the unsuccessful effort of Hung Jen-kan and Li Tsin-kau to reach Nanking by way of Shanghai in 1854. Upon returning to Hong Kong, Jen-kan became a language teacher", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207754, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "NOTES ON FRIENDS AND RELATIVES OF TAIPING LEADERS 127\n\nstyle befitting relatives of one of the Taiping Kings. To celebrate his second marriage, Dr. Legge and his new wife entertained their Chinese friends and associates at a feast of twelve tables with some thirty courses. Mrs. Legge remarks in a letter dated 24 August, 1860, that “Sy-poe seemed very desirous I should honour his table\n\nWe had a letter from the Rebel King, he congratulates Dr. Legge on his marriage.\" Sy-poe is not mentioned again by the missionaries, but in 1871, Dr. Legge states that his son came to the Mission house requesting a recommendation for the position of a watchman. Legge states, \"He is an honest-looking lad — but alas, that the glory of the Taipings should thus have passed away”\n \nReports in the Archives of the Basel Missionary Society mention Fung Khui-syu, born in 1848, \"son of a Taiping King\". He must be Hung K'uei-yüan alias K'uei-hsiu, the son of Hung Jen-kan.\" He was employed by the Society as a teacher; first on the mainland, but then, because of the danger to him and his family created by his former association with the rebellion, he was removed to Hong Kong to teach in the mission's Girl's School at Sai Ying Poon.\n \nIn 1873 a marriage was arranged by Mrs. Lechler between Fung Khui-syu, then teaching at Tshong-hang-kang in Hsin-an district, and one of the older girls in the Society's boarding school at Hong Kong. The bride Tsen A-lin, alias En-min was an orphan. As a young girl she had been sold by her mother in Shanghai and had been brought to Hong Kong to work in a brothel; but she had been found wandering in the streets by a member of the Basel Society congregation and was brought to the Mission House. In 1865, at the age of twelve, she was enrolled as a student, and was baptized in 1870, when she received the name Lin, meaning compassion, in place of Tchuy-khuyk (Ch'iu-chü), meaning autumn chrysanthemum.\n\nIn 1878 a large part of the congregation of the Basel Mission Church at Shau Kei Wan, Hong Kong, emigrated to Demerara, British Guiana. Fung Khui-syu went with them. The 1885 Yearly Report of the Rev. Lechler states:\n\nIn Georgetown is a Chinese Church and one of our emigrants has been placed there as Pastor. He is the relative of the former rebel king Fung Syu-tshen, and himself, at the time of the Government of Taipings in Nanking, was made king. He found his way to Hong Kong and was received at our table. I sent him", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207756, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 144, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "NOTES ON FRIENDS AND RELATIVES OF TAIPING LEADERS 129\n\nmovement in China illustrate the impact of the Christian aspect of the Taiping ideology had on individuals connected with it in a peripheral way. The Taiping rebellion upset the even tenor of their former village life. They became refugees. Most had an objective, however: they wished to join their former village clansmen and neighbours at the Taiping capital, Nanking. A few were successful; more, perhaps, were not.\n\nHaving been previously influenced by the confused Christian ideas as promulgated by Hung Hsiu-ch'uan and Feng Yün-shan during the period before the outbreak of open hostilities between the Imperial forces and the Taiping revolutionaries, it was natural for them to seek out the missionaries for assistance and employment and also to be receptive to more thorough training in the Christian faith. The missionaries welcomed them as a means of relating to the Taiping movement with its promise of establishing a new dynasty on Christian principles. The promise was never realized and the missionaries eventually were disillusioned, but not before forming close relations with these refugees, some of whom became valuable assistants and contributed to the growth of the Chinese Christian Church.\n\nThe Taiping Kingdom had within it, from the Christian point of view, the seeds of a transformation of China, but the end result was largely disastrous for China, and its fall left behind those who had dreamed of a glory that had passed them by. Some, as this article suggests, adjusted to a life devoted to the Christian Church, while others went other ways. But the missionaries maintained a nostalgic interest in those who had been closely connected to the leaders of the Taiping movement.\n\nNOTES\n\nThis article first appeared in Ching Feng (*) Quarterly Notes on Christianity and Chinese Religion and Culture, XIX, No. 2, 1976: 105-119, and is reproduced here with permission. Ed.\n\n1 When my sources have not given names in Chinese characters, I have used the romanization of the original manuscript, except for Hung Hsiu-ch'uan, Hung Jen-kan and Feng Yün-shan. There are particular difficulties in determining the proper surname for individuals who appear in the sources as Fung. This was the accepted Hakka form of the surname Hung #, but it was also the Cantonese spelling of the surname Fung.\n\n2 Die Evangelischen Heidenboten, Oct., 1854, Letter of Hamberg, dated, May 1854.\n\n3 Ibid., June, 1868, p. 73.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207759, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 147, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "132\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nThe fourth son, Li Shen-en alias Li Syong-kong, was baptized in Hong Kong in 1859. Following the footsteps of his father, he served as Catechist in the Sai Ying Poon Hakka Congregation from 1883 to 1888. He then emigrated to Sabah, North Borneo, where, under the auspices of the Basel Missionary Society, he organized a congregation of Hakkas. He married Lin Loi-kyau, a daughter of Rev. Lin Khi-len. She was a teacher at the Girl's Boarding School at Sai Ying Poon from 1882 to 1894.\n\nLi Tsin-kau had one daughter, Li En Kyau, born in 1860 and baptized as an infant. She attended the Sai Ying Poon School and also taught there from 1877 to 1902; in addition, she did volunteer church work among the women.\n\nThe services rendered by the several generations of the Li family to the congregations and schools of the Basel Society well repaid the initial interest and attention given to the young Li Tsin-kau when he first turned up in Hong Kong in 1853 as one displaced because of his connection with the leader of the Tai Ping movement. Details of the family are largely taken from Archives of the Basel Society and a mimeographed Geschichte der Hongkonger Gemeinden kindly lent to me by Mr. James Hayes.\n\nJEN YU-WEN'S ADDITIONAL NOTES\n\nProfessor Jen Yu-wen (MX), the eminent and lifelong historian of the Taiping rebellion, has kindly added the following notes:\n\n(1) Feng & Gützlaff\n\nAside from this account [i.e., from the Hong Kong Register, 27th September 1853], there were a few others alleging that Feng, having been taught and baptized by Gützlaff, was a member of his Chinese Christian Union (4). Nevertheless, I find great difficulty in believing this story. First, there is no documentary evidence supporting it. Secondly, a careful checking on the time that Gützlaff founded and promoted the Union since 1844 does not permit Feng, who went to Kwangsi with Hung Hsiu-Ch'üan also in 1844, to come to Hong Kong to establish any relationship with Gützlaff, as Feng was at the same time busy running the affairs and directing the activities of the God-worshippers' Association in Kwangsi. There is no persuasive evidence that Feng and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207760, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 148, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "NOTES ON FRIENDS AND RELATIVES OF TAIPING LEADERS\n\n133\n\nGützlaff ever met each other in 1848 when Feng returned from Kwangsi and stayed in his native place for a short period to wait for the return of Hung Hsiu-ch'üan. I cannot see how the fable started. It may be that some members of the Union did join the Taiping army and recognized superficially the similarity of the organizations of Feng and Gützlaff with practically the same contents in their teachings, thus misunderstanding the identity of the two groups; and thus, Feng was mistaken for a fellow-member of the Union. All in all, this problem needs further study and intensive research before a conclusive answer can be obtained.\n\n(2) Li Tsin-kau ($£$)\n\nAccording to Hamberg's account, Li Ching-fang (***) was Hung Hsiu-ch'üan's cousin who lived in Lien Hua Tang (##) in Hua-hsien where Hung taught. The Tai P'ing pamphlet T'ai Ping T'ien Jih (***ŋ) identifies him. Hung first studied Liang Fa's pamphlets seriously with him.\n\nW. Oehler, Die Taiping-Bewegung (1923), asserts that Ching-fang was the grandfather of Li Tsin-kau. For certain reasons I believe Ching-fang was more likely the father, as Tsin-kau was seemingly too young to befriend and discuss such serious matters with Hung.\n\nThe late Rev. Chang Chu-ling (✯✯✯) told me a very amusing anecdote about Li Tsin-kau. After establishing his capital in Nanking, Hung Hsiu-ch'üan ordered Tsin-kau to recruit followers in Kwangtung. Tsin-kau failed in this mission but went north personally. When he arrived at Shanghai on the way to Nanking, he heard that the God whom Hung saw in his visions years ago wore a black robe. He thought that God, the True God, should be dressed in white, and therefore what Hung had seen was really the Devil. The result was that he turned back to Hong Kong immediately without attempting to see Hung again. (See my Taiping Tienkuo Chuan-shih, pp54-55, notes pp58-59) This story corroborates with the account Carl Smith found (p. 124), but the call to come to Nanking might be from Hung Jen-kau rather than from Hung Hsiu-ch'üan.\n\n(3) Hung Jen-kau (Shield King †1##)\n\nAt last, the question 'who financed Hung Jen-kau's trip to Nanking?' is solved with Carl Smith's finding that the London", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207766, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 154, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "500\n\n...\n\n1000\n\n1500\n\n2000\n\n2500\n\n3000\n\n2040\n\n2125\n\n1970\n\n2150\n\n2060\n\n2100\n\n1920\n\n104\n\n150\n\n200\n\n...\n\nM\n\n154.\n\n414\n\n1\n\n...\n\n10+\n\n...\n\nKUNNING\n\nYONNAI\n\n...\n\n南\n\n一方\n\n2200\n\n2050\n\n宣威\n\n2380\n\nYANGLIN\n\nELONG\n\nMALONG\n\nKUTSING\n\nYENGTANG\n\nSUANWEI\n\n2480\n\n2300\n\n一哲笔\n\n2490\n\n2400\n\n2630\n\n2400\n\n2530\n\n2630\n\nTHE CHOU\n\nHE SHIH TOH\n\nWSINING\n\nKWEICHOW\n\n2420\n\n1640\n\n1890\n\n野為川\n\n1940\n\n£750 3070\n\n...\n\n250\n\n300\n\n350\n\n400\n\n450\n\n500\n\n550\n\n600\n\n650\n\n700\n\n750\n\nFig. 2. Map and Profile of the Kutsing - Luhsien Road\n\n1750\n\n1820\n\n1600\n\n000\n\n1750\n\n1600\n\n800\n\n...\n\nMAKUCHER\n\nHECHANG\n\nYEN A CAL'DAN\n\n700\n\n480\n\n500\n\n500\n\n480\n\n*...\n\n850\n\n900\n\n490\n\n...\n\n520\n\n139\n\nPICHIEN\n\nYEH TŠE KLOU\n\nCH'IA SHUIDO\n\nNING PAN SHANT\n\nZECHWAN\n\n...\n\n川\n\nSUYUNG\n\n(SHANG BA CHANG\n\nNACH'E\n\nLAN TIEN PA\n\nA ROAD TRANSPORT SYSTEM IN WEST CHINA 1942-46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207776, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 164, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "A ROAD TRANSPORT SYSTEM IN WEST CHINA 1942-46 149\n\nCoke or charcoal with a minimum of air. The difference between the two gas mixtures can be clearly seen, if the composition and calorific values are compared.\n\nComparison of Coal (Town) Gas and Producer Gas\n\n \n Percentage Constituent\n Coal Gas\n Producer Gas\n \n \n CO2\n 3.13\n 3.3\n \n \n C.H.\n 1.63\n n\n \n \n O2\n 0.96\n 0.8\n \n \n CO\n 14.70\n 27.2\n \n \n H2\n 51.08\n 10.8\n \n \n CH4\n 19.80\n 2.8\n \n \n N2\n 8.70\n 55.1\n \n \n Cal Value BTU/ft3\n 425\n 140\n \n\nProducer gas powered vehicles were used in UK, France and Germany during the World War II as oil and petrol became short. In the United Kingdom a producer gas unit using coke or anthracite mounted on a trailer behind a bus was common.\n\nThe main disadvantages of producer gas as a fuel are:\n\n Low calorific value which reduces the power output of a normal 6:1 compression ratio petrol engine to 66% of its theoretical maximum.\n The weight of the apparatus which reduces the payload.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207778, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "A ROAD TRANSPORT SYSTEM IN WEST CHINA 1942-46\n\n151\n\n3. The presence of acid volatiles carried over from the fuels (except charcoal).\n\n4. The time required for daily maintenance.\n\n5. The difficulty of cooling the gas sufficiently in hot weather to give a reasonable calorific value per engine cylinder charge.\n\nProducer Gas in China\n\nIt is not known to the writer when producer gas conversion vehicles were first used in China or who introduced them. It was probably done by one of the Government Agencies such as the National Resources Commission (NRC) about 1937-38, but information on source material would be welcome. By 1942 numbers of trucks were fitted with gas units, mainly of the updraught type. These were considered less efficient than the cross draught type used by the FAU but were easier to construct. A diagrammatic layout for the producer gas plant as installed on the FAU trucks is given in Fig. XI. When in operation the system works as follows. Air is sucked through the unit by the action of the engine just as air is drawn through a petrol carburettor. The air enters the firebox (1) through a water-cooled coned tuyere (2). In the firebox the air reacts with the white-hot charcoal in a generalised 2C+O2→2CO reaction. If water vapour is introduced as well there is another general reaction 2H2O+2C→2H2+2CO (or CH4+CO2). The fire is small (6-7\" diameter) and very intense. The firebox has a bottom drop door for ash removal and a large charcoal hopper (2'x2'x4') above. The tuyere cooling water is in a tank above the hopper and circulates through pipes. The gas comes off through a removable cast iron grid (3) and into a cyclone (4) which removes larger dust particles. The gas then travels through a 21⁄2” diameter pipe to the cooler (5) which consists of two chambers connected with multiple cooling tubes and arranged to get the maximum air draught under the truck body. The cooled gas then passes into a cylindrical chamber bag filter (6). The bags are tied over removable wire frames mounted on a perforated inlet pipe. From this the gas passes to an oil bath scrubber (7) to the air mixing valve (8). This is controlled from the cab by the driver who uses it to give maximum power in the mixture. The valve requires adjustment as the resistance to gas flow increases with the dust accumulating in the filters. From this valve the gas/air mixture passes through the petrol/gas changeover valve (9) and into the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207801, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 189, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "174 \n\nA. D. BLUE \n\nproblems involving steam navigation on the Upper Yangtze may be said to have been solved, or at least understood. Only political unrest, civil wars, and the preoccupation of Britain with the First World War prevented further development.\n\nSzechwan suffered severely from the breakdown of the central government after 1915. At times trade was almost at a standstill because of civil war and organised brigandage, and to a lesser extent because of floods and famines. In spite of this, steam navigation on the Upper Yangtze flourished, a tribute to the keen business instincts and adaptability of the Chinese merchants. The first British steamer to appear on the Upper Yangtze since the Pioneer of 1900 was the Asiatic Petroleum Company's Anlan which went into service in 1918, and was followed in the following year by their Anning.* In addition to carrying petroleum products, these ships carried a few European passengers.\n\nThis heralded a period when there was a great increase in steam navigation on the Upper Yangtze, remarkable in that it took place against a background of continuing and increasing civil war, political unrest, and general trade depression.\n\nOther British companies followed the Asiatic Petroleum Company. In 1919 Mackenzie and Company of Shanghai built the famous Loong Mow at Shanghai's Kiangnan Dockyard, 196.5 feet long by thirty-one feet beam, moulded depth of nine feet six inches and gross registered tonnage of 1,112. The twin reciprocating engines and oil-fired water tube boilers were built by Thorneycroft of Southampton, and the luxurious accommodation for both Chinese and foreign passengers led her to be called \"The Queen of the Gorges\". Soon after this the China Navigation and the Indo-China Steam Navigation Company at last built their own ships for the Upper Yangtze, until then having used chartered junks flying their house flags for their Upper River trade. Then the Stars and Stripes appeared with several Dollar Line ships and some small tankers of the Standard Oil Company; and in 1925 by several steamers of the Yangtze Rapids Steamship Company. For a time this latter company operated a through service between Shanghai and Chungking. French, Italian, and Japanese steamers also appeared at this time. By the end of 1925 there were at least thirty-two steamers on\n\n*This company was the Far Eastern branch of the Shell Company.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207822, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 210, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963\n\n195\n\nsimply pushed back the social frontier of the New Territories, as is dramatically the case in Tsuen Wan, but affected the lives and ideas of large numbers of people in many parts of the region. Overseas migration, old in nature but new in pattern, has brought in much wealth. An agricultural revolution, no less dramatic than its industrial counterpart but less commented on in the world outside, has pushed the rice economy aside from the centre of the scene, created new kinds of settlement and broken up the image of an unhurried farming community. Land has now entered, or efforts are being made to bring it into, new markets for both agricultural and building uses. In these conditions it is not enough to study old-established communities and traditional institutions. How these changes have come about, how they are perceived and evaluated by the people they most closely affect, and how they in turn imply other kinds of changes should certainly stand in the forefront of studies of the New Territories at the present time.\n\n9. On the other hand, it would be a mistake—as grievous as the error of neglecting what is new—to suppose that only the latest changes deserve attention. From the moment British administrators set foot in the New Territories a chain of changes was initiated: in land tenure, in political leadership, in social control, in economic life. The measure of modern change is not to be taken solely by a comparison between 1963 and 1949 or 1941; it must be gauged by the whole stretch of British administration. But, in turn, even this is too parochial a framework for the study of what was once a part of China. At this late date it is still possible to catch glimpses in the New Territories of how the area was governed before 1898 and to work out the implications of this form of government for social life. The New Territories, that is to say, have something to contribute to the historian's understanding of China in late Ch'ing times, and this understanding on the part of the historian of modern China can, reciprocally, help to build up a picture of 65 years of the New Territories against the background of their Chinese origins and under the influence of changes in China.\n\n10. One of the problems I attempted to approach was the nature of local leadership in the New Territories. Let me, from this example, try to illustrate how changing institutions might be analysed to throw light on present-day concerns. I must stress the tentative and summary nature of my account, for the subject needs far more\n\nPage 210\n\nPage 211", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207828, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 216, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 201\n\nthe Man and their allies rallied local support to form a new market on the other side of what in British times has come to be known as the Kwun Yam River. This was the beginning of the market town of Tai Po in its present form. (The story up to this point is told by Sung Hok-p'ang, 'Legends and Stories of the New Territories. I. Tai Po', The Hong Kong Naturalist, vol. VI, no. 1, May 1935. The stone slab recording the magistrate's decision no longer stands in the temple; when the temple was recently rebuilt the stone was cast into the yard where it now lies, often encumbered with rubbish, a neglected minor monument of late Ch'ing history).\n\n19. The new market in a short time consigned the old one to a decrepitude familiar to anyone who has walked behind the Jockey Club Clinic which now stands next to the Tin Hau Temple. Soon the founder of the new market put up the first of the bridges to span the Kwun Yam River; the subscription list for the bridge is recorded on two stone plaques set into the wall of the Man Mo Temple which had been built as a centre for the new market. A room in the temple still houses the public weighing scales from which the founders and their successors have derived an income.\n\n20. The story goes that the Man who led the revolt against the Tang monopoly called a meeting of the leaders of seven yeuk around Tai Po, each of these taking a share in the new market in the form of shops. The land on which the market was built appears to have been for the most part the property of the Man. Now it is probable that the Ts'at Yeuk dates from this point in time. My informants take this view. And there is one piece of information which tends to confirm it: one of the constituent yeuk is Cheung Shue Tan which, according to what I was told in Sha Tin, was previously a member of a yeuk-complex in this latter area; so that it may well have changed its allegiance at the time of the founding of the new market at Tai Po. But even if the Ts'at Yeuk came into being so recently, the yeuk themselves can hardly have done so for they appear to have been the material out of which the complex was formed. Many locals assert that the yeuk did not antedate the Ts'at Yeuk, but I am inclined to think that we are dealing here with a very old form of grouping, as comparative evidence will suggest. The seven yeuk were Lam Tsuen, Cheung Shue Tan, Ting Kok, Shuen Wan, Hap Wo, Tai Hang, and Fan Leng. Together they had over seventy villages, but the yeuk were of unequal size, so that while, for example, the Man settlement at Tai Hang formed a yeuk", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207831, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 219, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "204\n\nMAURICE FREEDMAN\n\nConnected with the union there was an organisation which operated a kind of agricultural insurance scheme, making good losses by theft of crops and beasts. Again, the Luk Yeuk was composed of both Punti and Hakka.\n\n24. There are other 'numerical' yeuk-complexes: the Four (Sz) Yeuk of Tsuen Wan, the Six (Luk) Yeuk of Sai Kung, and the Nine (Kau) Yeuk of Sha Tin. In these three cases, however, we see the influence on rural organisation of an urban and administrative centre. The walled city of Kowloon was the only official seat in that part of San On to be converted into the New Territories. It held the yamen of a deputy magistrate and certain military officials, no doubt acquiring some of its importance as a centre of government in the second half of the nineteenth century from the proximity of the British Colony.\n\nThe Kau Yeuk of Sha Tin appears to have consisted of forty-eight villages, of which the five largest were Punti and the rest Hakka. The Ch'e Kung Temple (now the property of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs in his part as a corporation sole) belonged to the Kau Yeuk, according to one account, but was taken over by the S.C.A. when a dispute was precipitated by a claim put forward by one village to control it.\n\nOn the Sz Yeuk of Tsuen Wan I have discovered little more than that it existed. Sung Hok-p'ang once told a Chinese scholar, who has since committed the statement to writing, that the area now called Tsuen Wan was in late Ming or early Ch'ing times known as Tsuen Wan Yeuk and that formerly all the villages in the area from Ting Kau to Kowloon City belonged to it.\n\nThe Luk Yeuk of Sai Kung, however, has left clearer traces. I cannot define its composition exactly, but I have been told that Ho Chung, Pak Kong, Sha Kok Mei, Tseung Kwan O and two settlements in Shap Sz Heung were the six yeuk. Once again, both Hakka and Punti were involved.\n\nThe three yeuk-complexes of Tsuen Wan, Sha Tin, and Sai Kung were in some fashion tied in with a council, formal or informal, in Kowloon City; and it appears likely that the local deputy magistrate used this organisation to make contact with the villages in his neighbourhood. In 1879 (according to its own records) there came into existence in Kowloon a body known as the Lok Sin Tong; members of the three yeuk-complexes were represented on it. Its primary object seems to have been to promote charity, public works, and education, while in character it would appear to have been an association of local gentry. The Lok Sin Tong still exists; indeed, it has grown", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207833, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 221, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "206\n\nMAURICE FREEDMAN\n\nship of the struggle over the market; for up to that point they were perhaps strong enough to be independent, becoming a yeuk (and so assimilating themselves to an older pattern) in response to the needs of the new situation. (I may add that the Man of Tai Hang, the Liu of Sheung Shui, and the Tang of Lung Yeuk Tau were three particularly prominent clans in the area, and that their interrelations probably fluctuated as their respective fortunes waxed and waned. When the Man and their allies ruined the old market a Liu of Sheung Shui wrote a poem congratulating the Man leader; the poet was clearly pleased to see Tang 'arrogance' humbled). The villages in the Luk Yeuk of Sai Kung were subject to Tang landlords or taxlords (which they were it would not be possible to decide without a long debate on the relation between rent and the taxes exacted, officially or otherwise, by strong clans), and they may have used their contacts with the Kowloon organisation to protect themselves. In a part of the Empire where the state could certainly not be relied upon to redress wrongs and protect property and lives, the weaker communities were forced to seek among themselves (and sometimes, as the case of the Ts'at Yeuk illustrates, with the aid of a stronger one) protection against oppression by local powers. In many parts of what were to become the New Territories the Tang were regarded as being unduly dominant, their riches, scholarship, and connexions with officialdom being the bases of their strength; and smaller communities banded together against them. But on their home ground in the Yuen Long area Tang dominance was so complete that yeuk could not emerge. That, at least, is one possible conclusion.\n\n27. It is time now to examine the word yeuk more closely. It can be taken to mean a pact or agreement, and several of my informants interpreted yeuk and yeuk-complexes as contracts or joint enterprises freely entered into. (It is like a business partnership, one man told me, in which people take shares). But in fact it is possible to argue that what we have been examining at the end of the Ch'ing dynasty may not have been some spontaneous and popular form of grouping so much as a development of an official and imposed system of control. Yeuk is an abbreviation of heung yeuk (‘hsiang-yüeh'), a term with a long history in Chinese local government and administration. It appears first in the Northern Sung period when (late eleventh century) a Confucian scholar set out a scheme for a kind of village self-government in which country people were to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207834, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 222, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 207\n\npromote among themselves morality, education, social solidarity, and mutual aid. The plan seems to have enjoyed some vogue in the Ming dynasty, but the early Ch'ing rulers took over the term to give it a new meaning: 'hsiang-yüeh' became a public lecture system by means of which the masses were to be indoctrinated with the political ethics of Confucianism. Yet by the nineteenth century 'hsiang-yüeh' had once again undergone a transformation, a lecture system developing into a framework of state control to the point where 'hsiang-yüeh' was sometimes taken to be synonymous with 'pao-chia' and 'li-chia', the state organisations for security and taxation. On the other hand, a contrary process of evolution was also at work moving ‘hsiang-yüeh' back towards the kind of self-government which had been originally conceived under its name. It is on record that in places in Kwangtung the heads of 'hsiang-yüeh' assumed roles of local leadership in such a way as to take command of local affairs. In addition, 'hsiang-yüeh' were used as a setting for organising ‘regiment and drill corps' ('t'uan-lien') for local defence, and it is an interesting speculation that just as the 'ke yüeh hsiang-yung', the village braves of the several yeuk, rallied to the defence of Canton against the British in 1842, so we might find on closer inspection that some of the armed resistance to the first British in the New Territories was bound up with the Ts'at Yeuk and other yeuk-complexes. (There are of course many sources, both Western and Chinese, for the history of 'hsiang-yüeh'. The best and most convenient is Hsiao Kung-chuan, Rural China, Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century, Seattle, 1960, pp. 184, 205).\n\n28. My tentative view of the matter is that, while early Ch'ing policy may have popularised the term heung yeuk in the course of spreading the public lecture system, at the time we are concerned with, at least in our part of Kwangtung, yeuk were looked upon by the people who engaged in them as instruments of local control independent of state supervision. They might be used for treating with the state, as seems to have been the case especially with the three yeuk-complexes oriented to Kowloon City, and might have allied themselves with officialdom in the face of banditry or attack by outsiders, but they were far removed from being mere instruments of state control. Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, whose home was in an area of Kwangtung which may be regarded as being in many ways comparable to San On, laid stress on the heung yeuk as a basis for a high degree of local independence and self-government in his", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207881, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 269, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "254\n\nMAURICE FREEDMAN\n\nwill be overlooked in future studies. The Hoklo-speaking group has never been looked into in any detail and might well make the subject of an interesting investigation—partly because their spoken language appears to have acted as a barrier which administrators have found it difficult to cross. (There is, however, nothing specially exotic about the language; it can be handled by anybody with some background in one of the Min dialects—Amoy, Chiu Chau, etc.) On the other hand, it seems to me that the accent in studies of fishermen should fall heavily on modern developments. Among boat people there seems to be an increasing drift to the land for dwellings; fishermen have joined in the emigration to the United Kingdom; marriages have been noted, perhaps on a growing scale, between Tanka and landsmen; and there are many signs that the separation of boat people from land-based institutions is likely to diminish progressively. (I do not know enough about the boat people who are not fishermen to include them in my remarks). How these processes are taking place and how the modern fishing industry promotes and reacts to the changes are matters on which both the New Territories Administration and the Co-operative Development and Fisheries Department must have collected a great deal of information, and there is a case to be made for someone to prepare an analysis of the available data as a step towards detailed on-the-spot studies.\n\n94. Fishermen are not the only marginal groups in the New Territories. While great areas of the countryside have undergone economic development it is still possible to walk over tracks which suggest the Ch'ing dynasty rather than the twentieth century into villages where only packets of cigarettes, photographs, and the odd transistor wireless set forbid the illusion that one has stepped back into a fully traditional Chinese community. And in the island settlements the sense of the new world kept at a distance is reinforced by the sea. In reality no community in the New Territories is today isolated, but many, because of their poor communications, are remote, and, given that roads are being planned which will bring new possibilities of marketing crops and attract the attention of outsiders to areas now ignored, there is a need to study communities in the process of being brought closer to the mainstream of contemporary New Territories life. If there had been enough talent immediately available for research I should have suggested that such a study be undertaken at once, but it will probably have to be put aside for a while.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207913, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 301, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "286\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nIn Chinese these two characters indicate the mountain's colour as if being lightened by the rosy sunset. According to some Chinese poetry, the sunset time seemed the most lovely time of a day.5 Thus, to Chinese mind, a red mountain is surely a term which indicates not only a poetic feeling but also suggests a painterly mood.\n\nBased on most probably this particular literary name, Ho Chung fixed upon Tan-shan lao-jenA, ‘an elderly man in a red mountain', as his second literary name. However, the nature of his first and second literary names was too closely related. Perhaps because of this reason, he began to call himself Ch'i-shih-erh-feng lao-jen+‘an elderly man who dwells among seventy-two peaks'. This is a good literary name except it seems too clumsy. Perhaps feeling this dissatisfaction, Ho Chung fixed Yen-ch'iao jen, ‘a man on a bridge (particularly hidden) by the smoke' (which had sometime been varied as Yen-ch'iao lao-jen) as his last literary name. Judging their literary implication as well as their mysterious atmosphere, Yen-ch'iao-jen is undoubtedly much better than either Tan-shan lao-jen or Ch'i-shih-erh-feng lao-jen.\n\nCorresponding to the number of his personal literary names, Ho Chung also had four literary names for his painting studio. His first, which was the only one recorded by writing on Kwangtung painting, was Chu-ch'ing shih-shou chih-tsai✯✯&$2★. 'A Studio which houses the emaciated bamboo and the long-lived rocks'. In addition, as could be found from his own writings inscribed on his paintings, Ho Chung's second studio name happened to be Lan-yen chu-hsiao chih-tsai✯✯✯✯, 'A studio in which the orchid speaks and the bamboo smiles (to their master)'; whilst his third was Mei-hua shan-kuan, 'a hall on the plum blooming mountain'. In fact, just as his second literary name (an elderly man of the red mountain) was derived from his first —— a red mountain - so Ho Chung's second studio name (a studio in which the orchid speaks and the bamboo smiles) is also very similar to his first studio name (a studio which houses the emaciated bamboo and the long-lived rocks). As to the 'hall on the plum blooming mountain' it has a special background. Ever since the 13th century, plum blossoms were always treated by Chinese scholars as a symbol of the incorruptness of literati”. Naming his art studio as 'a hall on the plum blooming mountain' suggested Ho Chung's personality", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207914, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 302, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n287\n\nof incorruptness. The last name of Ho Chung's studio was T’ing-yü-hsien, that is, a pavilion for listening to the rain. The melancholy atmosphere of a rainy day, from the point-of-view of Chinese literary life, has been a special but poetic mood favoured by poets of Sung China in the 13th century. Transferring this sad feeling of listening to the rain as one of Ho Chung's studio names showed that this late 19th century Kwangtung artist certainly shared the Sung poets' feeling of melancholy.\n\nWith regard to Ho Chung's biography, due to the lack of information his life as an artist is not completely clear, although according to an art history written in 1927 and devoted to Chinese artists in Kwangtung, Ho Chung was over seventy years old when he died. Based on this clue, the chronology of this artist can be ascertained in general. There are 34 pictures all by Ho Chung in the Luis de Camoes Museum in Macau. Among them, a circular fan painting has been inscribed by the artist with the date Keng-tze ✯; a year corresponding to the 26th year in the Kwang-shü * era during the Ch'ing Dynasty, which in turn corresponds to the year 1900. This is a very helpful discovery, since if Ho Chung died around 1900 at the age of seventy-five, he might have been born around 1825. At any rate, Ho Chung must have been an artist chiefly active in the second half of the 19th century and presumably his late years touched at least the first one or two years of the 20th century.\n\nFrom the 17th to the 19th centuries, Chinese painting in Kwangtung certainly developed into a more fruitful stage than in the preceding centuries. Nevertheless, the artistic quality of these Kwangtung paintings was not only less significant than those of the Chiang-nan area, the centre of Chinese painting of that time\n\n- but also can hardly be compared with the standard of her neighbouring province, Fukien. For this reason, within these three centuries, artists who were not natives of Kwangtung and were also not first class artists of the Chiang-nan area, but whenever and wherever settled in Kwangtung, were always regarded by Kwangtung art historians as Kwangtung artists. For instance, Wang Hou-lai, a native of An-hui province settled at Pan-yü during the 18th century, was treated as a representative artist for Kwangtung landscape painting. Similarly, Sung Kwang-pao and Meng Chin-i, two artists of the Kiangsu province, lived in Kwang-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207915, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 303, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "288\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\ntung for many years, and have also been regarded as founders of bird-and-flower14 painting in Kwangtung.\n\nWhen the quality of the 19th century Kwangtung paintings is compared with that of 19th century Taiwan painting, it is interesting to find that the former is certainly higher than the latter. Ho Chung's case can be cited in evidence. Ho Chung travelled from Kwangtung to Taiwan sometime in the 1850's,15 and later he was naturally taken by Taiwan art historians as a representative artist of Taiwan.16 Clearly, the Taiwan art history regarded this Kwangtung artist as an artist of Taiwan just as Kwangtung art history regarded some non-Kwangtung artists as artists of Kwangtung. It seemed that in order to substantiate a more advanced level, the local art histories written in Kwangtung and Taiwan were always in favour of treating artists from other provinces who had lived in these two provinces as their own artists.\n\nHistorically, in 1895, the Ch'ing Court turned over Taiwan to Japan, but as a matter of fact, the Japanese first went to Taiwan in 1874 which was some twenty years after Ho Chung had visited that part of China. As an artist, Ho Chung must have produced some paintings in Taiwan although he might have found that it was not as convenient as in his hall on the plum blooming mountain at Nan-hai. But ever since the 1850's there were possibilities that his paintings executed in Taiwan were not only wanted by the local lovers but also being collected by the Japanese living there. As a matter of fact, according to a Japanese work on Chinese painting and calligraphy written in 1865, one painting by Ho Chung, dated 1856 by the artist's own inscription, had already been housed as a treasure by a nobleman in Japan.17\n\nDuring the 19th century, Chinese paintings executed by Liang Yüan-chung and Liang Shen, both natives of Shun-te in Kwangtung, had been welcomed by overseas Chinese in Annam;18 the present-day Vietnam. However, with regard to Japan, it seemed that Ho Chung was the only 19th century Kwangtung artist being paid attention by collectors in that country. In the past, local art histories written for Kwangtung and Taiwan were unquestionably overlooked by scholars. Now judging the facts that Ho Chung's paintings were first welcomed in Taiwan and then appreciated in Japan, although Kwangtung paintings of the 19th century were less superior than the high-quality pictures done by Chiang-nan artists, yet to other areas adjacent to the continent of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207917, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 305, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "290\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\ncareer, since this Nan-hai artist had continuously worked as a professional over half a century; and finally his works were mainly sold at a very reasonable price.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 See Chuang Shen: \"Some observations on Kwangtung paintings\" in Kwangtung Painting (1973, published by the Urban Council, Hong Kong), pp. 9-24.\n\n2 According to the 6th chuan of Ming-hua-lu, “Records of painting in the Ming Dynasty\", edited by Hsu Hsin in the early years of the Ch'ing Dynasty, Lin Liang was active in the Hung-chih era (1488-1505), mainly in the late 15th century.\n\n3 Chu Pi-shan was famous for his specially designed silver wine cup in the shape of a hollow tree. For a colour reproduction of such a cup, dated 1345 by Chu's own carved inscription, see \"The selected Handcrafts from the collections of the Palace Museum\", edited by the Palace Museum, (1974, Peking), pl. 34.\n\nA similar silver wine cup, also dated 1345 by Chu's own carved inscription, in the form of a boat made of a hollow tree in which Chang Ch'ien is seated, is owned by Lady David of London. For its reproduction, see Perceval David: Chinese Connoisseurship (New York, 1971), pl. 19C.\n\n4 The origin of this name seemingly inspired by a famous line of the 5th century poet Tao Chien, in the 5th poem of his \"Drinking wine\". This line reads:\n\n\"Culling chrysanthemums by the eastern hedge, 悠然見南山\n\nI see afar the South hills.\"\n\nFor the English translation of this poem, see Robert Kotewall and Norman L. Smith: The Penguin Book of Chinese Verse (1962, Middlesex), p. 9.\n\n5 In \"Lo-yu-yüan\", the mid-9th century poet Li Shang-yin (813-858) wrote:\n\n\"The setting sun has boundless beauty\n\nonly the yellow dusk is so near.\"\n\nSee also Robert Kotewall and Norman L. Smith; ibid, p. 25.\n\n6 See Wang Chao-yung \"Lin-nan hua-cheng-yueh\" 'A Brief Document on Kwangtung painting' (1927, Shanghai), chuan 10, p. 7.\n\n7 The most important literary man who loved plums during the Sung China was no one but Lin Pu (967-1028). As a native of Chekiang, Lin Pu lived in a mountain overlooking the West Lake of Hangchow. When he lost his wife he had not re-married. Having planted a lot of plum trees near his house, he began to regard the plum blossoms as his wife. For this blossom he had this famous line written:\n\n\"Your slanting shadow reflects on the clear, shallow lake 斜水清淺\n\nYour elusive fragrance floats about in the yellow of the evening moon”.\n\nFor the English translation of this poem, see Max Perleberg: Lin Ho-ching (1952, Hong Kong), p. 15.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207918, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 306, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n291\n\n* This poetic feeling can be reflected by a Tzu poem written by Chiang Chieh # which reads:\n\n\"The rain song in youth I heard from song bedroom 樓上\n\nred candle setting behind a satin screen *****\n\nolder and travelling I heard rain in a boat #\n\nhuge river, low clouds, ***›\n\na goose crying in the west wind parted from the flock. $$$\n\nK\n\nNow when I hear the rain, in a hermit's cell MET\n\nmy hair has long turned grey 11\n\nsorrow, happiness, parting, joining are all neutral #46BAH raindrops all night long on the stone steps. Ħ¶¤àa¤N ·\n\nFor the English translation, see John Scott: Love and Protest (1972, London), p. 118.\n\n9 see Wang Chao-yung, op.cit. p.7.\n\n10 Its registration number in the Luis de Camoes Museum is AL 1 No. 10.\n\n11 Chiang-nan is a conventionalized geographic term referring to the vast area of Kiangsu, Chekiang, An-hui and Fukien provinces.\n\n12 See Chuang Shen op.cit. pp. 14-18. There I have pointed out that in the 19th century, the painting styles of Hua Yen and Huang Shen, two artists of Fukien, were followed by the Kwangtung artists.\n\n13 See Chu-tsing Li: \"Landscape painting in Kwangtung during Ming and Ch'ing\", in Landscape paintings by Kwangtung Masters during the Ming and Ch'ing Period (published in 1973 by the Art Gallery of The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong), p. 4.\n\n14 Sung Kwang-pao and Meng Chuii were both artists of Kiangsu province. Followed Li Ping-shou, they came to Kwangtung during the first half of the 19th century. Later, Sung was regarded as the founder of a more laborious and decorative school, while Meng became the forerunner of a different school, less decorative, and mainly stressing the artist's inner self.\n\n15 See Lin Po-ting *** \"Brief Notes on the Taiwan painters during the Ch'ing Dynasty”滑朝台灣畫人輯系 history selected in Central Chinese culture and Taiwan AXLA÷ (1971, Taipei), pp. 531-539,\n\n16 See Lin Po-ting: ibid, p. 535.\n\n**MFIL\n\n17 See Sohokaku Shogaki **M***, Descriptive catalogue of Chinese paintings and calligraphies in the possession of Bardo Asano (1864-1880), (published in 1973 by the Kansai University in Japan), pp. 143 - 144.\n\nAs to this catalogue and its editor, see also Kokuro Wakimono + A 'Notes on paintings and calligraphy in the Shohokaku Shogaki Collection and its Author Asano Baido\", *NTORE *o****** The Bijutsu Kenkyu ✯ (Journal of Art Studies), No. 35 (1973, Tokyo), pp. 531 - 544.\n\n18 See Chuang Shen: op.cit. p. 21.\n\nUniversity of Hong Kong,\n\nMarch 1977.\n\nCHUANG SHEN", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207920, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 308, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n293\n\nhalls, noted how common they were in Central China and continued \"they may almost be said to abound in Szechuan\". He suggested that the custom sprang from the belief that the benevolent influence exercised by the deceased during his lifetime would still be active if his body was preserved and set up. These mummies were placed in a hall on their own and even in the main hall beside the Buddha's image directly in front of the main altar. The \"images\" were usually gilded, though several on O Mei Shan were made up in fresh colours and dressed in silken robes which sometimes produced quite a monumental effect. The finest example he saw was in a wayside monastery on Chiu Hua Shan at the Ts'ui Yun An where the features of a monk who had died about the turn of this century had been gilded and “stood out as though carved in oak”.\n\nThe Chinese appear to have used two ways of preserving corpses. The usual method consisted first of evisceration; the body was then pickled in salt for a considerable period of time, afterwards being placed in a sealed urn and left for several years. If, when opened up, the urn was found to contain an undecayed body a subscription list was opened for the gilding and enshrining of the relic. The body was thickly gilded or varnished and, if not exposed to the elements or to great extremes in temperature and humidity, it would then last for centuries. The second method was for the dying monk, if he felt divinely inspired, to fast before death and in the process dry himself out, so that after death little was required to finish off drying the body into a leathery, hard mass of skin and bone3.\n\nThe following short notes on the better known \"fleshy bodies\" provide a clearer picture of how widespread the practice was. In May 1975 a preserved body, just emaciated skin and bones, seated in a cross-legged position was returned from Japan to Taiwan. The relic, the body of the monk Shih Tzu-kung (#4) known as the Stone Monk (GI✯✯), had been in Japan since World War II when it had been secretly shipped there by a Japanese military dentist. The body, more than a thousand years old, was of a T'ang Buddhist leader born about 700 AD in Kwangtung into a family named Ch'en (#). His title during life was Wu Chi Ta Shih (AR), which is the title he is still known by. He has now been returned to his original monastery in Taiwan.\n\nAn embalmed body exhibited in the eastern part of the Great Hall of the Yueh Lin Temple in Chekiang was claimed to be that", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207921, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 309, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "294\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nof the Cotton Bag Monk, Pu Tai (), an incarnation of Mi Lo Fu. Pu Tai was said to have died at that temple at the beginning of the tenth century.\n\nAnother preserved body was that of a Shantung peach seller who dropped dead at the altar and was embalmed in mud and became a deity, Wu Yu Hsien (†), around whom a local cult sprang up and flourished during the fourteenth century. Yet another was the skeleton of an old and holy abbot overlaid with gold foil on Chiu Hua Shan at the Pai Sui Kung“.\n\nA preserved body in the Nan Hua Shan Monastery in northern Kwangtung was that of the Sixth Patriarch of Chinese Buddhism (A.D.). It appears to be the earliest recorded \"fleshy body\". The Sixth and last of the Chinese Patriarchs, Hui Neng (#), died in A.D. 712. His corpse is said to have remained incorrupt and even to exhale a sweet fragrance. His chest maintained its natural position and the skin appeared glossy and flexible. In A.D. 1236 when the Mongol troops pursued the last emperor of the Southern Sung and defeated him in Kwangtung, it is said that Mongol soldiers violated the tomb of the Patriarch and even went so far as to rip open the abdomen with a sword thrust. On seeing that the heart and liver were still in a perfect state of preservation, they were filled with fear and went no further in their sacrilege. Several replicas are to be seen in Hong Kong; a good example is on the altar of Huang Ta Hsien (黄大仙) in the San Yuan Temple (三元宫) in T'ai P'ing Shan Street, Hong Kong. (See plate 27). Incidentally, smaller images of Hui Neng, often seen in curio shops, are easily recognisable by the small dragon in his begging bowl. He is considered to be the founder of the Vegetarian Sects of Buddhism, Ch’ih Su Chiao ( vegetarian ).\n\nAnother mummy, black faced, covered in lacquer and gilded, sat in a lotus position in a place of honour in the T'ien T'ai Temple south-west of Peking, wearing Buddhist robes but of Imperial yellow. He wore a vairocana five-leaf crown on his head, his face was smooth and full fleshed and his skin black with age. Many thought that he was a wooden image and legend, since disproved, claimed him to be Fu Lin, the first Manchu Emperor of China (1638-1661) better known as Shun Chih who died at the age of 30. The story probably grew from the known fact that he wished to become a monk. The mummy was refurbished annually at a minor ceremony and was a great attraction for pilgrims.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207922, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 310, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n295\n\nThere was a 'fleshy body' in Anking in Central China. It had been placed in a large earthenware k'ang filled with willow charcoal and left for three to four years. The corpse was then gilded and set up beside an image of the Buddha, Sakyamuni7.\n\nThe shrivelled and varnished body of a Taoist priest named Sun (), who died in 1703 aged 94, was enshrined in a glass case in the Grotto of the Immortals in the east side of the lower Court of the Temple of either the Jade Emperor or, as stories vary, of the Three Sovereigns on T'ai Shan in Shantung. He had lived in the temple nearby for some sixty years under the religious title of Chen Ch'ing and was known as \"the Immortal\". Apparently he felt divinely inspired, and slowly starved himself to death; he became just skin and bone sitting cross-legged. He had requested his fellow priests not to inter him but instead to leave him in a vacant room. This they did, and he remained withered but not decayed as a relic for future generations of believers. One could see, apparently, only the bare bones of his arms and legs. His face had been replaced by a mask in his likeness and all that remained on his hands was skin and nails.\n\nIt was not only monks who had their bodies preserved. In 1878 Reverend MacKay, a missionary in Taiwan, wrote of a Chinese girl who died of consumption not far from Tamshui, North of Taipei. Someone in the neighbourhood more gifted than the rest announced that a goddess was present, and her wasted body immediately became famous. She was given the title of the Virgin Goddess, (Sien Lu Niu in Fukienese) and a small temple was erected and dedicated to her. Her body was immersed in salt and water for some time, and then placed in a sitting position in an armchair with a red cloth around her shoulders and a wedding cap on her head. Seen through the glass of the case in which she was placed she looked to MacKay, with her black face and teeth exposed, very much like an Egyptian mummy. Before many weeks had passed, hundreds of sedan chairs were to be seen bringing worshippers, especially women, to her shrine, and rich men sent presents to adorn the temple. Another preserved body of a female was exhibited in a temple near Fenchow in Szechuan. She was a Buddhist devotee who died there in a sitting position: being Tibetan she was particularly worshipped by the local aborigines?.\n\nThe most recent example of a 'fleshy body' has been the mummification of the corpse of the Buddhist monk, Yueh Chi Fa Shih", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207966, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 5, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "174\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nDistrict had over 100 people (see Table 2). Sai Kung Market had 512, of which 60 percent were males.36\n\nThe village in this area was organized primarily on two sets of principles, which may be described as lineage and territorial. Lineage relationships were founded on natural or adopted descent, and territorial relationships on membership of inter-village or inter-lineage groups. Lineage relationships were centred on the ancestral halls, the ancestral graves, the genealogies, and lineage trusts, and governed by regulations that laid down the rules of respect, adoption, and avoidance of inter-marriage to be observed. Territorial relationships were founded on arrangements made for the worship of territorial gods, at the earthgod shrines, or at the community temples, and were governed by regulations on subjects such as residence in the village, or the rules for participation in inter-lineage or inter-village activities. In large single surname villages, territorial relationships could often be subsumed under lineage relationships, but in Sai Kung, none of the larger villages was a single surname village.37\n\nThe arrangements for village organization in Ho Chung illustrate the merging of lineage and territorial relationships. The village consisted of fourteen surnames, of which the largest were the Wans and the Cheungs. Both surname groups considered themselves to be lineages, had ancestral property in the village, and their own ancestral halls and genealogies. Within the surname groups, lineage relationships dominated. The Cheungs, for instance, recognized that they were divided into four branches, but that the ancestral trust was held in common by all four. Ancestral land was rented out by annual rotation to each branch. The ancestral trust, naturally, was managed by a Cheung, but lent money to the entire village. The manager was responsible for organizing ancestral worship on the Double Ninth at the ancestral grave for which purpose contributions were collected from all members of the lineage. At Ts'ing Ming, however, the Cheungs worshipped individually, or in their family units, at their own kam t'aap. Some branches of the lineage had moved out of Ho Chung to Tso Wo Hang, Ping Tun, and Tai Po Tsai (near Tai Mong Tsai), and contact was not maintained. In closer contact with the Cheungs of Ho Chung were other surname groups in the village. The Cheungs managed the Ch'e Kung Temple, in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207967, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 6, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "Table 2 Villages with Populations Above 100 in 1911\n\n175\n\n \n Males\n Females\n Total\n \n \n Sai Kung Market\n 320\n 192\n 512\n \n \n Mang Kung Uk\n *\n 207\n 227\n 434\n \n \n •\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Ho Chung\n Hang Hau\n •\n \n \n \n \n \n Sha Kok Mei\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Nam Wai\n ·\n \n \n \n \n \n •\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Tseng Lan Shue\n Tseung Kwan O\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Pak Kong\n ·\n \n \n \n \n \n Ha Yeung\n Pan Long Wan\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Tai Po Tsai\n \n 159\n 259\n 418\n \n \n \n \n 262\n 125\n 387\n \n \n \n \n 152\n 194\n 346\n \n \n \n \n 178\n 146\n 324\n \n \n \n \n 124\n 152\n 276\n \n \n ·\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n 90\n 103\n 193\n \n \n •\n \n \n \n \n \n \n ·\n \n \n \n \n \n \n •\n \n 75\n 115\n 190\n \n \n \n \n 93\n 91\n 184\n \n \n \n \n 86\n 92\n 178\n \n \n •\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n 77\n 95\n 172\n \n \n Yim Tin Tsai\n \n 79\n 83\n 162\n \n \n Seung Sz Wan\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Wong Nai Chau\n Lan Nai Wan\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Tai Mong Tsai\n Tai Wan Tau\n Yau U Wan\n \n \n \n \n \n ...\n \n 79\n 66\n 145\n \n \n \n Tai Hang Hau\n •\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Tai No\n •\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n 72\n 70\n 142\n \n \n •\n \n \n \n \n \n \n •\n \n 77\n 65\n 142\n \n \n •\n \n 75\n 63\n 138\n \n \n ·\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n 53\n 64\n 117\n \n \n •\n \n \n \n \n \n \n •\n \n \n \n \n \n \n .\n \n 355\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n 53\n 63\n 116\n \n \n \n \n 51\n 57\n 108\n \n \n \n \n 55\n 53\n 107\n \n \n •\n \n \n \n \n \n \n D\n \n \n \n \n \n\nSource: 1911 Census\n\nHo Chung, and the Tsik Shin T'ong, that owned the land on which the Ch'e Kung Temple was built, the furniture and dinner utensils needed for village feasts that all members of the village could make use of, and the village school. Nonetheless, without any doubt, the Ch'e Kung Temple was an institution not of the Cheung lineage but of the entire village and surrounding villages. Hence, in the decennial ta tsiu, all the surname groups in Ho Chung and related villages participated. Nam Pin came to the ta tsiu, because it was related to the Tses of Ho Chung. Tai Po Tsai (near Deep Water Bay) and Tai Nam Wu came, because they were related to the Wans, and the Lams of Seung Sz Wan came, because they were related to the Lams of Ho Chung. Mok", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207968, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 7, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "176\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nTse Che and Man Wo (both single surname villages of the surname Uen) also attended, not because they were related to surname groups in Ho Chung, but because they were located nearby. These last two villages contributed to the repair of the Ch'e Kung Temple in 1934. Besides the decennial ta tsiu, the entire village donated towards the costs of worship at the annual Ch'e Kung Festival.38\n\nThe Cheungs had settled in Ho Chung for several hundred years.\n\nIt is instructive to see how the Chans, a new-comer lineage, were integrated into the village. They came in the middle of the nineteenth century, and built an ancestral hall of their own in the village, decorated with exquisite carvings.* They were accepted firstly because they were invited to Ho Chung by the Lais, who had been among the first to settle in the village. Secondly, they were rich, and when they settled in the village, they set up the Luen Hing T'ong, which functioned as a money-lending trust in which other villagers of Ho Chung could hold shares. At the end of each year, the T'ong slaughtered a pig and divided the meat among the share-holders. Thirdly, as already noted, they were connected with officialdom, and were people of some influence in the county.39\n\nOther villages had institutions similar to Ho Chung's. Pak Kong had a village-wide institution known as the \"tso she\" (\"celebration at the earthgod's shrine\" or \"communal celebration\") which consisted of a religious homage and a feast at the earth-god's shrine on the Festival of the Great King Earthgod on the 15th of the Second Month. A five-year rota was set up whereby villagers took turns to be responsible for the feast. The rota was written on a wooden board that was kept in the Loks' ancestral hall. The group of villagers responsible for the worship in any year would collect the money contributions due from the other villagers, would provide and slaughter the pig that was needed for the worship, and would then mount the feast.40 In Sha Kok Mei, the term \"tso she\" was not used, but a small wooden board was circulated among resident households that took turns in groups of three to be responsible for communal worship at the beginning and the end of the year, and for worship of T'in Hau on her Festival Day at her temple at Leung Shuen Wan. Apparently,\n\n* Plate 3.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207970, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "178\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nTable 3. (Translation)\n\nFront:\n\nAnnual festival 19th First Month, 15th Second Month, 23rd Third Month, 5th Fifth Month, 14th Seventh Month, 24th Twelfth Month, Tung Chi in Eleventh Month, Night of 30th Twelfth Month; she t'au (leaders of the she); ALL THOSE WHO LIVE IN PAK KONG VILLAGE HAVE THE RESPONSIBILITY TO SERVE THE AFFAIRS AND PUBLIC INTEREST OF THIS VILLAGE; work collectively for the achievements of this village, do not follow the Monroe [Doctrine].\n\nBack:\n\nGOLD Cheng Tso On, Cheng Chung, Lok Tso Po, Cheng Woh, Cheng Chan Ip, Lau T'in T'ing; WOOD Lok Shek Kam, Lok T'aai Ts'eung, Lok Shue Kam, Lok Foh Kau, Lok Yau T'aai, Lok Shai Ngau, Lok Tak Kwong; WATER Lok Ting Ngau, Lei Lam, Lei Kau, Lok Kam, Cheng Tso Ning, Lok T'aai Hei; FIRE Lok Tak Lam, Lok Shiu Ch'oh, Lok Lam Kwai, Lok Kam Uen, Lok Chi K'eung, Lok Shang, Lok Uet T'aai; EARTH Lok Fuk Shing, Lei Iu, Lei Kw'ai Cheung, Lok Kau Kei, Lok Tso On, Lei Shek,\n\nIn a slight variation, in Tai Po Tsai (near Tai Mong Tsai) and Wo Mei, instead of collecting money to buy the pig at the time it had to be slaughtered, villagers bought a piglet at the beginning of the year and participating families took turns to feed it during the year. By the end of the year, it would be slaughtered, and the meat divided. In Wo Mei, the five lineages of the village also gathered into the Ng Woh T'ong for matters that affected the entire village.42 Less formal but not less important were the \"marriage clubs\" (lo p'oh wooi) found in many villages, such as Mang Kung Uk and Hang Hau, consisting of the unmarried young men of the village. The young men of the club were obliged to help the bridegroom during wedding ceremonies, and they themselves would be helped when their turn came. In general, village ceremonies, not only weddings but also funerals, required the participation of members of the village, including those outside the immediately affected lineage. It was commonly understood that on these occasions members of the village had the right and duty to participate and to help.\n\n43", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207971, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 10, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "179\n\nAmong smaller villages, arrangements for co-operation often extended beyond the village itself. Hang Hau and nearby Seung Sz Wan, for instance, were closely involved in each other's celebrations. When there were celebrations in one village, members of the other village could come without invitation.44 Inter-village co-operative arrangements of one sort or another were sufficiently strong for most of the smaller villages to identify themselves as being parts of permanent village alliances. Tai Mong Tsai, Tai Po Tsai, Shek Hang, Tit Kim Hang, Tam Wat, Wong Mo Ying, Ping Tun, and She Tau formed the Paat Heung (Eight Villages); Nam Shan included also Fu Yung Pit, Kak Hang Tun, Keng Pang Ha, and Lung Mei; Pak Tam Chung included Pak Tam, Tsak Yue Wu, Wong Keng Tei, Sheung Yiu, Wong Yi Chau, and Tsam Chuk Wan; and Ngong Wo, Wo Liu, Shan Liu, Tai Wan, Tso Wo Hang, Sha Ha, Nam A, Wong Chuk Yeung, Long Keng, and O Tau formed the Shap Heung (Ten Villages). The Paat Heung had a joint school in Tai Mong Tsai; the Pak Tam Chung villages jointly worshipped the Great King earthgod near Sheung Yiu; the Shap Heung had its joint school in Tai Wan, and used to maintain collectively the T'in Hau Temple at Wong Chuk Yeung (now ruined). The larger villages, e.g. Ho Chung, Mang Kung Uk, Sha Kok Mei, Nam Wai, Tseng Lan Shue, and Pak Kong, were apparently not parties to such alliances, but regarded themselves as forming complete units in themselves.45\n\nInter-village disputes were not common, but there were some long-standing ones. Sha Kok Mei disputed with Nam Shan over tree-cutting rights. Nam Wai and Ho Chung fought over a quarrel that had started when the cows of one village damaged the crops of the other.46\n\nFestivals and customs\n\nThe major festivals in the village were the New Year, and the T'in Kei (birthday of Nui Woh, the Earth Goddess), Ts'ing Ming (spring worship at the ancestral graves), Dragon Boat, Tsat Tse (Seven Sisters), Mid-Autumn, Double-Ninth (autumn worship at the ancestral graves), and Tung Chi (winter solstice) festivals, the temple festivals of the local temples (in this area Ch'e Kung, T'in Hau, Koon Yam, and Hung Shing), the festivals of the local", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207976, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "PRESIDENT'S Report TREASURER's Report THE LIBRARY\n\nCONTENTS\n\nPage\n\n1\n\n6\n\n10\n\nTRANSACTIONS :\n\nBrunei: A Historical Relic - LEIGH WRIGHT\n\nBehind Japanese Barbed Wire: Stanley Internment Camp, Hong Kong 1942-1945 - G. C. EMERSON\n\nA Journey to Yenan 1946 - W. A. REYNOLDS\n\nARTICLES:\n\nTwo Essays on the Ch'ing Economy of Hsin-An, Kwangtung - J. T. KAMM\n\nUnder Altars - K. G. STEVENS\n\nSocial Organization and Ceremonial Life of Two Multi-Surname Villages in Hoi-p'ing County, South China, 1911-1949 - YUEN-FONG WOON\n\n\"Little Fujian (Fukien)” Sub-Neighbourhood and Community in North Point, Hong Kong - GREGORY E. GULDIN\n\nReprinted ARTICLES:\n\nCheung Chow - Long Island - W. J. HINTON\n\nMemories of the District Office South, Hong Kong - W. SCHOFIELD\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES:\n\nNotes for the Royal Asiatic Society Visit to Tai Mo Shan, 3rd April 1976 — (I) L. B. and S. L. THROWER (II) JAMES HAYES\n\nNotes for the Visit to the Tang Family Graves, 11 December 1976 - DAVID LIU and JAMES HAYES\n\nRoyal Asiatic Society Visit to Tsuen Wan, 10th December, 1977 - A Village War'. JAMES HAYES\n\nThe Rural History Project in Yuen Long and Field Notes on the Social History and Fung Shui of Kam Tin - J. T. KAMM\n\nBean Skim, A Product of Blood and Sweat\n\nFour Chinese Banks Fail, Partners Blame Head\n\nTwo Letters From Wartime China\n\nA Further Note on Feng Yun-Shan and Gützlaff - Jen Yu-wen\n\nReptiles New to Hong Kong - J. D. ROMER\n\nThe Public Botanic Garden of Hong Kong\n\nBirds of Tai Mo Shan - MICHAEL Webster\n\nOccurrence of the Birds - J. D. ROMER\n\n12\n\n30\n\n(55)\n\n85\n\n101\n\n112\n\n130\n\n144\n\n179\n\n(185)\n\n199\n\n216\n\n218\n\n220\n\n228\n\n232\n\n234\n\n236\n\n237\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208005, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "28\n\nLEIGH WRIGHT\n\nThe state of Brunei annual report for 1956 describes the water city, Kampong Ayer, this way,\n\nSet in a wide sweep of the river, this river town is in its way unique. At high tide under favourable conditions of light it takes on quite a remarkable beauty; viewed at close quarters it is even more remarkably ramshackle. The houses are grouped together in small villages, being connected by precarious plank walkways, and there the inhabitants carry on their multifarious activities in much the same way as if they were on land.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 See e.g. O. W. Wolters, Early Indonesian Commerce; a study of the origins of Srivijaya, (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1967); and D. E. Brown, Brunei: the structure and history of a Bornean Malay sultanate, (Brunei: Brunei Museum, 1970).\n\nThese works have drawn upon the earlier studies of such scholars as W. P. Groeneveldt (1880) and Lien Sung (1919).\n\n2 See Brown, op. cit., Ch. XI.\n\n3 The fullest account of the Moro wars is in E. H. Blair and J. A. Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 1493 - 1898, (Cleveland, 1903 -09).\n\n4 Lord Stanley of Alderley (ed.), The first voyage round the world by Magellan, by Antonio Pigafetta, (London: Hakluyt Society, 1874).\n\n5 J. Hunt, \"Some particulars relative to the Sulo islands in the Archipelago of Felicia”, in Malayan Miscellany, I, (Bencoolen, 1820).\n\n6 James Horsburgh, Directions for sailing to and from the East Indies and China, (London, 1811), the navigational handbook for generations of British sea captains. This work drew heavily upon the surveys of eighteenth century seafarers such as Alexander Dalrymple (1774) and Thomas Forest (1780).\n\n7 S. B. St. John, Life in the forests of the Far East. (London, 1862), Vol. 2, pp. 248-49.\n\n8 British Parliamentary Papers, 1854-55, XXIX (253),\n\n9 Sarawak Gazette, 26 April, 1872.\n\n10 Henry Keppel, The expedition to Borneo of H.M.S. Dido for the suppression of piracy, with extracts from the Journal of James Brooke, Esq. of Sarawak, (London, 1847),\n\n11 S. Baring-Gould and C. A. Bampfylde, A History of Sarawak under its two white rajahs, (London, 1909), pp. 82-83.\n\n12 Lennox Mills, British Malaya, 1824-67, (reprint: Kuala Lumpur, 1966), p. 248.\n\n13 British interests in Borneo are treated extensively in, L. R. Wright, The Origins of British Borneo, (Hong Kong, 1970).\n\n14 See L. R. Wright, \"The Foreign Office and North Borneo\", in Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol. VII, No. 1, (January 1969).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208006, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "BRUNEI A HISTORICAL RELIC\n\n29\n\n15 The best account of the Limbang issue is in C. N. Crisswell, “The origins of the Limbang claim\", in Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 2, No. 2, (September 1971), but see L. R. Wright, \"The partition of Brunei\", in Asian Studies, Vol. V, No. 2 (August 1967).\n\n16 Public Records Office, London, Foreign Office series 12 (Borneo), volume 78, minute of January 1888.\n\n17 See C. N. Crisswell, \"The establishment of a residency in Brunei, 1881-1905\", unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Hong Kong, 1971.\n\n18 United Nations Demographic Yearbook, 1974.\n\n19 Nigel Heyward, Sarawak, Brunei and North Borneo, (Singapore, 1963).\n\n20 Brown, op. cit., Ch. XII.\n\n21 Norman Sklarewitz, \"Brunei: an improbable land with problems”, in The Wall Street Journal, 31 Dec. 1965.\n\n22 Heyward, op. cit.\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208023, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "46\n\nW. A. REYNOLDS\n\nhere, the surveillance is curiously haphazard and capricious. We could not see that we were followed on leaving; perhaps they have given up checking on foreigners\". We had also been to a large reception given by General Chou En-lai on January 7th which was attended by General Marshall and, from the Kuomintang; Chen Li-fu, Feng Yu-hsiang and Dr. H. H. Kung, together with the Chungking establishment of Ambassadors, Consuls etc.\n\nThe Journey There\n\nThe route followed is shown in Fig. 1.* The convoy finally set out on a misty morning on January 21st intending to cross the Yangtse by the upper ferry. Disaster overtook us within four kilometres. Going down a steep slope the driver of the leading truck missed his gear change and ran off the road into a paddy field. The truck finished up on her side (Plate no. 6). With help from the base garage, she was hauled out, (Plate no. 7), the Garage Manager directing. The convoy returned to base, spent a day straightening and reloading and set forth again on January 23rd. The route went through Sui Ning, San Tai, Mien Yang over the Chien Men Kuan or Sword Gate Pass to Kwang Yuan and then over another Pass, Ch'i P'an Kuan or the Gate of Shensi, in the Mi Ts'ang Mountains to Pao Ch'eng.†\n\nNorth of Mienyang the 'new' motor road follows the route of the old Imperial Highway to Ch'eng-tu. Impressive “pai lo's”, fine trees and stone bridges mark the route (Plates 8 & 9). Just after Pao Ch'eng is the famous Buddhist temple Miao-T'ai Tzu, where we stopped for a visit. A place of peace and beauty to which one might dream of retiring for a while.\n\nIn Pao-ch'eng the scene is very different from the Szechuan towns over the mountains to the south. This was the southern limit of the camel trains coming down from Sinkiang and Kansu, some with loads of dried Hami melon. Perhaps some of the flavour of the place is given in a quotation from a letter home: \"We spent one night in Pao-ch'eng and as we came up across the bridge in the late afternoon, the long flatness of the Han-hui Ch'u valley behind us, lines of camels drinking at the river side were mirrored\n\nP.54 Plates 6-19 at rear illustrate the article.\n\n+ The romanisation of place names is that used in the Times Atlas of China since this is the detailed reference most easily available to Western readers.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208024, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 63, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "A JOURNEY TO YENAN 1946\n\n47\n\nin the blue water purple where the reflection of the mountain showed. Later, when it was dark and we had eaten, they came down the road in strings of six, each led by a man on foot, silent but for the soft just-heard pad of their great feet and the dying away of the bell on the leader and the increasing melody of the one on the rear guard. Next morning there was pandemonium on the road leading out of the town. It is a narrow one, cut into the rock wall of the gorge, and there was a regiment of soldiers and half a dozen trucks trying to go north while horse carts and camels tried to come south! We got through and then the road went on up the river valley (the Pao Ho). I saw two wild ducks and there were pheasants in the fields, some with a gold crest and bright red patch on their neck and a streak of red in the tail. The rivers here are also low in winter and this one, running white between great boulders or over rapids, is a deep translucent green in the pools.\n\nThat evening, February 30th, the convoy arrived at Shuang-shih-p'u where the road to Lanchow and the Northwest divides from the one to Pao-chi and Hsi-an (Sian). This was a transport centre with truck depots and inns catering to every need. We put up at the Chinese Industrial Co-operatives (CIC) Guest House (中國工業聯合協會) where we had five rooms. Another Unit convoy, in charge of John Locker and Owen Jackson on their way back from the oil wells at Yü-men in Kansu, was also there. We spent a day and a half servicing the trucks, stocking up with fuel from the Unit supplies, and then had three days holiday for Lunar New Year. Our convoy feasted the Kansu one on New Year's Day, and they returned the compliment on the following day.\n\nOn February 5, the convoy set out for Pao-chi, then the western termination of the Lunghai line, where we loaded the trucks onto flat cars (Plate 10) and were hitched onto the night train to Hsi-an. Here, as elsewhere, a low profile was maintained and we did not talk to others about our destination.\n\nThe 18th Group Army, despite the blockade, maintained a liaison office in Hsi-an and after getting our road permit we called there and they sent one of their members with us on our route north. The road as far as the 'border' was poor. Near Tung Ch'uan it crossed the bridge shown in Plate no. 11. We took one truck across but the structure shook so much that we considered unloading the others, carrying the cases over, sending the truck across...\n\nCorrected version in HTML format as requested.\n\nHowever, some minor corrections were made:\n1. \"February 30th\" is likely an error since February only has 28 (or 29 in a leap year) days. \n2. \"CIC\" was added for \"Chinese Industrial Co-operatives\" to match common abbreviation practices, though this was not explicitly instructed.\n3. Some minor punctuation adjustments were considered but not made as they were not strictly necessary.\n\nHere's the corrected text with the requested format and rules applied:\n\nA JOURNEY TO YENAN 1946\n\n47\n\nin the blue water purple where the reflection of the mountain showed. Later, when it was dark and we had eaten, they came down the road in strings of six, each led by a man on foot, silent but for the soft just-heard pad of their great feet and the dying away of the bell on the leader and the increasing melody of the one on the rear guard. Next morning there was pandemonium on the road leading out of the town. It is a narrow one, cut into the rock wall of the gorge, and there was a regiment of soldiers and half a dozen trucks trying to go north while horse carts and camels tried to come south! We got through and then the road went on up the river valley (the Pao Ho). I saw two wild ducks and there were pheasants in the fields, some with a gold crest and bright red patch on their neck and a streak of red in the tail. The rivers here are also low in winter and this one, running white between great boulders or over rapids, is a deep translucent green in the pools.\n\nThat evening, February ...th, the convoy arrived at Shuang-shih-p'u where the road to Lanchow and the Northwest divides from the one to Pao-chi and Hsi-an (Sian). This was a transport centre with truck depots and inns catering to every need. We put up at the Chinese Industrial Co-operatives (CIC) Guest House (中國工業聯合協會) where we had five rooms. Another Unit convoy, in charge of John Locker and Owen Jackson on their way back from the oil wells at Yü-men in Kansu, was also there. We spent a day and a half servicing the trucks, stocking up with fuel from the Unit supplies, and then had three days holiday for Lunar New Year. Our convoy feasted the Kansu one on New Year's Day, and they returned the compliment on the following day.\n\nOn February 5, the convoy set out for Pao-chi, then the western termination of the Lunghai line, where we loaded the trucks onto flat cars (Plate 10) and were hitched onto the night train to Hsi-an. Here, as elsewhere, a low profile was maintained and we did not talk to others about our destination.\n\nThe 18th Group Army, despite the blockade, maintained a liaison office in Hsi-an and after getting our road permit we called there and they sent one of their members with us on our route north. The road as far as the 'border' was poor. Near Tung Ch'uan it crossed the bridge shown in Plate no. 11. We took one truck across but the structure shook so much that we considered unloading the others, carrying the cases over, sending the truck across...\n\nLet me know if further adjustments are needed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208025, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "48\n\nW. A. REYNOLDS\n\nempty, and then reloading on the other side. Then we were told of a ford a mile or so upstream. After making preparations (removal of fan belts and a smear of grease over the distributor head and HT lead), we started across, piloted on a zig-zag path along the shoals by a local man. We made it, although the water was up to the cab floor.\n\nAfter the border, the road deteriorated further. It was usable for trucks in dry weather and possible for mule carts and baggage animals at other times. Since the 18th Group Army had no motor transport (apart from a few aged trucks in Yenan), this did not matter. But we had some further delays, as Plate no. 12 shows, where a small culvert collapsed near Lo-ch'uan.\n\nNaturally, we were a centre of interest, and Illustration 9 shows children watching us at our first stop across the border. Although this part of Shensi is traditionally poor, we saw no one in rags, and the children, adults, and troops also seemed to have adequate clothing against the bitter cold. Progress was slow because of care needed in negotiating the road (Plate no. 14). The very cold weather, about minus 15°C at night, also gave trouble. Since there was no glycol anti-freeze, we added alcohol to the radiators when we stopped for the night and then covered them with cloth after starting. It was necessary to hand crank the engines and warm the carburettor with the blowlamp to be sure of a start without exhausting the battery.\n\nWe finally arrived at Yenan on February 13th. A reception committee awaited us, and one of the resident propaganda teams gave us a display with dance and mime. One of these involved a donkey which would not go. This had a political moral, but the details have been forgotten. Next day, we took the trucks to the Medical Service Headquarters: a row of cave houses, and Plate no. 16 shows the two leading medical cadres, Yu Chin-lung and the writer beside a truck -- mission accomplished.\n\nAt the time of our visit, there were few buildings in the town of Yenan itself. Most had been destroyed by Japanese bomb attacks. It appeared that everyone lived and many worked in the caves dug into the loess hillsides. This is a traditional method in the area, and they are very comfortable, warm in winter and cool in summer. At the present day, construction of free-standing buildings in the area follows the same principles, forming an artificial cave. Since", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208028, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "The Return Journey \n\nA JOURNEY TO YENAN 1946 \n\n51 \n\nA 'political' question arose about our return trip. The 18th Group Army had, as previously mentioned, a Chungking office and extra staff were needed for this. Would we be willing to transport 40 passengers in our otherwise empty trucks from Yenan to Chungking? The questions the request raised are obvious: being a pacifist organization we did not, on principle, carry troops or military supplies. What complication would this raise with the KMT Government in Chungking? Or the Hsi-an Command? I asked if a message could be transmitted to FAU Headquarters in Chungking putting the problem and asking for instructions. Meanwhile the Unit Headquarters in Chungking had received the same request from the 18th Group Army Office there and they had asked for a message to be transmitted to me, telling me of the request and saying in effect 'Use your own judgement'. In the event neither message was received. Yu Chin-lung and I used our own judgement and we set out on February 22nd with our 40 unarmed passengers under Major Chiang and including two young women comrades. \n\nThere was some alarm and excitement when we reached the 'border'. The outpost sentries waved us on, but did not inform their colleagues in the main guard house that we were coming. No doubt someone then shouted that there was a motorised attack by the 8th Route Army; there was a smart turnout of machine guns, rifles, etc. into defensive postures and magazines were slapped into place. We stopped the trucks and Yu Chin-lung and I walked down the road endeavouring to preserve a becoming Quaker calm and hoping no one was enthusiastic about target practice. It seemed a long 50 yards. Documents were produced for ourselves and Major Chiang produced his, and after tea and apologies on both sides we went on. \n\nAs we came down out of the hills to the Yellow River plain the weather broke and snow swirled down. If this had come a day earlier it would have been most difficult since the road was so rocky and full of pot holes that a snow covering would have led to accidents. \n\nIf we had maintained a low profile coming up, we positively crouched on the way back after crossing the border. I slipped into Hsi-an on my own and called at the Methodist Mission for any letters. Meanwhile Yu Chin-lung had got the trucks loaded on the train and we set off for Pao-chi through the night. Two young", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208031, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "54\n\nTien-Shui\n\nHui-Hsien\n\nW. A. REYNOLDS\n\nNINGSIA\n\nKANSU\n\nYung-Ping\n\nYEN-AN\n\nKan-Cho\n\n-Chu\n\nSlo-Pa\n\nKien Rateni (?)\n\n \n-Cheng\n\nCheng-Ku\n\nHan-Chang\n\nDigi-Hsiang (?)\n\n?\n\nSHENSI\n\nNan-Hsing\n\nturng (?)\n\nWEI HO\n\nHsing-Ping\n\nPAO-CIT\n\nHung-Hua-Pu\n\nHSIA Fang\n\nKuang-Shih-Pu\n\nHONAN\n\nLo-Chuan\n\nHiao-Ho-Kou\n\nHuang-Ling\n\nI-Chun\n\nSHANSI\n\nRiver\n\nKuang-Tiao\n\nChien-La (?)\n\nTru-Tung (?)\n\nHien-Yang\n\nTe-Yang\n\nSun-Tai\n\nWan-Yuan\n\nLo-Heh-Pa\n\nShuang-Po-Chang\n\nSZECHWAN\n\nTa-Haien\n\nRs In-Tu (?)\n\nCHENG-TU\n\nSui Ning\n\n \nden-Yang (?)\n\nLa-\n\nTung-an\n\nIzu-Yang (?)\n\nPeng-Ch\n\nChu-Hsien\n\nCHANG\n\n CETAM (?)\n\n-Nan-Char (?)\n\nTa-Chu\n\n-Ch:\n\neng/An\n\n1in-Shui (?)\n\nChung\n\n ́ung-\n\nLo\n\nJung-Shi\n\nHei-Chiark\n\nP1-Shi (?)\n\nhg-Chuan (?)\n\n\"Lung-Chiang\n\nKWEI CHOW\n\nHUPEH\n\nHIUNAN (?)\n\nSzechuan & Shensi Main Road System 1946. Scale: 1:3,000,000. Figure Map of Szechuan & Shensi showing routes.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208032, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 71, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "TWO ESSAYS ON THE CH’ING ECONOMY OF HSIN-AN, KWANGTUNG\n\nJOHN THOMAS Kamm*\n\nINTRODUCTION\n\nThe British Crown Colony of Hong Kong was carved, in three successive steps, from the Chinese county of Hsin-An (新安). These essays represent attempts to reconstruct modes of economic activity which prevailed in this remote county during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. This reconstruction will eventually serve as the groundwork on which an analysis of mercantile capitalism, in terms of its impact on local Chinese social structure, will be built.\n\nIn the first year of Wan-Li (1573), Hsin-An Hsien was formed from the division of Tung-Kuan Hsien (東莞縣) into two jurisdictions. Except for a brief period during the reign of the Kang-Hsi Emperor, the county remained one of the fourteen counties of the Kwangchow Prefecture throughout Ch'ing. As with most other magistracies in rural imperial China, Hsin-An was characterized by a high degree of self-government. The magistrate seldom intervened in local affairs, and relied heavily on the indigenous social order for the day-to-day administration of the countryside.\n\nThe dominant stratum of the local hierarchical order consisted principally of landlord-gentry patrilineal descent groups, commonly referred to as great clans (大族). Of these clans, the Tangs (鄧) and especially that branch of the clan which resided in Kam Tin (錦田) -- were probably best representative. Much of the data presented was collected during field work into the social history and oral tradition of this Punti \"power brokerage.\"\n\n*\n\nMr. Kamm states, The essays were written in fulfillment of seminar requirements for an A.M. at Harvard University's Regional Studies-East Asia program. The work is based largely on research undertaken in the New Territories (including a brief stint as coordinator of an NTA-Yuen Long \"oral history\" project in Kam Tin) and in the archives of the Public Records Office, Hong Kong. Writing and editing was supervised by Professor Yang Lien-Sheng of Harvard during late 1974.\n\nNOTES\n\nThe cession of Hong Kong Island was ratified by the Treaty of Nanking (1842). The Kowloon peninsula was added in 1860. Britain obtained the New Territories (on a 99-year lease) in 1898.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208033, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "56\n\nJ. T. KAMM\n\n2 Throughout these essays, mention will often be made of a truly \"watershed\" event in the history of Hsin-An: the evacuation of the South China coast, ordered by the Kang Hsi Emperor, from 1661 to 1668. The step was taken to hinder the activities of the Ming loyalist-pirate Cheng Ch'eng-Kung, best known to the West as Coxinga.\n\n3 Field work in Kam Tin took place from May to September, 1973. Other research was undertaken into the Government Archives, Colonial Secretariat Library, and the Fung Ping Shan Library of the University of Hong Kong\n\nESSAY 1: PERPETUAL TENANCY IN HSIN-AN\n\nA cursory examination of the available evidence on the Ch'ing economy of Hsin-An reveals a seeming paradox: a large tenant population farming a limited amount of cultivatable land, yet enjoying relative prosperity. We shall begin this essay by dissolving the paradox.\n\nThe amount of cultivable land in the Tung Lu section of Hsin-An has probably never amounted to more than 15% of the total surface acreage. While the percentage of arable land was higher in the Hsi Lu, Chinese accounts of the area have always stressed the hilly, barren nature of the terrain. For the period we are studying, cultivated land probably accounted for no more than 20% of the land surface of the county.\n\nIn general, ownership of productive resources (agricultural fields, fishing grounds, oyster beds, quarries, and salt pans) were concentrated in the hands of landlords who leased them to tenants. Land was seldom worked by the holder of the hung ch'i (lit: “red deed”). In short, Hsin-An during Ch'ing was essentially a tenant economy.\n\nLockhart, in his Report on the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong, describes the population as follows:\n\n\"The inhabitants, by no means wealthy, seem to be, as a rule, comfortably well off, and able to earn an honest livelihood without difficulty. Few signs of anything approaching destitution were seen, and only a few beggars were met.\"\n\nLockhart's observations are borne out by an examination of three indices of relative prosperity: 1) low rent and tax burdens, 2) increase in market activity, and 3) population growth through immigration.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208034, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 73, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "TWO ESSAYS ON THE CH'ING ECONOMY OF HSIN-AN\n\n57\n\nRent and tax burdens: Table I gives an estimation of the rent burden (in kind) borne by tenants during the nineteenth century, as computed for three \"sets\" of fields. A rough estimation of the rent burden places it around 1/3 of the harvest. Table II measures the tax burden borne by the landlord; taxes consistently consumed no more than 2% of the rent-value. Both burdens compare favourably with available information on the economic conditions of other areas in late-Ch'ing.\n\nMoreover, both landlords and tenants were favoured by a relatively small tax-base, a phenomenon no doubt related to the magistracy's reluctance to collect taxes on \"wastelands.\" Landlords, in turn, betrayed a similar disinterest in unprofitable land in upland or coastal areas.7\n\nMarkets: Substantial increases were registered in the number of regular and periodic markets throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The Kwangchow Fu-chih, published in 1757, records a total of 24 markets in Hsin-An. The Hsin-An Hsien-chih, published in 1819, lists 36 markets. Furthermore, this list of markets records four recent \"failures\" and 11 recent \"openings.\"\n\nTABLE I:\n\n199\n\nEstimation of Rent Burden (In Kind):\n\nTung Fu, Hsin-An Hsien: Ch'ing\n\n \n Location\n Mau (Registered)\n Productivity (a)\n Rent local measure\n Rent (b)\n % (Government rent/harvest)\n \n \n Un Long\n 22.9\n 61.83\n 16.02\n 17.62\n 28%\n \n \n Tsing Yi\n 36.0\n 97.20\n 40.00\n 32.00\n 33%\n \n \n Hong Kong\n 303.0\n 818.00\n 417.00\n 333.60\n 40%\n \n\nSources: (1) Land memorials in Registrar General's Office, Hong Kong (No. 28623); (2) CSO Extension 150/01; (3) HKTCSMTC.\n\nNotes:\n\n(a) Assuming constant average productivity of 2.7 piculs per mau per harvest.\n\n(b) Government granary tau=10 sheng; Un Long tau=11 sheng; Kowloon tau 8 sheng.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208035, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 74, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "58 \n\nJ. T. KAMM \n\nTABLE II: Tax as a Percentage of Rent Value Un Long, Hsin-An Hsien; Ch'ing \n\n \n Piculs\n Memorial No.\n Rent\n Rent (Government)\n Tax\n Tax/rent\n \n \n \n 28603\n 15.70\n 14.66\n .26\n 1.8%\n \n \n measure\n 28610\n \n 13.33\n 4.40\n \n \n \n \n 28621\n \n 4.00\n 5.97\n .11\n \n \n \n 28623\n \n 5.40\n 17.62\n \n \n \n \n 28625\n \n 16.02\n 7.15\n .13\n \n \n ཧྲྰི ཌཤཱ\n \n \n \n .08\n 1.8%\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n 1.9%\n \n \n \n \n \n .32\n \n 1.8%\n \n \n \n 28626\n \n 6.20\n 6.82\n .12\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n 1.8%\n \n \n \n 28627\n \n 15.70\n 17.27\n .31\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n 1.8%\n \n\nPopulation growth: Evidence suggests a steady influx of Hakka settlers into the county during the middle years of the eighteenth century. These immigrants populated the whole of Hong Kong, Lantao, and Tsing Yi islands, as well as substantial parts of the Kowloon and Sai Kung peninsulas.10 The migration of Hakkas into the coastal region was part of a larger demographic movement initiated \"under the joint patronage of the state and local men of substance.\" These immigrants formed a substantial portion of the tenant population; before the migration tapered off in the early years of the nineteenth century, as many as 50,000 Hakkas may have settled in the county.12 \n\nThe major determinant underlying the relative prosperity of late-Ch'ing Hsin-An was the presence of perpetual tenancy as the dominant mode of land tenure in the agricultural sector.* The remainder of this essay will be devoted to an analysis of the specific characteristics of perpetual tenancy in Hsin-An. This analysis will be elaborated within the general framework which treats perpetual tenancy as a system of relations based on the division of land into distinct values, each governed by separate modes of production (extraction) and circulation. \n\n*This is not to suggest that perpetual lease was the only determinant of relative prosperity. Population growth and market increases were clearly inter-related and mutually casual. Perpetual lease is primary in the sense that it \"creates\" the conditions for both.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208036, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 75, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "TWO ESSAYS ON THE CH'ING ECONOMY OF HSIN-AN\n\n59\n\nThe study of perpetual tenancy systems has long constituted an important, if overlooked, avenue of research into the diversity of economic life which characterized pre-revolutionary rural China.13 Though the institution of perpetual lease was widespread, the degree to which it dominated the agricultural sector—as well as the particular form it took—varied considerably over short distances. In a communication to the Colonial Secretary's Office in January 1904, an officer of the Land Court complained of difficulties facing administrators attempting to codify the land tenure system:\n\nChinese law does not, so far as I can ascertain, contain any mention of perpetual lease and I am informed that the custom of leasing land perpetually is local in the New Territories and does not prevail a short distance from our borders.14\n\nThe variant of perpetual tenancy found in 19th-century Hsin-An closely corresponded to the ti-ku (地骨)/ti-p'i (地皮) system found in Ch'ung-An Hsien (崇安縣) of Northern Fukien. Hsu Tien-t’ai, in his \"Study of the Tenancy Systems of Fukien” (福建租佃制之研究), groups this system with the t'ien-ku (田骨)/t'ien p'i (田皮) category of perpetual tenancy (永佃制). His description follows:\n\nConcerning t'ien k'u (lit: \"field's bones\") and t'ien p'i (lit: \"field's skin\"), or k'u t'ien (骨田) and p'i tien (皮田), this system is found in several counties throughout the province, the names changing slightly from place to place. The value of the \"bones\" belongs to the landlord, and the value of the \"skin\" belongs to the tenant; both sides can freely sell their respective rights. While the landlord (\"bones-master\") can freely sell his title, he can, in no way, affect the rights of the tenant to the \"skin-value.\" Moreover, the responsibility of paying the land-tax resides, as usual, with the landlord. When the tenant sells his title, even if disputes arise, there is no way for the landlord to interfere. Indeed, even the government finds it difficult to intervene.15\n\nOne of the earliest British accounts of perpetual lease in Hsin-An is to be found in Lockhart's \"Memorandum on Land\" appended to his Report on the New Territory at Hong Kong (1900):\n\nThe relation between landlord and tenant is often a complicated one, chiefly owing to the system of perpetual lease. Under such leases the landlords have practically renounced all rights to the\n\nPage 75\n\nPage 76", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208037, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 76, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "60\n\nJ. T. KAMM\n\nexercise of ownership, and are contented to do nothing further than to receive a yearly rent. They can sell this right of receiving rent, but the land is otherwise under the absolute control of the cultivators, who often sell their perpetual leases.\n\nThe landlord is called the owner of the \"T'i Kwat\" (note: Cantonese equivalent for t’i k’u), which may be termed the right of receiving rent. The tenant is said to possess the T'i P'i, or right of cultivation. Constant lawsuits result from this double ownership and the contending interests which it necessarily involves16\n\nTo summarize, perpetual lease in Hsin-An was characterized by the division of land into two values, surface-value, which corresponded to cultivation-value, and subsurface-value, which corresponded to rent-value. Landlords held rights over the rent-value, conceptualized locally as t'ien-ku-chuan (†), while tenants held title to the cultivation-value, or t'ien-p’i-ch’üan (✯✯). The process by which rent-value became separated from cultivation-value, i.e. the process of its primary accumulation, becomes manifest in an examination of the social and economic evolution of the county following the resettlement during the early 18th-century.\n\nOf the several kin groups displaced by the Kang-Hsi evacuation, the Tangs were among the least adversely affected. This was so for two reasons: 1) the proximity of the Hsin-An Tangs to several Tang settlements in Tung-Kuan,17 and 2) close relationships between Tang gentry and local officialdom.18 Not only were the Tangs able to keep abreast of developments while residing in a secure base not far from the evacuated county, moreover, the evacuation had the unintended result of increasing clan solidarity. In this regard, the establishment of the Tu-Ch'ing Tang (**)- the largest order ancestral trust uniting the clan, was most significant:\n\nTang Pao-sheng (£), a chin-shih of the Ch'ing Dynasty, had the intention of constructing an ancestral temple, but his plans were not realized. An official, Tang Hsu-chou (✯✯✯), seeing that the five branches of his clan resided in different places far from one another, decided to fulfill Pao-sheng's wishes. After choosing a beautiful site at Chiu-Ch'iao (**), Tung-Kuan, the clan gathered together to construct a great temple. At each winter sacrifice (), the male descendents of the various branches would assemble and encourage each other to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208038, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 77, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "TWO ESSAYS ON THE CH'ING ECONOMY OF HSIN-AN\n\n61\n\nabide by the clan regulations, thereby consoling the souls of their ancestors.\n\nAfter the passage of time, the temple became dilapidated. In the 47th year of Kang-Hsi, Tang Shih-chieh and others repaired the temple. ... It was then decided to hold two sacrifices each year, to be handled in rotation by the five branches of the clan. The rents from ancestral lands in Hsin-An were to be collected in the current year and kept for use at the spring sacrifice of the following year. Similarly, the rent collected from ancestral land in Tung-Kuan was collected one year prior to its use for expenses of the winter sacrifice.19\n\nThough the origins of Tang ancestral holdings date to Sung and Ming times,20 all land was evidently subject to re-registration after issuance of the edict which permitted the villagers to return. The following account of Tang lands on Hong Kong appears in the Hsiang-Kang Teng-Ch'u-shui-mau Ts'ung-ch'eng:\n\nIn the first year of Kang Hsi, the villages were abandoned and the fields were left fallow in accordance with the imperial order. In the 8th year, the villagers returned.\n\nIn the 10th year of Kang Hsi, Tang Tien-lu began recultivating his land. The various plots of land, called Ch'ek Ch'ue Shan, Fok Tam, Wang Lik, Yim Tin, Tai Low, Har Lok, and Chi Lung, totalled 368.75925 mow.\n\nIn the 23rd year of Kang Hsi, Tang Tien-lu also recultivated plots of land at Fok Tam, Tai Tam, Wong Lik, Hong Kong, Tai Low, Har Lok and Chi Lung. The total area amounted to 332.16 mow.\n\nIn the 30th year of Kang Hsi, Tang Tien-lu's son, Tzu-yung, re-cultivated plots of land, situated at Kong Chi Ling, Wang Ts'ung, and Sung Muk Kong, totalling 102.7 mow.\n\nBesides the above mentioned, there are several other plots of land the details of which are unclear.21\n\nThough the Tangs themselves never cultivated the land, holdings were consistently registered as \"acquired through cultivation.\"22\n\n* In Cantonese.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208040, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "TWO ESSAYS ON THE CH'ING ECONOMY OF HSIN-AN\n\n63\n\nland itself, which has been left entirely under the control of the tenants. These tenants have changed from time to time; sub-leased the land; sold the right of cultivation or mortgaged that right, without consulting the landowners, who were quite satisfied so long as the rent was regularly paid. It has often happened that some crafty tenant has asked his landlord to reduce his rent, giving as an excuse that it was impossible to make the land pay unless the rent were reduced, and that if the reduction were not agreed to the tenant must give up the land. The landlord, who has inherited the land without knowing any particulars concerning it, is practically at the mercy of his tenant, and is constrained to comply since it is impossible for him to take over possession of the land which in many cases is far removed from his own village or district. Besides, tenants generally form a \"ring,\" agreeing among themselves that no other person shall be allowed to take over cultivation from the peasant in occupation. It is easy to see how such farming rings are able to boycott the landlords. In fact, it is not an unusual proceeding for tenants, taking advantage of the ignorance of their landlords, to make an absolute sale of a part of the land, the part retained being sufficient to pay the rent.29\n\nAt the time of the cession of Hong Kong Island, the tenant economy of Hsin-An was in equilibrium. The landlords enjoyed a steady income based on the collection of rent; rent was typically paid in kind, thereby enabling the landlords to capitalize on the rising price of rice.30 The tenants, on the other hand, were free to extend the surface area under cultivation without being liable to extra rent payments. (It must be remembered, of course, that landlords were similarly exempt from extra tax payments on the extended surface area.) When the British occupied Hong Kong Island, they found slightly less than 1500 mow under cultivation, of which 1000 were devoted to paddy cultivation. The Tangs, in petitions to various officials, were able to show claim to slightly more than 1100 mow from which they collected rent-values.31 A more extreme example is offered by the Tsing Yi estate. The Tangs laid claim to the whole island and the surrounding fisheries. In evidence to the Land Court, they cited rent payments of 40 piculs (A) on 36 mow leased to perpetual tenants. The crown rent, levied by the British, would have amounted to $7.50. The sur-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208042, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "TWO ESSAYS ON THE CHING ECONOMY OF HSIN-AN\n\n65\n\nimplied a physical division of the land itself. From the scanty evidence on tenant rings, we can conclude that the sale of cultivation-value was probably regulated within the group. In any event, it was unnecessary for the landlord to be informed of the sale.\n\nDescent among perpetual lessor clans was governed by the principle Fen tsu erh pu fen t'ien (分租而不分田: \"divide the rent but not the land.\") Gompertz, in CSO109 Ext., comments:\n\nWhen an inheritance has already been divided among the various branches of the clan the problem is very much simpler but as a matter of fact such partitions have been hitherto very rare and we are now in the dilemma of being obliged either to devise a form of title suited to this collective ownership or to refuse to take cognisance of anything but the ownership of individuals.3\n\nThe Ping Shan Tang genealogy gives this account of the origin of this principle in Tung-Kuan county (at the time of the writing of this passage, Hsin-An had not yet been formed):\n\nWe have been inhabitants of Ping Shan for six generations. From my great grandfather to my father (i.e., three generations) no ancestral property was divided, a fact which greatly benefited the villagers. At the beginning of the Ming Dynasty, an imperial edict forbade the uniting of different families into single households. Thereafter, my younger brother and I began to register separately as inhabitants of Huang T'ien Ch’ang (黄田昌) and Tung-Kuan respectively. The ancestral properties were divided into two portions. As for the properties in remote areas, the grain payments (i.e., the rent) and the land-tax (plus corvee responsibilities) were also shared equally between us.36\n\nOne of the strongest prohibitions contained in clan rules was that against selling land, private or communal, to \"outsiders:\"\n\nIn large clans transactions in land take place, as a rule, between different members of the clan without the property ever being disposed of to outsiders. In such transactions the deed of transfer is invariably worded as if it were a mortgage, and no period of redemption is fixed, the vendor or mortgagor, or his descendants, thus having every opportunity to redeem the property at the original price even several generations after the transaction has been made.37", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208043, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "66\n\nJ. T. KAMM\n\nFinally, a word on economic development. Equilibrium in the tenancy system in no way implied stagnation in the economy. We have already noted the benefits which tenants derived by extending the surface value. The clans, restricted in the amount of rent-value collected, expanded economically into two areas, regulation of trade and monopolization of tax collection. It was at the level of periodic marketing that the landlord clans \"reasserted control” over the tenants' surplus; moreover, the landlords were able to extract increasingly large amounts of revenue, as taxes, while both trade and agricultural production increased. In this way, perpetual tenancy gave impetus to the rise of taxlordism, which we shall consider in the next essay.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Hugh Baker, Sheung Shui, A Chinese Lineage Village, p 8.\n\n2 See, for instance, the Kwang Tung Nung Yeh Kai-K’uang Tiao-ch'a-pao-kao Shu Hsuan-pien (*), Vol. I, p 185.\n\n3 Hung ch'i represented officially recognized ownership of land. Pai ch'i (é) denoted unregistered ownership, mortgage, and the like. Tenants might possess pai ch'i, or they might not.\n\n4 It is very difficult to give a realistic estimate of the amount of land worked by tenants in the early nineteenth century. Existing records (including Government CSO reports, sessional papers and cadastral surveys) suggest a very high degree of tenancy. A survey taken by Potter in 1960 indicates a tenancy rate of 83% in Ping Shan (); this coincides with my observations in Kam Tin.\n\n5 Extension of the Boundaries of the Colony, p 52.\n\n6 In the first tally of cultivated land conducted at the beginning of the Ch'ing Dynasty, 4039.567656 mow of land were liable to the payment of taxes. By 1819, this amount had shrunk to a total of 3815.94836965 mow. (Hsin-An Hsien-chih, ch'uan 8). Lockhart, in the Extension papers, writes of the land registers: \"The land registers of the district, which ought to be a reliable guide, are worse than useless, as they contain not more than half of the land under cultivation.\" (p.48).\n\n7 See Tung-Kuan Hsien-chih (*), ch'uan 39, for an account of the problems raised by this situation. In the early years of British administration, officers were often informed by cultivators that plots of 3rd class land (see below) were exempt from tax in certain areas.\n\n8 Kwang-chow Fu-chih ( ), ch'uan 4:46b-47a.\n\n9 Hsin-An Hsien-chih, ch'uan 2.\n\n10 James Hayes, \"Old British Kowloon\", Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Vol. 6, 1966, gives some data on Kowloon. The Hakka Tangs of Pat Heung apparently arrived in the neighborhood of Kam Tin during the migration years.\n\n11 Wan Lo, “Communal Strife in Mid-19th Century Kwangtung” Papers on China from the Regional Studies Seminar, p 93. See also N.B. Dennys (ed), The Treaty Ports of China and Japan (1867), pp 20-22.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208044, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "TWO ESSAYS ON THE CH'ING ECONOMY OF HSIN-AN\n\n67\n\n12 Lockhart lists 255 villages occupied by Hakkas, with a total population of 36,070 in the Tung Lo in 1898. Assuming a population of 250,000 for the total district in 1900, Hsin-An probably had a Hakka population of around 90,000.\n\n13 Rawski's bibliography in Agricultural Change and the Peasant Economy of South China offers the most complete listing of works bearing on perpetual tenancy.\n\np. 64.\n\n14 CSO280/04 Extension. See note 4, Essay 2.\n\n15 Hsu T'ien-tai, Fu Chien Wen Hua (福建文化), Vol. 1, No. 1, (1941),\n\n16 Correspondence Respecting Affairs of China, March 1898-September 1900. \"Report on the New Territory at Hong Kong,\" (Presented to both Houses of Parliament, November 1900) p. 19.\n\n17 The Shih Chien T'ang Chia P'u (世鑑堂家譜), a collection of genealogies from Kam Tin, gives the following settlements of lineal descendants in Tung Kuan: Chuh Yuan (竹園), Yen Tien (燕田), Fu Lung (福龍), Huai Te (懷德), Shih Ching (石井), Tu Kao (土高), and Ping Hu (平湖).\n\n18 \"These clans gain their local influence, not through numbers alone, but owing to the fact that certain of their numbers have official rank, gained through competitive examinations, or obtained by purchase, which keeps them in touch with the Magistrate and even higher officials.\" Correspondence Respecting Affairs of China ibid., p. 20. The Shih Chien T'ang Chia P'u records that, from Cheng Hua (Ming Dynasty) to Tao Kwang (Ch'ing Dynasty)—that is, from roughly 1470-1820—fourteen Kam Tin Tangs passed the state examination. Several of these became office holders. Another indicator of gentry connections with officialdom was the construction, in Kam Tin, of a temple (祠堂) dedicated to the two officials (Chou Yu-te (周有德) and Wang Lai-jen (王來任)) who petitioned the Emperor, on behalf of the inhabitants of the coastal areas, to allow resettlement.\n\n19 Introduction to the Nan Yang Tang Shih Tsu P'u (南陽堂世族譜), compiled by the Ping Shan Tangs.\n\n20 Sung Hok-P'ang, in his articles on the Kam Tin Tangs in the Hong Kong Naturalist, claims to have seen references to Tang lands on Hong Kong in the Land Register (土地冊) of Tung Kuan. \"One may judge that the land was owned by the Tangs before the first year of Maan Lik, AD 1525, (sic) as after that the San On District was formed” (Vol. VIII, nos. 3 and 4).\n\n21 HKTCSMTC, \"Details of Cultivated Land” (耕地詳情).\n\n22 ibid.\n\n23 The landlord clans were often referred to by the British as \"first cultivators.\" See, for instance, CSO3172/1915 cited in the essay on tax-lordism.\n\n24 Correspondence Respecting Affairs in China, ibid., p. 16.\n\n25 Hsin-An Hsien-chih, ch'uan 8.\n\n26 In this regard, note the high degree of correlation among the different \"tax-burdens\" in Table II. One is tempted to speculate that a native formula for the conversion of rent rates from tax-rates existed.\n\n27 In the 1934 edition of the Chung-Kuo Ch'ing-chi Nien-chien (中國經濟年鑑), chapter 7 (Chinese Tenancy Systems), contains the following description of the Fen Chih Chih (分種制) system, a form of perpetual lease found in the East River counties of the Kwangchow Prefecture: \"This", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208046, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "TWO ESSAYS ON THE CH'ING ECONOMY OF HSIN-AN\n\n69\n\nwas occasioned by the second, more famous event; the occupation of the leased Kowloon hinterland under provisions of the Convention for the Extension of Hong Kong, implemented by colonial troops in April, 1899.1\n\nMention must be made of these events, for had they not occurred, little would be known of the actual workings of revenue collection in late Ch'ing Hsin-An. For reasons which will become apparent, local magistrates were loath to describe the realities of tax collection, and usually preferred to maintain a semblance of li-chia (2*) in official accounts. Hence, we must turn to those foreigners whose job it was to decipher the workings of the system, in order to impose a more formal, “rational” approach.\n\nBrown, in the Report for 1887-1891, relates the initial difficulties brought about by local opposition to the establishment of the Kowloon Customs:\n\nAlthough as stated, the Hoppo and the Likin Department withdrew from the stations in 1887, there still remained the agents of certain syndicates who had farmed the collection of Likin and other local charges on some of the principal articles of trade, as kerosene oil, matches, etc. The presence of these men at the station was an inconvenience, a cause of friction, and a waste of time, as merchants were obliged to have their goods examined by, and to pay dues to, two or more independent offices. It was pointed out to the provincial authorities that the method of collecting Duties by means of farms was most wasteful, as no more than half the money taken by the farms from the traders reached the provincial treasury. These representations finally prevailed, and about the middle of 1890, as soon as vested interests could be got rid of, the whole of the farm agencies were removed.\n\nUnfortunately for Brown and the merchants, tax farming was not restricted to the four stations under his control. Evidence suggests, for example, that the primary market mechanism employed by magistrates in late Ch'ing Hsin-An was the farming of brokerage taxes (†) to local tongs (*) which in turn oversaw the operation of periodic markets (3); Freedman (1966) and Groves (1965) supply us with some data on this aspect of tax farming as it applied to Tai Po Kau Hui (★★⇓). Similarly, services along trade routes, as well as the collection of corresponding duties, were farmed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208047, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "70\n\nJ. T. KAMM\n\nout to private concessions. So pervasive was tax farming in this regard that the Kowloon Customs itself joined with the local magistracy in insuring its maintenance. CSO15 of 1900 records the case of the Ying Yi Farm which was granted the concession for supplying services to trading junks at Lai Chi Kok (*** ) in exchange for supplying free water to customs cruisers.4\n\nDespite its significance for late Ch'ing finance, little has been written concerning the origins and structure of tax farming in China. C.M. Chang's case study of auctioned revenue collection in Ching-Hai Hsien **), Hopei, remains our most authoritative account. Chang, who focuses on the workings of the brokerage tax farm, ascribes the origins of tax farming in China to the growth of miscellaneous taxes imposed after the Taiping Rebellion, an assertion decisively rebutted by Lien-sheng Yang, who traces the institution as far back as the fifth century. In general, we can say that tax farming arose at various times in Chinese history to meet the demands of the specific era and locality.\n\nThere was indeed a remarkable increase in miscellaneous taxes imposed on Hsin-An in the late nineteenth century. In an appendix to his report on the New Territory, Lockhart lists a number of \"extra\" taxes and rents not found in the gazetteer of 1819. This list, in turn, is borne out by an investigation of the data contained in the Kwangtung Ts'ai-cheng Shuo-ming-shu (*****). Lockhart, distrusting the figures supplied by the Nam Tau Magistrate, persuaded an informant in Sham Chun () to provide him with an unofficial assessment of the revenue collected annually in the Tung Lu. As expected, Lockhart discovered a great number of omissions and discrepancies between the \"official\" and \"unofficial\" revenues. Lockhart observed that the magistrate and his superiors benefit substantially from these discrepancies, but noted that \"not a small portion of it (the difference between reported and collected revenue) is secured by those who farm various items of revenue, for which they pay much less than they make out of them.\"\n\nDespite the surge of miscellaneous taxes and the consequent rise in the activity of farmers in the trade sector, the origins of tax farming in the East River counties of the Kwangchow Prefecture can be traced to earlier times. I propose to show that tax farming evolved in the agricultural sector, and was the direct result of the failure to effectively implement the official li-chia system.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208048, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "TWO ESSAYS ON THE CH'ING ECONOMY OF HSIN-AN\n\n71\n\nLi-chia refers to that system whereby rural leadership were utilized by county magistrates in the collection of land tax and corvee duties. The system was intended to perform two functions:\n\n1) As a rural land registration agency, the li-chang (1) were to keep the county magistrate informed of expansions in taxable cultivated land, and 2) as an agency to assist the magistrate in the collection of land taxes. The first function was primary in the sense that imperial edicts restricted the use of li-chang as tax collectors till the early eighteenth century. Hsiao, however, cites numerous references to demonstrate that the second function devolved increasingly on the li-chang to the extent that it became their principal responsibility by middle Ch'ing.\n\nUnder the general rubric of li-chia falls innumerable variations of local collection structures; all rest, however, on the imposition of subadministrative tax divisions over more or less indigenous rural divisions (villages, markets, groups of villages (i.e. hsiang (§), yueh (§), she (§)) etc.). The prototypical subadministrative units, from which the system derived its name, were li (§) and chia (§). The county was divided for the purpose of tax collection into several li, each consisting of 110 households. Of these 110 households, the ten wealthiest (in terms of land and available corvee labor) were designated li-chang; the remaining 100 households were divided into ten chia, each consisting of ten households who annually designated (by rotation) a chia-chang from among their ranks. The process of tax collection was generally referred to as ts'ui k'o (§§); the li-chang collected the tax, in kind or in cash, from the chia-chang, and in turn handed it over to the magistrate or one of his runners. Each li-chang was responsible for tax collection once every ten years; hence, both positions (li-chang and chia-chang) were ideally intended to circulate among the membership of the respective groups such that a full cycle was completed every ten years.10\n\nIt is not my intention to describe the complexities of an idealized system which rarely, if ever, operated along the lines outlined above. It is sufficient for us here to examine the specific properties of li-chia described in official contemporary accounts of Tung-Kwun and Hsin-An.\n\nIn both counties, land was registered under the household head (§) by means of the tu-p'i-chia (§) variation of li-chia.11", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208050, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "TWO ESSAYS ON THE CH'ING ECONOMY OF HSIN-AN\n\n73\n\nThe areas over which the Kowloon and Fuk-Wing Deputy Magistrates exercised jurisdiction were referred to as ssu, a common administrative term throughout the prefecture commonly translated as \"township.\" Some idea of the distribution of villages within tu can be had by surveying the data in the table below:\n\nTable I: The Hsiang-Tu-Ts'un System\n\n \n Jurisdiction\n Tu\n Number of villages\n \n \n 1st\n 19\n \n \n \n Kowloon:\n \n 6\n \n \n Nam Tau:\n \n 13\n \n \n 2nd\n 34\n \n \n \n Kowloon:\n \n 13\n \n \n Fuk-Wing:\n \n 5\n \n \n Nam Tau:\n \n 16\n \n \n 3rd\n 59\n \n \n \n Kowloon:\n \n 11\n \n \n Fuk-Wing:\n \n 35\n \n \n Nam Tau:\n \n 13\n \n \n 4th\n 11\n \n \n \n Nam Tau:\n \n 1\n \n \n Tai-Pang:\n \n 3\n \n \n Kowloon:\n \n 5\n \n \n Fuk-Wing:\n \n 2\n \n \n 5th\n 10\n \n \n \n Kowloon:\n \n 10\n \n \n 6th\n 32\n \n \n \n Kowloon:\n \n 32\n \n \n 7th\n 264\n \n \n \n Nam Tau:\n \n 11\n \n \n Tai-Pang:\n \n 98\n \n \n Fuk-Wing:\n \n 10\n \n \n Kowloon:\n \n 145\n \n\nIt is important to notice that no longer are discrete tu placed under sole jurisdiction of superordinate officials (with the exception of the 5th and 6th tu, all tu are divided amongst one or more officials). By the mid-nineteenth century, the artificial and largely arbitrary tu had lost whatever significance they may have had for purposes of civil administration.14\n\nIn any event, it is obvious that the land registration system was structurally disjoint from the tax collection system in mid-nineteenth century Hsin-An. This fact is further borne out by the mass of evidence which suggests the inaccuracy of the land registers and the consequent shrinkage in the size of the taxable base. Given the limited staff at his disposal, the magistrate gave priority to the fulfillment of tax quotas over the keeping of accurate records. This in turn led to increasing dependence on the rural leadership. Krone", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208051, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "74 \n\nJ. T. KAMM \n\nwrites: \"When the Mandarins intend to levy the taxes, they announce their intention to the gentry of the villages, one or two weeks, or sometimes a month, before their arrival. They then make a progress through the district, accompanied by a sufficient force to protect themselves against large bands of robbers...\" This situation engendered the rise of local \"magnates\" (大家) who gained monopolization of collection responsibilities within whole districts. The magnates, in most cases local gentry, typically extracted sizable commissions from the revenue collected. This form of tax farming, known as pao-laan (包攬) in Chinese and referred to as \"tax-lordism\" by the British, was particularly widespread in the East River counties of the Kwangchow Prefecture. The 1797 edition of the Tung-Kuan Gazetteer gives the following account of conditions in that county:\n\nPreviously, the collection of the grain tax was regulated by li-chang who rotated the responsibility on an annual basis. These li-chang were local magnates who practiced pao-laan by manipulating the rotation. The neighboring households, moreover, would each take bribes by turns in exchange for shouldering the blame (for not paying their grain tax). For these two reasons, they (the magnates) were able to hoard great amounts. During the Yung-Cheng period (1723-1736), the District Magistrate, Chou T'ien-ch'eng (周天成), first attempted to rectify this situation. He ordered the inhabitants of each p'i to register the amounts of tax due under their household names. Thus, it was a simple matter to check who had paid their taxes and who had avoided payment. The policy was very good, and crafty methods could no longer be used. After a few decades, however, this method of registration gradually fell out of use, to the extent that it is no longer possible to investigate p'i by reference to the book,\n\nThe author goes on to note that the current situation has reverted to the previous one, and proposes the reinstitution of the registration policy.\n\nThe process by which local gentry of large landlord villages gradually gained monopolization of the land tax was closely related to the complimentary process by which smaller, less powerful villages placed themselves under the protection of more powerful villages. Both Krone and Lockhart take note of the practice in\n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208052, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "TWO ESSAYS ON THE CH'ING ECONOMY OF HSIN-AN\n\n75\n\nHsin-An.\" How it relates to the dissolution of li-chia divisions is made clear in the following account, quoted in the 1921 edition of the Tung-Kuan Gazetteer:\n\nIn the past, the fang (✈) and tu divisions were known by name. Now, for the most part, these old divisions no longer exist. In the recent past, when military activity necessitated the imposition of corvée (), the village areas themselves were utilized in the apportionment and collection of the duties. For this reason, several small villages grouped together to form a large district; other villages attached themselves to more powerful villages. The various changes are too numerous to record in detail; however, on the basis of experience, the county was divided into nine large areas. Yet, despite this method, inequalities remained, on account of the all-pervasive corruption.18\n\nWhen one considers, in addition, the substantial demographic movements through the area in the eighteenth and nineteenth century,19 and the geographic limitations on the efficiency of local civil administrators, it is not difficult to imagine the total inability of local magistrates to implement viable alternatives to local self-governmental structures. Hence, Krone's comment: \"The mandarins in Sanon district have very little power. The people pay their taxes, but do not allow the mandarins to interfere with their own local government.\"20 Official acquiescence gradually became implicit approval, and the collection of land tax by means of farms granted to local magnates was institutionalized at the local level. By the time southern Hsin-An came within Britain's imperial orbit, taxlordism was well entrenched in the agricultural sector.\n\nThe position of taxlord carried responsibilities as well as benefits. By maintaining the relatively small taxable base, the taxlord was able to increase his own share of the revenue without having to pay over collected surpluses. Yet, under customary agreement, the taxlord was obligated to perform certain services for the privilege of extracting his commission. One of the most important of these was the protection offered against “unreasonable” squeeze. One measure of the Tang's dominant landlord and taxlord status was their apparent ability to avoid payment of squeeze under certain circumstances. Other services included supervision of local paramilitary and police forces, maintenance of roads and bridges, and provision of festivals and operas.22", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208054, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "TWO ESSAYS ON THE CH'ING ECONOMY OF HSIN-AN\n\n77\n\nadministration\" was first implemented in the Sheung Yu Tung (**). The Land Court recognized the status of fourteen tax-lords, and granted them a total of 252.33 acres of unclaimed crown land. The taxlords, however, were in no hurry to select the land, and it was only after considerable prodding (over a period of several months) that they made their choices. The problems which arose over the plots selected were to plague district officers for years. Information regarding potentially profitable land was secured from bribed government clerks, with the result that speculation on railway land became rampant. Another problem arose when taxlords staked claims to \"fung shui\" groves and proceeded to extort and blackmail neighboring villages by threatening to chop down the trees for firewood. As a result, taxlord schedules for the tung were not completed till August, 1909; references to taxlord claims crop up in CSO reports well into the 1920's.20\n\nBy the time the Land Court got around to hearing the Un Long claims, little sympathy existed in the colonial service for the compensation plan. It is not surprising, then, that the Tang claims were dismissed as invalid, a decision which elders in the neighborhood still relate to the fact that the Tangs led the resistance. Official records regarding this decision have apparently been lost;29 thus, our only data on the nature of taxlordism refer to Sheung Yu Tung.*\n\nThe most complete account of the taxlord settlement is provided in CSO6269 of 1909. Of the fourteen taxlords compensated throughout the tung, nine are dealt with in this file, which was compiled over the period 1904-1910. The table below summarizes these nine settlements.\n\nTable II: Taxlord Settlements, Sheung Yu Tung\n\nTaxlord\nAmount granted\nLocated in:\n\nTang Yung Peng\n45.0 acres\nFan Ling\n\nLiu Yin Yu\n13.0 acres\nMan Lai Ngam\n\nMan Fung Chi\n9.5 acres\n\nTang Yui Shan\n16.0 acres\n\nPang Shin Han\n65.0 acres\nFan Ling, Hau Yeuk Fan Ling\n\n9.0 acres\n\n60.0 acres\nHo Sheung, Lam Tsun Luk Yeuk\n\n11.0 acres\nHau Chak Wing Hang Chung Hin\n\n4.8 acres\nMan Cham Tsum\n\n*The claims by Tangs over Tsing Yi Island were originally labelled.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208056, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "## TWO ESSAYS ON THE CH'ING ECONOMY OF HSIN-AN\n\ngovernment in his Discussion of the Official System (￥##): \n\n79 \n\n(咸豐: \n\nDuring the troubled years of the Hsien-Feng period (: 1851-1862), the gentry of the various villages formed t'uan-lien (*) for the purpose of self-defence. If a village was weak, then it united with other villages to form one large district. In this way, all of the villages within one geographically distinct area were united under one committee of gentry, referred to as chu. These organizations were responsible for collecting taxes, and were managed by a staff of local administrators.34 \n\nThe similarity between these developments, which transpired in Nan-Hai Hsien (南海縣), and the description of the collapse of li-chia in Tung-Kuan is remarkable. There was an unquestionable link between the presence of taxlordism and chu throughout South China in the nineteenth century. Kuhn (1970) cites evidence from Hunan which demonstrates that the primary function of chu in that province was the collection of the land tax; in some areas, chu effectively coupled the monopolization of land tax collection with the early administration of likin.35 In Hsin-An itself, it is quite clear that the services performed by taxlords were often coordinated by gentry committees; moreover, the services performed by these groups were essentially identical to those performed by the chu of Nan-Hai (these include: dispute-settlement, maintenance of irrigation works, temples, schools, roads, bridges, and the provision of sacrifices.)36 \n\nI propose that chu were essentially bodies of taxlords which regulated the collection and expenditure of revenue from agricultural production within the boundaries of tung or similar areas.37 The collection of revenue was greatly facilitated by 1) the location of chu in the major market town of the tung, and 2) its recognized status as overseer of the affairs of the tung, with the right to petition the magistrate in the name of the inhabitants.38 After collection of the land tax, a certain amount was extracted and set aside as public funds to meet \"fixed costs.\" For extraordinary expenses, such as those incurred by the resistance campaign, the taxlord-gentry would either petition the magistrate to temporarily forego collection of the land tax, or would levy supplementary taxes of their own on the established rent and tax quotas of villages within the tung.39\n\n## TWO ESSAYS ON THE CH'ING ECONOMY OF HSIN-AN\n\ngovernment in his Discussion of the Official System (￥##):\n\n79\n\n(咸豐:\n\nDuring the troubled years of the Hsien-Feng period (: 1851-1862), the gentry of the various villages formed t'uan-lien (*) for the purpose of self-defence. If a village was weak, then it united with other villages to form one large district. In this way, all of the villages within one geographically distinct area were united under one committee of gentry, referred to as chu. These organizations were responsible for collecting taxes, and were managed by a staff of local administrators.34\n\nThe similarity between these developments, which transpired in Nan-Hai Hsien (南海縣), and the description of the collapse of li-chia in Tung-Kuan is remarkable. There was an unquestionable link between the presence of taxlordism and chu throughout South China in the nineteenth century. Kuhn (1970) cites evidence from Hunan which demonstrates that the primary function of chu in that province was the collection of the land tax; in some areas, chu effectively coupled the monopolization of land tax collection with the early administration of likin.35 In Hsin-An itself, it is quite clear that the services performed by taxlords were often coordinated by gentry committees; moreover, the services performed by these groups were essentially identical to those performed by the chu of Nan-Hai (these include: dispute-settlement, maintenance of irrigation works, temples, schools, roads, bridges, and the provision of sacrifices.)36\n\nI propose that chu were essentially bodies of taxlords which regulated the collection and expenditure of revenue from agricultural production within the boundaries of tung or similar areas.37 The collection of revenue was greatly facilitated by 1) the location of chu in the major market town of the tung, and 2) its recognized status as overseer of the affairs of the tung, with the right to petition the magistrate in the name of the inhabitants.38 After collection of the land tax, a certain amount was extracted and set aside as public funds to meet \"fixed costs.\" For extraordinary expenses, such as those incurred by the resistance campaign, the taxlord-gentry would either petition the magistrate to temporarily forego collection of the land tax, or would levy supplementary taxes of their own on the established rent and tax quotas of villages within the tung.39", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208058, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 97, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "TWO ESSAYS ON THE CH'ING ECONOMY OF HSIN-AN\n\n81\n\nbuyers and sellers of commodities and to effect a transaction between them.” By the late 1920's, \"its importance to the Hopei provincial finance was only second to that of the land tax.\" It is difficult to weigh the relative importances of the various taxes in Hsin-An, but we do have figures on the revenue collected on trade between local markets in November 1911, which indicate a relatively low volume of local trade (see Imperial Maritime Customs, 1902-1911, Volume II, p.156). Also, refer to Appendix II, which Lockhart credits as a reliable source. The Tangs of Kam Tin and Lung Kwat Tau (A) were apparently farmed the monopolies of collecting market taxes in Un Long Kau Hui (±##4) and Tai Po Kau Hui (£# #). The Tongs who oversaw the markets in turn \"sub-leased\" the brokerages to traders, merchants, and shop-owners.\n\n4 The CSO files held in the Government Archives of Hong Kong constitute one of the richest stores of first-hand knowledge about local political economy and society in Hsin-An during the period 1890-1910. I am very grateful to Mr. Ian Diamond, Government Archivist, and his staff for their assistance in helping with my research.\n\n5 C. M. Chang, op. cit., pp. 826-828.\n\n6 Lien-sheng Yang, \"Buddhist Monasteries and Four Money-Raising Institutions in Chinese History,\" in his Studies in Chinese Institutional History, pp. 198-199n.\n\n7 Yeh-chien Wang draws heavily on the Ts'ai-cheng Shuo-ming-shu for his research on the land tax in China (Land Taxation in Imperial China, 1750-1911). On the basis of the material presented in this paper, Hsin-An conforms to his general thesis of the declining relative importance of the land tax throughout late Ch'ing.\n\n8 Correspondence Respecting the Extension of the Boundaries of the Colony (hereafter Extension Papers), p. 60.\n\n9 For a fuller discussion of li-chia, see Kung-chuan Hsiao's Rural China, Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century, pp. 84-143.\n\n10 The annual rotation of these positions (44) constituted the primary mechanism whereby the local magistrate attempted to maintain some measure of centralized power by restricting the excesses of local magnates.\n\n11 Hsiang-kang Teng-ch'u-shui-mau Ts'ung-ch'eng (44¥Æ#*# Z), p. 2: \"All together the cultivated land measured 8 ch'ing 3 mau 6 fen 1 li 9 hau 2 ssu 5 hu (i.e., 803.61925 mau) and was registered under the name of Tang Tin-luk, 6th tu, 7th p'i, 2nd chia. In addition, Tang Chi-cheung and others had purchased from Ho Ch'iu-ping and others plots of land at Wong Nei Chung... having a total area of 1 ch'ing 89 mau registered in Tung-Kuan under the name of Tang Chi-fu of the 2nd tụ, 18th p'i, last chia.\" The formula is often repeated in the land memorials held at the Land Office of the Registrar General in Hong Kong.\n\n12 Kwangchow Fu-chih (1759), ch'uan 4: 43a-b, 46b.\n\n13 Hsin-An Hsien-chih (1819), ch'uan 2.\n\n14 Kwangtung T'u-shuo, Hsin-An Hsien-t'u.\n\n15 Krone, \"A Notice of the Sunon District\", originally published in the Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 6:5, 41-105. This quote, as all the others, is from the reprinted copy in the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society V: p. 119.\n\n16 Tung-Kuan Hsien-chih (1797), 10:10b-11.\n\n17 Lockhart, in the Correspondence Respecting the Affairs in China, writes: \"Small villages and hamlets often place themselves under the protection of large and influential clans to which they refer all complaints and from which they expect assistance in case of attack, robbery, and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208060, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 99, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "TWO ESSAYS ON THE CH'ING ECONOMY OF HSIN-AN\n\n83\n\ninto Tung or Divisions. Each council of a Tung contains representatives of the villages which make up the Tung. In addition to a council of a Tung there is a general council for the whole of the Tung Lo or Eastern Section, which is practically that portion of the district of San On contained in the map attached to the Convention. This general council is styled the Tung Ping Kuk or Council of Peace for the Eastern Section. It has its council chamber at the market town of Sham Chun, which is regarded as the centre of the Eastern Section.\n\nIf the decision of the council of the Tung or of the General Council is not regarded as satisfactory, an appeal lies to the magistrate of the district.\" (pp. 55-56, Extension Papers.).\n\n32 Extension Papers, p. 34.\n\n33 Ibid., p. 174.\n\n34 K'ang Nan-hai Kuan-chih I (***T**), pp. 15-16.\n\n35 Philip A. Kuhn, Rebellion and its Enemies in Late Imperial China, pp. 91-92.\n\n36 K'ang Nan-hai, op. cit., p. 15.\n\n37 Other evidence which supports this hypothesis is drawn from the fact that the production and distribution of agricultural produce within the tung tends to be regulated by specific and unique processes. Hence, the tau chung (#), or local measures for payment of rent in kind, differs from tung to tung. Lockhart, in his Report on the New Territory at Hong Kong (Presented to both Houses of Parliament, November, 1900), relates the problems encountered in rationalizing land tenure: \"But even this tau varies in different localities. The Kun Tau, or Chinese official standard measure of 10 shing, is adopted at Tai Po, in the Sheung Yu District, and at Shat'aukok. The Ts'ong Tau, or grain measure of 11 shing, is used throughout the Un Long District. The Ts'in Tau of 8 shing is employed in the Ts'un Wan (ed. previously Kowloon District) and some other Districts. (p. 6). Moreover, the schedules of periodic markets within tung tend to complement each other, while they often clash with the schedules of markets in a neighboring tung.\n\n38 See petition from Tung Wo Kuk (\"i.e., the Committee appointed to deal with the affairs of the Shataukok Division\"). pp. 318-320.\n\n39 In a rough translation of a pamphlet obtained by the German missionary Schaub in Tung-Kuan, local gentry propose a strategy for obtaining funds for fighting the British: \"It is the best plan that the six confederations (six market places) keep together as we hear. But the outlay for the soldiers should not be collected by an extraordinary field tax. It is not right that the various confederations should pay the costs.... We should use the usual field tax. Let first the six confederations come together and ask our Government for help. Will the soldiers not come to help us, then let us ask the Mandarin for the present not to collect the field tax, that we can use the money to meet the barbarians. This would not be rebellious. Afterwards in peaceful times, we could pay our duties to the Government. (Extension Papers, p. 347.) See also, K'ang Nan-hai, op cit., p. 15.\n\n40 CSO433 in 1899,\n\n41 The British often experienced great difficulty in distinguishing landlords from taxlords, especially since members of large, gentry clans like the Tangs were one and the same. In a memorandum on the work of the Land Court, Lockhart writes: \"The most serious matter of all, however, is the stand taken by the farmers against the clans, their former landlords.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208061, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "2\n\n84\n\nJ. T. KAMM\n\nThe clans and farmers agree that the farmers are absolute owners of the soil in perpetuity, but have been paying money or produce to the clans for generations, which the clans claim to be rent payable to them. The case for the farmers is that the land has always been theirs absolute free from rent, and that the amount paid by them to the clans was the Government land tax.\" p. 23, Report on the New Territory at Hong Kong.\n\n42 Chinese civil administration across the border offers interesting contrasts to the British colonial model. After the fall of Ch'ing, the county was renamed Pao-An (†), and was subsequently divided into seven \"wards\" or ch'ü (E). These wards generally followed the topographical features of the countryside, with the result that tung and ch'u were probably quite homogeneous (the evidence for Sham Chun certainly indicates this). As we noted above, agricultural production within the tung tended to follow specific, if not unique, patterns; the authors of the Kwangtung Nung Yeh Kai-K'uang T'iao-ch'a-pao-kao Shu Hsuan-pien (***)'s chapter on Pao-An link this phenomenon, which they note in the various ch'u, with the relative availability of arable land within the district. Aside from the presence of elements of the police force, the Nam Tau government kept a low profile in the ch'u, and depended on these areas to collect the land tax and hand it over by themselves (see Kwangtung Ch'uan-sheng t'i-fang Chi-yao (✯✯✯****★)), p. 189.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208064, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 103, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "UNDER ALTARS\n\n87\n\nOf these eight titles, Marshal Yin, a famous character in mythology, is a God in his own right in the Taoist folk religion pantheon. He is to be seen only in one temple in the heart of rural New Territories in image form, where, unconnected with any Under Altar, he is one of four generals guarding a major deity.\n\nOthers who regularly appear in the Under Altar and are the deities who share the occupancy but in image form, are the Local Wealth God and the White Tiger. Others who occasionally appear on top of, near to, or in the Under Altar include the Green Horse, Marshal Chao and a second demonic figure similar to the Local Wealth God.\n\nThe Local Wealth God (地方財神)\n\nThe major image, sometimes called the Wealth God of the Under Altar (下壇財神) or the spirit of the Location (地方神) is usually alone though very, very occasionally he may be accompanied by a somewhat similar image. A Hong Kong Cantonese writer who lived during the last century, Wu Yen-jen, in the collection “Ch'ing Tai Wu Yen-jen Yu Yen Chi” (清代吳恩仁寓言集) calls this local deity the \"Local Demon\" (地方惡魔), a description which is more honest than the anodyne and unprovocative term \"spirit\" used nowadays.\n\nThe Wealth God of the Location is a gaunt middle-aged man dressed in mourning apparel, ill-fitting robes of sacking (hessian). He has a protruding tongue and a tall dunce's cap bearing the message vertically on the front \"Fortune at one glance\" (一覽生財). His face is haggard, often with tears of blood coursing down his cheeks. Most Local Wealth Gods clutch palm leaf fans in their left hand, whilst others carry either furled umbrellas, wands with tattered edges raised above their heads in their right hands, have their arms full of paper charms, or a string of silver coins strung around their necks. The majority of images are roughly made of folded coloured papers, and bear strips of white cloth as a sign of mourning. One, in Macau, had a hessian veil stretched across the face \"to prevent him from eating worshipper's “luck\"\", so the keeper said!\n\nThe Local Wealth God is located at ground level because he is neither fit nor qualified to stand on the altar. According to a God Carver in Macau, he stands in the Under Altar for the want...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208065, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "88 \n\nK. G. STEVENS \n\nof a better place. In most temples he stands slightly off to one side from the middle of the Under Altar behind the incense pot. The same God Carver explained that the other, similar image in the Under Altar, is the Black and White Demon (). He too is standing, dressed in sackcloth and has his tongue protruding. He has a black face, the same four characters down the front of his dunce's cap. He too, holds the wand with its tattered decoration which he uses to lead souls safely into the Afterworld and before the Judges of Purgatory. He is sometimes known as \"The one who leads the souls\" (). The usual image, the Local Wealth God who is occasionally known as the Filial son (#7) according to the Macanese carver, is taller, stands in sackcloth, but with a white face and wearing a dunce's cap without characters.\n\nThis statement by a man who is at the heart of image making and whose other statements have been well borne out by temple keepers in both Hong Kong and Macau, has thrown a cat amongst the pigeons, as a careful examination of Under Altars reveals that very few images have black faces or characterless caps. All, with and without characters and with black or white faces, are referred to without exception by the individual temple keepers as the Local Wealth God. They added, however, that they may also be called by the less polite and now old-fashioned title of Wu Ch'ang Kuei, the \"Unpredictable Demon\" (), a term Burkhardt1 consistently used for the demonic policeman who arrests souls.\n\nThe same God Carver also explained that the Wu Ch'ang Kuei quite frequently has red tears running down his face because, apparently, as a youth he so got on his Mother's nerves that she cried herself to death. Covered by remorse and crying until he drew blood, he set himself the task of guiding first her soul, and then souls of others, safely into the through the Underworld.\n\nThe primary function of the Local Wealth God, according to the majority of temple keepers concerned, is to provide unexpected money (always in small quantities), and particularly for luck in gambling, especially horse racing. He is prayed to by gamblers who are going through a lengthy and damaging run of bad luck. In addition to this well-known ability to provide small quantities of unexpected money, a few temple keepers understand that, dressed in hemp, he has the power to drive away sickness demons and, if \n\n(1) V. R. Burkhardt: Chinese Creeds and Customs: Vols. 1-3. 1952-5 Hong Kong (SCMP).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208069, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 108, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "92\n\nK. G. STEVENS\n\n\"White Tiger Disease\" which cannot be diagnosed further, and which can only be cured by offering him expensive propitiation.\n\nThe White Tiger's full title is \"The White Tiger of the Black Altar\" but even though the Wealth God, Hsuan T'an (literally “Black Altar\" and whose name, as we saw above is Chao Kung-ming) is always accompanied by a tiger, no temple keeper has had the courage of his convictions to connect the White Tiger with him, although the connexion seems obvious enough.\n\nWhite Tigers fight evil, destroy demons—particularly sickness demons—and, more mundanely, prevent squabbles and strife between women. Though many temple keepers spoke confidently, they tended to connect the attributes of any one deity with others on the same altar, thus claiming that White Tigers are prayed to stop scandal and rumours, and also prayed to by gamblers who are having a run of bad luck. In former days, so several temple keepers claimed, ritual purification before worshipping the Gods was carried out at the White Tiger Altar, as he was a stellar deity who warded off baneful influences.\n\nOn the day of the Excited Insects, (the 17th of the 1st lunar month, one month before Ch'ing Ming), White Tigers are propitiated by temple-goers, who crowd around them force-feeding them with delicacies known to delight them. These include raw eggs still in their shells, which are rammed willy-nilly into the tiger's mouth together with lumps of white cooked fatty pork, raw liver, chick peas and silver coins. Pork fat is a delicacy beloved of tigers who, according to temple keepers, will not eat beef or fish! One particularly stomach-churning sight was of a temple keeper pushing his fingers into the Tiger's mouth through the mush of raw egg, liver, paper, shell and fatty pork, to recover the coins. For the very poor, a mere smear of pork fat on the lips of the White Tiger is sufficient to bring his aid. Elderly ladies also offer oranges, minute packets of tea and three sticks of incense before the Tiger.\n\nAt the same ceremony devotees burn, or again thrust into the mouths of the White Tigers, dozens of tiny printed paper tigers with yellow and black stripes, folded in half lengthways and filled with cold cooked rice, slivers of raw liver and a few peas. Some of the elderly ladies took the paper tiger cut-outs and removing a shoe walloped the tiny paper tiger unmercifully. Such chastisement is to ensure that gossips and trouble from demonic sources do not", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208070, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "UNDER ALTARS\n\n93\n\nenter the homes of the beater and her family. (Incidentally, they did the same with the \"small people\" a common man (Hsiao Jen A) who are gossips causing untold trouble. They are depicted on a black-printed charm as a row of men, and represent anyone who bears a grudge or gossips about their neighbours.)\n\nThough Ch'ao Chow and Hoklo temples have no Under Altars, keepers in temples used by these communities claim that other unspecified Hoklo and Ch'ao Chow temples do have them. In practice, however, most have a stone White Tiger, blackened with age, crouching on the floor in front of one of the secondary altars. In one Ch'ao Chow temple, what at first glance could be confusing, were two large and untarnished black and yellow striped tigers seated before the temple's Earth God. According to the watchman, they were normal tigers and not White Tigers, awaiting his orders.\n\nThe Green Horse\n\nThe second is the Green Horse (*) who occasionally has a groom though, rarely, a rider. Not surprisingly the horse actually is green, although it is possibly called so because Liu (green) is a homophone for \"lucky\". In a few temples he is colloquially referred to as the \"Money Horse\". He is to be found in several temples where there is no Under Altar, no White Tiger, and no Local Wealth God. Green Horse stand on their own four legs and are seldom made of a permanent material, though two in Macau and one in Hong Kong are made of what appears to be painted concrete about half life size. Most are coloured paper pasted over a bamboo frame, frequently decorated with tall, gold paper floral crowns and red rosettes.\n\nThe Green Horse is variously offered prayers and incense for assistance in keeping in touch with distant relatives, for bearing petitions to unapproachable Gods, for stopping quarrels and rumours and, according to some, for wealth. Some even refer to the Green Horse as the Protector of Women. Many Green Horses seen in temples are heavily ensnared or trussed with long, fine red (or on very rare occasions, white) cords bound around the forelegs. Occasionally pairs of red chopsticks are bound to the Horse by these red cords. Both the chopsticks and the cords are charms, placed there by wives who pray that their travelling or erring husbands will be faithful to them, or return immediately to them leaving the...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208076, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "UNDER ALTARS\n\n99\n\nStatistics\n\nApproximately one seventh of all temples in Hong Kong (that is 35 out of some 260) and almost half in Macau (12 out of 25) have Under Altars.\n\nIn Macau, all the Under Altars are in temples in the town itself, or in the main town of each island, and all are within three hundred yards of the present seacoast. All Under Altar temples in Hong Kong are within a stone's throw of the original seacoast, and apart from the temples on the two islands of Peng Chau and Cheung Chau and the one at Shatin, all are within a radius of four miles from Tsim Sha Tsui. All these temples were built or rebuilt during the nineteenth century.\n\nNo Under Altars are to be found in monasteries or nunneries, nor have any been found in Hoklo and Ch'ao Chow community temples. 24 of the Under Altars are in the 117 fisherfolk temples along the coasts of Hong Kong and Macau, and all of these are in what are now built-up areas.\n\nThe other six sevenths, folk religion temples and Buddhist monasteries without Under Altars, include all temples in remoter areas, a picture which suggests that in pre-British Hong Kong, temples did not have such altars. It has been disappointing that no informant has been found who can recall whether Under Altars existed in Canton and the provincial towns and rural areas in Kwangtung province and, if they did, the extent of their spread prior to 1949. There is a strong but undependable connexion between Under Altars & the Boat People.\n\nThere is however an inexplicable factor. In both Hong Kong and Macau, within a stone's throw from temples with Under Altars, are temples without Under Altars which are similar in all other aspects to those with them. They are also of approximately the same vintage. There seems to be no obvious reason for the limited pattern of location of Under Altars. All appear to have been incorporated during the building or rebuilding of the temple between 1840-1880, and the only common factor is that temples with Under Altars are in areas which were, at that time, centres of thriving communities whose main populations were Cantonese, Hakka and Boat People.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208088, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "# TABLE\n\nA Summary of the Genealogy of the Kwaan lineage in Kwangtung\n\n \n CEREMONIAL LIFE OF 2 MULTI-SURNAME VILLAGES\n 1st Generation\n 6th Generation\n Record of Segmentation\n \n \n King-hei Kung\n(San-ooi Taam-nga Heung cir. 1080)\n \n Wing Kung\n(Hoi-p'ing Taai-ng Ts'uen cir. 1230)\n \n \n \n \n \n Ven-kau Kung\n? Kung\n(Naam-hoi Kau-kong Heung cir. 1230)\n \n \n \n \n \n Uen-saam Kung (Yeung-kong cir. 1260)\n Ling-uen Heung\n \n \n \n 7th Generation\n Uen-luk Kung\n(Kau-p'ei-ch'ung\n(Taai-ng Ts'uen cir. 1260)\ncir. 1260)\n \n \n \n \n \n 10th Generation\n Lo-yeung Heung\nChung-miu Heung\nNg-wing Heung\n(cir. 1350)\n(cir. 1350)\n(cir. 1350)\n \n \n \n 15th Generation\n Kau-p'ei-ch'ung\nLo-yeung\n(cir. 1500)\n Ts'ung-long\nChung-miu (cir. 1500)\nTs'ung-long\nLing-uen\n(cir. 1500)\n \n \n \n \n (cir. 1350)\n \n \n\n(Source: Personal Communications)\n\nPage 111", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208154, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 193, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n177 \n\n26. Water was, of course, Tai Mo Shan's greatest natural resource. Before the construction of the Shing Mun catchwaters pre-war, and those for the Tai Lam Chung reservoir post-war, a tremendous flow of water ran down the mountain. It assisted in the gradual formation of land for houses and cultivation at its two main stream mouths in Tsuen Wan,* and was also used for industrial purposes. Water power drove the 24 incense mills located on the various streams of Tsuen Wan between 1900-1910 and before. (JHKBRAS 16 (1976):282-283). Stream water was also essential to the manufacture of bean curd and bean stick, another very old Tsuen Wan local industry, in which the quality of the product was directly related to the availability of a continually available pure water supply (see pp. 216-218 of this Journal). \n\nPublic Works \n\n27. In any hill area in which streams abound and become fast-flowing torrents in wet weather, there is a need for bridges across which travellers and villagers carrying heavy loads can proceed in safety. Tai Mo Shan has its share of such streams, and there are surviving bridges here and there in the hills and on its lower slopes. Among those known to me the largest is the Po Chai Bridge at Chung Hang, a few minutes' walk from my office in Tsuen Wan. Beside it is a battered slate-like tablet commemorating its repair in the 4609th year of the Yellow Emperor, a curious titling which owes its inspiration to the overthrow of the Ch'ing dynasty in the same year as its reconstruction (see Dingle: 89 for a similar dating that gave me the clue to this one and illustrates the wave of Chinese feeling that linked places as far apart in these two cases as Hankow and Tsuen Wan). The subscribers were the leading villagers and shopkeepers of Tsuen Wan and places linked to it by social and business ties. \n\n28. Another bridge, further up the same valley at a place called Ngo Tei (#) or Goose Land—probably its geomantic name—has no tablet. However it is also an old bridge, and an elderly villager of Pak Shek Kiu, an abandoned hill village higher up, credits its repair fifty years ago by a city merchant from Hong Kong as the 'price' paid to the villages to allow burial of one of his relatives there. \n\n* The old name for Tsuen Wan was Chin Wan (**) or Shallow Bay which directly reflects the effect of the mountain on the bay. It was in use until the late 19th century, being replaced first by Tsuen Wan and then...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208165, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 204, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "188\n\nB. THE WAR\n\n1. Contestants\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n(a) The Shing Mun villages, 8 in number and with a population of about 855 in 1928 when they were removed to build the Shing Mun Reservoir.1\n\n(b) The Tsuen Wan villages, some 12 in number with an estimated population of around 1500 in 1900. These villages are still in existence although some of them have been resited because of recent development.2\n\nAll these villagers were Hakka Chinese, so that the struggle was between persons of the same language group. Moreover, since their settlement in these locations in the 17th and 18th centuries, the villagers had given and taken their womenfolk in marriage through many generations, and so were closely related and acquainted with each other. Also, the Shing Mun villagers did at least part of their marketing in Tsuen Wan.4\n\n2. Time\n\nThe war lasted for three years at the beginning of the T'ung-chih reign of the Ch'ing Dynasty, between 1862-1864.\n\n3. Reasons for the Struggle\n\nThe tablet in the Tsuen Wan Tin Hau Temple dated in the 1930s and written by a local Ch'ing scholar-gentry holding the first (hsiu ts'ai) degrees is not very revealing. It merely says that at the time in question law and order was lax and barbaric customs preva3vailed, so that village feuds revived and a fight with weapons ensued between the Shing Mun and Tsuen Wan villages. By implication, the Shing Mun people were, of course, in the wrong. The record continues: \"being outnumbered our boundaries were constantly invaded and our villages were almost reduced to ruins.\"\n\nDr. Betsy Johnson, who took notes on the subject in 1967-68, from one old Tsuen Wan villager whose grandfather had taken part in the struggle, learned that relations with Shing Mun were not very good before the war. However, according to him, it began over a third party, a small hill village in the present Kowloon reservoir area east of Shing Mun which had amicable ties with Tsuen Wan. The old man continued, 'Once some...'", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208169, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 208, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "192\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nContinuously to the present, since elders in both communities were boys and reportedly before, worship of these heroes has been carried out twice a year, at the times of the first and second padi harvests (described as 春分*). It even continued throughout the Japanese Occupation, a hard time when traditional practices were sometimes dispensed with and not taken up again. Such practices, whilst tending to keep each community together, also had the effect of perpetuating a rift; and the existence of such shrines did nothing to reduce the endemic bickering that characterized much of local society at that time.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Sessional Papers 1928 (see the District Officer North's report which follows at Part C to the Notes for this Visit).\n\n2 See Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (Hong Kong Government Printer, n.d. but circa 1960): 148-152.\n\n3 Copies of genealogies of the Cheng (#) Tang (*) and some other local lineages have been recently deposited in the Chinese Library, University of Hong Kong.\n\n4 They also went to Tai Po Market and to North West Kowloon.\n\n5 YEUNG Kwok-shui (#) of Yeung Uk, a small single lineage settled since the Ch'ien Lung period.\n\n6 Local place name of the district city of Hsin-an.\n\n7 Gazetteer: 154.\n\n* Gazetteer: 150. Lo Wai is claimed to be the oldest of the Tsuen Wan villages.\n\n9 See e.g. G. N. Orme's Report on the New Territory 1899-1912 in the Hong Kong Government's Sessional Papers 1912: paras 58-60; and the file CSD1903 Ext/17, minutes of 6 April and 5 May 1905 in Public Records Office of Hong Kong.\n\n10 Gazetteer: 150-151.\n\n11 GR.\n\n12 Shek Lei Pui (†) was the name of a village moved to Sha Tin in the 1920s to make way for an extension to the Kowloon Reservoir. See H.K. Government's Administrative Reports 1924, page Q146, para. 4.\n\n13 Gazetteer: 151.\n\n14 The Tin Hau Temple inscription says a wooden tablet, worshipped for 70 years.\n\n15 of Sam Tung Uk, Chairman of the Tsuen Wan Rural Committee and Chairman of the New Territories Heung Yee Kuk, died 15th October, 1956: para. 119 of District Commissioner, New Territories' Annual Departmental Report 1956-57.\n\n16 From the names listed it seems likely that, as stated by informants, friends and relatives of the Shing Mun people from the Pat Heung (Gazetteer: 170) aided them in the war against Tsuen Wan.\n\n17 According to the Tsuen Wan tablet, the fighting took place with sharp weapons. (i).\n\n18 This name was a purely Shing Mun description and does not appear in Gazetteer which only refers to the other Pat Heung to the north.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208176, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 215, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n199\n\nTHE RURAL HISTORY PROJECT IN YUEN LONG DISTRICT, NEW TERRITORIES OF HONG KONG, 1973.\n\nIn 1973 Mr. John Kamm, a candidate for the A.M. at Harvard University's Regional Studies--East Asia Program, conducted field research in the N.T. The letter which follows explains how he cooperated with the District Office Yuen Long in a rural history project, and gives interesting details of how it was accomplished. The \"Field Notes on the Social History and Feng-shui of Kam Tin” which follow the letter were one result of the project. The two “Essays on the Ch'ing Economy of Hsin-an, Kwangtung,” printed elsewhere in this issue of the Journal, are another. Hon Ed.\n\nMr. Patrick Williamson, J.P.,\n\nDistrict Officer,\n\nYuen Long District Office, New Territories Administration.\n\nDear Mr. Williamson,\n\nI would like to take this opportunity to provide your office with a preliminary report on the Rural History Project. I also intend to include general thoughts on the advisability of expanding the current pilot project into a more-structured, government-sponsored operation of longer duration.\n\nAt our first meeting, on 31 May, we discussed the concern in Yuen Long District, shared by both Government and village leadership, over the deterioration of Chinese tradition and custom. One substantial portion of traditional culture, i.e. oral history, seemed threatened with especially rapid extinction. We decided to explore the possibility of setting up a summer project aimed at collecting and preserving the folk tradition of a specific area of Yuen Long District. Since I had been trained in social anthropology (having won University Scholar distinction in the structural analysis of Chinese myth and folk-tale), and since I was eager to begin field work in the New Territories, I readily accepted the offer of an unpaid attachment to your office.\n\nThroughout the early weeks of June, the project gradually took shape and became a reality. Government showed interest in the idea, and approved the project. Scholars at both universities pro-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208177, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 216, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "200\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nvided useful suggestions concerning possible lines of enquiry; their assistance promised to complement the substantial resources Government placed at our disposal. Most significant of all was the enthusiasm displayed by the village representatives and elders of Kam Tin. The Kam Tin area, populated chiefly by members of the Tang clan, has a long and rich history; we decided, therefore, to concentrate our efforts in this area. On 25 June, Government hired Chan Sin-wai, a fourth-year history student at Chinese University and longtime resident of Kam Tin, to assist in carrying out the project. Another unpaid co-worker, Chen Ka-won, a graduate of C.U.H.K. and a resident of Ping Shan, joined the project in late July.\n\nAn examination of available knowledge and questions of methodology absorbed the next few days. A field headquarters was established in Ng Ka Tsuen, and the long process of “introduction” was begun. On 11 July, Mr. Paul Wong, liaison officer attached to your Office, arranged a meeting of interested elders from the Tang villages of Kam Tin. During the meeting, we explained the goals of the project, and their warm reception assured us of every cooperation.\n\nThe success of this \"mass meeting\" prompted a series of formal interviews which have been taking place over the last six weeks and will continue into September. We have interviewed nearly twenty-five elders possessing knowledge of Kam Tin's history and traditions. Several have proved to be exceptionally valuable informants, and closer, more \"informal\" relationships have developed.\n\nWe have made a number of tape recordings of important tales ranging over a variety of topics. One collection of stories centers around the resistance by the Tangs to British occupation. We are especially hopeful that these tales and personal remembrances will shed light on the events of 1898-99 and subsequent land disputes, and will lead to the solution of certain perplexing questions regarding land tenure and rural class structure (the 'Sai Man' question).\n\nWe have been granted access to clan and fong genealogies, and have received permission to make photo-copies. Documents, paintings, and plaques dating from Ming and Ch'ing have also come to light. Field trips were undertaken to every village in the Kam Tin area, and we have been guided through the major temples, tsz tong, and graves of historical interest.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208182, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 221, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n205 \n\nKok Shan. In general, the significance of Tang Foo is two-fold: 1) by establishing a famous school or study (Lik Ying Tsai #) near Kam Tin, he linked his name with scholarly achievement in San On and Canton, 2) by recognizing the qualities of the area's Fung-shui (風水) and locating his ancestors' graves accordingly, he assured future benefits for his descendents. \n\n10. With reference to the former point, Tang expansion was undoubtedly assisted by the largely fictive \"kinship\" bonds established within the scholarly civil-service tradition. \n\n11. It will be noted that in the two accounts of Fung-shui appended to these notes,* the landmarks recognized by Tang Foo correspond generally to the boundaries of territory claimed by the Kam Tin— Ping Shan- Ha Tsuen Tangs. Also notice the conflicting tales recorded by Sung and O'Dwyer,† particularly concerning whether Tang Foo was an official prior to examining the Fung-shui. An excellent example of how oral \"tales” contradict orthodox doctrine. \n\n12. There is considerable doubt that, after Tang Foo, the Tangs continued to be a force in Sham Tin; but, two generations later, ancestors reappear, and with them mention, for the first time, of the popular territorial division of Kam Tin. Two cousins (grandchildren of Tang Foo), Kwai (#) and Sui (*) settled respectively in Nam Pin (南邊) and Pak Pin (北邊) Villages. \n\n13. The dispersal of their children, known as 'the Five Yuen (五遠)' is the first major migration or fission of the Tangs from Sham Tin. The descendents of the Five Yuen considered together form the highest order grouping of the Tang clan. \n\nKwai (癸) gave birth to Yuen-hei (元喜) who settled in Tung Kwun City (東莞縣城) and Pak Wai (北圍), and Yuen-ying (元英) who settled in Fuk Lung (福隆) of Tung Kwun county. \n\nSui (遂) gave birth to Yuen-ching (元貞) who remained in San On, establishing the branch of the clan at Ping Shan (坪山), Yuen-leung (元亮) who remained in Sham Tin, and Yuen-woh (元禾) who moved to Wai Tak (懷德) of Tung Kwun. \n\nThese together made up the five great branches of the Tung Kwun San On Tangs. In the K'ang Hsi years of Ch'ing, their descendents established the To Hing Tong (蹈興堂), which built\n\n* pp. 214-216. Only one has been printed. \n\n† K. O'Dwyer, \"Kam Tin, Memories and Legends\" The Rock (a Hong Kong Catholic Journal) April 1940.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208187, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 226, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "210\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nritual obligations for Kam Tin, officiating at the Kam Tin ta chiu ceremonies.\n\n21. d. The changing of the name of Sham Tin to Kam Tin dates from 1587. We collected a variant of the tale related by Sung. In this account, the magistrate never leaves San On at all, but is moved to praise the delicious quality of their rice. Hence, the name Kam Tin. In general, this tale illustrates the extent of the wealth and power of the Tangs, and their intimate relationship with the local magistracy.\n\n22. Expansion out of the Pat Heung basin into neighboring heung of Yuen Long Valley, Kowloon Peninsula and Hong Kong Island continued throughout the early years of the 16th century. Sung (p. 205) notes that the appropriation of Hong Kong island was completed by the Wan Li reign of Ming Dynasty (app: 1573-1620), as references exist in the Tung Kwun Leung Chak (ĦM) of that date. Our own evidence (see San On Land Dispute below)* suggests an even later date. In any case, the oft-made assertion that Tang land holdings steadily decreased from large Sung grants is clearly in error.\n\n23. The period coinciding with the fall of Ming and the establishment of Ch'ing [especially the K'ang Hsi reign] although devastating in its consequences for most of the lineages of the present day New Territories (southern San On), left untouched—indeed enhanced—the basis of Tang power in the area.\n\n23. a. Sung spends quite a bit of time (as does O'Dwyer) on the tales surrounding Tang Man-wai (*)† This man was a large landowner and eminent scholar who is remembered for 1) his relationship with the rebel Lei Man-wing (‡✯✯), 2) the building of Tai Hong Wai (✯✯✯) dating from 1647-1656, and 3) the establishment, in his pen-name (*) of the Tong which financed and operated the Yuen Long Old Market. It is clear that, throughout the imperial era, whenever the central government was threatened or weakened by rebellion, the Kam Tin Tangs accommodated and shared power with rebel forces. [The extent to which this fact justifies its characterization by surrounding lineages as a \"bandit clan\" remains in doubt.]\n\n23. b. As Hugh Baker notes in Sheung Shui A Chinese Lineage\n\n* See paras 24-29 below.\n\n† JHKBRAS 14 (1974): 172 - 174.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208188, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 227, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n211 \n\nVillage, p. 41, the K'ang Hsi evacuation \"may well have helped the Liao lineage to consolidate its position as a major power and landowner in the area.\" This undoubtedly extends to the Tangs as well, though for quite different reason. The Liaos increased their local power by means of the formation of a Hakka/Punti alliance to finance the local school built to honor the two official Chou Yu-te () and Wang Loi-jen (). The Kam Tin Tangs also participated in the \"deification campaign\" (The two officials petitioned the emperor to allow the re-population of the coastal strip), and similarly constructed the school, the ruins of which are still to be seen in Pak Wai Tsuen. However, the school was never given official recognition [i.e. it was not listed, with the other schools, in the gazetteer], perhaps because of, again, the \"special relationship” enjoyed by the Tangs and San On magistrates. The Tangs claim that these officials were eventually to suffer at the hands of the imperial government because of their loyalty to the Tang family! [I have been unable to verify this, though I expect that it is true. How else can one explain the subsequent favors bestowed on the Tangs immediately after their (at least implicit) support of the Cheung Ta-yuk and Lei Man-wing rebellions?] \n\n23. c. The To Hing Tong () was constructed in 1707 by the five branches of the Tangs residing in San On and Tung Kwun. This followed shortly after the re-location of the Tangs in San On. The large number of Tang settlements in Tung Kwun no doubt facilitated the smooth re-location into Kam Tin, Ha Tsuen, Ping Shan, Tai Po Tau and Lung Kwat Tau. Several tales concerning this relocation are still told, some of which cast doubt on the existing theory that there was a total evacuation. The ceremonies held twice yearly at the To Hing Tong (continued into the early years of the Republic) served greatly to consolidate the consciousness of Tang unity. \n\n24. By far the most popular topics of conversation among Tang elders concern the nature and extent of their land holdings prior to 1898, and how subsequent events stripped them of much of these estates. It is probably impossible for us now to reconstruct, from records available, the exact amount and number of their holdings. However, some evidence exists: \n\n* After the Evacuation of the Coast 1662-69 by the Ch'ing authorities to deny supplies and assistance to Ming loyalists on Taiwan.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208206, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 245, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n229\n\nConcerning the Taiping leader's relation with Gützlaff's Union, Clarke draws a conclusion which cannot be lightly accepted; i.e. \"it is more likely that Feng Yun-shan visited Gützlaff, and was possibly baptized by him in 1848” (p. 164). It appears that the only seemingly persuasive evidence that he could produce is an \"eyewitness\" who claimed to be a \"deserter\" from the Taiping ranks in Hunan. This man had been a Union member before being dismissed in 1851. He returned to Hong Kong in 1853 announcing publicly that he had joined the Taipings in Hunan and that Feng Yun Shan was pleased to recognize their old acquaintance (p. 165). He was appointed a low officer. Afterwards he deserted and returned to Hong Kong. The Register published his report on 27th September, 1853. (Carl T. Smith refers to the same report but mistakes Kwangsi for Hunan).\n\nIt can be easily shown that the whole report was a fabrication of the poorest quality, for everything he stated therein was false. In the first place, the deserter could never have seen Feng Yun-Shan in Hunan because Feng had died near Chuan-chow in Kwangsi in early June 1852, before the Taiping army entered Hunan. This fact was not known to the outside world until long afterwards, so that it is no wonder he made the false statement.\n\nA critical study of the full document reveals the following mistakes point by point.\n\n(1) Hung Hsiu-ch'üan was crowned Heavenly King ( ) and the new Kingdom was named Tai-Ping-Tien-Kuo (  ) right after the uprising, and Hung was not called Tai-ping wang'. No title of \"Royal Father\" was in use, and the Taiping army could not be identified with “Ming” ( ) which was only used by the Triads.\n\n(2) The Taiping army had not passed through Nan-ning of Kwangsi and Lo-ting of Kwangtung on its northward expedition, but marched directly north from Yung-an through Kweilin to Chuan-chow thereby crossing a mountain path to enter Hunan.\n\n(3) The total enrolment of the Taipings at that time was only some tens of thousands, and not several hundred thousands.\n\n(4) In the lowest echelon of the Taipings' military organizational system, there was no such rank as \"vexillary\" such as he claimed to have been appointed to by Feng, but there were four", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208207, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 246, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "230\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nLiang-ssu-ma (梁司馬) each in command of 25 soldiers, all under the command of a Centurion (Tsu-chiang † †). (5) Chien Chiang, the Chekiang literatus, never joined up with the Taipings, but later enlisted in Lei I-hsien's (†) headquarters in 1853 near Yang-chow. He was shortly afterwards executed by Lei after proposing the Li-kin system of taxation. (6) Lo Ta-kang at the beginning of the uprising was appointed a Chun-Shuai (軍帥) and never appointed Wang (king) or Great General.\n\n(7) There were no other two Los each with title of Wang and Assistant General,\n\n(8) Yang Hsiu-ch'ing was East King (東王), not Assistant Councillor. He was the number two man in the Tai-Ping-Tien-Kuo next only to the Heavenly King, while Feng Yun-Shan was the number four in rank.\n\n(9) The Taiping forces were organized into five main armies, Central, Front, Rear, Left and Right, and was not divided into left and right wings.\n\n(10) Concerning religious faith, the deserter knew nothing about the distinguishing features of Taiping Christianity, but reechoed a superficial doctrinization very vaguely recalled from Gützlaff's teaching.\n\nFor general references to the above historical facts, see my book The Taiping Revolutionary Movement (New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 1973) relevant chapters.\n\nThus, it can easily be seen that this ex-member of Gützlaff's Chinese Union, aside from being ignorant of Feng's death, did not know the personnel, itinerary, enrolment numbers, titles, organizational structure, and the Christian religion of the Taipings. In other words, we may reasonably presume that he had never joined up with the Taipings. But his return to Hong Kong with such a false report in 1853 did create a sensation, and provided a seemingly firm ground for general belief in the fable of Feng's relation with Gützlaff. Even the editor of the Register proclaimed \"it worthy of credit\". Readers generally still ignorant of Taiping affairs of course, took both the account and the connection as bona-fide fact. Clarke states (p. 164) that the first Anglican Bishop of Victoria, George Smith, publicized being informed by a Union Member that Tien-Teh-Wang and Feng Yun-Shan were identical and that Feng had been a member of the Union. He also consulted with Robert", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208208, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 247, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "# NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n231\n\nNeumann who was supervising the Union after Gützlaff's death. Eventually, Neumann made a statement that there was no doubt that Feng had been in Hong Kong with Gützlaff in 1848 (by letter dated May 1854) but without mentioning baptism. These two instances only prove the strong influence of the false report.\n\nEven if Feng had paid a brief visit to Gützlaff in Hong Kong in 1848, after failing to see Hung at home, it is difficult to believe that he was baptized by Gützlaff; in as much as he could not afford to stay long enough for the necessary schooling under Gützlaff, whilst on Gützlaff's part he could not baptize a stranger after one or two interviews with him. Moreover, Feng had by then founded the Society of God-Worshippers for over two years with a membership of about 3000 whom he himself had baptized and it seems unlikely that he would condescend to be baptized by Gützlaff and join his Union which had less members than his own Society. Absolutely there was no need for the baptism by Gützlaff. Moreover, Gützlaff was usually very methodical in keeping a record of the name, address, etc of every person whom he had baptized. A double checking on the list that Carl T. Smith found in the detailed reports that Gützlaff sent back to Germany showed that Feng Yun-shan's name was not there. This list consists of all the persons he had baptized from 1840 through 1848 to 1850. Even Clarke stated in a seminar held in the University of Hong Kong some years ago that all he could find in Gützlaff's private archive was the baptism of a school teacher on a certain date. It cannot be taken for granted that this teacher, without his name being mentioned, was Feng.\n\nLast but not least, the silence of Hung Jen-kan and Hamberg on Feng's having visited Gützlaff should not be passed over lightly. Jen-kan, so closely associated with Feng, must have known such an important event had Feng made the visit. Hamberg, being an assistant of Gützlaff in the Union must also have known of the event. Yet, Gützlaff's name was not mentioned in Hamberg's book The Visions of Hung-Siu-tshuen and Origin of the Kwang-Si Insurrections (1854) which was based on Jen-kan's information. It simply narrates that Feng waited in the village for Hung Hsiu-ch'üan's eventual return. This silence should not be interpreted as an intentional negligence of something to Gützlaff's credit, but should be highly and appropriately regarded as strong negative evidence.\n\nHong Kong, 1978.\n\nJEN YU-WEN", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208284, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 8, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "187\n\nto Mr. Chan T'aai of Tseung Kwan O, they demanded protection money from the villagers. Eight to ten people would come in a gang, armed with guns. The village elders had to collect money from every one to pay them. Mr. Lei Yun Shau remembered that about twenty days after the Japanese had passed through, bandits attacked his native village of Man Yee Wan. At the time, he operated a ferry boat between his village and Sai Kung Market, and the bandits spared his house. Just outside Sai Kung, in Wong Chuk Long, Mr. Wan Yau was robbed of over ten piculs of grain the first time the bandits came. Thereafter he hid most of his food reserve on the hillside, and his pigs in a damaged kiln. Even then, the bandits found the pigs. Mr. Chan Shing of Tai Long remembered that the bandits came every several days, demanding food and money. All their grain was taken, and the villagers survived on roots and leaves. Fortunately, in 1942, there was a brushfire over Chinese New Year, and afterwards the hillside was overgrown with wild lilies. The villagers gathered them for food. The lilies were bitter, but some of this bitterness could be leached out by covering them with ash and salt before they were cooked. These lilies were the villagers' principal diet that winter. In spring, when they were ready to farm, the only seeds they could find were the small amounts that some people had managed to hide on the hillside. By mid-1942, they were so starved that they harvested the rice before it ripened, ground the grain to flour and used it for cakes. In April, when the bandits came again, there was literally nothing that they found worth taking away.71\n\nSome bandits were local people, but most had come over from Sha Yue Ch'ung and Wai Chau. Mr. Chan T'aai of Tseung Kwan O believed that the gangs that looted his village had their hideout on Junk Island. Mr. Lei Yun Shau was once captured by the bandits, while he was transporting rice between Sai Kung and Man Yee Wan, and was taken to Leung Shuen Wan.\n\nHe was finally released on the intervention of another bandit, who knew Mr. Lei, and who considered that the local ferries should not be disturbed. Mr. Lei's mother was extremely upset to learn that he had been captured, and might have helped also to arrange his release. Finally, the sum of eight hundred dollars was paid to the bandits.72", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208285, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "188\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nThere is little doubt that at least for several months, Leung Shuen Wan was a central bandit hideout. Mr. Lau Shang of Pak Lap Village on the island said that there were bandits who came there from the mainland, but they did not rob the villagers for they were themselves stationed in Tung Ah Village nearby. Villagers from Tung Ah and Pak Ah confirmed that there were bandits on the island and that the island villagers were not disturbed. Mr. Chung T'in Fuk of Pak Ah added that this might be because the bandits were from P'ing Shan (in China) nearby, and were afraid that the villagers might take reprisals against their own villages.73\n\nMr. Kong Ts'eung of Tung Ah knew that the bandits used the T'in Hau Temple of Leung Shuen Wan as their headquarters. The first group that arrived was Hoklo. Then came Hoh Shing Nin, from Aau T'au in China. Hoh was well-known among Sai Kung villagers as a bandit chief. But other bandits also came, and they began to fight among themselves. Hoh quarrelled with a certain Chan Nai Shau. According to Mr. Tse Koon K'au, for a short while Hoh had to leave Leung Shuen Wan for Tap Mun, and later Chek Keng. Chan took his guns with him in pursuit.74\n\nVillagers from Leung Sheun Wan and nearby Kau Sai were apparently quite favourably disposed to Hoh Shing Nin. Mr. Chung T'in Fuk of Pak Ah thought that Hoh was a guerrilla, who was maintaining order in the area. Mr. Loh Kai Faat, a boatman from Kau Sai, made a distinction between Hoh and Chan. Hoh maintained order here, according to Mr. Loh, but Chan was a genuine bandit.75\n\nThe Wai Ch'i Wooi and the K’ui Ching Shoh\n\nThe only government in Sai Kung in the very turbulent months immediately after the coming of the Japanese was the Sai Kung Market Chamber of Commerce. Mr. Lei Shiu Yam was its chairman. It was recognized by the Japanese Government as the Wai Ch'i Wooi, the local governing body that was set up in all local areas of Hong Kong and the New Territories in the early months of the occupation. The Sai Kung Wai Ch'i Wooi was located on the first floor of No. 34 Main Street, Sai Kung Market. It had little formal authority and no military power,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208286, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 10, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "189\n\nalthough military power was much needed at the time. In fact, it was quite ineffective against the bandits. Several months into the occupation, the office was burnt by the bandit Wong Chuk Ts'eng.70\n\nMr.\n\nThe burning of the Wai Ch'i Wooi was well-known. Chan Tsz K'eung, of Sai Kung Market, thought that a Japanese spy had been sent to investigate the guerrillas in Sai Kung and that this was a reprisal. Mr. Lei Yun Shau thought that it was due to a dispute between Wong Chuk Ts'eng and the Wai Ch'i Wooi. Mr. Loh Kai Faat of Kau Sai thought that Wong Chuk Ts'eng, having made a fortune from banditry, was wavering between looting and working for the guerrillas; the Wai Ch'i Wooi, however, was on the verge of deciding to capture him. Mr. Sham Kin K'eung, who spent most of his war years in Tai P'ang, said that Wong had fought on the side of the Nationalist forces in Tam Shui at Pak Mong Fa. He was a bandit and a smuggler who operated from Sham Chun to Wai Chau, and he had many small groups working under him. Mr. Sham thought it unlikely that Wong would have come to Sai Kung himself, and believed it must have been one of these groups working for him that was responsible for burning the Wai Ch'i Wooi.\n\nIt is not at all clear what the disputes between the Wai Ch'i Wooi and the bandits amounted to. Several months after the burning of the Wai Ch'i Wooi, Mr. Lei Shiu Yam resigned as chairman, and the post was given to Mr. Hui Mei Naam of Lai Chi Chong. This change might not have had anything to do with the burning of the Wooi. Several months into the occupation, the Japanese Government could afford to strengthen its presence in the districts. On July 20, a new system of district administration was promulgated, dividing the whole of Hong Kong and the New Territories into twenty-eight districts, Sai Kung being one of them. Each one of these districts was represented by a K'ui Ching Shoh (District Administration Office), and this name came to be used in place of Wai Ch'i Wooi. The extent of the district was the entire peninsula east of Ma On Shan, including not only the villages from Tseng Lan Shue to Man Yee Wan, but also those north of Pak Tam Chung, those in Shap Sz Heung, and those near Hang Hau. The K'ui Ching Shoh office was set up at the Sung Chen School, and at about this time, a small contingent", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208291, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "CONTENTS\n\nEDITORIAL -\n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT -\n\nHON. TREASURER'S REPORT -\n\nTHE LIBRARY -\n\nPage\n\n1\n\n3\n\n9\n\n12\n\nArticles :\n\nThe Reform of Military Education in Late Ch'ing China, 1842-1895 -- RICHARD J. SMITH\n\n15\n\n41\n\nAltar Images from Hunan and Kiangsi KEITH STEVENS Is Face the Same as Li? — A critical note on Agassi and Jarvie, 'A Study in Westernization' MARGARET N. NG\n\n49\n\n0 Ancestors in the Spring -- The Qingming Festival in Central China GÖRAN AJMER\n\n-\n\n59\n\n(83\n\nThe Politicization of Chinese Craft Organization in Post World War II Hong Kong - EUGENE COOPER Shiwan Pottery Explored-FREDRIKKe Skinsnes ScollaRD\n\n101\n\nVillage Government in China [1933]—C. MARTIN WILBUR\n\n113\n\nWoodblock Printing, an Essential Medium of Culture Inheritance in Chinese History — DAVID H. S. CHAU\n\n175\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES:\n\n=\n\n国\n\n-\n\nMissing Maps: Sowerby's \"Sport & Science on the Sino-Mongolian Frontier\" - H. A. RYDINGS Brook's Gecko Found in Macau - J. D. ROMER Mud Skis or Scooter, Deep Bay, Hong Kong The Saintly Guo- KEITH STEVENS - The Immortal Fan - KEITH STEVENS\n\nAncestral Images - KEITH STEVENS StevENS Marble Hall Peter Wesley-Smith Distribution of Forts and Guard Stations on Lantau Island during the late Ch'ing period -\n\nThe Cannons on the Wall of the Tung Chung Fort, Lantau Island, Hong Kong\n\n-\n\nThe Fat Tong Mun Fort (or the Tung Lung Fort)\n\n-\n\n- 190\n\n191\n\n·\n\n-\n\n· 192\n\n-\n\n- 193\n\n-\n\nANTHONY K. K. SIU\n\nFirst Record of the Pelobatid Frog-J. D. ROMER Two Bibliographical Notices JAMES HAYES\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\n-\n\n-\n\n- 198\n\n200\n\n- 202\n\n205\n\n607 (09\n\n- 211\n\n- 213\n\n214\n\nV\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208307, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 31, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "THE REFORM OF MILITARY EDUCATION IN LATE CH'ING CHINA, 1842-1895\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH*\n\nThroughout much of the nineteenth century, Chinese and Westerners alike perceived the need for meaningful reform in Chinese military education. The problem could hardly be ignored, especially after the disastrous Opium War of 1839-1842. But change in this key area of late Ch'ing administration came slowly. Not only did it involve sensitive political issues, such as internal security, civil-military relations, and central versus local government responsibility; it also raised basic questions of educational policy, including the relationship between elite and popular instruction, between Confucian moral cultivation and technical specialization, and ultimately between Chinese and Western forms of civil and military knowledge. Complicating matters were the usual practical problems facing Chinese modernizers in the nineteenth century: widespread and entrenched vested interests, bureaucratic inertia, scarcity of revenue, and foreign pressure.\n\nThe Ch'ing dynasty's basic approach to military education can be seen clearly in the Ch'ing-ch'ao t'ung-chih, officially compiled during the Ch'ien-lung period: \"Our Emperor, succeeding and exalting the sages, treats the selection of talents as most important. In the literary arts, elegance and refinement is the aim. In military examination, familiarity with riding and shooting is [most] important.\" During the Tao-kuang reign, this emphasis on technical military skills received special stress. In 1833, for example, the emperor issued an edict stating that the education of Bannermen should be in horsemanship and archery, so that they would be kept \"simple and straight and not exposed to weakening [literary] influences.\" Similar statements abound in the dynastic record,\n\n* Professor Smith writes: S. A. M. Adshead has recently remarked that while \"China's failure to industrialize is well known, her failure to professionalize is less often commented upon.\" (See his review of John Fairbank et al \"The I.G. in Peking\" in the Journal of Asian Studies, 36.4 (August, 1977). This paper may be viewed as a brief comment on China's early effort to professionalize in military affairs.\n\nThe author is Associate Professor of History at Rice University, Houston, Texas.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208308, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 32, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "RICHARD J. SMITH\n\nBut Bannermen were not the only ones encouraged to avoid literary pursuits and concentrate on riding and shooting. The official military examinations, which paralleled, but did not come close to equalling in prestige, the civil service examinations, tested these and related skills almost exclusively, requiring only the reproduction of a hundred or so characters from one of three ancient military classics as a literary \"test.\" At none of the three basic levels of examination did the literary exercise determine whether an individual would pass or not. Overall, there was simply no premium placed on the acquisition of knowledge concerning military history, strategy, tactics, and so forth.\n\nAside from a few so-called academies for Bannermen in Peking and other key locations, there were virtually no institutions that provided systematic military education for Chinese officers. Local \"schools\" for military examination graduates in the provinces provided much less educational breadth and depth than their civil service counterparts in the shu-yuan system; and many, if not most, of these schools were overseen by literary men who had little interest or expertise in military affairs. Private tutors were available to give military instruction to examination hopefuls, but the cost of equipment—bows and arrows, stones, swords, horses, and practice facilities—often put tutorial assistance beyond the financial reach of many individuals. By default, the most valuable form of military education in China was army service itself.\n\nContrary to accepted opinion, most Ch'ing officers were not military examination graduates. The reasons are not hard to find. In the words of Shen Pao-chen: In the consideration of military promotions, \"those selected by examination are... put after those who began their career in the rank and file, or have risen because of military merit. The knowledge of military affairs among the former group cannot at all be compared with those from among the rank and file. Their spirit and bravery and ability to bear hardship cannot at all be compared with those who rise because of military merit. The reason is that what they learn is not of practical use.\" In short, military graduates who had not come up through the ranks were viewed by most of their peers as incompetents and outsiders. Ichisada Miyazaki notes: \"The influential leaders in the army were generals who had worked themselves up from the ranks and had shown their mettle in actual combat. The army was a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208309, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 33, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n17\n\nspecial kind of society of its own, and men who had not experienced from the outset the hardships of military life were unable to handle the common soldiers.\n\nThe question remains: What kind of training was available to military men in traditional Chinese armies? All the evidence suggests that by the beginning of the nineteenth century, and in fact well before, military education in China was woefully inadequate by almost any standard. Officers were unacquainted with even the rudiments of warfare, and the rank and file received only the most perfunctory drill. As early as the mid-eighteenth century, an investigation ordered by the Ch'ien-lung emperor revealed the lack of basic training in Banner forces everywhere in China Proper. The situation was no better for the degenerate Army of the Green Standard. Yet prior to the twin challenges of internal rebellion and external aggression in the mid-nineteenth century, there was comparatively little incentive for military men to engage in serious professional study, and even less incentive for most Ch'ing scholars to concern themselves with military affairs. As the redoubtable scholar-general Hu Lin-i remarked in the Hsien-feng period: \"Under the established system of the dynasty, the military is controlled by the civil, but the civil often disesteems the military.\" The late Ch'ing period was perhaps the highwater mark of what Lei Hai-tsung describes as China's “a-military culture\" (wu-ping ti wen-hua),\n\nThe Opium War jolted at least some Ch'ing officials out of their complacency and ignorance. Unfortunately, however, many of those individuals who knew most about the Western military challenge and China's need to reform were least free to speak with complete candor. Lin Tse-hsü is, of course, the best-known example. One official who did speak his mind openly was Ch'i-shan's ill-fated and little-known successor as governor-general of Liang-kuang, Ch'i Kung. In 1842, Ch'i Kung memorialized the throne, suggesting that if China wanted the services of capable men in military affairs, it would be necessary to secure scholarly talent. The way to do this, he proposed, was to reform the traditional civil service examinations. Ch'i's plan was to test advanced candidates in five areas of military expertise: history, strategy and tactics, instrument-making and mathematics, meteorology, and geography as the final exercise (“discourses on policy,” ts'e-lun) in the three-part examination", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208310, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "18\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\nprocess. Ch'i's view was that by seeking \"genuine scholarship,\" badly-needed military talent might be secured for the defense of the dynasty.' His proposal was blocked however — undoubtedly in part because Ch'i fell out of favor as a negotiator with the British, but also because the proposal itself was so revolutionary in spirit.\n\nIn late 1851, the censor Wang Mao-yin resurrected Ch'i's innovative proposal. His memorial, dated November 11, stated baldly that \"for seeking talent within the examination system, there is nothing better than Ch'i Kung's five categories to encourage scholars to study military affairs.\" The memorial was forwarded by the emperor to the Board of Rites for deliberation, but Wang's suggestion regarding the reform of the examination was not approved, on grounds that Chinese scholars were men of breadth and “need not be specialists\" (pu-pi chuan-men ming chia),16 Once again Ch'i's proposal died a swift death. It had no other prominent advocates.\n\nSeveral more years passed, during which time Wang Mao-yin attained the rank of senior vice-president of the Board of War. In the midst of both the \"Arrow War\" negotiations and the Taiping Rebellion, Wang again memorialized the throne (July 9, 1858), once more requesting meaningful military reform. Making pointed reference to the abortive proposals put forward by Ch'i Kung and himself over the past decade and a half, Wang suggested that they might now be reconsidered together with the policy of recommendation (pao-chi) as a means of recruiting badly needed military talent. He did not mince words. Reminding the throne that many of China's best military commanders were not in fact products of the examination system, he went on to criticize the appointment of imperial relatives to positions of military responsibility, and the throne's tendency to place military affairs in the hands of officials schooled only in essay-writing, poetry, and other literary skills. He ended with a highly moralistic appeal for self-cultivation (hsiu-shen) on the part of the emperor, replete with quotations from the Shu-ching and Ta-hsüeh, but his proposals fell on deaf ears,17 Wang retired from office within months of writing this bold but fruitless memorial.\n\nEfforts to reform or abolish the nearly useless military examinations met with no more success than this. During the Hsien-feng emperor's reign, a number of officials advocated changes in the outdated system, including dispensing with the military examinations", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208311, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 35, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n19\n\naltogether. But fears over tampering with inherited institutions and respect for ancestral precedent (tsu-tsung ch'eng-fa) prevented the tests from being either transformed or abandoned. Subsequent attempts to reform or abolish the system of military examinations, such as Shen Pao-chen's famous memorial of 1878, came to nothing.19 As late as 1898, we still find the throne ordering officials to determine what the policy of the imperial ancestors had been regarding military reform before taking concrete steps.20 Small wonder the prestigious civil service examinations also remained essentially unaltered throughout the nineteenth century.\n\nThere was, however, room for the reform of military education outside the examination system - particularly during the Taiping period. Not only did the Rebellion allow for the emergence of new civil and military leadership in China; it also resulted in the establishment of new-style military forces which placed comparatively heavy emphasis on military education. The yung-ying armies of Tseng Kuo-fan and others, for example, employed the highly effective training methods of the famous Ming general Ch'i Chi-kuang - techniques that had long since fallen into disuse. In addition to Confucian moral instruction, yung-ying armies received daily drill, which was all but unheard of in Banner and Green Standard forces. They practiced regularly with firearms, swords, knives, spears and other weapons, and were taught tactical formations such as Ch'i Chi-kuang's \"mandarin duck\" (yuan-yang) and the \"three powers\" (san-ts'ai).\n\nIt is true, of course, that officers received very little, if any, formal military training, since it was deemed sufficient that they be upright gentlemen (chün-tzu) who led by moral example. Moreover, we know that active involvement by officers in troop training was generally considered demeaning. But at least some lower level personnel in yung-ying staff organizations (ying-wu ch'u), and perhaps some high-level officers as well, were more knowledgeable about key aspects of military affairs - planning, command, field maneuvers, discipline, supply, communication and so forth - than the vast majority of their Banner or Green Standard counterparts.25\n\nAfter 1860, Western influences began to penetrate Chinese military forces. In the latter stages of the Ch'ing-Taiping War, the British and French took an active role in supporting the introduction of foreign-training to Chinese troops. Foreign-officered con-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208312, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "20 \n\nRICHARD J. SMITH \n\ntingents such as the Ever-Victorious Army (Ch'ang-sheng chün) brought Western drill and tactics to literally thousands of Chinese soldiers. Officers from these forces not only instructed their own men, but also trained large numbers of troops for Chinese officials, most notably Li Hung-chang.23 At about the same time, foreign-training programs arose in several port areas, including Tientsin, Shanghai, Ningpo, Foochow and Canton. A number of Green Standard forces at the capital (and eventually elsewhere) were transformed into Western-armed \"retrained armies\" (lien-chün) on the yung-ying model, and several thousand Bannermen were molded into the famous Peking Field Force (Shen-chi ying), established by Wen-hsiang and others.24 \n\nThe Peking Field Force was an especially interesting experiment. Until the late 1860's, selected members of the force were drilled by foreign instructors using English words of command but thereafter, Western-trained Bannermen carried on instruction independently in Manchu. Nominally 20,000 strong throughout most of the late nineteenth century, the Peking Field Force usually numbered closer to half that amount. According to Major A. E. J. Cavendish, a British military attaché in China, the force as late as 1894 was considered to be an elite organization with \"higher pay and quicker promotion\" than in any other Banner units at the capital. Officers in the force were described as \"the pick of the Banners,\" and posts in it were \"eagerly sought after.\" Yet Cavendish formed a decidedly negative opinion of the force, which he described as poorly armed and superficially trained, with emphasis on form rather than content. One can imagine the shape of the rest of the traditional Ch'ing military establishment.25 \n\nA major deficiency in all of the early foreign-training efforts was lack of centralized direction and support. In the absence of adequate central government guidelines, drill procedures, arms, and even the language of instruction varied widely from force to force and area to area. There was virtually no effort on the part of the Ch'ing government to co-ordinate its military programs, or to expand foreign-training in a systematic way.26 In fact, the Manchus seem to have been intent on compartmentalizing Western military knowledge as much as possible—presumably for reasons of internal control. In 1863, for example, the Tsungli Yamen stated explicitly that in the provinces only Bannermen should learn to make", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208313, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n21\n\nWestern-style weapons, since they lived in designated garrisons that were \"comparatively easy to guard.\" This early attempt to confine knowledge of foreign weapons to Banner forces, although ultimately unsuccessful, is nonetheless suggestive. As alien conquerors, the Manchus remained somewhat paranoid.28\n\nAnother serious problem with foreign-training programs in the 1860's and 70's was that they were not designed specifically as officer-training schools. Although the Tientsin program did train officers for the Peking Field Force and some Green Standard units as well, it trained the rank and file at the same time, in the same basic way. The emphasis was on military drill rather than on modern officer-education, and immediate military needs were always paramount. As long as rebellion raged, there were compelling reasons to continue producing Western-armed, Western-trained Chinese officers and men, despite the many difficulties involved in employing foreigners. But as the internal threat in a given area subsided, so did enthusiasm for reform; and as it did, the foreign-training programs quickly withered away.29 What remained was a certain number of Western-drilled troops and some low-ranking instructors, but very few officers with a real grasp of Western military knowledge. Again, there was little premium on acquiring it.\n\nBy the mid-1870's, the major rebellions in China had been suppressed, lulling the dynasty into a false sense of security. But it was far less Western-style military education and tactics than a new-found acquaintance with Western-style weapons that brought victory to the Ch'ing forces.30 With superior arms, traditional Chinese strategy and tactics usually sufficed against internal rebels, but such techniques were much less effective against rapidly modernizing external enemies.31 After 1875, the rise of foreign aggression on China's land and maritime frontiers complicated the dynasty's military choices, and made recourse to foreign military assistance all the more difficult.32 Yet in the absence of sufficient numbers of qualified Chinese military personnel for Western-style training, reform-minded Chinese officials continued to look to the West for aid.\n\nPerhaps the most prominent and powerful of these officials was Li Hung-chang, who, with substantial foreign assistance dating from the early 1860's, had by the 1870's built his Anhwei Army into the finest military force in the empire. An examination of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208314, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "22 \n\nRICHARD J. SMITH \n\nLi's approach to officer education during his tenure as governor-general of Chihli from 1870 to 1895, at the apex of his power, may shed some light on the many problems involved in China's late nineteenth century effort to create a modern officer corps.34 \n\nThroughout his illustrious career up to 1895, Li continually drew upon foreign talent to instruct (and occasionally to lead) his forces.35 But in 1876, he took the unprecedented step of sending Chinese military men abroad for training, entrusting seven petty officers to one of his best German drill instructors, a man named Lehmayer. Li's plan was to employ these men as instructors in the Anhwei Army upon their return to China.36 Li had as early as 1874 inquired into the possibility of sending Chinese students to West Point, and in 1875 had discussed the establishment of a military academy in China with the American general Emory Upton.37 But political difficulties in the United States stood in the way of the first plan, and financial constraints made the second impossible.38 Li's writings in the mid-1870s indicate a full awareness of the value of military academy education, but apparently the need at the time was not sufficiently great to justify the cost of establishing a full-fledged military academy on Chinese soil.39 \n\nOf the seven men sent to study in Germany, two were recalled before completion of their planned three-year program of study because of their frivolous attitude and poor progress. One became sick and died, three successfully completed their infantry training, and one—Wang Te-sheng—stayed on in Germany until 1881, receiving additional specialized instruction in Berlin. Of the seven, only Wang emerged as a prominent figure in the Anhwei Army, heading Li's crack “personal guard unit” (ch'in-ping), and eventually achieving the rank of tsung-ping. Overall, the educational experiment fell far short of complete success, and was marked by numerous problems, including disputes with the German supervisor, language difficulties, and, of course, high costs.40 \n\nAs one of the three regular graduates of the German training program, Cha Lien-piao's experience as an instructor in the Anhwei Army is illuminating. Cha served in Chou Sheng-ch'uan's 10,000-man Sheng-chün—perhaps the best detachment of the Anhwei Army in all of China up to the time of Chou's death in 1885.41 Convinced of the value of Western training and drill from long exposure to foreign instructors in Li's force (dating from the Taiping period),", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208315, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 39, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n23\n\nChou lamented the fact that the spirit of foreign drill had not more fully permeated the Anhwei Army. Hoping to remedy the situation, and appreciative of Cha's contributions to the overall efficiency of the Sheng-chün, Chou urged Li to \"break the rules\" by giving Cha a salary increase in order to reward and encourage him.42 Significantly, however, Chou did not recommend Cha for high-level promotion within the Green Standard system—a reward which most yung-ying officers especially esteemed.43 Although Chou's voluminous writings repeatedly emphasize the importance of Western-style drill, it is apparent that Chou himself was not prepared to request maximum rewards for those who had mastered it.45 How much more of a problem must this have been in other, less progressive military forces?\n\nAnother difficulty in the Anhwei Army was a certain hostility to foreigners and foreign influences. Although Chou took obvious pride in his knowledge of Western military science and technology,46 and took pains to point out that his foreign-trained officers were trusted by their men,47 it is clear that the acceptance of foreign influences within the Anhwei Army as a whole was less than complete. In the words of one well-informed observer of Li's force, \"to be smart [in Western drill] is to be like a hated foreigner and to lose caste.\" This attitude, together with an inherited distaste for active involvement in drill, undoubtedly compromised the military effectiveness of the Anhwei Army's officer corps. Although Chou repeatedly admonished his battalion and company officers to become actively involved in the training process, it is evident that they continued to resist such direct and degrading participation. Chou's writings, as well as independent foreign observations, note this crucial and persistent problem, but little could be done to remedy it.49\n\nSeveral times during the early 1880's, Chou confessed that the vaunted Sheng-chün had declined, that after two decades it had lost much of its sharpness and acquired a \"twilight air.\" The experienced officers, he complained, lacked vigor, while the new and brave officers lacked knowledge.50 In order to alleviate the problem, and to bring the force more in line with Western practice, Chou suggested shortly before his death the establishment of a foreign-style Chinese military academy (Wu-pei yüan).51 Apparently fearful of upsetting vested interests within the Anhwei Army, Chou emphasized...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208316, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "24\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\nphasized that it would “not be necessary to teach many commanders\":\n\n52 but he did encourage Li to establish a \"public office\" (kung-so) as soon as possible to provide systematic instruction for Chinese soldiers under German supervision.53 The immediate incentive was three-fold: the military demands of Sino-French conflict, the support of other Anhwei Army commanders, and the presence of a core group of capable German instructors,54\n\nLi's initial proposal for a military academy (Wu-pei hsüeh-t'ang) at Tientsin was quite modest. In part because of financial limitations, but also because of military exigency (and perhaps in deference to Chou), Li decided to train about one hundred petty officers and troops (pien-ping) selected from the Anhwei Army and lien-chün units, as well as some civil personnel (wen-yuan) who were \"willing to learn about military affairs.\" The simplified curriculum, taught by German officers with the aid of Chinese interpreters, consisted of astronomy, geography, science, surveying, drafting, mathematics, fortifications, and military drill and operations. Li expected the students to complete their education in one year (it actually took two), after which time they would return to their original units to transmit the newly-acquired information to their comrades.55 In all, about 1,500 \"cadets\" were probably trained in this fashion from 1885 to 1900. Most served only as instructors, however; few became ranking officers. On the whole they were neither given authority nor esteemed by their older colleagues and superiors.56\n\nIn the spring of 1887, Li added a five-year program to the Tientsin Military Academy. In contrast to the short course, this program aimed at producing officers. Stringent requirements were imposed on the applicants, who ranged in age from thirteen to sixteen.57 Forty students were accepted at first. Each had to guarantee to study for five full years without asking for leave, taking the civil service examinations, or getting married. The five-year course of study was comparatively demanding. During the first three years, the students took a foreign language (German or English), arithmetic, algebra, geometry, mechanics, astronomy, natural science, geography, map-making, and, of course, Chinese history and the Classics. During the last two years, they studied gunnery, military drill, fortifications, and other technical subjects. Periodic examinations determined class standing, and provided the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208317, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n25\n\nbasis for progress reports to the throne.58 In 1890, a specialized program of instruction in railroad engineering was introduced, although no information exists on the total number of students involved.59\n\nPeriodically, students from the Tientsin Military Academy were sent to Port Arthur and Shan-hai-kuan for practical training in infantry, cavalry, and artillery units.60 In addition, cadets at the school occasionally gained actual battle experience, notably in 1891 against rebel forces at Jehol and elsewhere. According to Li Hung-chang, the experiment was quite successful.61 Only one group of Tientsin academy cadets went abroad: In 1889, Li sent Tuan Ch'i-jui, Wu Ting-yüan, Shang Te-ch'üan, Kung Ch'ing-t'ang, and T'eng Yü-tsao to Germany for advanced study. After a year of military academy instruction in Berlin combined with advanced training at the Krupp gunworks in Essen, the students returned to China.62\n\nLike the Tientsin Naval Academy, established by Li in 1880, the Tientsin Military Academy was financed by the shrinking Pei-yang maritime defense account.63 In all, the money was reasonably well-spent, but, as Wang Chia-chien has indicated, the academy suffered from a variety of administrative, financial, and other problems (including difficulties with foreign employees), many of which also plagued the few other military and naval training facilities of the period.64\n\nNonetheless, on the eve of the Sino-Japanese War, China appeared to have built a respectable military and naval organization. In fact, when conflict between China and Japan seemed likely, most Westerners gave the strategic edge to China.65 But the illusion of China's superiority on land and sea was quickly shattered by Japan's rapid drive into Korea, Manchuria, and China Proper. Judiciously combining land and sea operations, the Japanese completely overwhelmed the diverse Chinese military forces sent to resist them.66 Throughout the war, reports from British, French, and other foreign observers repeatedly praised the Japanese for their able strategy and tactics, effective training, tight discipline, valor, esprit de corps, and the excellence of their support facilities. No such praise was forthcoming for China.67\n\nThe Sino-Japanese War illustrated with striking clarity the bankruptcy of China's \"self-strengthening\" movement. In almost every respect, Japan's strengths during the conflict were China's", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208318, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "26 \n\nRICHARD J. SMITH \n\nweaknesses. Inspired by a vibrant form of nationalism, the Japanese were assured of widespread popular support at home, and heroic dedication on the part of both officers and men in battle. It was a truly national war. Overseas Japanese also rallied to the cause, establishing patriotic associations to discuss the issues, collect contributions, and even to train brigades of student soldiers.68 China's immediate response to the conflict, which has not been as fully studied,69 appears to have been less uniform and extensive, both in China and abroad. To be sure, patriotic voices could be heard even prior to news of China's humiliating capitulation, and Chinese forces occasionally performed heroic deeds on the battlefield. But in the main, China lacked the national cohesiveness of Japan, and her officers were not inspired by the same sense of national duty and self-sacrifice.70 \n\nOwing partially to abysmal lack of preparation and poor internal communications, but also to the natural hesitation of \"province-minded\" Chinese officials, the mobilization of China's military forces during the war was agonizingly slow. Many Chinese troops summoned from the south arrived in the north only tardily or not at all. Li Hung-chang complained bitterly that \"one province, Chihli, is dealing with the whole nation of Japan.\" Ch'en Pi-kuang's effort to secure the release of the captured warship Kuang-ping after the battle at Wei-hai-wei, on grounds that the ship belonged to the Canton squadron which had not taken part in the war, is perhaps the most dramatic illustration of Chinese provincialism; but it is not the only one.72 The preponderance of Ch'ing forces sent against the Japanese in Korea, Manchuria and China Proper were individual yung-ying, each with its own particularistic loyalties and provincial identifications. These diverse military forces, differently armed, trained and led, often had difficulty cooperating with one another.73 In the navy, provincial rivalries and lack of cooperation between Admiral Ting and his subordinates obviously hindered operations at sea, in addition to adversely affecting morale.74 Uniform military and naval education undoubtedly would have diminished these problems. \n\nJapan's rapid and demoralizing offensive drive into Manchuria and China Proper was aided immeasurably by an extremely efficient General Staff, excellent transport facilities, and a well-organized commissariat service.75 China, however, lacked all three. The", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208319, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n27\n\nestablishment of a Directorate for Military Affairs (Tu-pan chün-wu ch'u) in early November, 1894, did virtually nothing to alter the course of the war, and the nearly useless Naval Board (Hai-chün ya-men) was disbanded even prior to the end of the fighting. Neither body found it possible to effectively coordinate land fighting or to insure cooperation between the army and navy.76 Meanwhile, poor field communications and transport facilities, inadequate preparation, faulty intelligence, and widespread corruption in pay and supply, made it virtually impossible for Chinese forces to fight efficiently.77 Ammunition shortages, worthless shells, and lack of standardization in weapons proved especially troublesome at sea. On land, ammunition shortages seem to have been less acute, but morale undoubtedly suffered from the absence of a modern hospital corps and ambulance service such as Japan possessed.78\n\nSurprisingly, Chinese forces did not always do poorly, in spite of these handicaps. Portions of Li Hung-chang's Anhwei Army under Chang Kao-yüan, for example, performed admirably during the war, as they had done a decade earlier under Chang on Taiwan during the Sino-French hostilities. Chang, who had once served with the Ever-Victorious Army, received the praise of foreign observers not only prior to Sino-Japanese War but also during and after the conflict for his tactical ability and the training, discipline, and effective weapons of the troops under his command.79 I-k'o-tang-a, a Manchu general, also gained plaudits from foreigners, including the Japanese, who acknowledged that he had surprising tactical talent for \"a Chinese warrior of the old school.\"80 A few other Ch'ing commanders, such as Tso Pao-kuei, at least received praise for their bravery against the Japanese. But overall, Chinese troops were poorly-led and unsuitably trained. Lack of effective leadership exacerbated all of China's military problems and undermined both discipline and morale. The overwhelming majority of China's field commanders and middle-grade officers were not graduates of China's two infant military academies, and although some such individuals served with distinction in low-ranking positions, their mere presence within a given army was seldom enough to inspire confidence among either officers or the rank and file.81\n\nGenerally, the Chinese were extremely timid on land and sea, encouraging the Japanese to attempt daring and highly successful tactics that would ordinarily be considered too hazardous for use", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208320, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "28\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\nagainst a more aggressive enemy.82 Furthermore, in the absence of strict discipline and competent middle-grade officers, the elaborate military evolutions of the parade ground could not be preserved on the battlefield, Chinese tactics were often absurdly simple, or outlandishly naive. One general reportedly planned to arm his men with bags of pepper to be thrown in the faces of the advancing Japanese, whereupon they would be attacked by spearmen.84 Chinese commanders were continually baffled by Japanese tactics, indicating a general lack of acquaintance with even the rudiments of modern warfare. A pincer attack by the Japanese, which threatened the rear of Chinese troops, was almost invariably successful. Even when solidly entrenched and well-armed, Ch'ing forces seldom held their ground for as long as they should have.85 Demoralization and lack of leadership were the root causes.\n\nAnother serious problem was the almost incredibly poor marksmanship of the Chinese in rifle and artillery fire.86 This problem was unquestionably related to inadequate training and discipline, and false economy in drill. During the war there were numerous reports of naval officers being thrown off the bridge by the concussion from their own guns, indicating either the lack of regular practice, the failure of superior officers to supervise gun drill, or both.87 The military commander-in-chief at Shan-hai-kuan undoubtedly spoke for many commanders in informing the British military attaché that he did not believe in musketry instruction for all his troops, since \"it was quite sufficient to have ten good shots in each ying [battalion] to pick off the Japanese officers.\"88 In the early defense of Wei-hai-wei, Liu Ch'ao-p'ei of the Anhwei Army resorted to newly-mounted quick-firing cannon only after two of his older, less effective pieces had jammed.89 In the absence of adequate leadership and training, the Chinese found, contrary to normal experience in war, that although they were on the defensive most of the time, and usually had numerical superiority, they almost invariably suffered much heavier casualties than the Japanese. According to one estimate, China lost over 56,000 men in the fighting to Japan's paltry 4,117.90\n\nAt sea the situation was little better. Although Admiral Ting, a former Anhwei Army cavalry officer, won the praise of virtually all foreign observers, the Peiyang navy proved totally incapable of contending with the Japanese fleet. At the battle off the mouth of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208321, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n29\n\nthe Yalu River in mid-September, 1894, China and Japan each had twelve ships, but the encounter was no contest. China's problem was less the quality of her ships than the lack of an effective command structure, poor communications, cowardice (on the part of Liu Pu-ch'an), poor training, and ammunition shortages.\" Chinese firing was comparatively effective, especially in the early stages of the fighting, but too often the shells were faulty. At Wei-hai-wei, in early 1895, the situation was even more grim. By this time, the war had been lost, and Chinese naval forces were completely demoralized, even mutinous.92\n\nChina's use of foreign talent could not remedy her military deficiencies. Unlike the Japanese, who succeeded in eliminating reliance on foreigners entirely by the outbreak of the war, the Chinese were forced to continue using them on both land and sea. A surprising number served, in spite of the existence of various neutrality ordinances and foreign enlistment acts.93 At one point, the Ch'ing government even contemplated establishing an army of 100,000 Chinese troops under 2,000 foreign officers—an effort, in the words of the North-China Herald to \"re-create an Ever-Victorious Army” under Constantin von Hanneken.94 Predictably, however, the plan met heavy opposition from Ch'ing officials, including Li Hung-chang, and it was never implemented.95\n\nIn all, the Sino-Japanese War was a disaster for China. Yet there were optimistic voices to be heard even in the midst of China's despair. The journalist, Wang T'ao—as shocked as anyone by Japan's sudden victory—undoubtedly spoke for many reform-minded Chinese in expressing the hope that defeat by the Japanese would finally shake China out of her lethargy. National humiliation was a prelude, he felt, to meaningful change,\n\nThe alliance between Chinese nationalism and agitation for reform, was evident in many sectors of Chinese society during the first few years following the Treaty of Shimonoseki. The writings of newly-politicized Chinese intellectuals, as well as the publications of the burgeoning Chinese periodical press, reflected these related concerns.97 The immediate post-war era also witnessed the proliferation of Chinese reform associations and study groups. Even remote Szechwan was touched by the reform spirit. In late 1896, a group of gentry members issued a manifesto which called for the abolition of footbinding and argued with tortured but telling logic: \"The present is no time of peace. Foreign women have natural feet,\n\nPage 30 is missing, actual page number in original text is \"45\" and \"46\"\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208323, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION in CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n31\n\nChinese society.103 The new content of military education, which emphasized technical skills and diluted traditional values and loyalties somewhat, created a new professional elite that was significantly different in outlook from even such relatively progressive (and rare) individuals as Chou Sheng-chuan.104 For all his innovativeness, Chou remained bound by the inhibiting institutional structure of the Anhwei Army as well as the limits of his own educational experience within that force. As a result, he was never able to resolve certain fundamental conflicts in his self-image, attitude, and approach toward military affairs and reform.105\n\nOne is tempted to see in Chou the tensions of becoming \"modern\" and remaining \"Chinese\" suggested by Joseph Levenson, and even a kind of nineteenth-century version of the \"red versus expert\" dilemma of more recent times. Although Chou obviously admired Western military organization and repeatedly solicited foreign military advice, he was also anxious to demonstrate that the Chinese yung-ying model was in many respects equivalent or superior to the Western model, and he often reacted quite defensively to foreign criticisms.106 Chou admired foreign technology (at one point maintaining that bullets were more important than rations), but he also repeatedly stressed the human factor in warfare, down-playing on occasion foreign advantages in organization and weapons, emphasizing the importance of \"will\" (chih-ch'i), and periodically suggesting to Li Hung-chang the utility of rapidly recruiting volunteers (i-yung) and employing them as \"surprise troops\" (ch'i-ping).107\n\nObsessed with the need for intensive drill, Chou nonetheless continually employed the Sheng-chün in non-military tasks which undoubtedly compromised its fighting effectiveness—work on military agricultural colonies (t'un-t'ien), land reclamation, flood and famine relief work, and so forth.108 Finally, although Chou seems to have considered himself to be a professional soldier, and was anxious to foster positive attitudes toward the military, he, like virtually all of his fellow officers and commanders, esteemed civil status and sought identification with the civil bureaucracy.109\n\nThe more genuinely professional education provided by the Tientsin Military Academy after Chou's death helped resolve some of the tensions that seem to have plagued Chou.110 Certainly, it allowed the many Tientsin-trained commanders in Yüan Shih-k'ai's Peiyang Army to accept more readily the modern principle and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208324, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "32 \n\nRICHARD J. SMITH \n\npractice of \"interchangeable commanders\"--a striking departure from the personalistic command structure of yung-ying armies such as Chou's. Moreover, the Tientsin academy provided a large pool of new talent for modernizing purposes, men whose \"careers were grounded in change\" and whose \"qualifying education and . . . prominence were owed to reform.\"112 Many Tientsin Military Academy graduates became instructors in other military schools established after 1895;113 several prominent engineers were produced by the academy;114 and of course many of the most famous political and military leaders of the early Republic—including Tuan Ch'i-jui, Feng Juo-chang, Wang Shih-chen, Ts'ao K'un, Chang Huai-chih and many others—were Tientsin Military Academy graduates.\n\n \nIn short, significant changes in Chinese military education took place prior to 1895, despite the absence of meaningful reform in either the civil or military examinations and numerous other problems.116 Nonetheless, it took the successive humiliations of the Sino-Japanese War, the \"Scramble for Concessions,\" and the Boxer fiasco to prompt the Ch'ing dynasty into fundamental military reform,117 And even then, \"national\" policies were often implemented piecemeal at the local level.118 \n\nIn retrospect, it seems evident that the obstacles to meaningful reform in Chinese military education were less ideological than institutional. To be certain, Confucian critics of new-style training programs could always be found, especially after the establishment of modern military academies in China during the 1880's.120 But the throne's lack of enthusiasm for military reform along Western lines certainly cannot be explained in terms of ideology alone. In the first place, it must be remembered that little if anything in the way of Confucian learning had ever been expected of regular Ch'ing military officers. Paradoxically, it was in the innovative yung-ying armies, about which the throne had very mixed feelings, rather than the Green Standard and Banner forces of the empire, that the inculcation of Confucian virtues received special stress. Moreover, officials such as Chang Chih-tung, and even the pragmatic Li Hung-chang, emphasized the importance of Confucian education not only in their own \"personal\" armies but also in their new-style military academies.12 Surely, the subordinate officers of Chang and Li were no less \"Confucian\" than their Green Standard and Banner counterparts.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208325, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n33\n\nThe major stumbling block to more pervasive reform was simply the lack of sufficient central government incentive to change, and above all, a fear of upsetting vested interests at all levels of the military. Li Hung-chang himself had such fears, but they might easily have been overcome had the throne given wholehearted support to military reform through financial assistance and other forms of official encouragement, including adequate institutional rewards for the acquisition of new military skills.122 It is true, of course, that state revenues were extremely meager, and that Peking's fears over the threat of foreign interference in Chinese military affairs were not wholly unwarranted.123 But it is also evident that the Manchus, as alien rulers, had no desire to establish a systematic, centralized program of modern military education in China-particularly when it became apparent that Western arms and training could not be confined to the traditional Banner and Green Standard forces.\n\nIronically, had the Manchus undertaken meaningful, centralized reform during the late 1860's and early 1870's, when anti-Manchu sentiment was no longer a political problem and imperialist pressure was minimal, the dynasty might have been able to build a Meiji-style system of military education and dispense with foreign instructors by the early-1890's, as did Japan.124 Instead, the Ch'ing government by stages alienated patriotic Chinese and disappointed the foreign powers by its failure to build a modern, Western-style military force capable of doing more than simply keeping a lid on internal rebellion. Most ironic of all, in seeking foreign talent after the Sino-Japanese War, the Chinese turned to the one-time \"dwarf bandits\" of Japan, who now began training large numbers of Chinese soldiers in modern military methods both at home and abroad. This new education, and the nationalism that inspired it, had revolutionary consequences.\n\nNOTES\n\nAbbreviations:\n\nCJCC - Chung-Jih chan-cheng\n\nCWCK - Ch'ou Wu-chuang-kung i-shu\n\nFRUS - Foreign Relations of the United States\n\nIWSM - Ch'ou-pan i-wu shih-mo\n\nLWCK - Li Wen-chung-kung ch'üan-chi\n\nNCH - North-China Herald\n\nYWYT - Yang-wu yün-tung", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208326, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "34\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\n1 Throughout the latter half of the nineteenth century, informed Western observers repeatedly pointed to the lack of a modern, Western-trained officer corps as the key deficiency of the Chinese army. See, for example, Mary Wright, The Last Stand of Chinese Conservatism (New York, 1967), 201; Major A. E. J. Cavendish, \"The Armed Strength of China,” Journal of the Royal United Service Institution, 42.244 (June, 1898), 720-722; NCH, July 6, 1880; Chinese Times, December 3, 1887; etc. For an interesting and informative discussion of officer education in the West, consult Correlli Barnett, \"The Education of Military Elites,\" Journal of Contemporary History, 2.3 (July, 1967).\n\n2 Cited in Chang Chung-li, The Chinese Gentry (Seattle, 1955), 174.\n\n3 Helmutt Wilhelm, \"Chinese Confucianism on the Eve of the Great Encounter,\" in Marius Jansen, ed., Changing Japanese Attitudes Toward Modernization (Princeton, 1965), 288-289.\n\n4 Etienne Zi, Pratique des examens militaires en Chine (Shanghai, 1896), 111-112. For other critiques of the traditional military examinations, see Chang Chung-li, 181, 187-190; William Ayers, Chang Chih-tung and Educational Reform in China (Cambridge, Mass., 1971), 178-182; Ichisada Miyazaki, China's Examination Hell (New York and Tokyo, 1976), chapter 8.\n\n5 Richard J. Smith, \"Chinese Military Institutions in the Mid-Nineteenth Century, 1850-1860,\" Journal of Asian History, 8.2 (1974), 128.\n\n6 Hsieh Pao Chao, The Government of China, 1644-1911 (Baltimore, 1925), 311-312; Chang Chung-li, 187.\n\n7 Cited in Chang Chung-li, 181.\n\n8 Miyazaki, 106. See also Robert Marsh, The Mandarins, (New York, 1961), 149-151.\n\n9 Smith, \"Chinese Military Institutions,\" 135.\n\n10 Wu Wei-p'ing, \"The Development and Decline of the Eight Banners\" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania), 1969), 84-88.\n\n11 Lo Erh-kang, Li-ying ping-chih (Chungking, 1945), 199-200.\n\n12 Cited in ibid., 53.\n\n13 Lei Hai-tsung, Chung-kuo wen-hua yi Chung-kuo ti ping (Changsha, 1940).\n\n14 W. T. deBary, et. al., eds., Sources of Chinese Tradition (New York and London, 1960), 2: 9-10.\n\n15 IWSM, Hsien-feng, 28: 46b-47.\n\n16 Ibid., 28: 47a-b.\n\n17 Ibid., 28: 47b-49.\n\n18 Zi, 112.\n\n19 Chang Chung-li, 181 and note 69. See also Chang Pe'i-lun's reform proposals in 1889, YWYT, 3: 527-530, and Chang Chih-tung's in 1898, Ayers, 178-182.\n\n20 Ralph Powell, The Rise of Chinese Military Power 1895-1912 (Princeton, 1955), 93.\n\n21 Smith, \"Chinese Military Institutions,\" 150-156; see also Wang Erh-min, Huai-chün chik (Taipei, 1967) 191-193, 207-208.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208327, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n35\n\n22 See Jonathon Porter, Tseng Kuo-fan's Private Bureaucracy (Berkeley, 1972), 74-76, 127.\n\n23 Consult Richard J. Smith, Mercenaries and Mandarins: The Ever-Victorious Army in Nineteenth Century China (Millwood, New York, 1978).\n\n24 Richard J. Smith, \"Foreign-Training and China's Self-Strengthening: The Case of Feng-huang-shan, 1864-1873,\" Modern Asian Studies, 10.2 (1976), 196-197; also Kwang-ching Liu and Richard J. Smith, \"The Military Challenge: The Northwest and the Coast,\" in The Cambridge History of China, Vol. 11, Late Ch'ing, Part Two, Chapter 4, forthcoming.\n\n25 Cavendish, 709-710. See also the sources cited above, note 24.\n\n26 Smith, \"Foreign-Training,” 196, 220-223.\n\n27 IWSM, Tung-chih, 25: 3.\n\n28 Smith, “Foreign-Training,” 220-223; also Richard J. Smith, “Reflections on the Comparative Study of Modernization in China and Japan; Military Aspects,” Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 16 (1976).\n\n29 Ibid., (both sources); Smith, Mercenaries and Mandarins, chapters 8 and 9.\n\n30 Smith, \"Foreign-Training,\" 215-223. See also Mark Bell, China (Simla, 1884), 2: 58; William Bales, Tso Tsung-tang Soldier and Statesman of Old China (Shanghai, 1937), 339; K. C. Liu, \"Nineteenth-Century China,\" in Tang Tsou and P. T. Ho, eds., China in Crisis (Chicago, 1966), 120.\n\n31 On the relationship between modern weapons and tactics and officer-training in the West, see Emory Upton, The Armies of Asia and Europe (New York, 1878), 270-271, 318-319, 324, 328-330 and passim. See also NCH, July 28, 1866, cited in Wright, The Last Stand, 201. For Upton's critique of Chinese tactics and training in the mid-1870's consult The Armies, 20-23. For the use of lien-chün in suppressing internal rebels, see Kung-chung tang Kuang-hsi ch'ao tsou-che, 2: 302, 664, 667; 3: 172, 318, 323, 399, 445, 518, 753, etc. I am indebted to Professor K. C. Liu for supplying this reference. For a critique of yung-ying and lien-chin forces in the 1890's, consult Cavendish, 712-714.\n\n32 Smith, \"Foreign-Training,\" 216 and notes.\n\n33 Bell, 2: 4. The standard works on Li's army are: Stanley Spector, Li Hung-chang and the Huai Army (Seattle, 1964); Wang, Huai-chün chih (Hong Kong, 1973).\n\n34 See Chang Chih-tung's somewhat comparable effort in the 1880's and 1890's, discussed in Ayers, chapter 5. For a brief overview of the problems connected with officer education in late Ch'ing China, consult Powell, 40-45.\n\n35 Smith, Mercenaries and Mandarins, chapter 9.\n\n36 Wang, Huai-chün, 203; LWCK, Letters to the Tsungli Yamen, 4: 39-41, 41-43; LWCK, Memorials, 27: 4-5.\n\n37 On the West Point inquiry, see Chester Holcombe, China's Past and Future (London, 1904), 82-83; FRUS, 1875, part 1, 227-228. On Li's negotiations with Upton, consult LWCK, Letters to the Tsungli Yamen, 4: 39a-41a; YWYT, 3: 592; Peter Michie, The Life and Letters of Emory Upton (New York, 1885), 29-298, 309-310.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208328, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 52, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "36 \n\nRICHARD J. SMITH \n\n38 Holcombe, 82-83; LWCK. Memorials, 27: 405. See also Wang Chia-chien, \"Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-t'ang ti chuang-she chi ch'i yin-hsiang,\" Kuo-li T'ai-wan shih-fan ta-hsüeh li-shih hsüeh-pao (April, 1976), 3. \n\n39 LWCK, Letters to the Tsungli Yamen, 4: 39-41. \n\n40 Wang, Huai-chün, 203 and passim; LWCK Memorials, 35; 33b-34, 34b-35. On Wang, see also Bell, 2: 49. \n\n41 On Chou's army, see Japan, Ministry of War, comp. Rimpō heibi ryaku (1882), 3: 45b-46b; Bell, 2: 4, 57-59; Great Britain, War Office, 33/34 (1880), 128-130; FRUS, 1873, part 1, 182-188; CWCK, 1.4: 36b-32; etc. Chou's nien-p'u is included in CWCK. His writings and nien-p'u indicate a rather progressive outlook, including an appreciation not only of Western weapons and military methods, but also of certain aspects of Western science and medicine. \n\n42 CWCK, 2.2: 13a-b; also 1.4; 2b-3, 32-33. \n\n43 Ibid., see also 2.2: 1-8. On the attractiveness of Green Standard rank, consult K. C. Liu, “The Limits of Regional Power in the Late Ch'ing Period: A Reappraisal,\" Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies, n.s. 10.2 (July, 1974), 210, and esp. 218. \n\n44 See, for example, CWCK 1.1.2: 24b; 1.4: 2-3, 5-13b, 19-24, 26b-27, 32-33b; 2.2: 1-2b; \"supplement,\" 1: 11-23, 44; etc. \n\n45 See, for example, CWCK, 1.1.2: 16b-17, 23-24, 27-28; 1.4: 3b-4, 10a-b, 27, 30-32; \"supplement,” 1: 7-24. \n\n46 CWCK, 1.1.2: 17b-18; 1.4: 30-41; etc. \n\n47 Ibid., 1.4: 33b. \n\n48 Bell, 2: 57; see also Cavendish, 721. \n\n49 Bell, 2: 57, 197; Great Britain, War Office, 33/34 (1880), 129, \"The Army of Li Hung-chang\"; CWCK, “supplement,\" 1: 14b, 20, 23b, 35b-37b; see also CWCK, 1.4: 36b-37. \n\n50 CWCK, 1.1: 19b; 1.1.2: 41b-42; 2.2: 22b. \n\n51 Wang, \"Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang,\" 3-4, 23-24, note 18. \n\n52 CWCK, 1.4: 34. \n\n53 CWCK, 1.4: 33b-34; also 1.1.2: 41b-42. \n\n54 See note 40. \n\n55 Knight Biggerstaff, The Earliest Modern Government Schools in China (Ithaca, 1961), 61-62; Cyrus Peake, Nationalism and Education in Modern China (New York, 1932), 10-12; Wang, \"Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-t'ang,\" 7-8. \n\n56 Ibid. (Wang), 7-8. \n\n57 Chinese Times, April 30, 1887. The entrance examination consisted of three parts. The theme for the essay was: \"(When the people have been taught patriotism and loyalty) they may easily overcome their enemies.\" The theme for the discourse was: \"Much planning brings success.\" And the subject for the poetry exercise was: \"Though summer has come, nature is still mild and pleasant.\" Ibid. \n\n58 Biggerstaff, 63; NCH, April 13, 1887; Chinese Times, April 23, 1887, \"The Tientsin Military School\"; etc. The most complete discussion of the establishment, rise, structure, administration and influence of the Tientsin Military Academy is Wang Chia-chien's, \"Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-t'ang.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208329, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 53, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n59 Ibid. (Wang), 8.\n\n37\n\n60 Ibid. Wang notes that branch schools of the Tientsin Military Academy were established at Shan-hai-kuan and Wei-hai-wei.\n\n61 Ibid., citing LWCK, Memorials, 74: 25.\n\n62 Ibid., 8-9.\n\n63 Ibid., 7. On Li's financial difficulties, consult Wang, Hual-chin, 275-290; Spector, chapter 7.\n\n64 Wang, \"Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-t'ang,\" 9-12. The major problems, according to Wang, were: (1) The administrators of the academy were not well suited to their tasks (non-specialists); (2) the foreign instructors were arrogant, overpaid, unappreciative, and remiss in their teaching responsibilities; (3) heavy reliance on interpreters was inefficient and confusing; and (4) both academic and practical training tended to degenerate into formalism. Other problems included capricious grading, reports of cheating, and shortages and lack of standardization in equipment. For problems in China's other military and naval schools, consult Ayers, 108-113, 179-180, and John Rawlinson, China's Struggle for Naval Development (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), passim.\n\n65 Rawlinson, 163, 169; Ernst Presseisen, Before Aggression (Tucson, 1965), 140-141; NCH, September 21, 1894.\n\n66 For a summary of the fighting on land and sea, consult Liu and Smith, \"The Military Challenge.\"\n\n**\n\n67 See, for example, E. Bujac, Précis de quelques campagnes contemporaines (Paris, 1896), vol. 2; N.W.H. Du Boulay, An Epitome of the China-Japanese War, 1894-95 (London, 1896); Lieutenant Sauvage, La guerre Sino-Japonaise 1894-1895 (Paris, 1897); Richard Wallach, \"The War in the East,\" Proceedings of the United States Naval Institute, 21, 4 (1895); T. A. Brassey, ed., The Naval Annual (Portsmouth, 1895); Vladimir (pseudonym for Zenone Volpicelli), The China-Japan War (London, 1896).\n\n68 On the Japanese response to the war, see Donald Keene, \"The Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95 and Its Cultural Effects in Japan,\" in Donald Shively, ed., Tradition and Modernization in Japanese Culture (Princeton, 1971); also Jeffery Dorwart, The Pigtail War: American Involvement in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 (Amherst, Mass., 1975), 94-96.\n\n69 Professor Samuel Chu of Ohio State University is currently studying the Chinese response to the war, and has produced several illuminating but as yet unpublished papers on the subject. For the time being, the best available discussion of Chinese attitudes is Kuo Sung-p'ing, \"The Chinese Reaction to Foreign Encroachment\" (unpublished dissertation, Columbia University, 1953).\n\n70 See Liang Ch'i-ch'ao's critique, cited in Joseph Levenson, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and the Mind of Modern China (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1967), 111; consult also Kuo, 49-50, 81-83, etc.\n\n71 Cited in Li Chien-nung, The Political History of China 1840-1928, translated and edited by S. Y. Teng and Jeremy Ingalls (Princeton, Toronto, London and New York, 1956). See also Japanese Imperial General Staff, eds., History of the War between Japan and China (Tokyo, 1904), 1; 30-32.\n\n72 Rawlinson, 190.\n\n73 Liu Feng-han, \"Chia-wu chan-cheng shuang-fang ping-li ti fen-hsi,\" Chung-kuo i-chou, 829 (March 14, 1966) and 830 (March 21, 1966); CJCC,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208330, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 54, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "38\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\n1: 15-24; Japanese Imperial General Staff, History of the War between Japan and China, 1: 26-29; Vladimir, 255; Wallach, 718.\n\n74 CJCC, 1: 63; Japanese Imperial General Staff, History of the War between Japan and China, 1: 30-32; Rawlinson, 174-177, 180.\n\n75 See, for example, Presseisen, 140-141; Vladimir, 112, 118, 164, 242-243, 260; Wallach, 718-719.\n\n76 Wang Chia-chien, \"Ch'ing-chi ti Hai-chün ya-men (1885-1895),\" Chung-kuo li-shih hsüen-hui shih-hsien chi-k'an, no. 5; Rawlinson, 186; Vladimir, 281.\n\n77 See, for example, Chang Yin-lin, \"Chia-wu Chung-kuo hai-chün chan-chi k'ao,\" Ch'ing-hua hsüeh-pao, 10.1 (January, 1935); also CJCC, 4: 72-82, 166-244, 245-271, etc.\n\n78 See Dorwart, 112-113; Cavendish, 717.\n\n79 NCH, January 14, 1898; Vladimir, 267-268,\n\n80 NCH, January 14, 1898; Vladimir, 243.\n\n81 For the participation of Tientsin Military Academy graduates in the early stages of the war, consult CJCC, 1: 18.\n\n82 Vladimir, 126, 193, 248.\n\n83 For criticisms of China's officer corps by foreign contemporaries, consult Du Boulay, 8, 11, 160; Bujac, 217; Brassey, 128-129, 139, 143; NCH, October 19, 1894; etc.\n\n84 Cavendish, 722.\n\n85 Vladimir, 124, 153-154, 192, 198-199, 208, 217, 277; also Wallach, 695, 719; CJCC, 1: 236, 256, 276, etc.\n\n86 Wallach, 709, 712-713; Vladimir, 109, 150, 231, 256; Sauvage, 221.\n\n87 Brassey, 139,\n\n88 Cavendish, 721.\n\n89 Brassey, 127.\n\n90 Vladimir, 251-252; Du Boulay, 73.\n\n91 See Rawlinson, 174-185; CJCC, 1: 34, 63-69, 239-245.\n\n92 Rawlinson, 188-190.\n\n93 See ibid., 175-187; Brassey, 90, 92, 99-101, 110, 115, 120, 124, 127; NCH, February 1, February 8, and March 22, 1895.\n\n94 NCH, January 25 and February 1, 1895.\n\n95 See Powell, 71-72; WCSL, 101: 6b-10; Liu Feng-han, Hsin-chien fu-chün (Taipei, 1967), 45-46.\n\n96 Paul Cohen, Between Tradition and Modernity (Cambridge, Mass., 1974), 108, 232.\n\n97 Roswell Britton, The Chinese Periodical Press 1800-1972 (Shanghai, 1933), esp. chapter, 8.\n\n98 Cited in NCH, October 2, 1896. See also Wang Erh-min, Chung-kuo chin-tai ssu-hsiang shih (Taipei, 1977), 122-123, 124.\n\n99 Ayers, 130-136.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208331, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 55, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n100 Powell, 56-59; Peake, 20-22; Wang, Huai-ch'in, 363; etc.\n\n39\n\n101 Wang Chia-chien, \"Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang,\" 1, 8; Powell, 235-236.\n\n102 Chinese Times, April 30, 1887; Ayers, 118.\n\n103 See Ernest Young, \"Nationalism, Reform and Republican Revolution,\" in James Crowley, ed., Modern East Asia: Essays in Interpretation (New York, etc., 1971), 160-162; Yoshihiro Hatano, \"The New Armies,” in Mary Wright, ed., China in Revolution (New Haven and London, 1968), and Powell, passim.\n\n104 For abundant documentation on the dilution of traditional values and loyalties at the Tientsin Military Academy, see Wang, \"Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang,\" 9, 11-12, 19-20, and notes, Li Hung-chang had pointed out the need to study the Classics and History \"in order to strengthen the root,\" but Wang claims that the students tended to adopt a foreign-worship mentality, ignored China's legendary heroes, and (in the words of a contemporary critic) neither discussed the virtues of integrity (chih) and duty (i), nor knew of honesty (lien) and shame (ch'ih). Cf. Chou Sheng-ch'uan's army song (Sheng-chün hsün-yung ko), CWCK, \"supplement,\" 1: 50-52b.\n\n105 The evidence, contained in CWCK, remains to be gathered systematically, but even a brief glance at Chou's nien-p'u and his extensive writings suggests these conflicts.\n\n106 CWCK, 1.4: 30-47b, esp. 33b and 37.\n\n107 Ibid., 1.1: 20a-b; 1.1.1: 10a-b; 1.1.2: 15b, 19b-20, 23b (on bullets and rations), 40b-41; etc.\n\n108 CWCK, \"introductory chuan (Chou's nien-p'u)\" 31b-56 passim. Ironically, after Chou's death, the Sheng-chün was employed in work on the grounds of the Tientsin Military Academy. Chinese Times, May 28, 1887.\n\n109 For Chou's concern with positive attitudes toward the military, see CWCK, \"supplement,\" 1: 20b-21, 22b-23, 50-52b. For Chou's esteem for civil status, see CWCK, \"introductory chuan,\" 57n. Cf. sources cited in note 72.\n\n110 These tensions were not, of course, fully resolved — but neither were such tensions in the West. See Barnett, \"The Education of Military Elites,\" esp. 21, 27, etc. On the emphasis on technical education at the Tientsin Military Academy, see the sources cited in note 104.\n\n111 Ernest Young, The Presidency of Yuan Shih-k'ai (Ann Arbor, 1977), 58-59.\n\n112 Ibid., 56.\n\n113 Powell, 160.\n\n114 Wang, \"Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang,\" 8; Biggerstaff, 63.\n\n115 Young, Yuan Shih-k'ai, 56-64; Powell, 79-81; Jerome Ch'en, \"Defining Chinese Warlords and Their Factions,\" Bulletin of the London School of Oriental and African Studies, 31.3 (1966), and especially Wang, \"Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang,\" 12-19, which discusses the careers of over 60 individuals from the academy. Young, 56, notes that of thirty \"leading military participants\" singled out by Liu Feng-han for \"their subsequent prominence in the early republic,\" twenty-five had attended the Tientsin Military Academy before joining Yuan Shih-k'ai at Hsiao-chan (in the period 1895-1899). See Liu Feng-han, Hsin-chien lu-chün, 113-125.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208334, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 58, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "42\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\nIn addition there were scraps of cotton, threads, one or two grains of rice, a tiny sac of cotton cloth stuffed with more cotton and several beads and slivers of mica. There were also two dried sea-horses* in the image dedicated in 1871 though there were no signs of any other remains. The strips of paper are not all that usual and are rarely found in Southern Chinese images. Precis translations of the six strips of paper are included later in this note.\n\nThe papers show that five of the seven images were dedicated and placed on altars in the County of Wu Kang (A) in South East Hunan, one hundred miles due north of Kweilin and three hundred and seventy-five miles NNW of Hong Kong, near the Hunanese boundaries with its neighbouring provinces of Kwangsi and Kweichow. The west and south-west of Hunan were not easily accessible until the 1930's due to the dangerous rapids in the upper reaches of the plentiful rivers. Then a system of highways opened up the area. Prior to that, apart from the occasional traveller, traders and, of course, the petty officials sent to such \"punishment\" posts, all that was known of the area came from tales passed on from mouth to mouth. Wu Kang is in rising country, on the edge of an area marked on old maps as the lands of the Thai minority peoples, the Ko Lao (z) and another larger minority people, the Miao (δ). The other two images come from Chi An prefecture () in Kiangsi province, some two hundred and eighty miles due east of Wu Kang. Chi An, an old walled city and a major centre on the north-flowing Kan Chiang, had closer cultural links with central rather than south China.\n\nThe first image (Plate 2), from Wu Kang and dedicated in 1756, is a household deity to protect the home and family and to bring blessings. The slip of paper relates that Worshipper Fu Shih-hsiang, together with his three sons and others from his family, all of Hsin Wu Chang Village, Yen Shan, Lung Chu district of Wu Kang county in Pao Ching prefecture (now Shao Yang), Hunan, on the 4th day of the 7th moon of the 20th year of Ch'ien Lung (1756), offered sacrifices to the gods at the City God temple in Shih Pei.† He also reported to them in writing that he and his whole family\n\n* Seahorses, found as far inland, would have a rarity value, though they are commonly used by Chinese herbalists & pharmacists.\n\n† Chinese characters are to be found on the illustrations of the slips of paper.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208335, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "ALTER IMAGES FROM HUNAN AND KIANGSI\n\n43\n\nhad had made another image of Ti Chu ( ), (the tutelary deity of the home) which he presented for consecration so that it could be efficacious and able to expel all demons and evils, protect his family and bestow the three abundances (blessing, long life and off-spring) on him, his family and all his future generations. The slip also referred in passing to the \"secrets of Lao Tzu”, “the magic of Erh Lang\" \"the five Thunder Magic\" and the \"Lei Kung\"4, as charms, witnesses or aides. The image of Ti Chu was carved and decorated as a bearded and seated elderly man, in robes and wearing a tall, decorated hat. His right hand is holding his robe edge. The original colours have faded, but faintly discernible are the red of the robe and a flash of gilt on the hat.\n\nThe second image (Plate 3), also from Wu Kang county but from a different area, is of an unidentified female, surnamed Jen (£). It was presented at the City God Temple for dedication in 1903 prior to being placed on the family altar. Her decoration, red, blue and white paint, is chipped but still quite bright. She is wearing red robes with a blue and white decorated shoulder cape, and open-winged bird headdress. The slip of paper in the back of this image says that \"worshipper Yin Chang-kung, together with his son, daughter-in-law, sister-in-law, younger brother and four nephews, all of Shuang Chiang Chiao, Shan Men (about sixty kilometers north of Wu Kang), on the 16th day of the 9th moon of the 29th day of Kuang Hsü (4th November 1903) offered sacrifices to the Gods at the City God temple, reporting to them that he had had an image made of a lady surnamed Jen, and presented it to undergo consecration prior to its installation in the family shrine for the perpetual worshipping by and protection of the whole family\". Six other images in the shipment were identical or almost so, to this image, but the cavities in their backs had been emptied before they arrived in Hong Kong.\n\nThe third image (Plate 4) from Wu Kang county, again from Shan Men, was dedicated in 1871 at the City God temple. This one is identified as Duke Wei, (±), protector of the family of the person who commissioned the carving, Yin Tso-fan, and of their domestic animals and poultry. The slip of paper calling itself a \"Viscera and Stomach Document\" () relates that devotee Yin (#) together with his wife, five sons, grandson and others, on the 25th day of the 4th moon, of the 10th year of Tung Ch'ih (June", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208336, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 60, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "44 \n\nKEITH STEVENS \n\n1871) offered sacrifices at the City God temple and reported, in writing, that he and the whole family with gratitude had made an image of the Duke Wei which he presented to undergo the rite of consecration, so that it would protect all members of his family and all his domestic animals and poultry. The image is of a seated soldier, dressed in armour and military cap, his right hand is clenched and rests on his right knee. His left hand, the first and fifth fingers only, pointing vertically, is held at waist height in a magical sign. Wei had a gilded face, traces of which can still be seen, five tufts of black beard, the stubble only remaining and gilt armour covered by a red and blue robe again only traces of which are still visible. This image was blackest and greasiest of all and is quite surprisingly handsome now that the film of filth has been removed. Wei could possibly be Yu-ch'ih Ching-te (*), the Door Guardian who according to Mathews' dictionary is well-known as one of the two door guardians on temples and is “depicted with a black face and the fingers of one hand twisted up\". The image, dressed in loose robes over armour and chain mail, has a gilded face but otherwise, has his fingers twisted up. In reality Yu-ch’ih was a general who served the T'ang Emperor T'ai Tsung in his wars against rebels and died in 659 A.D. \n\nThe fourth image (Plate 5), also from Shan Men district, Wu Kang county in Hunan and dedicated in 1938 is of the bodhisattva Kuan Yin. The image, easily identifiable as such by her five-leafed bodhisattva crown, beads and vase, is seated cross-legged on a lotus, and dressed in gilded robes, The slip of paper in Kuan Yin's back relates that Petitioner and worshipper Mrs. Yin Wu-chi together with her five sons, four daughters-in-law, and one grandchild, on the 21st of the 6th moon of the 27th year of the Chinese Republic (18th July 1938) offered sacrifices to the Earth God at the City God temple in Lao Chai, presented and installed a new image of Kuan Yin. This has been done, the slip said, so that this Buddhist deity can be resorted to in her natural form and can kindly bestow good luck and eternal protection and prosperity on the Yin family and its future generations. In words of glowing praise, the petitioner described the heart, the liver, the lungs, the kidneys, the soul, the gall, the eyes, teeth, the bones, the bowels and the spirit of Kuan Yin, as 'the liver of a green dragon', 'lungs of a white tiger', ‘kidneys \n\nPage 60\n\nPage 61", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208337, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 61, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "ALTER IMAGES FROM HUNAN AND KIANGSI\n\n45\n\nof a scarlet bird', 'bowels like (or as long as?) nine rivers', 'as many as 84,000 teeth' and etc.\n\nThe fifth image (Plate 6) dedicated in 1799, from Kiangsi, is of a different style. It is very similar to certain of the Ch'ao Chow and Fukienese carvings, and particularly like certain Japanese Buddhist temple guardians such as Jikoku Ten. He was less dusty or greasy than the others, though he has been badly kippered by incense smoke and repainted with a cheap gold paint at some time. His original fine gilt lacquer is just visible in places on his lower back. He has lost his weapons, and his beady eyes, guaranteed to frighten when new, have been lost into the general contours of his face. The slip of paper from his back is best preserved of all six. It is recorded as a \"Viscera Statement\" (it) and relates that devotee Chen Ta-chiang, living in Lu Ling County, Chi An prefecture together with his wife, son, daughter-in-law and two grandchildren, on this lucky day of the 10th moon of the fourth year of Chia Ching (November 1799) presented the image of the Heavenly General (** ) with a Viscera Statement enclosed, and prayed saying \"Your Most Reverend Spirit of the Chief General and Heavenly Ruler, having become perfect and entered Nirvana during the Shang dynasty, your reputation is as high as the heaven; you have the ability of suppressing all demons and spirits, the power of deciding on all matters of disasters and blessings in the human world without the slightest partiality, the ability to recommend the choosing and establishment of construction sites with favourable geomantic influences, and of leading right people to prosperity. I therefore most respectfully present this new image for eternal worship by us and our future generations under your protection”. \n\nThe sixth image (Plate 7), also from Chi An in Kiangsi and dedicated in 1870, is a multi-image object consisting of a two foot three inches high piece of wood carved in the round, into a series of grottoes and caverns, steps and paths up to a small temple at the summit. This contains the only moveable and identifiable deity, a miniature Tou Mu (44) with her six arms and crown, seated cross-legged and with the cavity in her back which contained the identifying slip of paper. The other immovable thirteen images are of Taoist worthies, unidentified immortals, ten of them standing, one on horseback, the two more holding tablets before them standing beside the temple, probably the guardians or aides to Tou Mu.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208338, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "46\n\nKEITII STEVENS\n\nMu. The whole is best known as a Taoist Heaven (*). The temple at its peak bears the title of Fan Ch'ih Kung (£) \"The Palace of the Essence of Brahma\". The slip of paper in Tou Mu's back relates that Huang Wen-yuan, a sincere believer, born on the 27th day, 11th moon of the Year i wei (about December, 1835), residing south of Lu Ling City, Chi An Prefecture, Kiangsi Province, together with the whole of his family, on a lucky day of the 9th moon, of the Year keng wu during the Tung Ch'ih reign (about October, 1870), prayed before Tou Mu stating, \"I respectfully implore Most Reverend Tou Mu, a heavenly Goddess of Sacred Virtue, having the immense brilliance of T'ien Hou, generosity, the magic powers of suppressing demons and spirits, and the ability to produce amulets and prescriptions for saving people with serious afflictions, to effectively respond to my earnest prayers and wishes, and wield her supernatural powers to protect all the members of my family and to increase not only the number of children but also all kinds of happiness and prosperity\".\n\nOf the score or so images, only three deities are categorically identifiable, Kuan Ti, Kuan Yin, and Chao Kung-ming, the deities of loyalty, mercy and wealth respectively. Two of the images seem to be local Earth Gods (+) (Plate 8). They are of a style very commonly seen but with what are probably provincial characteristics. They are seated old men, clutching a fly whisk by the end of its handle allowing the handle itself to rest along the forearm and the whiskers to hang from about the elbow. They have a \"shoe\" of gold in their left hand, long white beards, white eyebrows and white hair under a green floppy form of skull cap with their hair drawn up into a bun through a hole in the top of it. They are wearing long robes bound by a red belt tied in a bow at the front, and black shoes. A female carved in the same pose, holding a fly whisk in the same manner, and dressed in a floral robe but without the “shoe\" of gold, has unbound feet, and hair, without a cap, drawn into two short pigtails. She may perhaps, be the consort of the Earth God.\n\nA final image, unidentified, has a spectacular face (Plate 9). He is an unidentified monk, seated cross-legged on a bench and with the ends of his robes hanging beneath him concealing the bench. He holds a fly whisk in his right hand in the same manner as the Earth God and in his left hand he holds a rosary. He has the face of an elderly man but with the characteristics more frequently", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208375, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 99, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "THE POLITICIZATION OF CHINESE CRAFT ORGANIZATION IN POST WORLD WAR II HONG KONG\n\nEUGENE COOPER*\n\nIn a private communication to John Stewart Burgess, to which Burgess refers in his 1928 work, The Guilds of Peking, the well-known Chinese economist, Ch'en Ta takes note of three characteristics of the modern industries of the time:\n\n1. that modern industries often came into existence by a process of amalgamation of previously distinct, independent crafts.\n\n2. that this synthetic structure often made it difficult to achieve unity between the various constituent craftsmen in a given industry in pressing for their demands as a unified working class (Burgess, 1928:223).\n\n3. that it was often difficult to overcome provincial feeling in organizing workers from different native places into a unified working class (Ibid:227).\n\nThe process of amalgamation of independent crafts into a single industry is one which Marx noted as characteristic of the early stages of European capitalist development from the middle of the 16th to the last third of the 18th century. This process resulted in a mode of production that Marx called “manufacture”, the archetypal example of which was carriage-making in which the wheelwright, carpenter, upholsterer, and blacksmith came together in a single enterprise to produce carriages, each coming to specialize in the production of carriage parts (Marx, 1967:1:336 ff.).\n\nManufacture arose as a mode of production in the Chinese art-carved furniture industry in the 1920's, as the result of just such a process of amalgamation which brought rural temple carvers together under the same roof with carpenters and painters in what became urban Shanghai and Canton-based carved furniture factories.\n\n* Dr. Cooper is Lecturer in Sociology in the University of Hong Kong. This article first appeared as a paper read to the Symposium on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and the Politicization of Asian Folk Culture, held at the Association of Asian Studies Annual Meeting in New York City, March 25, 1977.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208378, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 102, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "86\n\nEUGENE COOPER\n\nmined much of the basis for its existence independent of the nationalist carpenters' union.\n\nWhat was in the early 1950's an extremely sharp distinction between workers in teak/camphorwood as opposed to those in rosewood has lost its currency today. The demand for teak/camphorwood products has declined, brought about largely by the decreasing purchasing power abroad of the American dollar, and until 1972 the increasing value of the Japanese yen. The Japanese preference for products of rosewood created a situation in which many workers in the teak/camphorwood unions who had previously never worked in anything but teak and camphorwood began to take up rosewood carving for the first time in rather large numbers. The influence of the Woodwork Carvers' Union among rosewood workers has grown in proportion to that change and, as mentioned, there is now a movement in progress to amalgamate the Woodwork Carvers' Union and the left wing Rosewood Workers' Union, the latter being the junior partner in numbers.\n\nIn any event, it should be clear that the divisions of the labor force that Ch'en Ta described as characteristic of Chinese industry in the 1920's were certainly at work in the labor force of the post war art carved furniture industry in Hong Kong. The traditional divisions of the labor force, however, had become the vehicle by means of which modern political ideologies were expressed. Traditional parochialism had become distilled into a politically more volatile essence.\n\nThe first real test of strength between labor and capital occurred in 1960 when workers went out on strike for higher wages. 1960 had marked the climax of economic success and accumulation of capital in the art carved furniture industry in its period of “manufacture\", and initiated a period in which strikes occurred with greater regularity, as competing unions came to demand a greater share of the industry's prosperity.\n\nThe political divisions of the labor force which were to disrupt the unity of labor in its dealings with capital for the next ten years were now manifest. Communist and nationalist unions carried on separate negotiations. Despite the fact that the declared membership in the communist Woodwork Carvers' Union was greater than the combined total of workers in both the nationalist teak/camphorwood unions, in 1960 it was the numerically inferior nationalist forces which held out longer for a slightly better settlement.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208407, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 131, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN China, 1933\n\nof local custom. And there are others.\n\n115\n\nBut there are certain powerful factors which have tended toward a unity of custom. The race of the Chinese is at present more homogeneous than it is diverse; on the whole the people live everywhere on the same economic level, that of agriculture; and they have a fairly common spoken language in Mandarin, and one single written language. In all these respects Europe differs from China on the side of diversity: Europe is composed of a series of cultures which are only slowly amalgamating. Lastly, the Chinese have a common spiritual and intellectual heritage. This point is probably the most important of all, and corresponds to the common heritage which Europe enjoys, on the spiritual side from Christianity, and on the intellectual side from Greece and Rome. These considerations, while not entirely justifying the sort of generalization undertaken here, do render it more valid.\n\nThere remains to be mentioned the scope of this work and the plan adopted. What the writer has done has been necessarily modest indeed. There are in this study no original facts before unpublished; but very nearly everything of value available in English, and to a lesser extent in French, has been assembled. The writer's contribution has been the assembling of this material, and the attempt both to interpret it, and to draw conclusions therefrom.\n\nThe main attempt has been to give the picture of village government in China as it was at the end of the Manchu (Ch'ing) dynasty. At that time traditional village life was well crystallized and still quite stable, foreign influences and the disruption of the dynasty having little if at all affected the institution. Certain cultural and psychological phenomena which have contributed to the establishment and maintenance of village polity have been pointed out; at the same time certain concomitant phenomena arising from village government have been stressed.\n\nThe first four chapters of the study deal with this crystallized and stabilized form of customary government. It is the writer's belief that even to-day government in the village goes on much as it did in its crystallized form. On the whole Western forces have had little effect as yet; nor have the efforts of Western-inspired revolutionaries done much, for all their theories, to modify the situation. For this reason the writer has used the present tense almost exclusively in these four chapters.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208409, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\nI\n\n117\n\nThe distinctive feature of the family in China is its cohesiveness. One finds in it a unity of energy, of time and of space that has almost no parallel in any Western institution or in Western society. In fact, it is difficult for Occidentals, long trained in a theory of individualism, adequately to conceive of the strength of the family tie in China. Individualism induces in our society a centrifugal force rather than the centripetal pull characteristic to Chinese life. The intensity of this family cohesiveness must be emphasized because it explains many aspects of the Chinese family which bear directly upon the question of village government in China.\n\nUnity of energy is forcibly indicated by a consideration of the economic organization of the family in the face of a terrific struggle for existence which is characteristic of rural life in many parts of China. One might suppose that so intense a battle for a bare subsistence would tend to make every individual fend for himself. Except in the most extreme circumstances this is the opposite of the case. The entire productive energy of the individual is expended for the family unit, and all family resources are pooled for the common benefit. Even those individuals who reluctantly migrate for the dual purpose of adding to the family income and reducing the number of mouths to be fed from the family land, do so for the sake of the family good, and are as much members of it still as those remaining at home. Even the sale of female children, which undoubtedly still occurs during severe famines, can be partly explained as a sacrifice for the good of the whole group.\n\nAnother example of unity of energy is the well-known fact of the complete backing which a promising young scholar might have expected from his family under the old examination system. There was a thoroughly utilitarian motive in this support, for the scholar, once he made good, was expected to bring both honors and material gain to his family. The organization of many crafts on a purely monopolistic family basis, where the whole economic fortune of\n\n1 The enormous increase in population during the Ch'ing dynasty, with the attendant disastrous famines in almost all parts of China, has proved to be a force strong enough to exert a loosening effect upon the cohesiveness of the family system. This tendency has been, however, not toward the entire destruction of the traditional family system, but toward decreasing the size of the family unit. Cf. Buck, J. Lossing; Chinese Farm Economy, p. 335.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208411, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 135, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\nfrom the right to own property.\n\n119\n\nA recognition of these evils by modern, educated Chinese has led to a vigorous and disruptive attack upon the whole traditional system. Sun Yat-sen recognized these evils, and the new civil code of the Republic aims to break the grip of the family system by altering its legal basis.1\n\nII\n\nAn interesting outcome of this family unity is the theory of mutual responsibility. This theory is of the utmost importance both in family life and in village government, of which it is a cornerstone in legal theory and in practice. The family is collectively and directly responsible for the crimes of each member. Indeed, one of the postulates of Chinese law seems to have been this principle.2 Under the Ch'ing dynasty punishment for the crimes committed by an individual might sometimes be visited upon any or all the members of his family, even to the extent of death for the whole group in serious cases.3\n\nIn customary practice this phenomenon of mutual responsibility is very active. The deeds of each member of the family are the intimate concern of all. Strong pressure will be brought to bear upon an individual to prevent or to correct breaches which might impair the reputation of the family or entangle it in quarrels and law suits. Kulp, in his study of Familism in South China, finds that all offenses except failure to pay taxes are in reality against the family, and are subject to judgment in the first place by the family and its leaders. The extreme inquisitiveness of the typical Chinese villager is but one aspect of this feeling of responsibility for all that\n\n1 China. National Government; The Civil Code of the Republic of China. Vol. II, p. vii. For particular examples see below p. 14, 15.\n\n2 On this point see: Alabaster, Ernest; Notes and Commentaries on Chinese Criminal Law, p. lxx-lxxii, 151, 152, 193-196. On the evils of mutual responsibility, from the legal point of view, ibid., p. lxxi-lxxii,\n\n3 Ta Ch'ing Lu Li, (****), (Sixth Division: Criminal Law, Book I, Sec. 254) translated by Staunton, George T.; Ta Tsing Leu Lee, Being the Fundamental Laws, and a Selection from the Supplementary Statutes of the Penal Code of China, p. 269-270. See also: Alabaster; op. cit., p. lxvi, 466-467; Boulais, Guy; Manuel du Code Chinois, p. 464-466.\n\n4 Kulp, Daniel Harrison; Country Life in South China, Vol. I: Phenix Village, p. XXVIII. (This work will hereafter be referred to as Phenix Village.)\n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208412, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 136, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "C. MARTIN WILBUR\n\ngoes on in his social environment. He feels morally responsible, and realizes that he may be held legally so, for the behavior of the members of his family certainly, and to some extent of all his neighbors.\n\nIII\n\nThe general structure of the Chinese family is pyramidal. This is true both for the largest unit, the clan, and for the smallest group, the individual sex family. At the head of each family unit stands an individual usually called Chia-chang (家長). It is of value to consider the attributes of this Chia-chang because he is the basic unit of village government, the link between the family and the larger group of neighbors. Moreover, he is the prototype of the village elder, who stands somewhat in the same legal and psychological position in the village as does the Chia-chang in his immediate family. The customary, ethical and legal sanctions which reinforce the Chia-chang reinforce also the village elder. There is no more perfect example, in fact, of the generical relationship between the family and all other social institutions in China.\n\nIn the simple sex family the father is usually Chia-chang, or after his death, the mother, if the family is still dependent upon the parental grouping. It was found that in Ching Ho, a village just north of Peiping, of 371 families only ten had women as family heads, and of these nine were widows. In the \"larger family\" which covers several generations living together by common consent under one roof as a single economic unit, the principle is more complicated. Su, quoting Chinese legal sources, gives the following order for succession to the position: grandfather, grandmother, great paternal uncles, their wives, father, mother, paternal uncles, their wives, elder brothers, their wives2. This systematic order is sometimes broken when the individual who would properly become incumbent is judged to be too young or of questionable character or ability. These qualifications of age and character are most important, and carry over into village government as well. Certainly no system of family or village control could be efficient without some modification from the rigid rule set down by law.\n\n1 Ching Ho a Sociological Analysis; p. 43.\n\n2 Su; op. cit., p. 48; from: Ta Ch'ing Lü Li, sec. 88; and Provisional Civil Code, art. 1324.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208413, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 137, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\n121\n\nThe new civil code, while it gives no such specific order for succession, does not vary greatly from the traditional system. The Chia-chang is supposed to be elected from among the body of relatives living in the common household. But if there is no such election, the position \"shall fall upon the person who is highest in rank (of relationship) or where ranks are equal, on the person who is senior in age.\" Except in providing for an election there is nothing new here.\n\nThe Chia-chang is the general manager of the family. His authority is of several sorts: administrative and financial, moral, ethical and religious. In the first field his responsibilities cover funds brought in by all members of the group, for it is a distinctive feature of familism in China that incomes are pooled and expenditures made with reference to the needs of the entire family. Lands and properties are owned in his name, but this is only a matter of legal convenience. The property belongs to the family as long as the group holds together, and the Chia-chang's possession is merely a stewardship. He has received the property from his forefathers, and after his death it will remain with the family under a succession of managers.\n\nIn the disciplinary field the Chia-chang enjoys great powers, both by law and by custom, over the members of his direct family.2 This seems to have extended, in practice, to the right of taking the life of a disobedient child.3 At least in some circumstances such a crime would pass unpunished. Certainly in the fields of correction and discipline the law accords him great authority, as does customary practice. The new civil code of the Republic attempts to decrease the disciplinary authority of parents over their children, but does so only negatively by referring only to the \"right and duty of parents to protect, educate and maintain their children.”4\n\n1 China. National Government; op. cit., p. 43, art. 1124.\n\n2 On the legal aspects see Alabaster; op. cit., p. 153-158, 186, 243-244. It should be noted that the rights of a husband over his wife are by no means as great as those over his children. Ibid., p. 186-189.\n\n3 Su disputes the legality of this, and quotes sources from law as proof. Op. cit., p. 77. On the other hand, for circumstances in which it seems to be allowed, see Staunton; op. cit., (Ta Ch'ing Li Li, Sixth Division, Book III, sec. 319.) p. 348-349; Alabaster; op. cit., p. 155-157.\n\n4 China. National Government; op. cit., p. 27-32, articles 1059-1090. Specifically, p. 31, art. 1084.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208423, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 147, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\n131\n\ntemporarily pressed for cash, as in the case of a funeral or wedding, loans at small interest will be made. Funds for all these purposes are taken from the clan estate, or a subscription will be raised from among the wealthy. This social consciousness is a valuable feature of clan life, though not without its detrimental aspects. All larger social values are definitely hindered by this absorption with the problems of the clan, for, in a very real sense, what is everybody's business is treated as nobody's business.\n\nEducation is another administrative duty of the clan council. Much of the education of Chinese youth in the past has been in the hands of the clan, and private schools are still maintained in the traditional fashion in many small villages in China. The clan council, or certain older men and scholars, constitute a sort of school board, and assume the responsibility of hiring a teacher, supplying a school room (often in the ancestral hall), and arranging the curriculum. Education is greatly prized, although much of it that is carried on under clan jurisdiction seems highly impractical and inappropriate for rural life.\n\nAnother important business of the clan leaders is the preservation and compilation of the clan history and genealogy. The histories of the larger and wealthier clans are usually revised every half century, and often are printed for subscribing members. They thus form a valuable set of historical records. Genealogical tables of all males are accurately kept in the ancestral temple as a basis for calculating status, and to determine the rights of ancestor worship and inheritance. This type of record is the nearest approach to written law that is to be found in connection with local clan government itself.1\n\nIn the judicial field the clan leaders, though not the council, are charged with preserving peace and order among the members of the kin-group. Authority is usually integrated through the heads of smaller groups, and the responsibility for a misdemeanor by a member of a lesser group will fall upon the person of its head. This form of responsibility is typical of Chinese familist polity, and is one phase of the doctrine of mutual responsibility.\n\nThe law which the leaders are charged with preserving is traditional and familistic. To a certain extent also, formal law, civil and\n\n1 This is not to disregard the many features of family and clan life which are codified in the Ta Ch'ing Lü Li, which is, however, a national code.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208429, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 153, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\n137\n\ntraditional authority. They form a new and disruptive element in village political life. But their importance seems to be growing.\n\nThe emergence of this group is significant as indicating a slow but certain shift in rural group values. The traditional values such as custom and precedent, age, family status and scholarship of the old sort are losing ground, under the impact of new ideas, to the values of practical success, individual prowess, youth and new education. It is Kulp's opinion that in the new complex of social values, although learning will remain as a criterion for leadership, age is sure to disappear. How quickly and how thoroughly the familist value of status will be overridden it is difficult to guess.\n\nThese new leaders gain importance from a connection they are often able to make outside the village with the Kuomintang party and with the National Government. The new government of China is eager to introduce a modern republican form of politics in rural districts. Often it is these natural leaders who most eagerly accept the new idea. When they are able to get the support of the party and organize a local unit they can exert a great deal of power to the severe detriment of traditional polity. This subject will be discussed more completely below; at present only the traditional village leader will be considered.\n\nCalled by many different names,2 performing different functions in different areas of the country, and enjoying varied degrees of influence and authority, yet these village elders are a thoroughly Chinese phenomenon with a long history and a fairly constant set of rights and duties. They form the core of village government in China, and it is due to their generally high standard of character that the system of self-government has so long been in effect and effective. Under all sorts of political disruption, in the midst of civil wars they have carried on the government of rural districts, oblivious to changes of dynasties, invasions of \"barbarians\" and national disasters.\n\nThe Ti-pao (*) is a semi-official government officer who is usually to be found in large villages or in those near administrative\n\nKulp; op. cit., p. 116.\n\n2 Among the more common names listed by Giles as referring to the village elder are Hsiang lao (**), Hsiang ch'i (**), Hsiang chang (**), Hsiang hsien-sheng (£), Li chang (LA), and Hsiang cheng (RE). There are also many others which refer more definitely to semi-official government positions but are used interchangeably, Giles, Herbert A.; Chinese English Dictionary, passim., especially, p. 530.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208431, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\n139\n\nvenue. As with the ancestral halls, described above, the village temple usually owns some farm land which is rented out at a profit. Village markets, held in the temple courtyard, form a source of revenue, since all outsiders must rent stalls. Revenue comes into the temple also from small contributions of the superstitious folk, who visit it to seek some benefit from the presiding deity. Much of the village budget is made up, however, of self-imposed taxes (Hui Ch'ien), and voluntary contributions solicited from the wealthy members, usually for some specific civic betterment. In theory, under the Manchu dynasty, certain sums were supposed to be returned to the village from their general government taxes for the purposes of education, as set down in the Ta Ch'ing Hui Tien (...), but these seldom, if ever, did find their way back.\n\nAn annual festival in honor of the patron of the temple is the chief social event in most villages in China. The responsibility for the management of this normally falls upon the temple council. Theatricals, side shows, and feasting mark these occasions. The religious side of the carnival has largely disappeared; usually, it is merely a grand social period, a time of relaxation and merry-making for young and old. Interrupting the normally dull routine of village life, it is of some psychological importance as a social safety valve.\n\nThe duty of properly policing the village is also the charge of the temple council (when it is not handled by the Ti-pao). Every household is expected to supply a man for a certain number of nights a year, but more usually, a contribution of money is given to pay for the service by regularly employed individuals. Civic duties such as lighting dangerous corners and repairing walls, roads, canals, and boat landings, when these are ever done, are the responsibility of the village temple. The main task in this connection may be the solicitation of funds from door to door.\n\nSuch charitable duties as supplying free medicine, burial, food, and clothing, when not taken care of by the clan, are the concern of the temple council, as is the supplying of educational facilities when these are lacking.\n\nIn short, all financial and administrative matters which concern the village as a whole, rather than any individual group, are handled by the village temple. As Kulp reports for Phenix village, \"Gene-\n\n1 Ibid., p. 65.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208433, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 157, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\n141\n\ncourts--which belief forms the chief emotional argument for extra-territoriality--it seems fair to say that on the whole they have been cruel, unjust and ruinously expensive. It is no wonder, then, that villagers prefer the humane and usually just village courts when they come into trouble, and will usually abide by the decision of the elders rather than risk their fortunes in the government courts.\n\nVillage court may be held in the village temple or wherever the elders happen to gather. In case of a dispute between two parties the elders will try to effect a compromise. When a petty crime occurs, if it cannot be settled in the kin group, then the elders will undertake to hear all evidence and pass a sentence involving well understood customary punishment. Over major crimes, or anything too flagrant to be kept hidden, they have no authority and must cooperate with the government by handing over the culprit and supplying all necessary evidence.\n\nV\n\nIn discussing the Ti-pao1 the student is on a firmer ground than in any other part of this study so far as exactness and quantity of information is concerned. The office is specifically discussed in the Ta Ch'ing Hui Tien2 and in the Ta Ch'ing Lu Li3. According to Meadows these officers are found in all parts of China, the title frequently appearing in the Peking Gazette in connection with cases reported from all the different provinces. Finally, most foreign observers who have anything to say about village government in China speak of the Ti-pao.\n\n1 There are many terms which may be considered with varying degrees of certainty as synonymous with Ti-pao. Giles; op. cit., p. 1360, gives as synonymous Ti-fang and Ti-yo. Jamieson, George; Chinese Family and Commercial Law, p. 68, 71, gives Pao-chang, Chia-chang and Hsiang-chang as synonymous with each other and with Ti-pao. Tuo; op. cit., p. 62, speaks of the Po (Pao?) chia as popularly called Ti-pao. Other sources supply less reliable but possibly correct synonyms such as Li-chêng and Li-chang. It is necessary to indicate this variety of terminology because in this paper Ti-pao only will be used. Quotations accordingly might seem to be meaningless. (In some cases the characters given above are the author's addition.)\n\n2 Chuan 134, sec. on Ti as reported by Jamieson; op. cit., p. 68.\n\n3 Division relating to board of revenue (Hu Pu), section 83 ff., as translated by Jamieson, ibid., 63 ff.\n\n4 Meadows, Thomas T.; Desultory Notes on the Government and People of China, p. 121.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208435, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 159, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\n143\n\nAccording to the theory, each Chia or Pao should select one of its members to serve as a headman, and this headman, when approved by the magistrate, becomes Ti-pao. In practice, however, the Ti-pao will stand at the head of a whole village, or of several small ones, as the agent of the magistrate.\n\nHow the Ti-pao is selected is not a matter of agreement. The official government view is well expressed by the Ta Ch'ing Hui Tien: \"The scholars and people shall elect to this office men of probity, education and property.” Or, in the Ta Ch'ing Lü Li:\n\n\"In every District 100 Families shall elect one Headborough (or Hundred man) Li chang, and ten Tithing men Chia shou, who shall be charged for the year with the collection of the revenue and the arranging of other public matters. Any person who without warrant assumes the title of Chu-pao, Li-chang, Pao-chang or other title of authority, and takes advantage of that to exact levies from the people, shall be liable to 100 blows and banishment for two years. The elders from among whom the above elections are to be made, must be men of mature years and known merit, belonging to the locality, as approved by the majority, and no one who has held office or been employed as a Yamen underling, or been convicted of offence, shall be eligible. A breach of this law shall entail a punishment of 60 blows upon the offender, who shall also be deposed from office, and any official sanctioning such illegal election shall be liable to 40 blows, and in case of bribery to such severer penalty as the law against bribery for an illegal purpose may entail.”\n\nThus it will be seen that in theory the Ti-pao is chosen freely by the people, without interference from the magistrate. Hsieh is authority for the statement that the government even issued orders to the magistrate not to interfere in these elections.3 A dissenting view is expressed by Morse, who states that the Ti-pao is nominated\n\n1 Jamieson; op. cit., p. 68.\n\n2 Ta Ch'ing Lü Li (division of Hu Pu), Sec. 83, Lü. Translated by Jamieson, ibid., p. 63. Most of this passage has also been translated into French by Bazin and by Boulais, who also give the text: Bazin; op. cit., I, p. 25 ff.; Boulais; op. cit., p. 183-184. Also cf. Staunton, G.; Ta Tsing Leu Lee, p. 88-89, According to Dr. C. H. Peake the text should be broken after the words; \"banishment for two years.\" The further discussion would then apply not to the Ti-pao, but only to the village elders. This distinction is not clearly brought out in any of the Western texts cited.\n\n3 Hsieh, Pao Chao; The Government of China, p. 309.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208440, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 164, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "148\n\nC. MARTIN WILBUR\n\nevent of threatening floods to repair embankments.1\n\nTaxation, the primary interest of the government, is also carried out with the help of the Ti-pao. This individual is supposed to know all about every bit of land owned by the members of his village, and the exact tax set upon it. This is no easy matter since most farmers own many small bits of land scattered hit-or-miss over the countryside. Under the Ch'ing dynasty the land tax was set for all time in 1713.2 This does not mean that in reality taxes did not increase steadily, for the burdens seem constantly to be getting heavier.\n\nThis increase was affected by several means. In the first place the permanent settlement takes no account of the cost of collection. This cost is a matter of yearly battle between the collector and the land owners; but once a precedent is set it becomes an accepted part of the tax thereafter, and is merely the starting basis on which further additions will be placed. A second manner in which accretions are made rests on the fact that originally all or part of the tax was to be paid in kind. The magistrate, however, often demands a cash settlement, and places the conversion rate well above the market price of grain. Another method is for the magistrate arbitrarily to fix the conversion rate between cash-coin and the tael at a point highly unfair to the land owner who has only cash-coin to pay in. By these and other devices Morse reports that the permanently settled land tax of 1713 is often increased to over five times the statutory amount.3\n\nThe Ta Ch'ing Lü Li (׆†##1) describes the correct machinery of collection as follows:\n\n[ Jamieson, George; Chinese Family and Commercial Law, p. 72. A good account of the modern working of a modified form of corvée is found in Smith, Arthur H.; Village Life in China, p. 230-231. Also, Boulais; op. cit., p. 161-162, 181-185, 213-214.\n\n2 Morse, Hosea B.; The Trade and Administration of the Chinese Empire, p. 86. (Jamieson; op. cit., p. 94, wrongly gives 1711 as the date of permanent settlement, but this is the date of the census which was made the basis for taxation.) This permanent settlement had several important results. In the first place, it practically did away with the old method of taking the census of the number of people liable to a poll tax, and led to the establishment of modern census taking of the whole population, as started under Ch'ien Lung. Secondly, the establishment of an immutable poll-tax led to its amalgamation with the land tax for ease and saving in collection. Huang, Han Liang; The Land Tax in China, p. 99-100.\n\n3 Morse, op. cit., p. 87.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208441, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 165, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\n149\n\n\"When the time for collecting the land tax comes round, the Magistrate shall have triplicate slips prepared beforehand, containing the names of every taxpayer arranged by Hundreds and Tithings, and the amount payable by each. One set of these slips is intended for receipts to be issued to the tax-payers, another set is for the use of the person charged with the collection in each Hundred, and the third is to be deposited in the Magistrate's office in order to check the returns. As each payment is made the slip is filled up and given to the payer as a receipt. The slips still remaining should show at once the persons that had not paid, who should be proceeded against by the Authorities. If there appeared to be any discrepancy between the slips and the amount actually received, the fact would show some malpractice on the part of the clerks, and the matter should then be strictly enquired into and the parties punished.”1\n\nIn some cases the Ti-pao himself is charged with collecting the taxes; in others he is merely the informer to the magistrate's runners, indicating who owns what property. When the actual amount of tax is being settled with the land owners, or through the agency of the elders, the Ti-pao may haggle either for or against the officials of the government. Bazin is of the opinion that on the whole collection of taxes in the village is accomplished very efficiently.2\n\nBecause of his duty of knowing the exact owner of every bit of land against the time of tax payment, the further duty falls upon the Ti-pao of registering all sales. In the transaction there will be two writs drawn up, one of the sale in which the seller obliges himself to hand over the property; the other of purchase, in which the buyer obliges himself to pay. There is always a guarantor, or middle-man, called Pao-jen (4A) or Tan-pao (1),3 The bills of sale and of purchase must indicate the name, surname, profession and residence of the buyer or seller; the location of the property with its boundaries and particulars about it; the taxes to the land; its price, manner of payment and other stipulations; and the name, surname, profession and residence of the guarantor.4\n\n1 Ta Ch'ing Li Li (Division of Hu Pu) sec. 90. Li, Translated by Jamieson; op. cit., p. 77. Also translated in part, and Chinese text given by Boulais; op. cit., p. 217.\n\n2 Bazin; op. cit. II p. 275.\n\n3 Ibid., p. 281. Jamieson op. cit., p. 97 states that sometimes there may be as many as ten middle men in such a transaction,\n\n4 Bazin; op. cit., II p. 282.\n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208442, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "150\n\nC. MARTIN WILBUR\n\nBefore the sale can be considered official it must be stamped by the Ti-pao, and it is then registered at the office of the district magistrate. This process is called kuo kê (#1), \"passing the cutting off\", meaning the transference of the tax liability of the old owner to the new; or, cutting off the slip showing the tax liability from the old deed and pasting it on the new. Since registration costs to the amount of five or six percent of the purchase price, excluding extras, it is common, and perhaps universal, to understate the sale price on the copy of the deed sent in to the magistrate. Thus do the people do their part to equalize the excess taxation to which they are subjected on all occasions. For his part in the deal, the Ti-pao gets a small fee.\n\nIII\n\nBeyond its interest in collecting taxes the central government feels in some measure bound to preserve peace and prevent crimes in the villages. To affect these aims it works both through the Ti-pao and through the recognized village elders (when the two are not synonymous). The Ti-pao is the accredited police chief of the village. A good idea of the multifarious nature of his duties is given by a description of them in the Ta Ch'ing Hui Tien:\n\nIf any of the undermentioned offences are committed within the Tithing, the Tithing man shall be specially responsible for making the necessary inquiries and reporting the fact, viz: theft, corrupt teaching, gambling, hiding and absconding from justice, kidnapping, coining, establishing secret society, and so on. He shall also be required to report all suspicious characters arriving within his bounds, and see that the necessary alterations are made from time to time in the Register of Individuals in each family. If constables from a neighboring jurisdiction come in pursuit of offenders in virtue of a warrant, he shall assist in arresting, but if any of the Yâmen constables wrongfully arrests an innocent man, he may lay the facts before the district Magistrate.\n\n1 Jamieson, op. cit., p. 97.\n\n2 Ibid., p. 98.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208443, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 167, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\ntrate for investigation.'\n\n151\n\nHe has the position, therefore, of chief investigator of and informer against anything suspicious or evil. But his powers of arrest seem to be limited. Meadows reports that while it is his duty to point out any person to police (Yâmen) runners who may be looking for a man, he is not called upon to execute a summons; and likewise that in grave cases of robbery he is not held responsible, but must report to the magistrate as soon as such a case occurs.2 The Ti-pao organizes part of the militia in his district for the use of the magistrate in protecting public granaries and treasuries, or for dispersing bandits.3\n\nAlthough the agent of the central government in preserving peace and order, the Ti-pao is also the defender of the people. In case of wrongful arrest he should inform the magistrate, giving circumstances, and has the right of bailing out citizens of his own district who are held in the magistrate's gaol. If any of his constituents presents a petition or otherwise has dealings with the magistrate's court it is the Ti-pao's duty to be able to identify him. For this purpose he has a wooden stamp which he must affix to such an application before it will be accepted at the Yamen.4\n\nWhile it is thus the Ti-pao who is the chief agent of the central government in the rural village, it is the village elders themselves who are held by the government to be responsible for the village as a whole. The village peace and morality is in their hands, and the proper subject of their supervision. This resting of authority in the hands of a few responsible individuals is founded upon several sensible considerations. Firstly, the plan is practicable: villages are compact and coalescent units due to their relative isolation,\n\n1 Ta Ch'ing Hui Tien, Chuan 134, sec. (1% T) translated by Jamieson; ibid., p. 68. \"Tithing man\" means in Jamieson's translation the Ti-pao. Hsieh seems also to use this passage to describe the duties of the Ti-pao, and cites one or two more malpractices which the officer must report against, such as transport of counterfeit goods and swindling, though he does not mention his source. Hsieh, Pao Chao; The Government of China, p. 309. An ordinance by Hsien Feng (41) in 1852 gives an even fuller account of what was expected of the Pao-chia (T), (presumably Ti-pao). Boulais; op. cit., 162-163.\n\n2 Meadows, Thomas T.; Desultory Notes on the Government and People of China, p. 118, 119.\n\n3 Hsieh; op. cit., p. 309.\n\n4 Meadows; op. cit., p. 117.\n\n5 Leong and Tao; op. cit., p. 36.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208444, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "C. MARTIN WILBUR\n\nsmallness, and the strong psychological carryover of the attributes of familism to the larger group. Secondly, these units already have a system of fixing responsibility in the hands of their own customary leaders, who do form an adequate and very convenient machinery of government. To treat the village as a unit, moreover, and to hold the leaders responsible for it, much simplifies the business of government by the state. It is cheaper, and because it is more agreeable to the people, is much more effective than any system of central control. It leaves plenty of room for differences of local practice. Finally, so far as the rulers of China were concerned, if the villages paid their taxes and remained law abiding and peaceful, there was distinctly no advantage to be gained from governing them more closely. Therefore the central authority has generally been glad to accept the customary village government as the base for a form of government which found its apex in the emperor.\n\nThis does not mean that the government delivered itself of the right to hold individuals, families or groups of neighbors responsible for the behavior of other individuals or groups. Indeed, one of the reasons for the tithing system was to enforce mutual responsibility as is definitely stated in the Ta Ch'ing Hui Tien: \"The system of pao and chia has been established in order that the members may mutually make inquiry and know one another, to the end that traitors and evil doers may be put down and thieving and robbery repressed.\" The concept of mutual responsibility is especially noticeable in the idea of ken chieh (4) as explained by Jamieson.2 Whenever a respectable man is asked for evidence of his character, or whenever he wishes to do anything out of the ordinary, he will produce at once a kan chieh, the \"frankpledge\" of his neighbors in the same pao or chia. This is simply a document in which his neighbors voluntarily, freely and frankly pledge or bind themselves, because of their personal knowledge of the individual, for his respectability.\n\nMutual responsibility, which exists in all ranges of relationships and among all groups, is in the village integrated through the leaders of the several lesser groups and finally in the hands of the village elders. In the main it is only the village elders with whom the government deals when this trust is broken, as in the case of petty\n\n1 Ta Ch'ing Hui Tien, chap. 134, trans. by Jamieson; op. cit., p. 69.\n\n2 Ibid., p. 69 ff.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208445, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 169, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\n153\n\ncrimes or disturbances in the village. Williams believes that this system of mutual and integrated responsibility does tend to check serious offenses, but he adds that if a general sentiment opposes a government regulation the probability is that neighbors would shield rather than expose one another.1\n\nIV\n\nThere are two sides to the relations between the village and the government. The relations of the government toward the village have been discussed; what of the attitude of the village toward the government? The characteristic attitude is one of avoidance. It is hard to say what has been responsible for this vigorous shunning of any actual contact with the central government. The phenomenon may have arisen only during the corrupt last century of the Manchu dynasty, and notice of this by Westerners may be the only basis of the opinion. For the general impression one receives of the Chinese government throughout its history is certainly not of tyranny and ruthless oppression, even if the economic history of the people shows their condition frequently to have been wretched. It is true that rebellions were common and often started among the people themselves, but this cannot be considered as the normal relationship between the two.\n\nThe immediate causes for the avoidance of government by the people during the Ch'ing dynasty (which is the only period we can safely discuss) may have been the generally corrupt nature of the Hsien government. Whether the magistrate were good or evil did not necessarily affect the government which the people felt. Their relations were almost entirely with a group of professional underlings, \"rats under the altar\", as they are called, who were fixed to the Yamen irrespective of the triannual change of magistrate. These individuals seem to have been grasping and corrupt to the extreme,\n\n1 Williams, Edward T.; China Yesterday and Today, p. 122.\n\n2 A statement with regard to the corruption of the Ch'ing government, while it seems perfectly safe, needs to be made with caution considering that most of our information comes from two highly prejudiced sources. Most foreigners writing at the time were eager to have extraterritoriality enforced by their government, and naturally sought to paint a black picture of conditions. Secondly, most of the Chinese who have written in Western languages of conditions at that time are spokesmen of the Republic, and take every opportunity to stress the evils of the Ch'ing dynasty.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208446, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 170, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "154\n\nC. MARTIN WILBUR\n\nto be influenced only by bribery. They did much to contribute to the evil name which Hsien government has enjoyed. There were other factors which contributed to poor government during the Ch'ing dynasty specifically. The breakdown of the examination system through corruption during much of the nineteenth century; the law which made an official a stranger in his district, often not understanding the problems of the people, and at times not even their local dialect; and the impermanency of office which led to an attempt to make as much money as possible against lean years — all these worked for corruption.\n\nBesides an attitude of avoidance on the part of the people, there has generally also been an indifference to the central government. Several factors may account for this. In the first place, for the mass of the people the real, day-by-day government was in the village. In case of flagrant law-breaking the government stepped in. Otherwise, only when it was very bad, or when taxes were excessive, did it become real. And on the whole the government was careful not to stir the people to acts of collective resentment. On the positive side, the great mass of the people, the peasantry, had no voice in political matters, even when these concerned their own district. When it is remembered how indifferent is the majority of the population in \"democratic\" countries about anything beyond purely local issues, this attitude on the part of the Chinese peasantry does not seem so strange.\n\nThis indifference can be illustrated by a comparison between the attitude toward law as it obtains in the West and in China. In America, for example, there seems to be an increasing dependence upon government to regulate the details of living; and morality often seems to be reduced to the mere observance of codified law. In China, on the contrary, the typical attitude seems to have been, from ancient times, that the law of the state was meant to apply only to those members of society to whom moral law could make no appeal, and who must, therefore, be subjected to force.1 The School of Law (群家), with an attitude toward law which is thoroughly Western, has been repudiated in China since the Han dynasty.\n\nIt is not understood that a thing may be right or wrong, merely because it is allowed or forbidden by government; everything is\n\n1 Hummel, Arthur W.; \"The Case Against Force in Chinese Philosophy\", p. 344.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208447, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 171, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\n155\n\njudged according to the intrinsic moral value which it has, measured by the supposedly-known natural law. Government measures are therefore obeyed, in so far as they correspond with this popular sense of rightness, not merely because it is positive law.\n\nA partial explanation of the situation may also be found in the philosophy of Taoism, which stresses an indifference to government. Several factors make this hypothesis seem correct. Taoism is strongest in rural districts; in fact, it arose out of the conditions of rural life. Its doctrines, moreover, apply to the life of the village more than do those of Confucianism, which better fit the urban and ruling classes. One of the central doctrines of Taoism is Wu Wei (§) “inaction”, and one of its precepts is that the best government is no government. But such a force is entirely unmeasurable, and the hypothesis can only be advanced for what it is worth.2\n\nTimes occur, it is true, when Hsien government becomes intolerable to the people. In such cases, the first impulse with the Chinese villager is not, as with us, to elect representatives to go as a delegation to make complaint. Rather, the whole village is liable to rise up to a man, armed with what weapons and implements are at hand, and to descend upon the Yamen to demand redress. Demonstrations of this sort are quite embarrassing to the magistrate, for if wind is gotten of them by his superiors, he is liable to be heavily punished. This direct method of self-assertion on the part of the people is therefore often quite effective.\n\nThese two attitudes, on the one hand a positive avoidance, and on the other a profound indifference to the central government, are basic in the relations of the people toward any government greater than their own village polity. And it is these two attitudes, inherited from the Ch'ing dynasty, which will be among the chief obstacles to any form of democratic and representative government which the Republic may attempt to establish.\n\nV\n\nAs a conclusion to this chapter, it seems appropriate to outline the most recent developments in rural government under the Republic, and to indicate something of what the future may bring.\n\n1 Duyvendak, J. J. L.; The Book of Lord Shang, p. 129-130.\n\n2 For this idea, the writer is indebted to Dr. D. W. Lyon, in a conversation on Dec. 12, 1932.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208448, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 172, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "156\n\nC. MARTIN WILBUR\n\nThe plans of the Nationalist Government call for the organization of local self-government in rural districts along republican lines which will fit into the scheme of a thoroughly democratized state. The years between 1930 and 1935 have been designated as a period of political tutelage during which the new organization is to be effected.\n\nThe smallest unit of organization is to be the Lin (鄰), composed of five families. This unit will be controlled by a president and vice president elected by the citizens. Five Lin constitute a Lü (閭), which will have similar officers. Villages, Hsiang (鄉), and market towns, Chên (鎮) are composed of at least 100 families or four Lü. From twenty to fifty of these villages, in turn, form a county, Ch'u (區), while an undetermined number of counties form a Hsien (縣) or district under a district magistrate or Hsien-chang (縣長). This whole system of organization, it will be seen, is based upon very ancient Chinese forms. What is different is the democratic and republican form which the government is supposed to assume.\n\nThe machinery of rural self-government is supposed to operate from the smallest unit, the Lin, upwards to the district or Hsien. The rights of election, recall, initiative and referendum are conferred first upon the smallest units. Because of an untrained citizenry, however, the attack has been made first upon the largest unit. And District magistrates, during the period of tutelage, are not to be elected by the people but are first to be examined and then recommended by the provincial Government and appointed by the National government. In the meantime, the plan of the Central Government calls for training schools for county chairmen, and provinces and districts are supposed to form training schools for preparing the personnel of the smaller units of local government.\n\nThe only available report as to how this process of organization works in practice is that given in the survey of Ching Ho, and unfortunately this village is not typical of rural districts. Ching Ho is a town composed of a number of villages, and has a population\n\nFor the statement of the plan for rural government as given here, see: China Year Book 1932; p. 687, and Tyau, Min-ch'ien; Two Years of Nationalist China, p. 76-78.\n\n2 Ching Ho: a Sociological Analysis. This study was made during 1928 and 1929, and therefore is by several years too early to give a picture of the situation at present under the slowly strengthening National Government. But it is valuable because it indicates the reaction of a town on which the new, external forces of change are operating.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208460, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 184, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "168\n\nC. MARTIN WILBUR\n\nSu, Sing Ging; The Chinese Family System. New York, International Press, 1922.\n\nTang, Chi-yu; An Economic Study of Chinese Agriculture. No place, no pub., 1924. (Cornell University Ph.D. Thesis.)\n\nTayler, J. B.; See: Malone, C. B., and Tayler, J. B.\n\nTsu, Yu-yue; The Spirit of Chinese Philanthropy; a Study in Mutual Aid. New York, Columbia, 1912.\n\nTyau, Min-ch'ien (Ed); Two Years of Nationalist China. Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1930.\n\nWerner, E. T. C.; China of the Chinese. London, Pitman, 1920. Werner, E. T. C.; Descriptive Sociology: or Groups of Sociological Facts, Classified and Arranged by Herbert Spencer. Chinese; Compiled and Abstracted upon the Plan Organized by Herbert Spencer. London, Williams and Norgate, 1910. (Folio no. 9 of series).\n\nWilhelm, Richard; A Short History of Chinese Civilization. (Translated by Joan Joshua). New York, Viking, 1929.\n\nWilliams, Edward T.; China Yesterday and Today. New York, Crowell, 1923.\n\nWilliams, Edward T.; A Short History of China. New York, Harpers, 1928.\n\nYen, James Y. C.; New Citizens for China. No place, Chinese National Association of the Mass Education Movement, 1929 (Reprint. Yale Review, vol. 18, No. 2)\n\nII. USEFUL WORKS NOT CITED.\n\nBrenan, Bryon; \"The Office of District Magistrate in China\" (Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 32, 1897-98, p. 36-65).\n\nChen, Ta; \"Socio-economic Conditions in Two Chinese Villages” (Chinese Economic Monthly, vol. 2, no. 5, 1925, p. 11-23).\n\nChiao, C. M. and Buck, John L.; \"The Composition and Growth of Population Groups in China\" (Chinese Economic Journal, vol. 2, no. 3, 1928, p. 219-235),\n\n\"Chinese Clans and Their Customs\" (Chinese and Japanese Repository, vol. 3, no. 23, 1865, p. 281-284).\n\nDickinson, Jean; Observations on the Social Life of a North China Village. (Chien Ying, Wu Ching Hsien) Oct.-Dec. 1924. Peking, Yenching, no date.\n\nFang, Fu-an; Chinese Labour; an Economic and Statistical Survey of the Labour Conditions and Labour Movement in China. Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1931.\n\nGamble, Sidney D., and Burgess, John S.; Peking; a Social Survey. New York, Doran, 1921.\n\nHalhoun, Gustov; \"Contributions to the History of Clan Settlement in Ancient China” (Asia Major, vol. 1, 1924, p. 76-111, 587-623).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208462, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 186, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "170\n\nC. MARTIN WILBUR\n\nof the Chinese terms the writer obtained the help of Dr. Robert R. Gailey and Mr. Ma Yü-fen (4), both of Peiping. Dates and prices have been included when they were given.\n\nI. THE SUBJECT IN GENERAL (LA)\n\nChou Ch'eng (MB); Summary of Local Government in Shansi (縣政概要). Shanghai, Hsien Tai Book Store (現代書局). $1.40.\n\nCh'en Han-sheng (£); The Relation of Rural Products to Feudalistic Society (農村生產關係與封建社會). Shanghai, National Central Research Bureau (國立中央研究院). $0.30.\n\nChou Ku-ch'eng (&); New Theories Regarding Rural Social Organization (農村社會組織的新論). Shanghai, Far Eastern Book Company (遠東圖書公司).\n\nCh'u Shih-chen (RM); Questions and Answers about Government in Districts, Villages and Hamlets (區村自治問答). Shanghai, San Min Company (三民公司).\n\nFeng Kuo-chen (*); The A.B.C. of Village Government (村治常識). Shanghai, Ching Yun Book Company (景雲書局).\n\nFeng Ho-fa (*); Principles of Rural Sociology (農村社會學大綱). Shanghai, Li Ming Book Store (黎明書局). $2.20.\n\nHo Ping-hsien (MMK); Problems of Local Self-Government (地方自治問題). Shanghai, Hsien Tai Book Store (現代書局). $0.40.\n\nHsing Chen-chi (#✯✯); Principles of Village Government in Shansi (山西村政綱要). Shansi Rural Government Bureau (山西村政處).\n\nJen Hsi-lu (****); Laws for Self-Government in Village Confederations (聯村自治法). Peiping, Li Ta Book Store (立大書局), 1931.\n\nKu Fu (#); Rural Sociology (農村社會學). Shanghai, The Commercial Press (上海商務印書館), 1928.\n\nLang Ching-hsiao (***); Theory and Practice of the Pao-chia System for Maintaining Public Order (保甲制維持治安之理論與實際). Shanghai, Ta Tung Book Store (大同書局). $0.20.\n\nLectures on Local Self-government (地方自治講義). Shanghai, T'ai Tung Book Store (上海泰東書局).\n\nLiang Shu-ming (***); The Most Recent Expressions of Concern for National Salvation as Revealed in the Chinese Peoples' Enterprises for Saving the Country (中國民族自救運動之最近動向). Peiping, Rural Government Monthly Publication Bureau (鄉村建設月刊社), 1932. $1.20.\n\nThe New Era of Village Local Self-Government (鄉村自治的新時代). Peiping, Fu Wen Chai Book Dealers (輔文齋書莊). $1.00.\n\nNiu Jen-yen (BMT); A Complete Book of Local Self-Government (地方自治全書). Shanghai, Kung Min Book Store (公民書局), 1930. 4 vols. $5.00.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208463, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 187, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\n171\n\nPractical Application of the Theories of Village Government (**). Peiping, Fu Wen Chai Book Dealers (EMG). 實施 $0.80.\n\nShansi Village Government Series (††*). Shansi Rural Government Bureau (4&H¤Å).\n\nShao Yuan-ch'ung (***); Plans for Local Government During the Period of Political Tutelage (*********). Shanghai, Min Chih Book Store (E4A§). $0.10.\n\nSun Hung-ych (***); Local Self-Government During the Period of Tutelage (‡$45 107 § 1). Shanghai, Kuang Yi Book Store (上海廣益書局), 1929.\n\nTs'ai Ping-chang (*); New Village Government (#1). Shanghai, Yu Yi Book Store (EAA#5).\n\nWang Tao (1); Historical Development of the Chinese System of Local Government (+E***£<*). Peiping, Board of Internal Affairs (46*A**), 1918.\n\nWang Tsung-p'ei (1##); Chinese Rural Assemblies (+@<\"%#\"). Shanghai, Li Ming Book Store (±***$6). $1.40.\n\nWhat Village Elders Should Know (#±NM). Peiping, Ching Chao Yin Kung Shu (北京,京兆尹公署), 1925.\n\nYang K'ai-tao (M); Policies of Village Governments (*#**). Shanghai, The World Book Company (L**H), 1930, $0.60. Rural Sociology (£#*#*). Shanghai, The World Book Company (###5), 1930. $0.60.\n\nVillage Leadership (★ #† 41). Shanghai, The World Book Company (#5), 1930. $0.60.\n\nVillage Organization (AH). Shanghai, The World Book Company (*****), 1930. $0.60.\n\nVillage Self-Government (B). Shanghai, The World Book Company (****), 1930. $0.60.\n\nYin Chung-ts'ai (*#*); General Discussions on Village Government (†† *****). Hunan, Sha Ni Chih Book Store (V£%#4). $2.50.\n\nLectures on the Study of Village Government (#*#A). Shanghai, Ta Chung Book Store (#5). $1.80.\n\nThe Study of Village Government (###). Shanghai, Ta Chung Book Store (£*£†#5).\n\nII. LAWS (**)\n\nHu Hsing-chih (#42); Most Recent Laws for District, Village and Hamlet Local Self-Government (A*#*). Shanghai, Hsin Hsueh Hui Shê (1*****).\n\nLaws and Privileges of Village Government (###). Central Rural Government Research Bureau (★★#*#✯).\n\nLaws for Local Self-Government Now in Force in the Republic of China (P*AMÚGE* •**^ [*1]). Shanghai, The Commercial Press (*$$Y$*), 1922.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208464, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "172\n\nC. MARTIN WILBUR\n\nNiu Jen-yen (BMT); Local Self-government in Full ($*£T). Shanghai, Kung Min Book Store (ARTH), 1930. 4 vol.\n\n$5.00.\n\nTemporary Regulations in Force in Honan Municipal, District, Street, and Village Local Self-Government ( X$+@##6#*6*4). Honan Provincial Affairs Bureau (TäÂ).\n\nVarious Rules and Privileges in Practice in Chekiang Village and Hamlet Local Government (#2#3#2# ). Chekiang Provincial Affairs Bureau (****).\n\nIII. RURAL INVESTIGATIONS (2###)\n\nChiang Wen-yü (3¤M*); “Hsu Kung Bridge\" (##). Shanghai, Chinese Professional Educational Society (*****).\n\nFarmers and Landlords in Heilungchiang Region ( XAVAMAJR#X1). Nanking, Central Research Bureau (★★*£*). $0.60.\n\nHuang K'u-t'ung (*****); Rural and Village Investigation (*#**). Shanghai, The Commercial Press (*****). $2.25.\n\nInvestigation of Rural and Village Conditions in Lin An County (Chekiang) (**&*£*)). Nanking, Committee of Reconstruction (✈✯員會設建委), 1931,\n\nKiangsu in the Future (Haz×4). Kiangsu Provincial Affairs Bureau (江蘇民政廳)\n\nLi Ching-han (***); Rural Families in Peiping Suburbs (***** 4) Shanghai, The Commercial Press (*****). $0.75.\n\nYang K'ai-tao (#ML); Rural and Village Investigations (****). Shanghai, The World Book Company (L***FA ), 1930. $0.60.\n\nIV. RURAL AND VILLAGE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS (農村經濟)\n\nChu Hsin-fan (***); Special Characteristics and Economic Conditions of Chinese Rural and Village Life (†B⭑#MALLAT ). Shanghai, Hsin Sheng Ming Book Store ( 1**£*#4). $1.20.\n\nLing Tao-yang (); Various Aspects of Economic Conditions in the Agriculture of China (I*<***). Shanghai, The Commercial Press (£#*#*#) $0.45.\n\nLiu Ta-chün (§**); Economic Conditions of Farmers in China (ADP *M*RA). Shanghai, Hsien Tai Book Store (ARTA). $0.45.\n\nMajayar(?) (HLEN · *) (Author), Ch'en Hua-ch'ing (RIC# · #) (Translator); Studies in Economic Life in Chinese Rural and Village Communities (†B£##*#*). Shanghai, Shen Chou Kuo Kuang Shê (#tđk ), $2.20.\n\nTaylor (Author), Li Hsi-chou (†49#*) (Translator); Actual Conditions of Economic Life in Rural Communities and Villages of China (†B£#***). Shanghai, Wen Hua Hsueh Shé ( *ČR 學社)、$0.80.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208465, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 189, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\n173\n\nTing Ta (丁達); The Disintegration of Rural and Village Economic Conditions in China (中國農村經濟崩潰論). Shanghai, Lien Ho Book Store (上海聯合書店) $0.50.\n\nTsung Hua (松華) (Translator); Distinguishing Features in the Economic Life of Rural Districts and Villages in China (中國農村經濟生活之特質). Shanghai, Hsien Tai Book Store (上海現代書局). $0.60.\n\nV. COOPERATIVE MOVEMENTS IN RURAL AND VILLAGE LIFE(合作運動與農村)\n\nChang Ching-yü (張竟愚); Chinese Credit Coöperative Movement (中國信用合作運動論). Shanghai, The Commercial Press (上海商務印書館), 1930, $2.20.\n\nHou Chê-yen (侯哲葒); Coöperative Movements in Rural and Village Communities (農村合作運動). Shanghai, Li Ming Book Store (上海黎明書局), 1931. $0.50.\n\nYen Heng-ching (嚴恆景); Practical Problems of Chinese Rural Coöperation (中國農村合作之實際問題). Shanghai, Li Min Book Store (上海黎民書局). $0.30.\n\nVI. PROBLEMS OF FARMERS (農民問題)\n\nKu Shih-ling (顧時齡); Problems of Poor Farms and Farmer Population (貧農問題). Shanghai, Hsien Tai Book Store (上海現代書局), $0.45.\n\nKuo Chen (郭珍); Discussion Regarding Problems of Chinese Farmers (中國農民問題之討論). Shanghai, Ping Fan Book Store (上海平凡書局), 1929.\n\nProblems of Farming Population and Land Tillage (農民耕地問題). Shanghai, Shang Chih Book Store (上海尚智書局). $0.25.\n\nStudies on Questions Concerning Chinese Rural Population (中國農村人口問題之研究). Nanking, Kinling University, Agricultural School (南京金陵大學農科)\n\nWang Chung-ming (王重明) (Translator); Problems of Chinese Farmers and Their Movements (中國農民問題及其運動). Shanghai, Hsien Tai Book Store (上海現代書局), 1929. $1.00.\n\nYang K'ai-tao (楊開道); Farmers' Village Problems (農民村治問題). Shanghai, The World Book Company (上海世界書局), 1930, $0.60.\n\nVII. RURAL EDUCATION(鄉村教育)\n\nCh'u Chin (儲晉); Rural Education (鄉村教育). Shanghai, The Commercial Press(上海商務印書館) $0.30.\n\nFeng Jui (馮銳); Vocational Education for Common People in Village and Rural Communities (鄉村民眾職業教育). Shanghai, The Commercial Press (上海商務印書館). $0.20.\n\nKu Fu (顧復); Rural Education (鄉村教育). Shanghai, The Commercial Press(上海商務印書館), $0.30.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208466, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 190, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "174\n\nC. MARTIN WILBUR\n\nLu Shao-chi (£##); General Discussion on Rural Education ($#** \n#4). Shanghai, Ta Tung Book Store (£#££$5). $1.00. Wang Tsun-sheng (144); Reconstruction of China's Rural and Village Life-the Central Emphasis in Education ( **+s+£*£#£ i). Shanghai, The Commercial Press (1###/##). $1.20.\n\nYü Mo-lich (†); Rural Education (**). Shanghai, The Commercial Press (##). $0.65.\n\nVIII. PERIODICALS (H)\n\nAgriculture Weekly (★★★). Nanking, Huang-ni-kang, Chinese Agricultural Society(南京黃泥冈。中國農學社 ).\n\nAgriculture Weekly (★★4). Nanking, Agriculture Weekly Publication Bureau(南京大王府巷,農業週報社).\n\nCh'i-hsia Semi-monthly (★★+A#). Ch'i-hsia Rural Normal School (#E鄉村師苑)\n\nCoöperation Monthly (4† A 7). Shanghai, Chinese Cooperative Society (L*+*+***). V. 1-4, 1929. $0.60 per year.\n\nFarmers' Voice (#). Canton, Nung-sheng Publication Bureau, National Chung-shan University (AHB>+»£$£$*£**HA).\n\nHonan Village Government Magazine (Thrice-Monthly) ($#*«7). Honan Provincial Affairs Bureau (HRÆRHLA).\n\nHopei Village Government Monthly (TA). Hopei Provincial Affairs Bureau (XRkXƒ¥¤Â ).\n\nKiangsu Agriculturalist (★L). Chenkiang, Kiangsu Agricultural Bank (辑江、江蘇農民銀行。\n\nMinistry of Interior Record (*). Nanking, Ministry of Interior (南京内政部), (****). $4.00 per year.\n\nNew Agriculture and Forestry Magazine (****). Nanking, Kinling University (**££*********). $0.60 per year. Shansi Village Government Magazine (Thrice monthly) (†æk á] 7] ).\n\nShansi, Rural Government Office (4*). $3.60 per year.\n\nVillage Government Monthly (H&AN). Peiping, Rural Government Monthly Publication Bureau (+#AMμ). (V. 1-3). $1.40 per year.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208473, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 197, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "WOODBLOCK PRINTING\n\n181\n\nmethods had been much improved and paper became more economical. Many important works were done in this period. “Tou Pan” (ƒ) or multi-colour printing was also invented. Some of their works are well known to us through the painting manual series of the Ten Bamboo Studio († in Nanking (). Formerly, colour prints were made by first putting different colours on various parts of the woodblock. In the \"Tou Pan\" technique, different blocks were made and colours of different shades were applied on these blocks. Sometimes as many as hundreds of blocks of different sizes were used to make one print. In this way, very complex colour combinations could be achieved. The invention of “Tou Pan” and “embossing” (##) techniques in printing was attributed to Hu Cheng-jen (‡), the owner of the Ten Bamboo Studio, whose Catalogue of the Ten Bamboo Studio Letter-sheet Design and the Calligraphic and Painting Manual are monumental landmarks in the history of art.\n\nOther important works were produced in the early Ch'ing period. One of them was the Mustard Seed Garden Painting Manual († \n4) compiled and printed by a famous painter Wang Kai (± *) for the Studio of the Mustard Seed Garden in Nanking in the years 1679-1701 of the K'ang Hsi period (). The manual was printed in colour by using the same techniques as the Ten Bamboo Studio and was printed together with painting instructions. It has been widely used by painters as a bible of Chinese painting. The manual has been copied and reprinted many times by different painters and publishers during Ch'ing Dynasty. The copies we can obtain in the market are usually photostat printed copies from the reproductions issued in the Late Ch'ing period. The pictures contained in these new copies are no longer as gorgeous as those in the original ones. We can hardly see an original copy as only a few of them are known, and are being treasured by museums and libraries or private collectors.\n\nDuring the past thousand years, book printings were centered in Szechuen, Chekiang, Anwhei and Fukien Provinces where paper was also manufactured. The folk or religious printing work had been widespread all over China, but the noted centres of the production were Yang Liu Ching (##), To Hua Wu (✯✯) and Fatshan (*). Yang Liu Ching is a village on the outskirts of Tientsin city (△) and the people living there have been engaged", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208478, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 202, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "186\n\nDAVID H. S. CHAU\n\nof different sizes had then to be made in order to produce different colours in colour picture printing. Whether the final picture came to life or not depended upon the right colour separation. The original painter could use colours quite freely, but the carvers must analyse them carefully and separate them by making any number of blocks each of which would provide only one colour or shade. It can be said that it was the carver who really determined the quality of the reproduction of the artist's picture.\n\nFor this reason it is appropriate to place the names of the carvers side by side with the painters. But in Chinese society the carvers were treated not as artists, but only as artisans. In very few cases does the carver's name appear in the picture: it usually carries only the name of the painter or calligrapher.\n\nWoodblock printing is a kind of relief printing, but there are two kinds of carving. When a block is printed, the areas which appear as white will be those that have been carved out of the face of the block with a chisel or knife. This is called positive carving. Almost all Chinese block printing used positive carving. If the process of carving is reversed and only the lines are carved out, they will appear white, when such a block is printed. When the black and white are reversed, this is called negative carving. Few Chinese works or prints used negative carving although sometimes we can find both positive and negative carving together in one picture in some of the fiction books printed in the mid Ch'ing period.\n\nChinese characters changed their style through centuries whenever new carving material was introduced. The shape of the scripts was strongly affected by the physical condition of the material being used for carving. The present style of Chinese characters belongs to the Formal Script (##) which was developed when woodblock printing was first introduced. Every stroke of the character is sharply formed and looks as though it has been cut by a knife. We do not see any sharp strokes from ancient classical scripts as sharp strokes could hardly be engraved on stones. The Drafting Script (*) and the Running Script (*) are simplified forms of the Classical Scripts and the Formal Script, and were developed for quick writing purposes.\n\nWoodblocks are of two types. Those cut with the grain are called plank blocks; and those cut across the grain are called end-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208480, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 204, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "188\n\nDAVID H. S. CHAU\n\npaper was used to print books of importance. The best quality paper, and the most expensive, was Hsuen Paper (*) which is made of a mixture of purified rice stalks and the bark of wingceltis (**). Hsuen Paper was also extensively used by Chinese artists for picture painting. Some types of Hsuen Paper treated or sized by alum mixture (#) were called Ripe Hsuen (*) and those untreated were called Raw Hsuen (*). The paper used for print making was usually treated with a light solution of alum and glue, a colour fixer to prevent the moisture of the pigment spreading.\n\nWoodblock printed books and their preservation\n\nAs early as the third century AD, Chinese already knew how to preserve paper from being damaged by worms. Paper was medicated by using a solution obtained from the bark of a cork tree (‡). Paper-mounting techniques were also developed. All books of the early period were written or printed on many pieces of paper and fastened together by mounting in a one long scroll (*). Most of the Tun-huang Collection are of scroll type manuscripts, written or printed on yellowish medicated paper. Handling such rolls cannot but be awkward for the reader, who has to be constantly unrolling and rolling up again as he goes along, and any reference to a required passage may involve a serious loss of time. A longer scroll can be one hundred feet long. Not until the tenth century was the book in the form of a booklet developed. The paper was folded into leaves of a reasonable size thus forming a volume that could be quickly opened at any point and closed after consultation.\n\nLater on, other paper medication materials like the juice from spice plants like chili, pepper or red pepper, and from minerals like orpiment or red orpiment were also used. During the Ming and Ch'ing Dynasties, a new method for book protection was found by the book printers of Fatshan. They inserted two pages of red lead (‡) treated papers to the inner front and inner rear under the cover of each volume. These red coloured pages contain poison. They were called \"Ten Thousand Year Red\" (†) and were used extensively in this period by the printers of Southern China.\n\nConclusion\n\nWoodblock printing has been of vast importance to the Chinese cultural inheritance. It has acted as the greatest agent for preservation.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208493, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 217, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n201 \n\nCHANG'S descendants did not know his name, and so he was simply called by them Millionaire CHANG (...). When the writer first saw the images of CHANG and his family they were covered with dust and cobwebs. There was also a wooden carving of an award from the Emperor of that time. CHANG'S images in the bedroom, and parts of the other images, reflect the mood prevailing at that time. CHANG'S image in particular depicts him as a contemplative but determined old man.\n\nHis image depicts him seated, his forehead is high and long, his face too is longish; he has a slightly protruding jaw and thick lips which appear to be smiling. His head is inclined slightly to the left; his shoulders are level and his arms lowered with his left hand on the arm rest of the chair while his right hand rests on his lap. He wears the everyday robes of the man in the street, and despite the age of the image the carving is still well defined.\n\nThere was also an image of a female, probably his daughter-in-law, and another of a younger man dressed in official robes, perhaps CHANG'S son. Both these latter two have been carved by the same craftsman and probably at the same time. However, the image of CHANG is older. All in all, the three are rare works of art.\n\nThere are no descendants left of the CHANG family in the old house, and the images are worshipped by people in the neighbourhood. The writer found a woman of about 30 who claimed that she was one of CHANG'S descendants but she knew nothing about the legendary figure. Whether she was or not, the images are of great significance in Taiwanese folk art.\n\nA large number of people on the Pescadores 300 years ago were of Fukienese origin and whilst we do not know the ethnic origins of CHANG Pai-wan, it is probable that he was either of Fukienese or Ch'ao-chow origins.\n\nIn addition to the discovery of these 300 year old ancestral images, I have also seen a couple, husband and wife, carved in wood, seated on the front of the ancestral shelves in the Hall of Remembrance at the side of the Cheng Hoon Teng Temple in Malacca (See Plate 23). There is no identifying detail and the temple keeper was unable to say who they were.\n\nThe man, sitting together with and on the right of the woman on a high-backed bench with sides, is dressed in blue robes bearing", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208497, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 221, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n205 \n\nDISTRIBUTION OF FORTS AND GUARD STATIONS ON \n\nLANTAU ISLAND DURING THE LATE CH'ING PERIOD \n\nLantau, an island which lies to the west of Hong Kong Island, has an area of about 55.55 square miles. Situated at the entrance of the Pearl River estuary, the island enjoyed a strategic location in the past, especially during the late Ch'ing Dynasty. The position was reflected in the construction of forts and guard stations or shuen (屯) overlooking Tuen Mun 屯門.\n\nDuring the K'ang Hsi period (1662-1722), the island was fortified with a fort at Kai Yik Kok 雞翼角, known as the Fan Lau Fort 汾流砲台 or Tai Yu Shan Fort 大嶼山砲台; and with two guard stations; one at Tai O 大澳, the Tai Yu Shan Shuen 大嶼山汎; the other at Tung Chung 東涌, the Tung Chung Hau Shuen 東涌口汎.\n\nDuring the Chia Ching period (1796-1820), more forts and guard stations were constructed, partly because of the coming of the Europeans. Thus in the 22nd year of Chia Ching's rule, the Tung Chung Walled City 東涌城 was constructed, and a guard station with two forts called the Shek Tse Fort 石子砲台 was founded on the coast to its front. Later guard stations were established at Tai Ho 大蠔, Sha Lo Wan 沙螺灣, and at Mui Wo 梅窩.\n\nThe military force on the island consisted of a Shau-pe 守備 or major, with his headquarters at the Tung Chung Walled City. Under him were 4 Tsin-tsung 千總 or lieutenants, 7 Pa-tsung 把總 or sergeants, and 5 Ngai-wai 外委 or corporals. They were in command of 691 soldiers, of whom 195 were infantry and 496 garrison soldiers. This force also manned guard-stations at the Kowloon Walled City 九龍城寨, Shum Shui Po 深水埗, Tsing Lung Tau 青龍頭, Cheung Chau 長洲, Tsing Yi Tam 青衣潭, Ping Chau 坪洲, Po Toi 蒲苔, Kap Shui Mun 急水門, and at Yung Shu Wan 榕樹灣.\n\nFrom this force 215 soldiers were in garrison on Lantau Island. The following shows the distribution of garrison soldiers in various forts and guard-stations on the island:\n\nTung Chung Walled City: 100 garrison soldiers under 1 Shau-pe, 1 Pa-tsung, and 2 Ngai-wai.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208499, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 223, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n207\n\nKwong Tung To Shuet ✯✯ Tung Ch'ih Period (1862-1874) edition\n\nKwong Tung Hoi To Shuet ✯✯ ✯ 1889 edition\n\nKwong Tung Yu Ti To Shuet ★★★★ 1889 edition\n\nKwong Tung Yu Ti Chuen To ★★★LAN 1909 edition\n\nOf course, we cannot be certain that all these troops were actually in post.\n\nHong Kong. 1979.\n\nANTHONY K. K. SIU\n\nTHE CANNONS ON THE WALL OF THE TUNG CHUNG FORT, LANTAU ISLAND, HONG KONG*\n\nSix old muzzle-loading cannons, each fixed to a cemented base, can be seen on the wall of the Tung Chung Fort: two on the west and four on the east. They all carry inscriptions, of which only four are still legible.\n\nThe inscription of the eastermost cannon is illegible, due to severe weathering. The second has an inscription which shows that it was cast in the eighth moon of the 14th year of the reign of Chia Ching (1809), serial number Ching 80, weighing 1,000 catties, and cast by the Master of the Man Shing Furnace (£+0‡^^÷ 日鑄造,靖字第八十號,一千斤砲一位,匠頭萬盛爐鑄造).\n\nAs far as we know, during this 14th year of the reign of Chia Ching, the famous pirate Cheung Po-tsai had a very strong influence on Lantau. At that time, Pak Ling, Viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, was responsible for suppressing him and his gang. He ordered the casting of cannons and mounted them along the coastal regions, such that the area became strongly fortified. The cannons that he ordered to be cast bore the serial number of 'Ching, and were cast by the Man Shing Furnace of Fat Shan.2 It may be surmized that because of this strengthening of the forts and guard-stations in this region, Cheung Po-tsai finally surrendered in the 15th year of the reign of Chia Ching (1810),3 Thus, one can see that the cannon had played an important part in the suppression of the pirate Cheung Po-tsai.\n\n* This note is illustrated by the author's photographs at Plates 33-40.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208501, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 225, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n209 \n\nNOTES \n\n1 Ip Lam-fung's Legends of Cheung Po-tsai. \n\n2 Lo Hsiang-lin's Hong Kong and its External Communications before 1842, Chapter 7. \n\n3 'Ching Hoi Fan Kee', recorded in Chapter 33 of the Tung Kwun Yuen Chi. \n\n4 'Ching Hoi Fan Kee' #2, recorded in Chapter 33 of the Tung Kwun Yuen Chi. \n\n5 Yik Shan, General of Border Pacification, by Imperial Appointment before 1841. \n\n6 Choi Sheung-ah, Minister of Constant Support from the 21st year to the 25th year of Tao Kang (1841-1845). \n\n7 Kay Kung, Viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwangsi from the 21st year to the 23rd year of Tao Kang (1841-1843), \n\n8 Leung Po-shcung, Governor of Kwangtung from the 21st year to the 22nd year of Tao Kang (1841-1842), \n\nHong Kong, March 1979. \n\nANTHONY K.K. SIU \n\nTHE FAT TONG MUN FORT (OR THE TUNG LUNG FORT) \n\nFat Tong Mun ¶ is a main waterway which lies to the east of Hong Kong. The north part is occupied by the peninsula of the Tin Ha Shan 田下山半岛, known as the North Fat Tong 北佛堂; and the South Fat Tong is an island called the Tung Lung Island today. It is the main waterway for entering Canton (Kwongchow). During the early Ch'ing Dynasty, a fort known as the Fat Tong Mun Fort was erected on the south Fat Tong. We now call the fort 'the Tung Lung Fort', after its present name. \n\nThe fort lies on the NW of the island; on a promontory, with cliffs facing north, south and east. To the west, the promontory slopes gently towards the post-war Nam Tong village settlement, with paths linking the fort with the village. \n\nThe fort occupies an area of about two thousand square feet. It is formed by four rubble walls, about eight feet high. It has an entrance which faces north. According to Mr. JAO Tsyng-i's record, the arch of the entrance could still be seen during his visit to the \n\nThe author's photographs illustrating this note are at Plates 41-42. \n\nPage 225\n\nPage 226", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208502, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 226, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "210\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nfort in 1923. However, it is now ruined. The whole area is covered with shrub and mangrove.\n\nBefore the Ming Dynasty, there was no military post on the island. It was not until the late Ming Period that a guard-station or shuen, which was administered by the commander of the Nam Tau Walled City, was set up.2 Before then, the area had only patrol-boats, probably stationed at Tun Mun.3\n\nDuring the early Ch'ing Period, because of the increased strength of the pirates along the coast, more forts and guard-stations were set up. The Fat Tong Mun Fort on the Tung Lung Island was erected during the K'ang Hsi period (1662-1727)3, and a garrison of 25 soldiers under one pa-tsung or sergeant Tai Pang Battalion✯ was stationed there.6\n\nThe fort remained a strong outpost along the east coast of Hong Kong for nearly a hundred years. Then, in the 15th year of the Ch'ia Ching rule (1810), the fort was evacuated and finally abandoned.7 A new fort was built at the place of the present Hong Kong Marine Police Headquarters at Tsim Sha Tsui, Kowloon.\n\nThe fort remains in ruins till now.\n\nHong Kong, 1979.\n\nSIU KWOK-KIN\n\nNOTES\n\n1 See note 4 of Mr. JAO Tsung-i's Kowloon in Historical Records of the Sung Dynasty九龍與宋季史料, 饒宗頤著\n\n2 Chapter 8 of the San On Yuen Chi, K'ang Hsi edition, records, \"In the 19th year of the Man Lik Period of the Ming Dynasty, guard-stations were established at Fat Tong Mun, Tor Ling Ngor Kung O, Kowloon, Tun Mun, Kap Shui Mun, Tung Sai Chung, Ngor Kung Tau, Chak Wan, Lo Man Shan and Long Pak.\" In the same chapter, it is also recorded, \"Six guard-stations were set up during the Ming Dynasty. They were Fat Tung Mun, Lung Shun Wan, Lok Kat, Tai O, Long To Wan, and Long Pak. These guard-stations were administered by the commander at the Nam Tau Walled City.\" Thus, we know that the Fat Tong Mun Guard Station was established in the 19th year of the Man Lik period of the Ming Dynasty; but the fort must have been built at a later time.\n\n3 Chapter 5 of the Cheong Wu Chung Tuk Kwun Mun Chi records, \"Patrol boats from Nam Tau were stationed at Tun Mun. Some sailed through Fat Tong Mun to the region as far east as Tai Pang.\" The book was completed in the 32nd year of the Chia", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208503, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 227, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n211 \n\nChing period of the Ming Dynasty (1553). From this, we can see that, at that time, there was no fort nor guard-station at Fat Tong Mun. \n\n4 See my article \"A Short History of the Pirates of Hong Kong before 1842,\" published in Volume 8, No. 4, of the Kwong Tung Man Hin 早期海盜略，原載廣東文獻第八卷，第四期。. \n\n5 Chapter 4 of the San On Yuen Chi, Ch'ia Ching edition, ★★★✰ recorded, \"North Fat Tong is an isolated island, A fort is erected during the K'ang Hsi period, for the protection of the waterway against the pirates.\" This proves that the fort on Tung Lung Island was erected during the K'ang Hsi reign. \n\n6 See Chapter 13 of the Kwong Tung Hoi Tu Shuet. 1889 edition ★***, and Chapter 73 of the Kwong Chow Fu Chi, 1879 edition 廣州府志。 \n\n7 Chapter 125 of the Kwong Tung Tung Chi, Tao Kuang edition £ A records, \"In the 15th year of the Ch'ia Ching rule, Viceroy Chin Mun Fu ✰✰ suggested to have the Fat Tong Mun Fort abandoned, and rebuilt near the Kowloon Walled City, Viceroy Pak Ling ordered the Magistrate of the San On District 4 to carry out the suggestion. The Fat Tong Mun Fort was under the command of the officer commanding of the Tai Pang Battalion ***. The fort stood on an isolated island, two hundred li from the Tai Pang Walled City, and forty li from the Kowloon guard-station. There were no villages on the island that could assist in protecting the region. Thus the fort had to be removed to the Kowloon City Region.\" \n\nChapter 14 of the Kwong Chow Fu Chi, 1879 edition АЯ, and the Genealogy of Tang's of Kam Tin, New Territories of Hong Kong, 香港新界錦田鄧氏族譜 have the same record. \n\n8 See Note 6, Chapter 8 of Professor LO Hsiang-lin's Hong Kong and its External Communications before 1842, Chinese edition, 1959 -AS- 一八四二年以前之香港及其對外交通，羅香林著. \n\nFIRST RECORD OF THE PELOBATID FROG \n\nLEPTOBRACHIUM PELODYTOIDES BOULENGER \n\nIN HONG KONG \n\nIt is indeed gratifying to find-in an area as small and zoologically well studied as Hong Kong-any amphibian not previously known to be part of our fauna. Not only does the discovery of Leptobrachium pelodytoides add another species, but represents a genus new to the known fauna of Hong Kong. \n\nThe first specimens found here, and subsequently identified, are nine tadpoles collected by Dr. Frank F. Reitinger and Mr. Jerry K. S. Lee at an altitude of about 853 metres on Tai Mo Shan in the New Territories on 30 November and 7 December 1974. However, it was not until two adult frogs were found by Mr. Phillip J. Bishop", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208551, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 8, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "197 \n\nwere killed by the guerrillas. The occasion highlighted the importance of the Chamber of Commerce in Sai Kung Market. Local people could not come out to fetch water, and Mr. Lei Shiu Yam and Mr. Lok Kau Kei of the Chamber of Commerce were given permission to distribute water to the shops and the households.97 \n\n\"Smuggling\" \n\nThe fundamental cause that gave rise to smuggling on a massive scale in Sai Kung in the years of the occupation was the rice shortage in Hong Kong. Before the War, Hong Kong imported much of its rice from South-east Asia. The outbreak of the War disrupted supply from this source, hence a shortage developed. Rice was abundant across the border in China, in Sha Yue Ch'ung on Mirs Bay and in Wai Chau. But trade was forbidden between these guerrilla-held places in China and Japanese occupied Hong Kong. The trade that developed had to be regarded as \"smuggling\".98 \n\nThere were three kinds of people involved, and the first was the \"travelling merchant\" (shui haak). Not all \"travelling merchants\" were engaged in smuggling rice. Mr. Shing of Mang Kung Uk, who was a \"travelling merchant\" with little capital, bought secondhand clothes from the pawnshops in the city, and carried them on foot to Sha Tau Kok. From Sha Tau Kok, he went into China. Then he would buy fish from Yim T'in, in China, which he sold in Lung Kong, also in China. He did not travel by boat because, as he put it, “Only rich people could take the boat.\"99 \n\nMr. Chan T'in Po of Yim Tin Tsai was also a \"travelling merchant\". He bought secondhand clothes in Sai Kung Market. He said this had to be done carefully without the notice of the Japanese. He would carry the old clothes himself to To Kwa Ping, where he would take the boat to Sha Yue Ch'ung. The boat was operated by someone from a nearby village. He would sell his goods at Sha Yue Ch'ung or Kw'ai Ch'ung, and return to Yim Tin Tsai with oil, rice, or sugar. Mr. Lau Lui Faat of Pak Kong Au was also a \"travelling merchant\" on this route. He said he usually boarded the boat at night, and sometimes he came back with cash.100 \n\nHe", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208558, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "CONTENTS\n\nPage\n\nvii\n\nPresident's REPORT\n\nTREASURER's Report\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nARTICLES:\n\n1 The United States and the Question of Hong Kong 1941-1945 · CHAN KIT-CHENG\n\n1 The Chinese Maritime Customs Remembered: An Appeal for Oral History on Hong Kong — LUKE KWONG\n\n1 The Maryknoll Mission, Hong Kong 1941-1946 - REV. JAMES SMITH and REV. WILLIAM DOWNS, M.M.\n\n27 Religion in a Chinese Town: Chinese Religion Rediscussed (Review Article) — JULIAN F. Pas\n\n149 Religious Life in Present-Day Taiwan: a preliminary report JULIAN F. PAS\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES:\n\n176 Copying Hong Kong's Historical Inscriptions — ALICE NG, BERNARD LUK, DAVID FAURE\n\n192 · A Study of the Ch'ing Forts on Lantau Island (from Chinese Sources) - ANTHONY K. K. SIU\n\n193 Two Examples of Chinese Religious Involvement with Islam KEITH STEVENS\n\n199 The Temple of the Supreme Ruler, near Sung Wong Toi, Kowloon\n\n202 (213 The Nam Pak Hong Commercial Association of Hong Kong 1868-1968 JAMES HAYES\n\n216 BOOK REVIEWS\n\n227 LIST OF MEMBERS\n\n235 More Notes on Tsuen Wan - JAMES HAYES\n\nDisturbance of Fung Shui on Tsing Yi Island 1977-78 JAMES HAYES · V\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208587, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE U.S. AND THE QUESTION OF HONG KONG 1941-45\n\n17\n\n◄ Hornbeck to Cordell Hull, secretary of state, 20 May 1942, Hornbeck Papers (Hoover Institute, Stanford University), box 465.\n\n* Generally see Thorne, op. cit., p. 163, and note 51 on pp. 168-9, referring to Leahy's diary and the King Papers. Also Hornbeck's memorandum, 3 October 1942, Hornbeck Papers, box 180.\n\n• Ballantine's diary in Ballantine Papers (Hoover Institute, Stanford University), box 1. Also see Tung Hsien-kuang, Chiang Tsung-t'ung ch’uan (Biography of Chiang Kai-shek; Taipei, 1954), II, pp. 343-4; and B. W. Tuchman, Stilwell and the American Experience in China, 1911-45 (New York, 1971), p. 352.\n\n'Hornbeck's memorandum, 20 May 1942, op. cit.\n\n8 The two sets of statistics are available in Hornbeck Papers, box 466 and box 467 respectively.\n\n\"Thorne, op. cit., pp. 175-6.\n\n1o Announcement of the loan was made on 1 February, but the agreement was not signed until 21 March. For details of the loan and its use during subsequent years, see Department of State, United States Relations with China (hereafter US and China; Washington, 1949), pp. 470-71.\n\n11 Hornbeck's autobiography, Hornbeck Papers, box 497.\n\n12 For more details, see US and China, p. 37,\n\n1a Madame Chiang, however, was intensely disliked by Roosevelt's household staff at Hyde Park who found her \"arrogant and overbearing\", W. D. Hassett, then aide to President Roosevelt, Off the Record with F.D.R. (Rutgers University Press, 1958), pp. 181-2, 288.\n\n14 For text of the relevant treaty between the United States and China, see US and China, pp. 514-7.\n\n15 For more details, see ibid., p. 37.\n\n1 Chinese leaders freely expressed their anti-British sentiments to the Americans; see, for example, H. Morgenthan, Morgenthau Diary (China; Washington, 1965), II, pp. 862-895.\n\n17 Minute of Sir John Brenan, a veteran official in the Far Eastern Department of the British Foreign Office, on Anglo-Chinese relations since the outbreak of the Pacific War, 3 November 1942, Foreign Office (hereafter FO) 371/31627.\n\n18 For elaboration on this point, see author's article, \"The Abrogation of British Extraterritoriality in China 1942-43: A Study of Anglo-American Chinese Relations\", Modern Asian Studies, 11, 2 (1977), pp. 262-3.\n\n19 Thorne, op. cit., p. 195.\n\n20 Details of the British discussion leading to the invitation are available in FO 371/31627. The British government was understandably embarrassed by the Chinese response. Ashley Clarke, an official in the Far Eastern Department, confided this point to Stanley Hornbeck, his opposite number in the Department of State. See Hornbeck's attempt to explain for Madame Chiang, Hornbeck to Clarke, strictly confidential, 27 February 1943, Hornbeck Papers, box 467.\n\n21 Thorne, op. cit., p. 161.\n\n22 \"The Hong Kong Question during the Pacific War (1941-45)\", p. 58.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208591, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE CHINESE MARITIME CUSTOMS REMEMBERED: AN APPEAL FOR ORAL HISTORY IN HONG KONG\n\nLuke S. K. Kwong*\n\nThe Chinese Maritime Customs has been called \"one of the great administrative achievements of the nineteenth century.\" This favourable appraisal in comparative history could hardly impress nationalistic-minded Chinese, who have since the late-Ch'ing period tended to condemn the same administration as a mainstay of Western imperialist aggressions in China. Chief among their complaints is that for ninety years since its inception in the late 1850s, the Chinese Maritime Customs had been controlled by a foreign Inspectorate, an arrangement which further violated China's sovereign rights in its own revenue matters. While the imperialist character of the Inspectorate is more often assumed than carefully defined, Chinese indignation does point to a real problem in the Service's past history. Not only had the Inspector-general of Customs always been a foreigner, but also, up until the late 1920s, when reform was introduced to improve Chinese personnel representation, nearly all senior posts in the Service had been staffed by foreign employees. It was only after foreign predominance in this respect had ended that more Chinese began to fill such key positions as commissioners and deputy commissioners. By mid-1948, they had come to occupy a great majority of these posts. The experience of these highly placed Chinese who now enjoyed career opportunities previously denied their compatriots, ought to make interesting data for the historical record.\n\nIn summer, 1979, this writer had the opportunity to interview three such former officials living in Hong Kong. All are at an advanced age: one is 90 and the others in their early eighties. They had been with the Service for 35 years or more before retiring in 1945 and in the early 1950s, respectively. One of them got to be Port Preventive Secretary at the Canton Customs, whereas the others rose to become full commissioners. Their long careers were\n\n* Dr. Kwong is Lecturer in History, Chung Chi College, The Chinese University of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208720, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 177, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "150\n\nJULIAN F. PAS\n\nficant scale (17th century) till the period of Japanese control (1895-1945), one can see three successive waves of temple-building, each characterized by its own cult-symbols or deities. This phenomenon is in fact a manifestation of the relationships between the groups of settlers: competition between various groups of immigrants is reflected in the competition of their gods.\n\nDuring the first period of temple-building, the choice of universalistic gods, worshipped by various groups of settlers, points to a spirit of cooperation between them. This was a time of external pressures necessitating cooperation in order to face common threats. Examples given are the Matsu temple in Kuantu (1661), the Shennung temple near Feit'ou (1669) and the Kuan-yin temple whose location is not identified (1660-70).\n\nDuring the second period of temple building, there was a shift in cult-symbols: the choice of more particularistic deities goes hand in hand with strife and competition, or even hostility between groups of settlers of different geographical origins. Examples of such gods with a narrower appeal are K'ai-chang sheng-wang, Ch'ing-shui tsu-shih, Ting-kuang Fo, and the so-called Wang-yeh gods.\n\nThe third period of temple-development was occasioned by new political changes in Taiwan: the threat of foreign invasion (Sino-French war in 1885), and the Japanese occupation (1895-1945). A new consciousness unites the Taiwan population against these foreign threats. While some of the old universalistic gods regain popularity, new cult-symbols arise, such as the Taipei city god cult, \"emerging as the center of a consciousness that transcends particularistic interests\" (p. 40). During the Japanese occupation, great changes take place in the pattern of religious activity. Cut off from its roots on the Chinese mainland, and pressured by the Japanese rulers to undergo a process of acculturation, Taiwan religion follows a development of its own. Local cults and practices are often discouraged (e.g., second burial, spirit medium cults) and Buddhism enjoys a privileged position. Out of twelve temples built in the Peit'ou-Tamsui area during 1895-1945, ten are Buddhist.\n\n(Perhaps the author should have added a fourth period of religious activity: after 1945. The picture has been changing considerably and still is nowadays, especially since the author's research took place about ten years ago. Religious freedom has been restored: but moreover, the influx of a new wave of mainland im-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208733, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 190, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "CHINESE RELIGION REDISCUSSED\n\n(iv) by transformation of a ghost shrine into a temple. The author might have added one more group :\n\n163\n\n(v) construction of temples for deity statues washed up on Taiwan shores. Many cases of famous gods are mentioned\n\nin the literature and folk traditions. Once a temple is built, the cult may spread by virtue of the god's efficacy,\n\nIn fact, the author does not explain the initial stimulus why a cult becomes popular and a god efficacious. Cult-formation should be treated before 'genesis of temples'.\n\nChapter IV, \"Purity and Pollution, Life and Death” (pp. 136-188) is on the one hand easy to summarize, but on the other hand difficult to judge. It seems to me that the author has mixed together a great amount of factually correct observations with logically incoherent interpretations; in other words, this chapter suffers greatly from 'subtle distortions', due perhaps to his exclusively anthropological method, with neglect of philosophical analysis and especially of historical perspective.\n\nLet me first summarize the main ideas expressed in this chapter. First of all, the author states that the idea of yin and yang, with its ritual application of impure (or polluting) and pure, or of rituals for the dead and rituals for the living is \"probably the major theme which runs throughout the folk religion” (p. 136). Also important is the distinction and separation between private and public, family and community interests (p. 137).\n\nMan alive lives in a world between the two extremes: the yang world of the gods and the yin world of the ghosts (p. 138). He tries to increase his yang power, which generates wealth, offspring and longevity, but also tries to maintain the \"balance of the universe through his ritual actions in worshipping the spirits\" (p. 140). Because of the ritual separation of pure and polluted, no temple can offer services to all categories of spirits but tends to specialize its services for special groups. It seems that community temples tend to offer services for the benefit of the living: such are the ch'iu-p'ing-an, li-tou and chiao rituals, whereas rituals for the dead are performed in ancestral halls (chin-chu) and Buddhist temples (chin-r'a). However, the author clearly states that there is no \"exclusive association of Taoism with life-oriented services, or (of) Buddhist with death\" (p. 173).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208738, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 195, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "168\n\nJULIAN F. PAS\n\n\"the worship of Kuqn-yin is not unknown in Matsu temples either” (p. 185). This is a gross understatement: as I already mentioned, many famous Matsu temples (and perhaps even most) have a secondary hall dedicated to Kuan-yin.\n\nTo summarize my comments on Chapter IV: although there is a great amount of correct factual materials, their interpretation is rather shaky: a critical analysis undermines the author's theories. His neglect of a sound historical and philosophical basis leads him to many fallacies and contradictions.\n\nChapter V, \"Ritual Services in Temples\" (pp. 189-237) comes as a surprise: the author has already dealt with these services in Chapter IV. After a while it becomes clear that he now considers them from the aspect of generating income. The main thesis of this chapter, as I see it, is to point out that the two types of temples (here reduced to community temples and \"bone temples\") have each a different center of gravity in their ritual life; community temples, deriving their main income from li-tou rituals are oriented toward life, whereas the \"bone temples\" are death-oriented: their main source of revenue are the rituals for the dead. I do not understand what the author intends to prove: there is no need to prove the obvious: community religion is naturally oriented towards protection of the living and also naturally (but secondarily) tends to protect itself from evil influences, such as for instance the threats posed by revengeful ghosts. That Buddhism emphasizes services for the dead is both historically conditioned and a simplification. A great number of Buddhist temples have found in these services a means of livelihood, but there is more to Buddhism than being a national undertaker.\n\nOn p. 191, the author examines the income of a group of temples in the Tamsui-Peit'ou area. I wonder why he uses the \"official classification\" system: it is incorrect and totally misleading. For example, the Ch'ing shui Lung-shan temples are not Buddhist; the three Matsu temples are not Taoist, and the Hsing Tien T'ang is not really a Confucian temple.\n\nIn a previous context I have pointed out the author's strange sense of causality: another example is given on p. 196:\n\n\"Because the gods in the temples have well defined areas of control over which they extend their protective influences, par.\n\nPage 195\n\nPage 196", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208741, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 198, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "CHINESE RELIGION REDISCUSSED\n\n171\n\nto a ghost, perhaps to bones or a corpse\" (p. 251). Soon afterwards he makes this ghostly origin a positive fact, although the emphasis is slightly shifted. Matsu (and Ch'ing-shui tsu-shih as well) were originally \"spirits without descendants” (p. 252). There is one weakness in the author's reasoning: do gods arise from \"lonely ghosts\", also called “hungry ghosts\" or \"orphan spirits”, or do they arise from Kui (\"ghosts\")? No clarification is ever given to the terms, although I find them crucial in this context. Evil spirits were believed in by the Chinese people from ancient times, but with the advent of Buddhism they were identified with the pretas, which means \"hungry ghosts\" in the context of popular Hinduism and Buddhism. An important distinction should be made, however, between the anonymous mass of hungry spirits, and the ghosts of individuals. It appears that all the gods arising from ghost-state to divinity have been individually known during their lifetime and after their death. Some of them died without offspring, but is that the determining factor here? The author says yes; but I am not convinced. The author sees here a likeness with the Buddhas (bodhisattvas as well?) and the immortals of Taoism; but again, they did not reach the high state of perfection because they broke off the family ties; but, having left their families, they had a better opportunity to reach that state. The same principle applies to the examples given by the author to prove his thesis: they were not worshipped by the community just because they had no family ties; but because they were extraordinary persons possessing a special power that elevated them above the ordinary man. Not being married and leaving no descendants is just one aspect of their higher status. In other words, they were admired by the people — perhaps also feared (sharing the ambiguity of the sacred: fascinans et tremendum) and after their death a cult started to emerge.\n\nThis is only one process of cult formation. I accept the possibility that some gods arose to divine status as the author claims, but this to me is rather exceptional. In any case, he owes us better proof than what he provides here. It is my claim that most of the major gods, if not all, worshipped in the area under scrutiny, rose to eminence as a variety of hero-worship. Some of them had families of their own but this fact may have been forgotten or considered unimportant. I cannot accept the author's a priori statement that", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208742, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 199, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "172\n\nJULIAN F. PAS\n\n\"If gods did have actual descendants, then it is clear that they could not serve the function which they do as foci of worship which goes beyond the Family.” (p. 240)\n\nTo clarify my a priori statement, let us examine the major gods of the author's research area (mentioned in Chapter I).\n\n✪ Matsu\n\n(ii) Shen-nung\n\n(iii) Kuan-yin\n\n(iv) K'ai-chang sheng-wang\n\n(v) Ch'ing-shui tsu-shih\n\n(vi) Ting-kuang Fo\n\n(vii) Cheng Ch'eng-kung (Koxinga)\n\n(viii) Kuang-tse tsun-wang\n\n(ix) Pao-sheng Ta-ti\n\n(x) Kuan-Ti\n\n(xi) The Wang-yeh gods\n\n(xii) The city gods\n\nNone of those can be proven to have developed from a “withered corpse\"; on the contrary, several of them were historical personages of much fame, who had been great leaders in their life-time and almost certainly led a normal life within a family. If a deceased person of great merit to the community cannot become a cult object because he has posterity, then by the same token, a great official cannot serve the community at large during his lifetime either. Family ties are not necessarily an obstacle either for government service or for cult formation. When people start worshipping a great person after his death, they do not worship him as an ancestor but as a great person who transcends the limitations of his family.\n\nAn example to show how the author confuses two ideas and uses them as the need arises is the case of the Buddha: as I already quoted from p. 252 above: many small gods but also major deities can be shown to have been spirits without descendants. Now, the author also draws the Buddhas and bodhisattvas into the series \"as exemplars of the same tradition of breaking the family tie\" (my underlining). Now, it is well-known that Buddha Sakyamuni had a son (not without descendants) but that he later on broke the family tie.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208750, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 207, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "180\n\nJULIAN F. PAS\n\nby nearly 7,500 monks and nuns.” (A study published in 1971 says that between 40 and 46 percent of Taiwan's population affiliated themselves with Buddhism.)6\n\nAs usually these statistics have to be handled with care and as the word \"Taoist\" has become a \"source of perplexity\", so are the words \"Buddhism\" and “Buddhists” often used in a very unorthodox manner. Buddhism is most easily to be recognized as such in the monastic institutions: Buddhist temples, monasteries and pagodas (sometimes built as storage places for urns or so-called \"bone-temples\") are clearly distinct from all other temples and shrines with some exceptions. Monks and nuns are living a celibate life; most of them are engaged in making a living by performing rituals for the dead, either at private homes (funeral rites) or at their own temple. Apparently very few are practicing ch'an-meditation. Some informants told me that there is no exclusive ch'an-center in the whole of Taiwan.\n\nAn important distinction seems to be necessary when discussing Buddhism in Taiwan: clerical vs. lay Buddhism. The former is related to the Buddhist Association of the Republic of China and is well organized. Visually it is very flourishing with many recent constructions of new temples. But, according to serious lay Buddhists, this whole movement is rather external: it emphasizes superficial rituals and often caters to the needs of the folk religion. An example is the performance of p'u-tu rituals (rites of ‘universal salvation') now almost identified with folk religion and equally performed by Taoist priests.\n\nLay Buddhism, on the other hand, is a smaller movement but makes great efforts to deepen the understanding of the orthodox principles of Buddhism; instead of being devotional, it tends to be more philosophical. It attracts a great number of university students: each campus in Taiwan has a local Buddhist association with regular study and discussion sessions.\n\nSome important centers of clerical Buddhism are: Kaohsiung, Fo-kuang shan, and Yang-ming-shan; Institute of Buddhist Studies (established in 1965 by the Institute of Chinese Culture). A very active center of lay-Buddhism is located in Tai-chung directed by a 90-year-old lay-Buddhist, Li Ping-nan.\n\nThese two types of Buddhism try in different degrees to dissociate themselves from the folk-religion and should therefore be seen as a distinct religious system.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208760, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 217, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "190\n\nJULIAN F. PAS\n\nbe followed. In other words, for the average Chinese, religion is a socially important value system to make for a smooth functioning of human relationships as much as it is a method to obtain divine favours to increase the effectiveness of human efforts toward the realization of a happy life.\n\nEND-NOTES\n\n1 This paper was first presented at the joint panel of the CASA and the CSSR on Chinese Religion at the Conference of the Learned Societies in Saskatoon, May 1979.\n\n2 Compare the five-volume work written by J. J. M. de Groot: The Religious System of China; although it is mainly based on his field work done in Amoy, it is considered to be a standard work on Chinese religion in general.\n\n3 See P. C. Baity, Religion in a Chinese Town (Asian Folklore and Social Life Monographs, no. 64), Taipei: The Orient Cultural Service, 1975. (See my review article pp. of this issue).\n\n4 See various ceremonial and memorial booklets issued by the Municipal Government of Taipei, Tainan and Taichung, e.g., Ta-ch'eng chih-sheng hsien-shih K'ung-tzu shih-tsun chien-shuo, Taipei, 1974, Ta-ch'eng chih-sheng hsien-shih K'ung-tzu shih-tsun chien-chieh (Memorial Service for Confucius on his Birthday), Taichung, 1977.\n\n5 See Y. Raguin, S.J., \"Buddhism in Taiwan\", pp. 179-185 in H. Dumoulin, ed. Buddhism in the Modern World, London, New York: Collier Macmillan Publishers, 1976.\n\n6 Questions and Answers about the Republic of China (Taipei: Chung-hua Information Service, 1978), p. 17.\n\n7 W. L. Grichting, The Value System in Taiwan 1970: A Preliminary Report. Taipei, 1971. (Quoted by Y. Raguin).\n\n8 See for example Taiwan Tzu-miao ch'uan-chi, Ed. by Wang I-han, Taichung Luan-yu Journal Society, 1977. Lists of local temples issued by municipal governments follow the same pattern. However, the more scholarly but antiquated list published in the Taiwan Gazetteer and adopted by Lin Heng-tao divides the temples into three main groups: Taoist, Buddhist, folk-religion (t'ung-su).\n\n9 See Lin Heng-tao, Taiwan Szu-miao Ta-ch'uan, Taipei: Ch'ing-wen Publishing Company, 1974.\n\n10 See M. Saso \"The Taoist Tradition in Taiwan\", China Quarterly No. 41 (1970), 83-102.\n\n11 M. Saso, \"Red-Head and Black-Head: the Classification of the Taoists of Taiwan according to the Documents of the 61st Heavenly Master,\" Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica (Taipei), 30 (1970).\n\n12 See H. Welch, \"The Chang T'ien-shih and Taoism in China\", Journal of the Oriental Society 4 (1957-58), 188-212.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208761, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 218, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "RELIGIOUS LIFE IN PRESENT-DAY TAIWAN\n\n191\n\n10 See M. Saso, The Teachings of Master Chuang. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1978.\n\n11 Journal of Buddhist Culture, Fo-Chiao wen-hua hsüeh-pao,*** published by the Institute for the Study of Buddhist Culture since 1972. Articles are in Chinese or English.\n\n12 Journal of Taoist Culture, Tao-chiao wen-hua,Maxit published by the Taoist Culture Journal Association since 1976. Articles are in Chinese.\n\n13 Examples are: Fo-kuang hsüeh-pao,1*£* published by the Buddhist monastery on Fo-kuang mountain near Kaohsiung, since 1975 or 1976; Boahedrum, Pw-ti-shu,### Taichung: Hui-châ, & Torch Wisdom, Taipei; Hal Ming-tao, published in Tounan (Yünlin district).\n\nof\n\n14 See E. Ahern, The Cult of the Dead in a Chinese Village, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1973.\n\n15 See L. G. Thompson, \"Notes on Religious Trends in Taiwan\", Mon. Ser., vol. 23 (1964), 319-350.\n\n16 See A. P. Cohen, \"Fiscal Remarks on some Folk Religion Temples in Taiwan\", Mon. Ser., vol. 32 (1976), 85-158.\n\n17 See Liu Chih-wan, Taipei-shih Sung-shan ch'i-an chien-chiao chi-tien (Great Propitiatory Rites of Petition for Bene-ficence at Sungshan, Taipei, Taiwan), Taipei: Academia Sinica, Institute of Ethnology, (monographs no. 14), 1967, Liu Chih-wan, Chung-kuo min-chien hsin-yang lun-chi (Essays on Chinese Folk Belief and Folk Cults), Taipei: Academia Sinica, Institute of Ethnology (monographs no. 22), 1974.\n\nM. Saso, Taoism or the Rite of Cosmic Renewal, Washington State University Press, 1972.\n\n18 See St. Harrell, \"Modes of Belief in Chinese Folk Religion\", in JSSR, vol. 16 (1977), 55-65.\n\n19 See D. Jordan, Gods, Ghosts and Ancestors. Folk Religion in a Taiwanese Village, University of California Press, 1972, G. Seaman, Temple Organization in a Chinese Village (Asian Folklore and Social Life Monographs, vol. 101), Taipei: Chinese Association for Folklore, 1978,\n\n20 See D. Overmyer, \"The Saying of Master Lu\", Unpublished paper, given at the joint panel of the CASA and the CSSR on Chinese Religion at the Conference of the Learned Societies in Saskatoon, May, 1979.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208765, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 222, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n195 \n\nA STUDY OF THE CH'ING FORTS ON LANTAU ISLAND \n\nDuring the Ch'ing period, two forts were built on Lantau Island. They were the Fan Lau Fort and the Tung Chung Fort: the latter including the Tung Chung Walled City and the Shek She Fort in the Tung Chung Valley. \n\nThe Fan Lau Fort \n\nFan Lau Kok 汾流角, also called Kai Yik Kok 鷄翼角, is a promontory which lies on the south-west tip of Lantau Island.3 It has a height of about three hundred and eighty feet. To the north of the promontory is the Fan Lau Sai Wan. The Fan Lau Tung Wan lies to its south. \n\nOn the top of the promontory, there was a fort known as the Fan Lau Fort.1 It was erected in the late Ming Dynasty. During the early years of K'ang Hsi period, the coast of China was evacuated,a and the fort was abandoned. Then in the 7th year of the Yung Cheng reign (1729), the fort was rebuilt and again fortified.9 \n\nDuring the early 19th century a famous pirate, Cheung Po-tsai, plundered along the south-east coast of China. His fleet was so strong that the Ch'ing navy was also defeated. He had taken Tung Chung, Lantau Island, as a base for his fleet.10 Fan Lau was quite near Tung Chung. Thus, the Fan Lau fort might also have been in his hands during that period. \n\nAfter the surrender of Cheung Po-tsai in the 15th year of the Chia Ch'ing reign (1810),11 Ch'ing forces recovered the fort.12 Before the Opium War (1841), foreign influence along the coast increased. The Ch'ing government strengthened the forts and the guard-stations of this region. The Fan Lau Fort was still fortified.13 During the Opium War, the Chinese were defeated. Most of the forts along the coast were abandoned. In 1842, British officers travelling in the region found that the Fan Lau Fort was not manned.14 \n\nThe Fort has a length of one hundred and fifty-five feet, and a breadth of seventy feet. It is formed by four rubble walls, about ten feet high. It has an entrance which faces east. The entrance is about five feet wide. There are steps for mounting the walls. \n\nThe Fort has remained in ruins till now.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208766, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 223, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "The Tung Chung Fort\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nTung Chung15 is a valley which lies on the north coast of Lantau Island. It is surrounded by hills on three sides,16 facing the sea on the north. The valley is well-drained by streams, giving fertile farmlands to the people. A century or so ago, there was a walled area, called the Tung Chung Walled City; and a fort which guarded the coast, the Shek She Fort A6.\n\nThe Tung Chung Walled City was erected between the Sheung Ling Pei village #17 and the Ha Ling Pei village 下嶺皮村 T## 18. During the early years of K'ang Hsi period, there was only the Tung Chung Shuen (post)✯✯ under a Tsin Tsung +(or lieutenant) of the Tai Pang Battalion 19. However, the post was quite isolated, and it was far from Tai O where there was the Tai Yue Shan Shuen 大嶼山汎20.\n\nAfter the surrender of Cheung Po-tsai in the 15th year of the Chia Ch'ing reign2, foreign intercourse and influence increased; and fortifications along the coast were strengthened. In the 22nd year of the Chia Ch'ing reign (1817), the Tung Chung Walled City and the Shek She Fort were erected 22.\n\nThe Walled City and the Fort remained strongholds on the island until 1898, when the New Territories were leased to the British. Then the Walled City was used as the Police Station and later as the Wah Ying School **** during the Second World War.23 It is now the site of the Tung Chung Rural Committee's office and the Tung Chung Public Primary School.\n\nThe Walled City measures 225 feet by 265 feet. It is backed by the Tai Tung Shan. It has three rubble walls: its front wall is about 15 feet thick. The building stone of the walls came from Chik Lap Kok Island.24\n\nThe Walled City has three gateways: The East Gate was called Chip Sau ✩✩, the West Gate was called Luen Kun, and the Main Gate, Kung Sun. The East and West Gates are now blocked by bricks, and the main gate is used as the entrance to the Rural Committee and the Public School.\n\nInside the Walled City, there is a playground. Behind the playground, there are two old houses, which are the remains of the guardhouses built during the 22nd year of the Chia Ch'ing reign.25 These houses are now used as the office of the Tung Chung Rural Committee.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208768, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 225, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "198\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n* The evacuation of the South-east coast of China was carried out from the 1st year to the 7th year of the K'ang Hsi reign (1662-1668). It was because of the disturbances of pirates and the followers of Koxinga (Cheng Shing-kung) along the coasts of Kwangtung and Fukien. The disturbances were so large that the Ch'ing Army could not stop them. The government evacuated fifty li from the coast. The lands were abandoned in order that the pirates and the followers of Koxinga could not obtain supplies from them. (see my article: \"The Chow Wang Yi Kung Chi of Kam Tin\", published in the Wah Kiu Man Fa of Wah Kiu Yat Po for 13th September 1976 綿田之周王二公祠,原载1976年9月13日華僑日報文化版)\n\n+\n\n* In the O Mun Kei Leuk ME 1800 edition, it was recorded, \"During the 7th year of Yung Cheng reign, there were forts erected on the two hills. This strengthened the guards of the Tai Yue Shan Shuen”. The Tai Yue Shan Shuen was probably at the place of Tai O today. The forts on the \"two hills\" are most likely to be the Kai Yik Fort on its south-west and Tung Chung Fort on its east. This shows that the Fan Lau Fort was probably rebuilt and refortified in the 7th year of the Yung Ching reign.\n\n19 See my article: \"A Short History of the Pirates of Hong Kong before 1842\", published in Volume 8, No. 4 of the Kwong Tung Man Hin 廣東文献(1979).\n\n11 see Chapter 13 of San On Yuen Chi\n\nChapter 81 of Kwong Chow Fu Chi A\n\n**** 1819 edition and\n\n1879 edition.\n\n12 Chapter 12 of San On Yuen Chi (1819) stated, \"During the K'ang Hsi reign, it was because of robbery and piracy along the south-east coast that the Ch'ing government evacuated the coastal regions. Later, with the surrender of the pirates, the Ch'ing government extended the coastal boundary. More forts and guard-stations were set up. Those of outstanding importance were the Kai Yik Fort on Lantau Island, the Nam Tau Fort, and the Chik Wan Fort.\" The book was written in 1819, and the famous pirate Cheung Po-tsai had surrendered in 1810. This shows that the fort was again under the control of the Ch'ing government after 1810.\n\n14 1a Chapter 130 of the Kwong Tung Tung Chi 4 1822 edition recorded, \"Tai U Shan, an island which lay in the midst of the sea, was a place where foreign ships anchored. There were only two inlets for the anchoring of these ships: they were at Tai O and Tung Chung. At that time, Tai O was guarded by a garrison of thirteen men. There was already the Kai Yik Fort under a Tsin Tsung (lieutenant) of the Tai Pang Battalion.\" The book was published in 1822. This proves that before 1822, there was the Kai Yik Fort guarding the south-west tip of Lantau Island.\n\n14 see Armando M. De Silva's article, op. cit.\n\n15 also called Tung Chung Hau in the past.\n\n10 To the south-east of the valley is the Sunset Peak (Tai Tung Shan 大東山); the Lantau Peak (Fung Wang Shan 凤凰山) lies to the south-west.\n\n17 Sheung Ling Pei Village is one of the largest villages in the Tung Chung Valley. It is situated to the east of the Tung Chung Walled City.\n\n18 Ha Ling Pei Village, an adjacent village to Sheung Ling Pei Village, is situated to the west of the Tung Chung Walled City.\n\n19 See my article: \"Distribution of Forts and Guard-stations on Lantau Island during the Late Ch'ing period\", JHKBRAS vol. 18: 1978.\n\nPage 225\n\nPage 226", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208769, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 226, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "20 See note 13.\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n199\n\n21 See Ch'ing Hoi Fan Kei recorded in Chapter 33 of the Tung Kwun Yuen Chi ★★ 1911 edition.\n\n22 Chapter 125 of Kwong Tung Tung Chi (1822) stated, “The Shek She Fort of Tung Chung Kau, Tai U Shan, was built in the 22nd year of the Ch'ia Ching reign (1817). It was proposed and built by Viceroys Cheung Yau-koot and Yuen Yuen.' Chapter 130 of the same book recorded, \"In the 22nd year of the Chia Ch'ing reign, Viceroys Cheung Yau-koot and Yuen Yuen proposed to build eight guard-houses at Tung Chung Hau, and two fortresses, seven guard-houses, and an ammunition store at the foothill of the Shek She Shan. The proposal was carried out by Pang Chiu-lun, Reserve Prefect of Kwong Chow Fu. The eight guard-houses at Tung Chung Hau were those inside the Tung Chung Walled City. The two fortresses, with seven-guard-houses and an ammunition store at the foothill of Shek She Shuen formed the Shek She Fort of Tung Chung Kau.\n\n23 See Wong Pui Kai's \"Tung Chung of Tai Yue Shan\", published in Volume 86 of Tai Fung Pun Yuet Kan, ⭑「大公報·文教半月刊」第八十六期。\n\n24 Chik Lap Kok Island lies to the north of Tung Chung Bay. The island is famous for the production of granite used in building purposes.\n\n25 See note 22.\n\n26 See my article: \"The Cannons on the Wall of the Tung Chung Fort\", JHKBRAS vol. 18: 1978.\n\n27 See note 22.\n\n28 The stones of the wall had been taken away by the monks of Tai Tong Tsai ## for the building of the Ma Wan Chung Bridge. It is now called the Lai Luk Bridge.\n\n29 See note 22.\n\nTWO EXAMPLES OF CHINESE RELIGIOUS INVOLVEMENT WITH ISLAM\n\nAlthough Chinese folk religion and Islam have next to nothing in common, two examples of Chinese reaction to Islam are afforded to us in present day South East Asia; one in Singapore and Malaysia where the image of Muslim appears on Chinese altars, and the other in Thailand where a local Chinese folk religion cult has developed around a Chinese girl who killed herself because her brother was being converted to Islam.\n\nChinese immigrants brought their beliefs and their gods with them to South East Asia, but one further and special deity has been added to their pantheon. This is a Malay, depicted on the altar as having a very dark skin, often jet black, and wearing the Malay", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208770, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 227, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "200 \n\nNOTES AND QUERIES \n\ncap, the songkok. His inclusion is quite logical when you consider that the Chinese know that every location has its resident Ti Chu Kung (土地公), the tutelary spirit of the building and its surrounding land. The immigrant Chinese appear to have accepted that the local Ti Chu Kung in a Malay area must be a Malay, and burnt incense and laid offerings before him, and prospered. His image is seen in many rural areas of Malaysia, in the niche within the entrance to local temples or under the main altar, where in Chinese temples in other areas the tablet dedicated to the Chinese Ti Chu Kung usually would be found. \n\nThe usual title of the Malay, Ti Chu Kung, is Na To Kung (拿督公), or Na-tuk, the Cantonese form of the Malay honorific title of Dato. In Fukienese and Ch'aochou communities in Malaysia he is also referred to by the same title, Na T'o, but using the characters 哪卓 and 藍卓. \n\nIn many parts of Malaysia nowadays Na T'o Kung's image, or a rock dedicated to him, stands beside or near an image of the Chinese Earth God. This is not unexpected as in temples elsewhere, such as Hong Kong and Taiwan, the image of or the tablet dedicated to the Earth God would be beside or certainly separate from the tablet dedicated to the Ti Chu Kung. \n\nOccasionally, Na T'o Kung has a shrine to himself. A very rough but adequate shrine, for example, stands at the edge of a rubber estate near Labis in Johore, Malaysia. There is no image, no keeper nor nearby resident, only a tablet, and an urn filled with the stub ends of consumed incense sticks. \n\nA sketch by a Fukienese god carver in Singapore (plate 1) depicts Na T'o as a seated elderly man dressed in the cap, jacket and robes of the Malay, holding a walking stick in his right hand and a pipe in his left. He has a dark skinned face with a short moustache and is described as the \"Malay Landowner Gentleman”. Some places have him swathed in white “arab” robes, and some images of him depict him clutching a book or writing materials in his left hand instead of a pipe. \n\nThere are several local versions of his origins. One of the more widespread is that he is the spirit of a popular, long dead Malay foreman on a rubber estate, a Haji named Osman. Another claims that he is the spirit of a long dead Arab, the forebear of a major Malay family.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208771, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 228, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n201 \n\nIt would seem incongruous that Na T'o, a Muslim who would abhor idolatry, should be venerated by the Chinese and it would be interesting to know what the Malays themselves would think of such a practice; that is of course, assuming that they even know of his existence. The Chinese, however, see no incongruity in having a Muslim on their altar, and in some areas, particularly around Kluang, he is especially treated with the respect and constraints due to another religion. As a Muslim, he is never disturbed on a Friday and never offered pork. \n\nThe only other case so far noted of a Muslim appearing on a Chinese altar was heard from a Chinese from Sian who recalled a deity in North China, the Wei Wei Ts'ai Shen (✯✯1⁄2§i†), said to be the Mohammedan god of wealth, depicted dressed in a Tibetan high-crowned cap. Wei Wei, he thought, was probably derived from the Arabic, and, it was claimed that Muslim Chinese offered beef at his altar. Wei Wei however, is possibly a local variant of Hui Hui, the usual Chinese term for \"Moslem”. \n\nThe second cult is that of Miss Lin (✯✯✯) whose image is to be seen on Chinese temple altars only in Southern Thailand. Her legend explains all. Left alone by the death of her parents in her home village near Ch'aochou in Eastern Kwangtung province of South China, she followed her only living relative, her brother, down to a village near Songkla in the far south of Thailand where he worked in the fields. When she arrived she found to her disgust that her brother was just about to marry a Muslim girl and be converted to Islam. She attempted without avail to persuade him not to do either. A Chinese god carver in Bangkok added, with disgust, he even gave up eating pork! \n\nThe sister knew she could not live with her brother and his wife and in a desperate moment threw herself into the river Patani and drowned herself. The brother, despite being filled with remorse, to demonstrate that he, as a convert, was more devout than born believer, went ahead with his plan to build a mosque and even went as far as to bury his sister beside the site chosen for it. As the last brick was laid lightning struck and destroyed the mosque without harming the sister's grave. However, the brother refused to believe that it was divine retribution for his denial of his parent's gods. Twice more he built, and twice more lightning struck. Only then did he accept the message and renounce Islam. Realizing that his", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208772, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 229, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "202\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nsister, now a spirit, had proffered good advice, he built a folk religion shrine in her honour. Her cult thrived, so much so that her image is revered by Ch'aochou emigrants in most areas of South Thailand and, so the story goes, also in Singapore and in Nakorn Sri Thammarat.\n\nThe Bangkok god carver claims that Miss Lin is the only Chinese deity with a special urn donated by the King of Thailand who is well known for his tolerance towards and encouragement for other religions. He is said to have bowed in her honour before her image which consists of a simple, seated country girl with bare feet and large hands, dressed in working clothes Plate 3. Her festival is celebrated in her temples each year on her birthday, the 15th of the first lunar month.\n\nHong Kong.\n\nMarch, 1980.\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\nTHE TEMPLE OF THE SUPREME RULER,\n\nNEAR SUNG WONG TOI, KOWLOON*\n\nIn the thirteenth century A.D. the Southern Sung Emperor Tuen Chung was attacked by the Mongol Conquerors of the North. Driven from his provisional capital at Hang Chow, the Emperor retreated southwards through Fukien and on to Kwangtung province, stopping temporarily at more than 30 places on his way. Besides the well known Palace at Ngai Mun in the San Wui district of Kwangtung, that at Sau Shan by the Pearly River has been fully described in the Imperial Records which were published in the Yuen Dynasty. Such buildings provide evidence of the efforts of the Sung Emperor and his ministers to make that stand against their enemies which has long been cherished in the people's minds.\n\nIn the spring of 1277 during the second year of his reign, the Emperor left Kam Tsz Mun of Wai Chau district in Kwangtung and reached Mui Wai. In the fourth moon he arrived at Kwun Fu Cheung, a district which included present day Kowloon, the New\n\n*This heading and the following text are taken from a memorial tablet erected in the Urban Council's Rest Garden at Lomond Road, Kowloon, site of this former old temple. A Chinese tablet is also provided.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208773, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 230, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n203\n\nTerritories and neighbouring areas. In this district there was a hill called Kwun Fu Shan, which is said to have been where Argyle Street is now. The San On district records published during the reign of Ka Hing: A.D. 1796-1820: state \"Kwun Fu Shan lies to the east of Kap Shui Mun and in the neighbourhood of Fat Tong Mun. The royal barge anchored here, near where the foundations of the Emperor's Palace still stand\". Fat Tong Mun is the passage lying between the Mainland and Lam Tong Island, to the east of Lei Yue Mun.\n\nIn the chapter \"Kwun Fu Chu Fat\" meaning Kwun Fu where the Emperor halted when on tour, the same records contain this section under the heading \"Court Circuit\".\n\n\"In the fourth moon of the year Ting Chau (A.D. 1277) the royal barge arrived at this place, where the Imperial Palace was erected, the plinths and pillars as well as the site of this Palace were still existing until the local residents built on the site a temple dedicated to Pak Tai.\"\n\nIt is now over a hundred years since this was written and during that time old landmarks have long since been altered or removed. The true site of the Imperial Palace is now unknown but the scholar Chan Pak To has reported that there is known to have been a village called Yee Wong Tin, the Palace of two Kings, on the right of the Pak Tai Temple. But this temple has itself been at some time moved and rebuilt. The site of the village of the Palace of the two Kings is also therefore uncertain although an old map suggests that it may have been to the west of Sung Shan which lay south of the original Sung Wong Toi. There was however yet another temple nearby. Once known as the Temple of the Supreme Ruler, it was built where this Rest Garden is now.\n\nThis Temple of the Supreme Ruler had within it a stone tablet recording that a Pak Tai Temple in the old Ma Tau Wei Village, which used to be known as Kwu Kan Wai was repaired during the reign of Ch'ien Lung (A.D. 1736-1796). That Pak Tai Temple is believed by some to have been the same as the one mentioned in the San On district records and built on the site of the original Palace at Kwun Fu. Whether this is so or not, it later disappeared from within the old Ma Tau Wei Village and thereafter the village elders used to perform their sacrifices at the Temple of the Supreme Ruler.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208776, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 233, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "206\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nHe named the new temple the 'Pu To' (Po Tor in Cantonese) in the East, meaning Kwangtung. There is a much older 'Pu To in the South' at Amoy in the Fukien province.* The original 'Pu To' is the famous island of that name off the Chekiang coast. It is covered with temples and is one of the homes of Chinese Buddhism.†\n\nApart from seeing the relics associated with its founder and visiting his grave and those of later abbots, the purpose of our visit is to walk round the premises and to note the wealth of presentation boards (§§§) to be found on them. These combined examples of calligraphy and Buddhist sentiment are cut on wood and mostly painted in gold characters on a red ground. Many are from the brush of the several abbots, especially the founder who clearly took a delight in naming and commemorating the different buildings and gateways.\n\nThe Monastery occupies a considerable area and its grounds were previously much larger, taking in a wooded area in front which has since been resumed by the Government for development. There has been considerable re-building and much new building, but overall the influence of the founder is still plainly evident.\n\nChinese calligraphy has always been a highly—indeed perhaps the most—respected and prized art form. Dun J. Li in his The Essence of Chinese Civilization (New York, Van Nostrand Co., 1967) writes (p. 414):\n\nOf all the talents the Chinese emphasized, none was more important than the literary talent. Such emphasis was evidenced by the fact that prior to the modern period the Chinese produced more books than the rest of the world combined. As for fine arts, the art form which the Chinese cherished most was calligraphy, and the works of such great masters as Wang Hsi-chih (321-379), Liu Kung-ch'üan (d.A.D. 865), and Chao Meng-t'iao (d.A.D. 1322) were imitated throughout history.\n\nHe then gives biographies of several famous calligraphers, taken from the standard dynastic histories, which illustrate this esteem. Emperor Mu-tsung of T'ang (821-824) was not considered an able, enlightened ruler.\n\n* P. W. Pitcher, In and About Amoy (Shanghai and Foochow, The Methodist Publishing House in China, 1909) p. 78 and illustration at p. 161. † See the extensive account in Reginald Fleming Johnston, Buddhist China (London, John Murray, 1913) pp. 259-389.\n\nI", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208777, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 234, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n207 \n\nOne day he asked Liu Kung-ch'üan about the proper methods whereby a person could become a good calligrapher. 'The movement of the brush is directed by the mind,' Liu replied. \"The brush will move properly if the mind is rectified.\" The emperor changed his expression immediately since he knew that Liu's remarks had a double meaning. They were a remonstration, though indirect and implied. \n\nOf another famous calligrapher, Tung Ch'i-ch'ang of Ming, it was written \n\nTung Ch'i-ch'ang was equally famous for seal carving and calligraphy. Hardly did a day pass without someone requesting his work. Even a letter or a brief note of his became a collector's item, and people were willing to pay a high price for it. He was profound and discriminating as a critic—a single word in his own handwriting commanded such attention that a collector would consider it a matter of great prestige to have obtained it. \n\nOur abbot, then, followed in a great tradition and his work on presentation boards and inscriptions, done in various styles, can be appreciated by visitors. He used three pen names, *, *, and *. The abbot also took a great interest in natural beauty and was instrumental in calling attention to various local beauty spots which he and his friends and disciples proceeded to embellish by carving names and inscriptions on rocks. They added, in a tasteful way, to the amenities of the area since many persons would come to visit them. The most famous of these places is Sam Dip Tam (=the three saucer-like pools) to the west of the Monastery, which owes its present name to Abbot Mou Fung. Closer by is a small garden area, now neglected, with a pool called Kan Lo Chi (*) commemorated with an inscribed tablet and formerly nicely laid out with statues of Kuan Yin, the Goddess of Mercy, a popular Buddhist deity. The Abbot chose this area because of the two rivulets of clear water which ran through this small area. Unfortunately, they have since been polluted by pig farms and bean curd factories above the site and the area has been neglected. However, the District Office Tsuen Wan intends to assist in restoring the place and put it under proper management, so that visitors to Lo Wai village and the monasteries can again enjoy its former charms.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208784, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 241, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "214\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nThe location of the first major incident was the wooded slope of a steep hillside covered with pine trees and shrubs which was held under forestry licence by the Tsing Yi Rural Committee on behalf of the island community. The occasion for it was the entry of a bulldozer in connection with site investigation surveys (by boring rigs) to this area, where engineering works were held up pending negotiations with the villagers for the removal of several villages.\n\nIn the event, an unauthorized entry was made without the knowledge of the supervising engineer or District Office land staff. The bulldozer made tracks some 300 yards long in several zig-zags across the front of the hill, to the imagined and claimed detriment of three old villages whose fung shui area it has long been. The bulldozer's tracks were approximately 8 feet wide and it had effectively knocked over trees, taken up shrubs and exposed red earth, as clearly shown in Plate 4.\n\nThe villagers were prompt in their response; not only to complain to the District Office, but also to take early action to reduce the harm thought to emanate from the uncovered earth scars across the hill face. They sent parties of people to the spot who quickly cut adjoining grass, shrubs and the lower branches of trees to cover up the red earth. This took place over much of the tracks (Plate 4). They also hired a geomancer from Kowloon who set up a shrine beside a major clan grave whose side had been closely skirted by the bulldozer (Plate 5). He also provided charms which were set beside the shrine, to avert any bad influences coming from the uncovered earth nearby (Plate 6). In their turn the villagers sent a man at early morning and dusk to light joss-sticks and candles, change the oil in the little lamps on the shrine, so as to try to ensure that harm was averted by showing devotion to the earth god and to the ancestors. This service was provided in turn by a certain class of men styled fuk chù (±) from each of the villages affected by the excavation. This term means elderly persons who are thought to have received blessings from the gods e.g. by having many sons and health in old age.\n\nThe District Office 'made amends' by paying for the expenses/labour costs of the remedial work, and for the cost of the ceremonial rites styled tun fu (#). The effect of the remedial work thus undertaken was estimated to last for 6 months, after which the process would be repeated.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208786, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 243, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "216\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nIn the event, it was decided to wait until after the villagers were able to move to the new houses being constructed as a replacement of the existing village. These were due for completion in March 1979. Accordingly the de-vegetation and site formation works have been scheduled to begin thereafter.\n\nMarch 1979\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nTHE NAM PAK HONG (南北行) COMMERCIAL ASSOCIATION OF HONG KONG\n\nThis history of the Nam Pak Hong Association, which appears to have been prepared by one of its leaders in the 1960s, is included with the consent of the Association. The translation was made available by the courtesy of the Director of Home Affairs.\n\nForeword\n\nThe Association was established in 1868 (i.e. the 7th year of the reign of Tung Ch'ih in the Ch'ing dynasty). In its early years, it was well managed by capable office-bearers, thus safeguarding the interests of our trade and members. Later, owing to change of circumstances, the senility and death of many able office-bearers without suitable successors, the Association's affairs got into a mess. By 1920, there remained only seven members, who were divided in action; nor did they maintain close contact. The situation further deteriorated by 1940.\n\nOn 6.10.41 Mr. Tong Ping-tat, Manager of the member firm, the Nam Tai Hong Co. Ltd., convened a meeting of over a score of members, including the Wah On Hong, the Yuen Lee Hong, the San Fung Hong, the Kin Tye Lung, the Wah Fung Hong, the Hau Tak Hong, the Yue Wo Loong, the Wing Hing Hong and the Kwong Sun Hong Ltd., to discuss the promotion of the Association's functions and the enlistment of more members. It was not until several such meetings were held and sub-committees formed, that the Association's functions were gradually restored.\n\nDuring the Japanese occupation which began on 25 December 1941 the Association did not cease functioning; its membership was then increased to 21 firms.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208787, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 244, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "4\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nWork of the Association in its early years\n\n217\n\nSoon after the port of Hong Kong was opened [again] in the last year of the reign of Hsien Feng in the Ch'ing dynasty (1860-61), there used to be a Nam Pak Hong Street (later renamed Bonham Strand West). At this favourable location our predecessors set up firms dealing in native products from south and north China. The following firms were among those then established one after another: the Kwong Mau Tai Hong and the Woo Kee Hong of Mr. Chiu Yue-tin, a celebrity of Kwangtung origin, the Hau Fung Hong of Mr. Lo Chor-san, the Hop Hing Hong of Mr. Lau Lo-tak, the Siu Fung Hong of Messrs. Fung Ping-shan and Kwong Tsz-ming, the Kwan Mau Hong (in Wing Lok Street West) of Mr. Li Sau-hin, the Wah On Hong of Mr. Chan Yue-fan, the Yue Wo Loong of Mr. Chan Sik-nin, the Yuen Fat Hong of Messrs. Ko Mun-wah and Chan Chun-chuen, celebrities of Chiu Chau origin, the Yuen Sing Fat Hong, the Kam Yue Fung Hong and the Kam Sing Lee Hong of Mr. Choi Si-kit, the Yue Tak Sing Hong and the Kwong Tak Fat Hong of Mr. Chan Tin-san, the Kin Tye Lung of Messrs. Chan Wun-wing and Chan Tsz-tan, the Ng Yuen Hing Hong of Mr. Ng Lei-hing, a celebrity of Fukien origin, the Chui Tak Loong Hong of Messrs. Wu Ting-sam and Wong Ting-ming, the Hau Tak Hong of Mr. Kwok Yim-sing and his brother(s), the Yi Tai Hong and the Lee Yuen Cheung Hong of a business group of Shantung origin. With the exception of Messrs. Chan Yue-fan, Chan Sik-nin and Kwok Yin-sing, all the aforesaid gentlemen have now deceased.\n\nIn 1868, with the concerted initiative and efforts of the said Messrs. Chiu Yue-tin, Chan Chun-chuen, Fung Ping-shan, Choi Kit-si, Chan Tin-sau and Wu Ting-sam, the Nam Pak Hong Association was founded in Bonham Strand West near its junctions with Wing Lok Street and Queen's Road. Then the objectives of the Association were to promote members' welfare and market prosperity, to assist the police in the maintenance of law and order in the neighbourhood and to formulate plans for the prevention of fires and alleviation of disasters. On the first floor of the Association building was the office, where regulations and business rules of the Association were decided, Directors and Managers of the Association mutually elected, and monthly meetings held. For the first term, the Chairman of the Board of Directors was Mr. Chiu Yue-tin and the Manager was Mr. Lau Lo-tak. The latter mana-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208788, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 245, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "218 \n\nNOTES AND QUERIES \n\nged the Association's affairs for over a decade prior to his death, rendering most valuable services to the Association. The ground floor of the Association building then housed a \"water-vehicle\" which was one of the three \"fire engines\" then available in Hong Kong under the command of the Hong Kong Government Fire Brigade, then located at the site of the present Ho Tung Building. The fire fighting services rendered by our Association's \"water-vehicle\" were especially notable.\n\nThe ground floor of the Association building also housed a \"Patrol and Watchmen's Centre\" (later renamed \"Bonham Strand West Watchmen's Centre\", under the control of a Kaifong Committee). To man the Centre, several able-bodied men were recruited. They wore uniforms comprising hollowed caps, long stockings and straw sandals. Armed with loaded rifles, they patrolled the Strand day and night on shift duties to guard against robbery and disturbance and to maintain safety and security for the kaifong community there.\n\n'Nam Pak Hong' and ‘Kau Pat Hong'\n\nThe business of a 'Nam Pak Hong' (literally meaning 'south and north firm') as its name implies was at first confined to the transportation of native products from regions south of the Yangtze River and from North China, but later its scope was extended to cover Europe, America and countries in the northern and southern hemispheres. During the reigns of Hsien Feng and Tung Ch’ih, only a few of the firms in this Strand dealing in native products from North and South China were officially called 'Nam Pak Hong'. Later, many firms selling goods for their customers on a commission basis (2%) were established. These firms were called 'Kau Pat Hong' (literally meaning '98% firms') attached also to the Nam Pak Hong Association. In the course of time, the former and latter firms were mixed together without distinction, Hence, ‘Nam Pak Hong' is sometimes called 'Kau Pat Hong'. Afterwards, the San Yuen Tong (Association) of Shanghai firms was established in Gilman's Street, Hong Kong. These firms were of a similar nature to those of the Kau Pat Hong but of a smaller scale.\n\nA + \n\nThe advancement of the Association's functions and increase of membership after 1941\n\nAfter reforming in 1941, the functions of the Association pro-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208789, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 246, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n219 \n\ngressed gradually. More than 140 cases of disputes between customers and our members were settled through the mediation of our Association. \n\nAt the beginning of the Summer season in 1950, a former senior British colonial official who had served in Africa and at the Colonial Office and his wife visited Hong Kong. On 12 May 1950, he paid a visit to our Association and had asked many searching questions about the history and organisation of our Association and also about the business conditions of our member firms. Extremely satisfied with our answers, he stated that after returning home, he would collate materials and write a book on this topic, so as to promote trade between China and the United Kingdom.* \n\nIn 1941, our Association had a membership of only 19 firms, which number was later increased to 23. On the liberation of Hong Kong in 1945, there were 32 members but in the following year, the number was increased to 37. In 1947, there were 41 members. In 1948, our Association launched a membership drive. By 1949, the number was increased to 80 and afterwards many joined our Association as members. By 1951, our Association had a membership of 102. In spite of the business slump in recent years, our Association still has a membership of 97 at present. \n\nConstruction of a new Association Building \n\nThe old Association Building was built in the 8th year of the reign of Tung Ch'ih (1868). In 1947, it was proposed by Mr. Yung Sai-fong, then Chairman of our Association, that the building should be demolished for reconstruction as it was in danger of collapse on account of its age. The motion was carried at a General Meeting. \n\nShortly afterwards, a notice was received from the Secretary for Chinese Affairs to the effect that Government proposed to resume and put up at public auction the Crown lot on which our Association building stood, and that our Association was to bid for it at the auction. In response, our Association requested Government to grant the lot to us for redevelopment. In 1947, our Association received a reply from the Colonial Office via the Secretary for Chinese Affairs stating that approval had been given for our Association to purchase the lot at a price of $100 per square foot. \n\nreference to Mr. Harold Ingrams, though the date seems wrong as the Ingrams left Hong Kong on 8th May. See Hong Kong (London, Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1952) pp.1,7 and 147.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208840, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 2, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "201\n\nI would like to add two more passages to this note, both of which came my way after I wrote the above. The first passage was kindly given me by James Hayes, who was given it by Mr. Ho Kei Fook, of Kei Ling Ha village, born in 1928, and educated (1937-1941) in the neighbouring village of Tseng Tau, previously village representative, and Vice-Chairman of the North Saikung Rural Committee. The second passage I came across in Ch'en T'ieh-erh5, \"Huang Hsiao-yang yu Pai-e t'an\" (Huang Hsiao-yang and the White Goose Pond), in Kuang-tung wen-hsien chi-k'an vol. 15 no. 2 (1985) pp. 60-62.\n\nPassage 1\n\n\"It is said that in the Ming dynasty there was this man Ho Tsoh Shing who obtained a wonder book. The book recorded thirty-six grave sites at the mouth of the dragon. [The family] buried there would achieve great wealth for its descendants and even produce an emperor. Ho Tsoh Shing was already an official at court, holding the post of Minister of the LeftE. But his mother did not have the good fortune to support this achievement. When his wife was pregnant, his mother scolded her saying, 'My son is an official at court many mountains and seas away, so how is it that you are pregnant?' The daughter-in-law said, 'He comes back every night'. What happened was that every night Ho Tsoh Shing rode home on a bamboo-rigged flying horse, and early in the morning he rode the flying horse back to court. The daughter-in-law said, 'If you don't believe me, you can hide by the courtyard tonight and watch him as he comes in'. [This the mother did] and saw that that was what really happened. The horse stopped at the courtyard, and the mother, being curious, rode on it. The horse could not fly, because it was bogged down by the woman's breath. When Ho Tsoh Shing rose the next morning to go to court, the horse was still bogged down by woman's breath. So immediately, he went to cut some bamboo to rig another horse to fly to court. He was late. The emperor was in his court calling the rolls. When he came to Ho Tsoh Shing's name, Ho answered from the outer court [in such a loud voice] that it shook the emperor. The emperor then suspected that Ho Tsoh Shing was scheming to take the throne, and other officials also made many comments. They found out that Ho Tsoh Shing possessed the thirty-six grave sites at the dragon's mouth. When this was known, Ho Tsoh Shing was killed by the emperor, and the fungshui was\n\nto", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208843, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 5, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "204\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nhsü 12 (1886). In the Kau Sai Hung Shing Temple, the lintel is dated Kuang-hsü 15 (1889), and the altar Kuang-hsü 20 (1894); and in the Hang Hau T'in Hau Temple (besides the 1840 bell), the lintel is dated Kuang-hsü 1 (1875), a tablet Kuang-hsü 2 (1876), an altar is of the same year, a wooden board of Kuang-hsü 4 (1878), a shrine of Kuang-hsü 10 (1884), a pair of stone lions of Kuang-hsü 13 (1887), and a pair of incense burners of Kuang-hsü 20 (1894). The bell and the incense burner at the Tin Ha Wan T'in Hau Temple are both undated, but Mr. Ip Ch'un, who lived nearby, told us that the temple was already in disrepair over fifty years ago. Historical inscriptions found in Sai Kung and elsewhere in Hong Kong and the New Territories have been transcribed as a special project and may be found in David Faure, Alice Ng, and Bernard Luk, \"A collection of historical inscriptions in Hong Kong\". The report is available in the Institute of Chinese Studies, Chinese University of Hong Kong, and will, it is hoped, be published shortly.\n\n7\n\nMr. Hoh Taai of Ko Tong, aged over 60, knew of the whereabouts of a charcoal burner, but never saw it in operation (Int. 10.6.81). Lime kilns were reported in Wong Yi Chau, Wong Keng Tei, Tai Mong Tsai Tso Wo Hang, Tai Wan, Kiu Tsui, Sha Ha, Pak Sha Wan, Che Keng Tuk, Ta Ho Tun, Tai Tan, and Yau Yu Wan (Ints. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81, 22.5.81, Mr. Wong Yung Ts'ing 20.5.81, Mr. Tang Kei Faat 25.6.81, Mr. Lei Yau 28.6.81, Mr. Wong Ping Lin 29.6.81, Madam Liu 20.5.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81, Mr. Tse Wing 9.6.81, Mr. Tse Shui Kam 24.6.81, Madam Lo Koon Mooi 21.6.81, Mrs. Hoh née Lei 28.6.81, Mr. Chung 23.7.81, and Madam Lam Yau Ch'un 19.8.81.) The Liu family at Kiu Tsui built the ancestral hall that can be seen today on the main road into Sai Kung Market. For an impression of the long history of lime making in Sai Kung, it should be noted that Madam Lo Koon Mooi was 85 and Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 87 in 1981, and it was their fathers who were engaged in the lime business. Mr. Yau continued working the kilns until his early 40's. Brick kilns were reported in Chek Keng and Pak Tam Chung (Ints. Mr. Chiu Sz 7.5.81 and Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81, 22.5.81). The lime industry, of course, also provided income for fishermen who collected coral for the kilns. See \"Return of the approximate number of fishermen employed in taking coral and shell from the sea adjoining the New Territory\", in Hong Kong Legislative Council, Sessional Papers, 1901, p. 685.\n\n\"The best indication of the growing importance of the trade in pigs is a set of account books that belonged to Mr. Yung Sz Ch'iu of Pak Sha O, a photocopy of which is held by the Oral History Project. See also ints. Mr. Chan Tsz K'eung 28.5.81 and Mr. Hoh King 5.6.81.\n\n• There are many instances of seamen recruited by recruitment firms (haang shuen koon); see, eg. Mr. Chiu Sz (Int. 7.5.81). Remittance from abroad was sent back to the village through import-export houses (kam shan tsong), see Mr. Yau T'aai Hong (Int. 11.8.81).\n\n10 Mr. Cheung T'o's grandfather was a cook on Hong Kong Island, and his father was employed on the Kowloon-Canton Railway. Mr. Cheung, of Ho Chung, was c. 70 in 1981 (Int. 15.6.81). Mr. Tsang Yau of Tai Mong Tsai (age unknown, but who married before World War II) worked in a shop started by his father in Shaukiwan on Hong Kong Island (Int. 23.6.81).\n\n11 Ints. Mr. Cheng Chung Ting 21.5.81, Mr. Chan P'aang Hing 29.5.81, Mr. Chan T'aai 22.7.81; Bernard Williams, \"Visit to Ho Chung and Sheung Yeung villages in the Sai Kung area”, in Marjorie Topley, ed. Aspects of Social Organization in the New Territories, Hong Kong, 1965, pp. 46-47, and \"The Chan family of Tseung Kwan O\", JHKBRAS 7 (1967), pp. 158-160.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208844, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 6, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "205\n\n12 On this particular type of tenancy, see John Kamm, \"Two essays on the Ch'ing economy of Hsin-an, Kwangtung Province”, JHKBRÁS 1977, pp. 55-84, and James Hayes, The Hong Kong Region, 1850-1911, Folkestone, Kent, England, 1977, pp. 50-53.\n\n13 Ints. Mr. Wong 22.6.81, Mr. Lam Kaap Shau 8.6.81, Mr. Cheung Kau 26.6.81, Mr. Cheung 26.6.81, Mr. Cheng Yung 10.7.81, and Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81; Hugh D.R. Baker, Sheung Shui, A Chinese Lineage Village, Guildford and London, 1968, p. 172.\n\n14 Father Sergio Ticozzi, 12.5.81, quoting from Giovanni B. Tragella, Le Mission Estere di Milano, Nel Quadro Degli Avvenimenti Contemporanli, Milan 1950-1963, vol. 1, pp. 274-275, vol. 2, pp. 85, 89, and 314. Int. Father George Carusso, 20.5.81.\n\n15 Ints. Mr. Lok Tak K'ei 17.7.81, Mr. Leung Yung Hei 16.6.81, Mrs. Lau 14.6.81, and Mr. Tse Kw'an 16.11.80.\n\n10 Int. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81. Mr. Yau's term for \"moorage inlet\" was \"siu wan t'au\". Cf. also the type of market James Hayes refers to as \"coastal market centres\" in his Hong Kong Region, p. 37.\n\n17\n\nDocuments on this case are included in Kuan T'ien-p'ei, Ch'ou-hai ch'u-chi (1836, n.p., Taipei reprint, 1968) 2/26a-33a, 56a-74a, 80a-99b. Kuan was Naval Commander-in-Chief for Kwangtung from 1834 to 1841. C. Fred Blake, in Ethnic Groups and Social Change in a Chinese Market Town, Hawaii, 1981, p. 46 note 8, states \"Lung Shuen Wan was a traditional outpost for the Chinese imperial navy's regulation of eastern approaches to the Pearl River. I wonder if perhaps Lung Shuen Wan was the original 'coastal market centre' in this area?\" Elsewhere (loc. cit. and p. 95) he points out that the Lung Shuen Wan Tin Hau Temple retained the patronage of the Pak Kong and Sha Kok Mei villagers, despite the greater convenience of the Tin Hau Temple within Sai Kung Market.\n\n18 These are figures of shops as registered in the Block Crown Lease (DD215, DD224). It is more than likely that these were shop spaces rather than shops, and in the event that a shop might take up more than a shop space, there were fewer shops in Sai Kung and Hang Hau in the early 1900's than noted here. For comparison, in 1905, Yuen Long had only seventy-four shops and Tai Po Market twenty-three large and fifteen small ones. See James Hayes, Hong Kong Region, p. 36.\n\n19 Ints. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81, Father George Carusso 20.5.81, Mr. Lei Kan 19.6.81, Mr. Ue Shun Hing 10.7.81.\n\n20 Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81.\n\n21 Mr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81, Madam Chiu I Mooi 7.5.81, Mrs. Foo, née Lei, 28.6.81.\n\n22\n\nMrs. Kong Lei San Kiu 21.6.81. Mr. Cheung Kin Wa 10.6.81 of Taai Fung Nin (opened c. 1933) in Sai Kung Market remembered that the shop used to slaughter a pig each day to sell to the boat people.\n\n23 Mr. Chan Kei Shang 28.5.81, Mr. Chan Shou 19.6.81.\n\n24 Mr. Hoh King 6.5.81, Mrs. Lei née So 20.6.81, Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80, Mr. Cheung Ming Shing 8.6.81, Mr. Lai Foh 8.5.81. Mrs. Lei used to obtain piglets from Kam Lei Loi in Sai Kung Market. It took six to seven months to fatten them, and two dollars to have each pig carried back to Sai Kung Market. She also had rice and pig feed (chiefly rice husk) from Kam Lei Loi on credit. Kam Lei Loi was a butcher's cum general store, where her husband worked.\n\n25 According to Mr. Yau T'aam Shang, 15.5.81, the interest rate in Sai Kung Market was 5 cents per dollar per month, i.e. 60 percent per annum.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208845, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 7, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "206\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nannum. The Yung Sz Ch'iu account books from Hoi Ha (see footnote 8) show that it was 30 percent, and that as a rule, interest was seldom successfully collected in full.\n\n20 Mr. Chau T'in Shang 3.6.81, Mr. Tse Kw'an 16.11.80. Mr. Lau K'in Tsun of Ha Yeung (Int. 17.7.81), who managed the Kwong Shing general store at Hang Hau before the War, remembered that he bought oil and rice from the Nam Pak Hong, and had to send his goods to Hang Hau via Shaukiwan.\n\n27 Mr. Hoh King 27.5.81 described the shops making rice wine in conjunction with pig raising, the dregs from the wine being used to feed the pigs. The beancurd maker was Loi Lei, see int. Madam Laai Hung Tai 8.5.81, the owner's daughter. Of course, the markets also provided the hawkers who went regularly to the villages. Mrs. Lau 14.6.81 remembered the fish mongers who took fish from Seung Sz Wan to Ha Yeung, and the hawkers who came with sweets and items of clothing.\n\n28 Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81 for years operated a boat that carried lime and firewood to Kowloon. His father was in a similar business. In the 1930's, Mr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81 had a junk that took orders from shops in Sai Kung for purchases from Hong Kong. Mr. Lei P'aang Kei collected fish in Sai Kung directly from fishermen to be sent to Kowloon. He had formerly worked for Saam Shing, and started this business on his own when Saam Shing collapsed in the 1930's (Int. Mr. Lei P'aang Kei 12.5.81, 19.5.81). Mr. Chan T'in Po 12.5.81 from Yim Tin Tsai used to send his fish to Sai Kung Market and employed women to carry them into Kowloon, paying 40 cents for approximately 40 catties.\n\n29 In addition to references already cited, see Ints. Mr. Hoh Shang 20.6.81, Mr. Tse Shui Kam 24.6.81, Mrs. Mo née Cheng 28.6.81, Mr. Lau 16.6.81, Mr. Leung Yung Hei 16.6.81, Mr. Lok Shang 21.5.81, Mrs. Yung née Wan 2.7.81, Mr. Shing Uen Wan 10.7.81, Mrs. Tsang née Shing 14.7.81, Mr. Ng 15.7.81, Mr. Lau 17.7.81, Mr. Yau Yan 22.7.81.\n\n30 Mr. Wong Kam Tai 20.7.81 remembered Shing Woh general store, owned by the ancestors of Mr. Shing Mau Kwong of Mang Kung Uk, that collected fish for various shops that made salt fish, a shop that made wine, owned by a Mr. Lau, a stationer's owned by a Mr. Chan, and a small shipyard that removed barnacles from boats, owned by a Mr. Po. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 31.7.81 remembered that the Maus of Pan Long Wan had a general store there, the Shings of Mang Kung Uk had two shops, both called Shing Woh.\n\n31 Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81, Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81, Mr. Chan Tsz K'eung 28.5.81, Mr. Hoh Taai 10.6.81, Mr. Hoh King 27.5.81, 5.6.81, Mr. Chau T'in Shang 3.6.81, Mrs. Lei née So 20.6.81, Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80.\n\n32 Mr. Lei Yiu T'ing 23.6.81, Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81, Mr. Lei P'aang Kei 12.5.81, 19.5.81, Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81, 15.5.81.\n\n33 For background see Hong Kong Government, Administrative Report 1914 D (Harbour Office), p. 6, Hong Kong Government Gazette August 3, 1914. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang referred to this in relation to the growth of Saam Shing and T'aai Shing in int. 8.5.81.\n\n34 Ts'ui Mau Fung was not a shop-keeper, but a land-owner who lived in Sai Kung. He was not involved in the kaifong (int. Mr. Lei Shiu Yum 8.5.81). On Chan Pak T'o, see int. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81. According to Mr. Chan P'aang Hing 29.5.81, he was the teacher of Chan Ue Kwong's younger brother Min Ue.\n\n35 Mr. Chau T'in Shang 18.5.81, 3.6.81.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208846, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 8, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "207\n\n36 1911 Census.\n\n37 For a brief discussion of these ideas, see David Faure, \"Hongkong and China in the village world\", JHKBRAS 21 (1981). A noteworthy variation is the shrine for the Taai Shing Yan Kung Ma at Luk Mei Village, which is both an ancestral figure and a territorial god. See research notes on Ue Lan Festival at Luk Mei, 5-7.8.81.\n\n* Ints. Mr. Cheung T'o 29.5.81, 15.6.81, Mr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81, Mr. Tse Ming 8.81, and notes on the ta tsiu at Ho Chung, 27.12.81 - 31.12.81. For the donations of the Uens towards the repair of the temple, see Ch'e Kung Temple tablet and ints. Mr. Uen Chi Ming 16.1.81, 13.2.81, 7.3.81. Our interviews did not discover if only villagers of Ho Chung contributed towards the annual Ch'e Kung Festival, or if other villagers in the villages that took part in the ta tsiu also did.\n\n3 Int. Mr. Chan P'aang Hing 29.5.81.\n\n40\n\nInts. Mr. Cheng Ip 14.5.81, Mr. Lei Yiu T'ing 23.6.81, Mr. Lei Kau 23.6.81, Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, 21.7.81.\n\n41\n\nInts. Mr. Tse Wing 9.6.81, Mr. Tsang 25.6.81, Mr. Tsang Yung 25.6.81, Mrs. Wai 27.6.81\n\n42 Ints. Mr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81, Mr. Cheung Wing 1981; see also Mr. Sung Kw'an 23.6.81 for similar arrangements for raising pigs in Tit Kim Hang, and Mr. Shing Uen Wan 10.7.81 in Pik Uk.\n\n43\n\nInts. Mr. Shing Ip On 14.6.81, Mr. Leung Yung Hei 16.6.81. Every year, on the 28th of the First Month, all the five surnames of Mang Kung Uk joined in the worship of the earth god. A matshed was built in the village, on which lanterns were hung. See int. Mr. Ue Shun Hing 10.7.81. See also Patrick Hase, “Observations at a Village Funeral\", presented at the Conference on Hong Kong Society and History at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, December 1981, (papers to be published shortly).\n\n44\n\n** Mr. Leung Yung Hei 16.8.81.\n\n* Ints. Mr. Sung 22.6.81, Mr. Tang Kei Faat 25.6.81, Mr. Hoh King 24.6.81, Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81, Mrs. Lau Lei Loi T'aai 28.6.81, store keeper at Wong Chuk Wan 28.6.81, Mrs. Hoh née Lau 29.6.81, Mr. Kuet Po Shing 2.7.81, and notes on the ruined temple at Wong Chuk Wan 28.6.81. The composition of the Shap Heung given by Mrs. Hoh née Lau and Mr. Kuet differs slightly from that in the text here. Other village groups in the Sai Kung area include one that consists of Tse Keng Tuk, Chiu Hang, Ta Ho Tun, and Ma Nam Wat (int. Mr. Chan Uet Shing 24.6.81), another that consists of the three villages at Man Yee Wan (int. Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81), yet another the seven villages that made use of the sugar press at Ko Tong (int. Mr. To 19.6.81). Apparently, Tai Long, Pak Tam Au, and Chek Keng, and then Sham Chung, Lai Chi Chong, and Pak Sha O were two groups of villages that had close social ties (int. Madam Chiu I Mooi 7.5.81).\n\n48 Ints. Mr. Tse Wing 20.6.81, Mr. Yau 28.7.81. Fung shui was involved in the dispute in Sha Kok Mei. The villagers considered that part of a hill nearby, known to them as the \"tiger's land\" (foo tei) was essential to the fung shui of the village. Sha Kok Mei would not permit burial, grass or tree cutting on the foo tei.\n\n\"Mr. Chau T'in Shang 9.7.81, Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, Mr. Yau Taai Hin 8.81, Mr. Tse Ming 8.81. Major temple celebrations before World War II were held in at least the following places: Leung Shuen Wan, Sai Kung, Tai Miu, Hang Hau, Pan Long Wan, Tseung Kwan O, Kau Sai. Pak Kong and Ho Chung had a ta tsiu every ten years, and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208854, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 16, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "CONTENTS (Cont'd.)\n\nA Tun Fu ceremony in Tai Po district 1981 - JUDITH STRAUCH - 147\n\nLychees of Tsang Shing county, Kwangtung — JAMES HAYES - 153\n\nLocal Reactions to the disturbance of Fung Shui on Tsing Yi Island, Hong Kong 1978-80 - JAMES HAYES - 155\n\nAnother missing library - JAMES HAYES - 157\n\nYet another library — JAMES HAYES - 158\n\nA missing Chinese library - H. A. RYDINGS & JAMES HAYES - 159\n\nMaryknoll in China, with W. J. Howard's letter to the Hon. Librarian - JAMES HAYES - 162\n\nLibrary of the North China Branch, R.A.S., Shanghai - H. A. RYDINGS - 164\n\nBOOK REVIEWS - 166\n\nThe popular culture of late Ch'ing and early twentieth century China: book lists prepared from collecting in Hong Kong - JAMES HAYES - 168\n\nA bibliography of Taoism in oriental languages - WILLIAM Y. CHEN - 184\n\nA short glossary of Geomantic Terms - CAROLE MORGAN - 209\n\nvi", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208906, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "36\n\nJIANN HSIEH\n\nmigration patterns. First, in the early Ch'ing Dynasty, Hsin-an Hsien (*) (a district including Hong Kong and Kowloon) was deeply affected by a security policy of \"chien-chieh\" (†) (literally, \"to clear up the border\") and, therefore, became somewhat depopulated. Thereafter, during the later part of the Ch'ing Dynasty, many Hakka were encouraged by the government to migrate to the depopulated areas, which included the present day New Territories. They came with their families, possessions, and tools for reclaiming the land, and formed so-called single-surname villages, i.e., villages based on localized lineages, in the resettled area (Davis, 1962:331; Aijmer, 1967: passim).4\n\nSecond, the Hakka immigrated to Hong Kong or via Hong Kong to other Southeast Asian areas after 1842. Hong Kong especially, with its continuous urban expansion, attracted many Waichow Hakkas to work in the stonecutting and building trades (Hayes, 1977:151-158). Before the Second World War, migration was provoked mainly by population pressure, but sociopolitical disorder was another important factor (Lo, 1933:63). Evidence for this is to be found in Ch'en Ta's (1939:63) study of the relationship between land and population in Fuchien and Kwangtung; in Huang Chih-lien (1972:64) and in my research done in Singapore (Hsieh, 1977:42). As for the migration pattern at this time, although there were then relatively fewer political barriers than today to put a brake on migration, most migrants moved from rural places to urban areas, or even entered into a completely different socio-cultural setting in a foreign land; they were people who took risks. As a result, cases of migrants moving with their whole families or even with a whole lineage—as happened in the Ch'ing Dynasty—do not figure prominently. Anthropologists had designated this pattern of migration as \"chain-immigration\" (Hsieh, 1977:41). It was the most common pattern of overseas Chinese migration to South East Asia: people emigrated gradually from their native places, relying on intertwining kinship networks, each individual clinging to the others.\n\nHowever, the picture is quite different when we examine those who migrated to Hong Kong after 1949. This migration constitutes the third stage. Data from my interviews show that more than 95 per cent of the present leaders of the Waichow voluntary associations were born in China and immigrated to Hong Kong after that", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208907, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "PERSISTENCE & PRESERVATION OF HAKKA CULTURE\n\n37\n\nyear. Their migration pattern, conditioned by their political identity and personal background, is different from the two patterns already described. On the one hand, immigrants following this last pattern have cut off contacts with their native places and cannot receive any moral or material support from their relatives in mainland China; on the other hand, unlike those who practised \"chain-immigration,\" they could not benefit from arrangements made for them before they came to Hong Kong. These factors also determined the nature of the voluntary associations which they formed.\n\nB. Organizing Principles\n\nAccording to my survey, in 1979 there were forty-nine Waichow and partly Waichow voluntary associations, of which most were organized according to the traditional principles of locality, dialect, kinship, and occupation. All of these forty-nine associations may be divided into the following categories:\n\n1. The Waichow Hakkas' associations: As the majority group of Waichow, the Hakka have established thirty voluntary associations in Hong Kong since 1947.\n\n2. The Waichow Hoklos' associations: Nineteen Waichow associations were organized by the Hoklos (Foklos), a marginal group of Waichow, sometimes jointly incorporated with Hoklos from other prefectures. Therefore, some of the Hoklos' associations could better be designated as “joint associations.\"\n\nIn the present study fourteen major Waichow associations are examined. Two of these nominally represent all the Waichow fellow countrymen; nine, the Waichow Hakka; and three, the Waichow Hoklos in Hong Kong.\n\nCompared to their locality or dialect associations, the Waichow Hakka in Hong Kong have few associations founded on kinship principles. This is in sharp contrast to the Hakkas' clan and surname associations which I studied in Singapore (Hsieh, 1978: 1977).5 Since immigrants from mainland China after 1949 often arrived in Hong Kong without accompanying relatives, they could maintain only very limited kinship networks in Hong Kong. Furthermore, unlike that of the Hakka who settled in the New Territories during the Ch'ing Dynasty, the settlement pattern in this case is one of dispersion rather than concentration in particular areas. In addition,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208908, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "38\n\nJIANN HSIEH\n\nbecause of high heterogeneity and rapid local social mobility, kinship networks are difficult to perpetuate. For this reason, it seems impossible to organize traditional clan associations based on genealogical ties, even though the Hakka are much concerned about maintaining their culture, especially their kinship system. However, instead of clan associations, the Waichow Hakka have organized six surname associations based on fictive kinship. For instance, Tz'eng-tzu (曾子), as a cultural hero of ancient China, was assigned the rank of common ancestor in one surname association in order to consolidate all the Ts'engs from Waichow. In other words, kinship as a fictive concept rather than as traced in a concrete genealogy is still an important principle manipulated by the Waichow Hakka in organizing voluntary associations in urban situations.\n\nThe very mixed origins of residents, the complex differentiation of occupations, and the rapid social mobility in Hong Kong have also rendered the maintenance of traditional guilds and associations, based on occupation and often combined with locality and/or kinship principles difficult (Ho, 1966: 101; Gamble, 1929:168). Taking the Waichow Hakka as an example, although they established the Waiyang (Hweiyang) Trade Union after the Second World War, its nature today is more that of a locality association than that of an occupational association. In addition, the Waichow Hakka from Tsu-chin District established the 紫金縣同鄉會 (Tse Kam District Countrymen's Association); nineteen of the forty-one members of its executive committee or board of directors are concerned with construction work and the association has been very active in recruiting its members as employees for that business. But still it cannot be called a guild because of the nature of its regulations.\n\nI wish to stress that dialect as an organizing principle of voluntary associations is not necessarily identical with locality. As mentioned before, Waichow, as a prefecture in the Ch'ing Dynasty, included ten districts inhabited by two dialect groups: the Hakka, who stem mostly from the districts of Hwei-yang (惠陽), Po-lo (博羅), Hsin-feng (新豐), Ho-yuan (河源), Lung-chuan (龍川), Tzu-chin (紫金), Lien-ping (連平), and Ho-ping (和平), and the Hoklos, who came mostly from the districts of Haifeng (海豐) and Lu-feng (陸豐) (Lo, 1933:102). Because Hakka constitute the absolute majority of the Waichow population, most members of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208916, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "46\n\nJIANN HSIEH\n\nground could no longer maintain links with their native places. Psychologically, this must have enhanced their eagerness to establish traditional associations aiming at the seeking of identification. Although mainland China is now (1980) becoming stabilized, those who had established and supported the voluntary associations still cannot return to their native places for a happy life. On the contrary, during the past years they have started their careers in Hong Kong and made a life far better than any they ever had before. As a result, their voluntary associations have become both temporary \"native places\" for expressing their nostalgia and communication centers for doing business.\n\nAs mechanisms for perpetuating and preserving a particular culture, the Waichow Hakka associations are facing a series of problems which may handicap their further development. Problems which the informants often mentioned in interviews are the alienation of young people from the associations, the leaders' old age, the small number of members, etc. In my opinion, all these are superficial phenomena and are not essential aspects of the problem. For instance, it should be noted that the traditional Chinese associations were in any case the preserve of seniors not juniors. Moreover, as societal complexity increases, associations organized according to new principles will surely attract a large number of young people. From my point of view, the most serious problems facing the Waichow Hakka associations may be summarized as follows:\n\n1. Because of their long history of migration, the Hakka, as a minority Chinese group among the Chinese, have had a strong sense of group solidarity. In order to adapt to a new environment effectively, they often concentrated in particular areas and maintained very clear group boundaries with other Chinese (Lo, 1933: 65). The single-surname Hakka villages set up in the New Territories during the Ch'ing Dynasty may be regarded as typical examples. However, as I pointed out before, this is not the case for the Waichow Hakka who came alone after 1949 and thus scattered everywhere in Hong Kong and Kowloon. The patterns of both migration and settlement deter them from having a full participation in association activities. In addition to their limited kinship networks and dispersed rather than nucleated settlement pattern, high physical mobility in Hong Kong also hinders a stable linkage between the association and its members and makes established", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208918, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "48\n\nJIANN HSIEH\n\nwithin the Hakka group. Using the Li family in So Kwun Wat Village in the New Territories, settled by Waichow Hakka during the Ch'ing Dynasty, as an example: from their genealogy we know that the family's ancestor Shih-chuan (+) of the twenty-first generation, ancestors Tê-mao (†) and Mu-yu (**) of the twenty-second generation, and ancestor Chên-k'un (*) of the twenty-fourth generation all married women of the surname Kan from a nearby Hakka single-surname village (Li, 1957). According to an informant in So Kwun Wat village, intermarriage among the nearby Hakka villages was very common in the past. However, it is difficult for the new Hakka immigrants to keep up the practice of speech group endogamy because of their settlement pattern and other social factors. It has been pointed out by Skinner (1960:86) that whereas in Indonesia thousands of Chinese can trace back their genealogical descent for as many as twelve generations because of strict Chinese endogamy, in Thailand even fourth-generation Chinese are practically nonexistent because of rapid assimilation. As first-generation immigrants, those Waichow Hakka who came to Hong Kong after 1949 were left with no chance to continue Hakka endogamy. How then can they encourage their descendents to keep up the tradition of Hakka endogamy? The only difference between the Waichow Hakka in Hong Kong and the Chinese in Thailand is that the Waichow Hakka in Hong Kong will be incorporated into the larger Chinese society speaking the Cantonese dialect rather than a host society of foreign origin. This may be the first time that a group of Hakka, always historically a distinctive minority group in China, will be assimilated with a larger segment of other Chinese.\n\n4. Last but not least, the split of the powerful leadership stratum into two parts led to the formation of antagonistic association clusters centered respectively on the Waichow Clansmen General Association and the Ten-Districts of Waichow Association. This in turn resulted in small and low-level associations behaving in an uncoordinated manner, sometimes even hesitating to join either side. In other words, as a group with an estimated population size of about one million, the Waichow Hakka need a central authority, similar to that of the umbrella structure of many Chinese communities in Southeast Asia (Heidhues, 1974:54), an authority which could further the integration of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208919, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "PERSISTENCE & PRESERVATION OF HAKKA CULTURE\n\n49\n\nall segments, cut across diverse organizational identities, emphasize what is common to all, regulate competition among the associations in complementary and cooperative rather than in emulative and suppressive terms, and thus maintain a holistic and united community.\n\nDo the problems stated above imply that the Waichow Hakkas' voluntary associations in Hong Kong will disappear after the vanishing of their culture? Of course not. As anthropologist R. Anderson (1972:21) said: “Voluntary associations do not themselves initiate or hinder socio-cultural change.\" Man, only man, is the master of social institutions. It has been shown in my survey that the Waichow Hakkas' voluntary associations based on traditional organizing principles have changed both their organization and content in certain circumstances in order to adapt to the ever-changing urban situation in Hong Kong. In the future, as long as division of labor by locality and dialect exist, their associations will still be an important adaptive device. Therefore, the only real problem to be examined is: How will they change? This is a problem which demands long-term field research (Foster et al, 1978).\n\nNOTES\n\n1 To my knowledge, only Aline K. Wong's papers on the Kai-fong associations describe voluntary associations in Hong Kong (1968, 1971, 1972a, 1972b).\n\n2 The bulk of my expenses for the present study was borne by a generous grant from the Chinese University of Hong Kong, which I acknowledge with deep gratitude. Help was also received from the Institute of Social Studies and the Humanities and the Social Research Centre of the same university, for which I am grateful. I also wish to express my gratitude to many association leaders who spent hours talking to me and instructing me in the history of their associations.\n\n3 In the early Ch'ing Dynasty the imperial court adopted a policy of \"clearing up the border,\" i.e., removing the people living along the sea coast, in order to prevent them from a possible collusion with the rebels overseas (CCCHS, 1950: 27-29).\n\n4 According to my survey made in 1970, some single-surname villages in the New Territories of Hong Kong still exist even under the strong impact of the modern delocalization process. The Lis' village in So Kwun Wat is a good example.\n\n5 In 1975 there were 185 clan and surname associations in the Chinese community of Singapore; the organization of some of these associations cut across locality or dialect boundaries (Hsieh, 1977: 87).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208920, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "50\n\nJIANN HSIEH\n\n* According to an imperial decree issued in 1645, a man could change his official domicile only if his grandfather had settled in a new place for more than twenty years, and if he could prove that in that place he had an estate and a clan graveyard (Ho, 1966:8).\n\n? According to the informant, who is one of the directors of the Wai-yeung Merchants Association is a locality association in nature, but not a merchants' guild.\n\n* It is especially true that genealogical seniority played a very important role in the leadership of the Chinese traditional clan associations. This emphasis on seniority also prevailed in the leadership structure of other kinds of voluntary associations through pseudo-kinship relationships (Gamble, 1929).\n\n• The division of residence by dialect or original locality survives even in today's Chinese community of Singapore. For example, most of the Hainanese concentrate in Hsiao-p'o, while the Cantonese are dominant in the area of Niu-ch'e-shui.\n\n10 Since all the Waichow schools are subsidized by the Hong Kong Government, it is an obligation for them to use Cantonese as the teaching medium.\n\n11 The estimated size of the Waichow population in Hong Kong according to the association leaders ranges from 700,000 to 1,200,000.\n\nREFERENCES\n\nA. CHINESE\n\nHo, P. T.\n\n1966\n\nChung-kui hui-kuang shih lun (A Historical Survey of Landsmannschaften in China). Taipei: Students' Book Store.\n\nHuang, C. L.\n\n1972\n\nMa-hua li-shih tiao-ch'a yen-chiu ch'u-lun (A Preliminary Study of Chinese History in Malaya). Singapore: Wan-li Press.\n\nLi, S. T.\n\n1957\n\nYuan-lang Sao-kuan-hu Li-shih tsu-p'u (The Genealogy of Lis in So Kwun Wat, Yuen Long). MS.\n\nLi, Y. Y.\n\n1970\n\nLo, H. L.\n\n1933\n\nIh-ko i-chih ti shih-chên (An Immigrant Town). Taipei: Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica.\n\nK'ê-chiao yen-chiu tao-lun (An Introduction to Hakka Studies). (1975) Taipei: Ku-t'ing Press.\n\nSee, C. B.\n\n1976\n\nFei-lu-pin hua-jên wen-hua ti chih-hsü (Persistence and Preservation of Chinese Culture in the Philippines). Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica, 42:119-206.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208921, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "PERSISTENCE & PRESERVATION OF HAKKA CULTURE\n\nB. ENGLISH\n\n51\n\nAijmer, G.\n\n1967 \"Expansion and Extension in Hakka Society.\" Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. 7:42-79.\n\nAnderson, R. T.\n\n1971 \"Voluntary Association in History.\" American Anthropologist, 73(1): 209-222.\n\nBanton, M.\n\n++\n\n1968 \"Voluntary Associations: Anthropological Aspects.\" In D. L. Sills, (ed.), International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 16, pp.358-379. New York: Macmillan.\n\nCh'en, T.\n\n1939 Emigrant Communities in South China. Shanghai: Kelly & Walsh.\n\nCoser, L. A.\n\n1956 The Functions of Social Conflict. Illinois: The Free Press of Glencoe.\n\nDavis, S. G.\n\n1962 \"The Rural-Urban Migration in Hong Kong and Its New Territories.\" Geographical Journal, 128(3): 328-333.\n\nFallers, L. A. (ed.)\n\n1967 Immigrant and Associations. The Hague: Mouton.\n\nFoster, G. M. et al (eds).\n\n1978 Long-Term Field Research in Social Anthropology, Studies in Social Anthropology. New York: Academic Press.\n\nFreedman, M.\n\n++\n\n1960 \"Immigrations and Associations: Chinese in Nineteenth Century Singapore.\" Comparative Studies in Society and History, 3(1):25-49.\n\n1961 \"Overseas Chinese Association: A Comment.\" Comparative Studies in Society and History, 3(3):478-480.\n\n1963 \"A Chinese Phase in Social Anthropology.\" The British Journal of Sociology, 14(1),\n\nGamble, S. D.\n\n1929 Peking: A Social Survey. New York: George H. Doran.\n\nHayes, J.\n\n1977 The Hong Kong Region 1850-1911. Institutions and Leadership in Town and Countryside. Hamden, Conn., Archon-Dawson.\n\nHeidhues, M. F. S.\n\n1974 Southeast Asia's Chinese Minorities. Hawthorn, Australia: Longman.\n\nHodder, H. W.\n\n1953 \"Racial Groupings in Singapore.\" Malayan Journal of Tropical Geography 1:25-36.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208922, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "52\n\nJIANN HSIEH\n\nHsieh, J.\n\n1977 Internal Structure and Socio-cultural Change: A Chinese Case in the Multi-Ethnic Society of Singapore. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pittsburgh, U.S.A.\n\n1978 \"The Chinese Community in Singapore: The Internal Structure and Its Basic Constituents.\" In Peter S. J. Chen and Hans-Dieter Evers (eds.), Studies in Asian Sociology. Singapore: Chopmen,\n\nKerri, J. N.\n\n1976 \"Studying Voluntary Associations as Adaptive Mechanisms: A Review of Anthropological Perspective.\" Current Anthropology, 17(1):23-49,\n\nLittle, K.\n\n1965 West African Urbanization: A Study of Voluntary Associations in Social Change. Cambridge: The University Press.\n\n1974 Urbanization as a Social Process. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.\n\nSkinner, G. W.\n\n1960 \"Change and Persistence in Chinese Culture Overseas: A Comparison of Thailand and Java.” Journal of the South Seas Society, 16(1-2):82-100.\n\nSuyama, T.\n\n1962 \"Pang Society: The Economy of Chinese Immigration.\" In K. C. Tregonning (ed.), Papers on Malayan History. Singapore: Journal of Southeast Asian History.\n\nWard, B. E.\n\n1965 \"Varieties of the Conscious Model: The Fishermen of South China.\" In M. Banton (ed.), The Relevance of Models for Social Anthropology. London: Tavistock.\n\nWillmott, W. E.\n\n1967 The Chinese in Cambodia. Vancouver: Publications Center of UBC.\n\nWong, A. K.\n\n1968 \"A Preliminary Report on the Kaifong Study.\" United College Journal, 7:27-48.\n\n1971 \"Chinese Voluntary Associations in Southeast Asian Cities and the Kaifongs in Hong Kong.\" Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 5(2):62-73.\n\n1972a \"Chinese Community Leadership in a Colonial Setting: The Hong Kong Neighbouring Associations.\" Asian Survey 17(1): 587-601.\n\n1972b The Kaifong Associations and the Society of Hong Kong. Taipei: The Orient Cultural Service.\n\nCCCHS\n\n1950 Ch'ung chêng tsung-hui san-shih ch'ou-nien chi-nien t'e-kan (Thirty Years of the Tsung Tsin Association).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208923, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "PERSISTENCE & PRESERVATION OF HAKKA CULTURE\n\n53\n\nCHTCH\n\n1970 Chiao-kang Huei-chow tung-hsiang-huei Ch'üan-wan fên-huei t'e-kan (A Special Publication of the Waichow Main Union, Tsuen Wan Branch).\n\nCHTH\n\n1964\n\nCHTPC\n\n1973\n\nСРТНН\n\n1976\n\nCTTH\n\nChiao-kang Huei-chow tung-hsiang tsung-huei huei-kan (Journal of the Waichow Clansmen General Association, Hong Kong, Ltd.).\n\nChiao-kang Huei-chow tung-hsiang tsung-huei Ping-chow fên-huei t'e-kan (A Special Publication of the Waichow Clansmen General Association, Hong Kong, Ltd., Peng-Chau Branch).\n\nChiao-kang Po-lo tung-hsiang-huei huei-kan (A Publication of the Pok-law District Association).\n\n1969 Chiao-kang Tzu-chen tung-hsiang-huei huei-kan (A Publication of the Tze-kam District Countrymen's Association, Ltd.).\n\nHKCCTH\n\n1971 Ch'ung-chêng tsung-huei chin-hsi ta-ch'ing t'e-kan (A Publication in Commemoration of the 50th Anniversary, Tsung Tsin Association).\n\nHSKOCT\n\n1973\n\nHTSCT\n\n1978\n\nSSHTTL\n\n1978\n\nSTTCCS\n\n1978\n\nSTTCCY\n\n1976\n\nYHTTL\n\n1969\n\nHuei-chow shih-shu kong-huei chêng-li chi-nien t'e-kan (A Publication in Commemoration of the Grand Opening of the Ten-Districts of Waichow Association).\n\nHuei-chow tung-hsiang tsung-huei san-shih ch'ou-nien chi-nien t'e-kan (A Publication in Commemoration of the 30th Anniversary of the Waichow Clansmen's General Association).\n\nHsin-chiai Shang-shui Huei-chow tung-hsiang-huei ti-êrh-chiai li-chien-shi chiu-chih t'ien-li t'e-kan (A Publication in honor of the Second-Term Members of the Executive and Supervisory Committees, the Waichow Union Sheung Shui Branch, Hong Kong).\n\nShih-chieh Tsêng-shih tsung-ch'in-huei Chiu-lung fên-huei chêng-li san-ch'ou-nien chi-nien t'e-kan (A Publication in Commemoration of the Third Anniversary, the Kowloon Branch of Tsang Clansmen Association, Ltd.).\n\nShih-chieh Tsêng-shih tsung-ch'in-huei Chiu-lung-fên-huei chêng-li san-ch'ou-nien chi-nien t'e-kan (A Publication in Commemoration of the First Anniversary, the Kowloon Branch of Tsang Clansmen Association, Ltd.).\n\nYi-lan-lang Huei-chou t'ung-hsiang-huei ti-san-chiai li-chien-shi chiu-chih t'ien-li chi huei-yüan lien-huan ta-hui t'e-kan (A Publication in Honor of the Third-Term Members of the Executive and Supervisory Committees and the General Meeting, Waichow Un Long Residents Association).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208939, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 101, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "SILK & SILVER: MACAU, MANILA TRADE\n\n69\n\nthe imprisonment of Tomé Pires, whom they had sent as ambassador to the Emperor, and to the closure of Canton until 1530 to all foreign commerce. Henceforth the Portuguese had to trade clandestinely around the Bay of Amoy and at Ningpo in Fukien in the various goods, notably pepper and sandalwood, for which no amount of imperial prohibitions could lessen the demand in China.\n\nThe commercial losses suffered by the Chinese as a result of their isolationism and the prohibition of their own navigation were gains for the Portuguese. As the American scholar George D. Winius has aptly put it, \"in the Atlantic the Portuguese were explorers; in the Indian Ocean they were conquerors and in the Far East they were businessmen\". Before long their trading activities in the China Sea had developed sufficiently to make inadequate the temporary shacks and tents in which they stored and displayed their wares in such places as Shang-ch'uan (Portuguese Sanchao or São João, where St. Francis Xavier died of fever in 1552), and they began to press the Chinese authorities for a trading centre of their own. In 1555 the Jesuit Father Belchior Nunes Barreto described Shang-ch'uan as a centre for trade with the Chinese where \"silk, porcelain, camphor, copper, alum and China-wood are bartered for many kinds of merchandise from this land\" (i.e. Japan).7 In the previous year Leonel de Sousa had secured permission for regular trade with China on payment of customs dues and in 1557 the Portuguese were allowed to establish themselves at Ao-men (Gate of the Bay), otherwise known as Amacon, Macau or the City of the Name of God in China.8\n\nThere was no written agreement with the Chinese for the establishment of Macau as a Portuguese enclave in China and, though the Portuguese continued to pay rent to the Chinese government till 1849, their sovereign rights in Macau were not fully conceded till 1887. But from the outset, Macau's extra-territoriality was admitted in practice because it suited both parties to the agreement - the Portuguese because it gave them a secure place in a highly profitable commercial network and the Chinese because, as later with Hong Kong, they could now enjoy most of the benefit of foreign trade without having to abandon their restrictions on foreigners entering or Chinese leaving China.\n\nA gate was erected across the isthmus joining Macau with the mainland - the Porta do Cêrco - upon which the Portuguese placed a grandiloquent inscription: \"Dread our greatness and respect...\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208948, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "78\n\nJOHN VILLIERS\n\ncommercial acumen, of piety and profit. It demonstrates how in Macau as elsewhere in their far-flung empire, the Portuguese desire to win both converts to Christianity and fortunes by trade went hand in hand.\n\nThe Macaonese received the news with \"tears of joy in their eyes, congratulating each other on such a piece of good fortune, especially the families and relatives of the martyrs, all of whom dressed not in mourning but in gala clothes. They did not shut the windows of their houses from grief, but opened them wide, placing many lights in them, and sounding shawms and other musical instruments for many days, singing many tuneful songs as a sign of their joy. It is a most noteworthy thing that, as the welfare, maintenance, and almost the very existence of this city depends chiefly on the Japan trade, if the news that the embassy had failed in its purpose had come without that of this glorious triumph, the citizens of Macau would have been aghast and their spirit would have sunk to their shoes. With this glorious news, however, everyone rejoiced exceedingly, and nobody spoke sadly or showed any sorrow because the trade was not reopened. On the contrary, they all rejoiced in the comforting thought that they had their ambassadors in Heaven, hoping with good reason that through their intercession, God would cast his eyes on that commonweal to save and sustain it, either by restoring the Japan trade or by opening some other way for its preservation\".34\n\nFOOTNOTES\n\n1 Tomé Pires Suma Oriental. Trans. and ed. Armando Cortesão. 2 vols. Hakluyt Society 2nd series. LXXXIX, 1944. 1. p. 286.\n\n2 Pires, op cit. 1 pp. 128-134. João de Barros. Da Asia, dos feitos que os Portuguezes fizeram no descubrimento das terras e mares do Oriente. Ed. N. Pagliarini 3 vols. Lisbon, 1777-1778. III. 2. ch. 8.\n\n3 O. H. K. Spate. The Spanish Lake. London, 1979, pp. 147-148.\n\n4 On Sino-Japanese relations and European dealings with the Japanese in the 16th century see C. R. Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan. University of California Press and Cambridge University Press, 1951, G. Sansom, The Western World and Japan, London 1950, Idem, A History of Japan 1334-1615, London, 1961, J. Murdoch, A History of Japan II. 1542-1651, London 1949, M. Cooper S.J. (ed.), The Southern Barbarians. Tokyo, 1971, especially D. Pacheco SJ. The Europeans in Japan, 1543-1640, Knauth, Confrontación Transpacifica, el Japon y el Nuevo Mundo Hispánico. Mexico, 1972, and Kuichi Matsuda, The relations between Portugal and Japan. Lisbon, 1965.\n\n73", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208954, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "84\n\nDAVID LUNG\n\ncockloft reached by a ladder may be added to provide for additional storage or sleeping space. The front and back rooms are gable roofed, while a portion of the courtyard may be covered to provide shelter for cooking. The walls are load-bearing structures, 12-in cavity walls, made out of greyish bricks of Kwangtung size (11″X 5\" x 3\"), manufactured in regions along Sikiang, West River. Some houses have three to five courses of granite stone on the facade running up from the foundation. Clay roof tiles laid in single layers are supported by rafters spaced roughly 8 in apart. The rafters are in turn placed on beams of fir or pine roughly 6 in in diameter supported by end walls. Window openings are rare and do not belong to the original design. Light is let in through doorways opened to the courtyards and the lanes. The front door openings are usually 8 ft tall and 3.4 ft wide closed by a set of timber doors from the inside and another set of shutters about 5 ft from the outside. Decorative reliefs called hua-liang are commonly found above door openings.\n\nThe planning of the village is based on fung-shui principles. Fung-shui, literally meaning wind-water, is a form of divination based on topographical and architectural features, and is commonly translated as geomancy. It is a science (or quasi-science) which deals with the analysis of the formation of the landscape in selecting sites for graves, buildings, villages or even cities. The notion of siting of towns and buildings by means of oracle divination can be attributed to Shang times from the Chou records,\n\nSchools of Geomancy\n\nThere have been two schools of geomancy since Sung times: the Fukien School and the Kiangsi School. The former puts more emphasis on li, the earth pattern, su, number theories based on the trigrams and hexagrams of the I Ching, and hsiu, astrological elements, which consequently depend more on the use of the compass. The Kiangsi School, on the other hand, looks for ch'i, the cosmic breath, and hsiang, the forms of mountains and watercourses, and so, the use of the compass is subordinate. However, the two schools have fused together since the 19th century.\n\nli # su #\n\nI Ching 易經\n\nhsiu 宿 ch'i hsiang\n\nhua-liang #", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208955, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "FUNG SHUI: ILLUSTRATED BY KAT HING WAI, N.T.\n\n85\n\nThe basic premise of geomancy is the location of ch'i, the cosmic breath, of the site in question. This ch'i is dispersed by wind and carried by watercourse; too much of each or both will drive the site's good influences away, and too little movement will cause stagnation of the influences. An ideal site should be south-facing and constitute the following topographical features: The hills should have the formation of an armchair; those in the rear should fence off evil spirits brought in by the cold bitter northerly wind, those on the left and right should flank it like embracing arms, and the front should be opened or unobstructed such that view, airiness, and sunlight can be brought in by the yang spirit. These features are represented by the four numinous animals: the azure dragon on the left, the white tiger on the right, the red bird in the front, and the black tortoise in the back. Thus, the point where the two forces meet, and in a proportion of three to two of the azure dragon and the white tiger in elevation, is the perfect location for burial and building. As to water, a site with confluence of streams brings good influences; conversely, branching does the opposite. \"Sharp bends are bad since they make straight arrow-like lines, meander being the natural path of good influence...\" However, favourable and auspicious sites are not always readily available, and less desirable ones are remediable by means of tree planting, or building a fung-shui pagoda at proper places, or removing contours and watercourses according to geomantic principles. As fung-shui can bring good influences to people if dwellings are properly placed, so can it cause ill fate if they are placed otherwise. According to a geomantic professor I interviewed in Hong Kong, inauspicious fung-shui can induce illness or even death in the family if, for example, windows or doors or kitchen stoves are mislocated. The same fatality may occur if a beam of a house is erected directly over one's head in a sleeping area. Or a house is in a baleful location if it is situated at the crossroad of a Y-junction. My investigations concur with the Yang Dwelling Classics, which says in the opening paragraph: “All dwellings should not be at the mouth of a thoroughfare, or in a monastery (Buddhist temple grounds), nor come near to a shrine, nor be where plants and trees do not grow (to screen and protect), nor in an old battleground ... nor at the gate or opening of a large wall, nor opposite a prison gate.\"12 In Maurice Freedman's research\n\nyang", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208957, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "FUNG SHUI: ILLUSTRATED BY KAT HING WAI, N.T.\n\n87\n\nvalley surrounded by hills in the east, north and south forming an armchair embracing it. It is located at the crosspoint where the breath of the azure dragon and the white tiger meet. The entire valley is fed by flowing streams like the sinews and veins within a body. It is also the confluence of meandering tributaries before the main river runs off to the sea. According to a geomancer who never saw Kam Tin, \"It is said [in the geomancy classics] that the Dragon [Water Dragon, not the same as the Azure Dragon] follows the watercourse, and the meeting-place of waters is the meeting-place of the dragons, where the virtues of hills and streams are united and the grass ever green.\" He continued, \"In the distance there should be groups of mountains with streams of water encircling them; in front a stretch of level plain, a pond, or lake. In the wider circuit, the space should be large enough for 10,000 horses, and the watercourse be sufficient to admit a dragon [large] boat... If the expanse be wide, children and grandchildren will multiply and be strong. From the top of the hill the view should extend for miles, with mountains and streams interspersed.\"16 Such vivid and precise description of the geographical features of Kam Tin by a fung-shui professor who never saw the place can only lead to the conclusion that the siting of Kam Tin was done piously in accordance with the geomancy canons. Moreover, \"the place where the flow out being low, with no hill or high embankment to obstruct the escape of good influences, a pagoda is erected to check these influences and throw them back over the land.”17 Indeed a fung-shui pagoda called Man Ch'eung Kok was erected near where I Tai College now stands in Shui-tau hamlet.* By the year 1850, \"the Tang family seemed to have reached the height of their prosperity. Many of them passed the highest government examination and a census taken that year showed that there were more than 1,800 males living...\"18 But the family experienced a decline in population and wealth after the pagoda was torn down and the course of the river was altered to accommodate three fish ponds and buildings of a school that blocked the view of the village.19 This mistake was remedied by repairing the banks of the river in 1930 and family membership was said to be on the increase again.\n\nFig. 2 in the original version of this article, published in Asian Architect and Builder, October 1979, which contains many other drawings and diagrams not reproduced here.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208959, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "FUNG SHUI: ILLUSTRATED BY KAT HING WAI, N.T.\n\n89\n\nfor defensive purpose, it is my firm belief that careful planning was previously done in order to make possible the coherent relationship that I have mentioned. If original planning was not enhanced, then what had prompted the builders 200 years later to know where and how to trim off excess settlements in order to build the orthogonal wais? Above all, compared to the Hakka walled village in Sheung Shui, the enclosing wall which was also built during the same period and also for the same protective reasons as Kat Hing Wai, is of much more irregular shape. This further reinforces my assumption.\n\nNone of the four wais coincides in size and proportion. This variation is partly due to the size of the extended family, but most importantly, such adjustments are essential to achieve the subtle relationships after each hamlet's position and orientation have been determined. Thus, a square is not a perfect square, but an idealised (or symbolised) square. The dependency of geometrical configuration and proportion in physical forms in China is not so rigid as that of the Western counterpart of the Renaissance period (incidentally concurrent with Ming Peking and Kat Hing Wai): As Joseph Needham points out in his work Science and Civilisation in China, \"the Chinese did not feel the need for [geometrical] forms of explanation — the component organism in the universal organism followed their Tao [way] each according to its own nature.”21 Compared to the T'ang Dynasty capital Ch'angan, one that has been designed most closely with the canonical prescription, Kat Hing Wai is the epitome of the cosmic archetype, the most fundamental stratum of agricultural China. The organic expression of wall and moat architecture is symbolic of Heaven and Earth. The palace in the north in the capital can be seen to parallel the shrine of the Earth God in Kat Hing Wai in which both are protective powers guarding their respective territories. The orientation to the four quadrants, the representational north-south axis, and the division of the compound into smaller living units are all too profound for the sinologist and missionary Arthur H. Smith to grasp the intricacy. In Village Life in China, he writes:\n\nIt is customary in Western lands to speak of ‘laying out' a city or a town. As applied to a Chinese village, such an expression would be most inappropriate, for it would imply that there have been some traces of design in the arrangement of the parts, whereas the reverse is the truth. A Chinese village, like Topsy.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208967, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "SYMBOLISM OF THE NEW LIGHT \n\n97 \n\nthe darkness of the world of Yin, making the night seem as day, and lighting the temple votive lamps with a new, life-bringing fire,\n\nSaso's interpretation clarifies several important aspects of the ritual but is also confusing in some instances. The ritual chanting of the forty-second chapter of the Tao-Te ching appears to be an adaptation that does not truly illustrate the nature of the ritual: it does not merely allude to the \"protogenesis of the myriad creatures\" but is here interpreted as and applied to the proceeding of the original Triad of Taoism: three lamps are lit to symbolize and to honor the successive forthcomings of the Three Primordial Worthies: they are the projections of the creative powers of the universe. The emphasis is not on the creation process but on the origin of the creators. The new light, lit from one flame but used to light three candles in succession, vividly symbolizes the successive births of the three primordial \"breaths\".\n\nTherefore, from a phenomenological viewpoint, there is a kind of discrepancy between the text of the ritual (expressing the forthcoming of the Three Primordial Worthies) and the ritual action itself, which points to the creation of light. This may be an indication of a non-Taoist origin of the ritual act itself.\n\nThe possibility of a non-Taoist but Chinese origin of the fen-teng is suggested by J. J. M. de Groot in his Fêtes Annuellement Célébrées,12 He refers to a custom widely spread among various sun-worshipping civilizations of extinguishing their 'sacred fires' especially before the spring equinox and of relighting them soon after the equinox: this symbolizes the sun's victory over darkness. Examples are given from ancient Rome, Syria, Persia, Egypt, and Greece. The custom also existed in ancient China, at least in the North. The original custom in China was to renew the fire in all the four seasons, but since the Han times, it was done only once a year in spring. De Groot refers to a text in the Chou Li ♬ which explains this ritual act13: with the help of a mirror, fire is taken directly from the sun to light the sacrificial candles. The date of this spring renewal of fire was the 105th day after the winter solstice: this would correspond with the fourth day of the fifth month. On the other hand, the relighting of the fires took place on the third day of 'cold food' called ch'ing-ming in Amoy: that also coincides with the 4th or 5th of the fourth month. In other", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208968, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "98\n\nJULIAN F. PAS\n\nwords. The Ch'ing-ming festival, now usually seen as a festival to commemorate the dead, was in its origin a celebration of spring: all the fires, including the kitchen fires, had to be extinguished in the country; only cold food was used for two or three days. On the third day, new fire was struck, and the spring festival taking place was called “pure” and “bright”: the new fire was pure since taken directly from the source of light, the sun, and bright since it symbolized the growing strength of sunlight that was on the increase after the equinox. This interpretation of the Ch'ing-ming makes better sense than the more usual and popular explanation.14 Although the old name was retained, the meaning of the festival shifted at a later time, probably due to Buddhist influence.\n\nDe Groot sees this relighting of the fires in ancient China as a parallel with the Easter festival and with similar celebrations taking place in the ancient world, where every year the god's ritual death was followed by his resurrection:\n\nAll those legends speaking of death and resurrection, all those feasts passing from mourning to the most exuberant joy have all had one only purpose: the symbolical reproduction of the history of the sun's light and of the phases through which it passes on earth. What one worshipped was this sacred fire of Nature, which is the soul, the life of the universe, and which finds itself engaged in an ever recurring struggle against the god of Darkness, of Death, which exerts itself incessantly to obstruct it in its dispensation of benefits to man. The most significant of all the phases in this solar cycle is the one when the sun reaches the spring equinox, celebrates its victory over darkness and the days grow longer than the nights. The whole earth then starts a new life.15\n\nWhereas in many societies the god's death and resurrection was thus ritually enacted, the Chinese example is characterized by a more rationalistic, naturalistic tendency: the object of the cult was not a particular god for whom a new name was created, but was the sun itself, as one of the heavenly bodies without strong supernatural overtones.\n\nThat this ancient custom might have inspired the Taoist priesthood to introduce it in their own rituals is not unlikely. The relationship between imperial sacrifices, Buddhist rituals, and Taoist practices is not an exception: the eclectic nature of Taoism has", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208975, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 137, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "SYMBOLISM OF THE NEW LIGHT \n\n105 \n\ntrance procession. Each time the deacon, after kneeling, raises the light and shows it to all the people present, while he chants \"Lumen Christi\" (The light of Christ). Until the recent liturgical changes, he lit in succession three branches of a single candle (a three-branched candle), which was interpreted as a symbol of the Holy Trinity:\n\nThe first showing of the light expresses the revelation made to us by Jesus and the divinity of the Father.\n\n(This) second showing of the light signifies the Divinity of the Son, who dwelt among men.\n\n+\n\n(This) third showing of the light signifies the Divinity of the Holy Ghost. . .32\n\nThe introduction of this triple lighting of candle was probably a Christian adaptation and was already implicitly present in the Roman custom of lighting three candles on Maundy Thursday.33\n\nThe Taoist ritual likewise has a triple lighting of candles; each of them is dedicated to one Heavenly Worthy in the order of their hierarchical rank, and as the fen-teng ritual text points out, in the order of their successive origination:\n\nHeavenly Worthy of the Primordial beginning in the Great Canopy of Heaven:\n\nHumbly prostrated before the Mysterious Tao of Non-Being: at first (It) gave birth to the One. The One is the beginning of Ch'i (cosmic Breath). Therefore we first light a lamp in front of (the Heavenly Worthy of) the Primordial Beginning, to clarify (signify) the Original Purity at the beginning of the ancestral Breath.\n\nGreat Holy Ling-pao Heavenly Worthy!\n\nHumbly prostrated: The Tao produced the One Breath. The One gave birth to Two: Two is the second Ch'i. Therefore we next light a lamp in front of the Primordial August One (Ling-Pao Heavenly Worthy) to clarify (signify) the proceeding of the Second Ch'i from the Original August One.\n\nGreat Holy Tao-Te Heavenly Worthy!\n\nHumbly prostrated: The One produced the Two; the Two produced the Three: Three is the third proceeding of Ch'i.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208976, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 138, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "106\n\nJULIAN F. PAS\n\nTherefore we next light a lamp in front of the Primordial Old One (Lao Tzu Heavenly Worthy) to clarify (signify) the proceeding and descent of the Third Ch'i from the Original August One,34\n\nThe parallelism between the Taoist and the Christian Triad or Trinity should be left out of the discussion here; what is significant in this context, however, is how the trinitarian formula in each case is used in the new-light ceremony. Another, minor, detail is the raising of the chanting tone in the two cases: the deacon chants “Lumen Christi” three times in successively higher intonations; the Taoist “deacon” or tu-chiang, repeats three times the phrase chanted by the high-priest, elevating his tone of voice.\n\n(iv) The liturgical procession. After the new light has been struck and carried into the temple, a procession takes place in which Taoist high-priest and all his assistants participate. The Christian version is a little different: the new light, struck outside the sanctuary, is carried into the darkened church during a procession in which all those present participate. Although the details differ, the main ritual event of a light-procession is strikingly similar.\n\n(v) The context of both rituals leaves considerable room for speculation. Although in the case of the Taoist fen-teng, the ritual context has become rather obscure, still, a careful analysis of this context may open up new avenues of interpretation. The context in question are two rituals which in the present chiao celebration, as witnessed in Taiwan, as well as in the older ritual texts derived from China, seem always to follow the fen-teng. These two rituals, already mentioned above (p.95) are: the \"rolling up of the screen\" and the “sounding of bell and chime”.35 It appears that the connection between these two and the fen-teng is rather uncertain and is probably not older than the Sung dynasty. As M. Saso mentions, not all Taoist priests perform the ritual at the same time or in the same ritual context.36 In other words, the phenomenological significance of these two rituals is not obvious and new speculations are possible. If again the Christian Easter rituals are called upon, it is possible to come up with a plausible interpretation of the three ritual acts as a whole: the Christian Easter celebrations contain indeed three similar rituals of which the relationship is clearly understandable. Although the historical links are still left out of the discussion here, the very structure of the Christian ritual may throw light on its Taoist counterpart and help us to understand the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208980, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "110\n\nJULIAN F. PAS\n\na transliteration from the Syriac. If this is correct, it would provide serious evidence of historical contacts between Taoism (Lü Tung-pin) and Nestorianism.\n\nHowever, besides the doubt concerning the actual language of these stanzas, another difficulty lies in some of the terminology used in the transcription of Syriac: in the stanzas quoted, the Chinese transliteration of 'Jesus' is I-sha-ho. Although a variety of Chinese characters may be used to transliterate the same foreign terms or expressions, some doubt can be expressed in this case, since in other Nestorian texts, translated into Chinese, the more common transliteration for 'Jesus' is I-shu #(a) or I-shu **(b).45 Therefore, since the presence and meaning of these enigmatic verses remain so far unsolved, it is premature to conclude to a positive Nestorian influence.\n\nLü Tung-pin's possible contacts with Nestorianism are not limited to these verses. Although he is better known under his Taoist name, his personal name was Lü Yen, and has been identified by Saeki with Lü Hsiu-yen & who wrote the calligraphy for the text on the Nestorian Monument in 781.46 If this identification is correct, Lü Yen (born in 755)47 was at that time a junior official in the imperial civil service.\n\nLu's contacts with Nestorianism are nowhere else positively attested. In his biography, however, there are passages that could be interpreted as doctrinal borrowings from Christianity: examples are stories told about Lü similar to narratives in the Gospels, such as the transformation of wine into water, or the feeding of a large group of monks with only a little food.49\n\nIf Lü Tung-pin's contacts with Nestorianism can be historically established, there still is a long way to go before the main theme of this paper can be affected by it. There is, however, another sinologist, who has tried to link Taoism and Nestorianism. L. Wieger50 claims that the \"Mystic Taoism\" of the T'ang dynasty was connected with Basilides.\n\nHe further states that in 741 (or 742?) Lao Tzu appeared to emperor Hsuan-tsung with the message that his statue would be found at Chou-chih near Ch’ang-an.51 After the emperor received the statue a Nestorian service was celebrated in the palace by seven priests. All this again is circumstantial evidence suggesting that\n\nT", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208982, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 144, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "112\n\nJULIAN F. PAS\n\n• M. Saso, Taoism and the Rite of Cosmic Renewal (hereafter abbreviated: Cosmic Renewal).\n\n* K. Schipper, \"The Written Memorial in Taoist Ceremonies\" in A.P. Wolf, Ed. Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society, Stanford Univ. Press, 1974,\n\n* Liu Chih-wan, see end-note 9.\n\nThis is the translation of J.J.M. de Groot's \"Messe Taoïque\". See his Les Fêtes Annuellement Célébrées à Emoui (Amoy). Paris, 1885 (Taipei reprint, 1977). This translation of chiao as well as de Groot's rendering of 'Buddhist Masses' for the Chinese Yu-lan-p'en are not satisfactory.\n\n* K. M Schipper. Le Fen-Teng. Rituel Taoïste (Publications de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient, vol. 103). Paris: Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient, 1975.\n\nSchipper's monograph on the Fen teng ritual is a product of great erudition. After a short introduction, pp. 1-13, (in which he briefly discusses the four manuscripts utilized to establish the text; and sketches the history and present day performance of the ritual), he describes the ritual itself with a detailed time schedule, pp. 15-32. Then follow references to sources in the Tao-tsang (pp. 33-38) and notes (pp. 39-43).\n\nThe text itself (starting from the 'back') is given twice: first in fac simile, a beautiful reprint on high quality paper of a manuscript dated 1889, in 44 folios (or 88 pages); secondly a critical edition of the text based on the four above mentioned manuscripts with variant readings included, (pp. 1-36).\n\nAlthough this publication has its importance, it does not fully satisfy the wishes of the readers: no translation of the text is given (Schipper is certainly one of the few Taoist scholars capable of offering a translation!) and nowhere does one find an interpretation of the ritual.\n\nIn the same year as Schipper's Fen-teng monograph \"came to light”, (1975), M. Saso published his collection of Chuang-lin hsü-tao-tsang in 24 vols. In vol. 6, pp. 1629-1725 (a total of 96 pages), we find a reproduced manuscript of the Fen-teng ritual, dated 1883. The calligraphy is inferior to Schipper's manuscript, but at least Saso's manuscript is six years older.\n\n* Liu Chih-wan, Taipei-shih Sung-shan ch'i-an chien-chiao chi-tien (Great Propitiatory Rites of Petition for Beneficence at Sung chan, Taipei, Taiwan), Taipei: Academia Sinica, Institute of Ethnology, (monographs no. 14), 1967.\n\nLiu Chih-wan, Chung-kuo min-chien hsin-yang lan-chi (Essays on Chinese Folk Belief and Folk Cults), Taipei: Academia Sinica, Institute of Ethnology (monographs no. 22), 1974.\n\n10 On the two occasion described by Liu Chih-wan (3-day festivals), the ritual likewise took place on the first evening. On other occasions, however, I have seen the ritual performed on the 2nd evening. The timing depends on the actual length of the festival, which may only last one day, but is more commonly a three or five-day event. One should, however, not confuse two things: first, the actual chiao is called san-ch'ao, wu-ch'ao or ch'i-ch'ao, etc., and refers to the number of days that the essential rituals are performed. However, the total event may last even longer; I have observed that the actual chiao was preceded by two days of preliminary rituals, such as the exorcisms of the water-spirit and fire-spirit. That brought the total duration of the chiao to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208983, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "SYMBOLISM OF THE NEW LIGHT\n\n113\n\nseven days, although the chiao was called wu-ch'ao (or five days). The fen-teng ritual took place in the evening of the 2nd day of the 5-day celebration, or on the 4th day if the two preliminary days are also counted. This distinction is not sufficiently made clear by K. Schipper in his fen-teng discussion, nor by M. Saso in his chiao monograph.\n\n11 Saso, Cosmic Renewal, p. 73.\n\n12 De Groot, Fêtes Annuellement Célébrées, p. 210.\n\n13 Chou Li, Book 37: Officers in charge of keeping the fires; folio 27: \"They are in charge of receiving, with the mirror fu-su the bright light from the sun; (and) of receiving with the simple mirror, the bright water from the moon.\"\n\nAfter E. Biot, Le Tcheou-li ou Rites des Tscheou (Paris, 1851, Taiwan Ch'eng-wen reprint, 1969), vol. 2, p. 381.\n\n14 See W. Eberhard, Chinese Festivals (Asian Folklore and Social Life Monographs, vol. 38). (Taipei: The Orient Cultural Service, 1972), pp. 65-75.\n\n1 De Groot, Fêtes, p. 219 (My trsl.).\n\n18 To cite one example: the Taoist ritual garments, says de Groot (Fêtes, ch. 1, \"Messe Taoïque\", pp. 61-62) are often embroidered with motifs borrowed from the old imperial sacrificial garments,\n\n17 'Sacramentally' here refers to the sacramental nature of these rituals: A sacramental act is a rite in which both words and deeds not only have a symbolical meaning, but moreover are understood to actually produce the signified effect: here the active pacification-and-expulsion (or control) of the potentially dangerous spirits.\n\n18 The confusion of the various ritual acts of a chiao festival is increased by another rite of great importance in present-day renewal celebrations: the su-ch'i. Here again 'water' and 'fire' are present, but as parts of the total cycle of five agents (active powers). See M. Saso, Cosmic Renewal. pp. 75-77.\n\n10 De Groot, Fêtes, pp. 215-6.\n\n20 Abbot Guéranger, The Liturgical Year. Passiontide and Holy Week. London, 1880 and 1929), pp. 498-499.\n\n21 Ibid., p. 499.\n\n22 Ibid., p. 499.\n\n23 The Easter liturgy has in several instances been changed: the text and rubrics of the modern Roman Missal are different from the old liturgy, used in Abbot Guéranger's text. The present prayer refers in the blessing of the newly lit Easter candle, whereas in Guéranger's text as in the older liturgy it is a prayer to consecrate the incense grains.\n\n24 Ibid., p. 502. The Roman Missal, p. 180.\n\n25 Abbot Guéranger, op. cit., p. 505.\n\n26 Ibid., p. 507.\n\n27 Already J. M. M. de Groot, Fêtes (p. 217), was struck by the similarity of the Taoist and Christian ritual: \"It is beyond doubt that the ceremony of extinction and renewal of fire, which is a custom observed at the same time of the year in the Roman Catholic and Greek churches,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208985, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 147, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "SYMBOLISM OF THE NEW LIGHT\n\n115\n\nBuddhist influence in the Chinese Nestorian Church), JIBS, VI (1957), 138-139; H.1. Lo, T'ang-yuan Erh-tai chih Ching-chiao (Nestorianism in the T'ang and Yüan Dynasties) (Hong Kong, 1966).\n\n1951.\n\n4* P. Y. Saeki, The Nestorian Documents and Relics in China, Tokyo,\n\n44 Lo H.-1. Tang-yuan erh-tai chih Ching-chiao, Hong Kong, 1966.\n\n4 P. Y. Saeki, Nestorian Documents, p. 121.\n\n+\n\nThe Nestorian Monument in China, p. 56.\n\n47 E. T. C. Werner, A Dictionary of Chinese Mythology (New York: The Julian Press, Inc., 1969), p. 298, gives as the dates of Lü Tsu, identified as Lu Tung-pin or Lü Yen: 755-805. This is in contrast with E. Schafer, Pacing the Void (University of California Press, 1977), who believes that Lu Yen, later to become one of the Eight Immortals, failed the great examinations during the second half of the 9th century. However, in Lü's biography Lü-tsu ch'üan-shu (p. 28) one finds the statement that he was born in the 14th year of the chen-yuan period or 798, during the reign of emperor Te-tsung.\n\n48 Lü-tsu ch'üan-shu (Tao-tsang ching-hua, Series 9, vol. 4), p. 146. Cp. Lo H-1, op. cit., p. 146.\n\n49 See Lo H.-1, p. 147.\n\n50 L. Wieger, A History of the Religious Beliefs and Philosophical Opinions in China. (New York: Paragon Reprint Corp., 1969; or original ed.: 1927), pp. 519 and 567. With regard to Basilides, it must be kept in mind that he was a Gnostic teacher of the 2nd century A.D., who had influenced Manicheism, rather than Nestorianism. (See Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, vol. 2, pp. 426-433).\n\n» Chou-chih is the location of a great Nestorian monastery, the site where the famous Nestorian monument would be erected in 781.\n\n12 L. Wieger, History, pp. 507-8.\n\n53 K. Schipper, Le Fen-Teng, pp. 33-38.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208988, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 150, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "118\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nuniverse in general and their own place in it. (3) One is always looking for the underlying principles or structures beneath these various aspects of social life, and attempting to compare them systematically with the underlying principles and structures of other societies.\n\nThe enumeration of these three points will allow you to see at once that a good social anthropological study is likely to put on record a very great deal more than almost any other kind of study, and although, of course, no single ethnographer ever really succeeds in writing about everything, as ideally he should, nevertheless he often does try, and in so far as he limits himself to one aspect or another of a society (as he always must when dealing with a complex situation) he remains aware that the rest is there and that it is important.\n\nThe result is that good ethnographies contain an enormous amount of information recorded in a systematic way. One thinks of Francis Hsü's Under the Ancestors' Shadow, for example, or Fei's study of Kaishienkung, or C. K. Yang's Chinese Village in Communist Transition. In short, the second point I am trying to make clear to you is that it is extremely lucky that the New Territories have been studied by social anthropologists because good social anthropologists usually include a great many more kinds of information in their studies than most other social scientists do. Thus, because quite a large number of social anthropologists have in fact worked here since 1950 the result is that it is probably true to say that we already know a great deal more about the New Territories than we ourselves actually realise.\n\nFor example, (taking the published books alone) we have a detailed anthropological study of clan and village organisation in Sheung Shui; we have an even more detailed study of clan and economic structure in Ping Shan, and the effects upon it of the nearness to the big port cities of Kowloon and Hong Kong; we have an interesting account of one part of the great and constant stream of overseas emigration from and return to the New Territories; we have important descriptive studies of the fishing communities in Castle Peak; a book on Sai Kung is about to be published in Hawaii, and part of a long-term study pre-New Town Shatin has recently appeared in Sweden and so on. In addition a number of other books are in the press or soon will be: one on the Ch'iu-\n\n!\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208991, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 153, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "SOCIAL & CULTURAL HERITAGE IN N.T.\n\n121\n\nfew places in the world where genuine social enquiry is nearly completely free and, second, that, exactly as Dr. Wang Sung-hsing has just told us, the traditional ways of South Chinese rural life have been retained longer here than elsewhere. A simple example about marriage customs will show you what this can mean: In 1950, when I arrived here first, all rural weddings included the bride being carried to her husband's home in a red sedan chair (fa k’iu ##). I well remember the astonishment of a Mainland Chinese anthropologist friend when he saw this \"relic\" of what to him was an ancient, extinct custom of the remote past that he had never seen in his life before, and he had travelled almost all over China.\n\nAn interesting paper could be written about the paradox that the preservation of the traditional has been a direct result of colonialism. It happened in rather similar ways almost everywhere in the rural parts of the British colonial empire (and most parts were rural) but there is no time to discuss it this evening. Suffice it to say here that, contrary to popular opinion today, it was not usually the intention of the British colonial administrators (District Officers and the like) to impose alien ways and force change but to leave well alone (as long as in their eyes it was well) and interfere as little as possible. (The well-known book Myself a Mandarin by Austin Coates, once a District Officer in the New Territories, is a fairly representative account of common grass-roots administrative attitudes.) The result was that at least up to the time of the Second World War British colonialism almost everywhere tended to act in one sense rather like a refrigerator, \"freezing\" the local social and cultural systems at more or less the stage they had been when the British first arrived, and to a surprisingly large extent inhibiting changes that might otherwise have happened.\n\nThat something like this was certainly the case in the New Territories is obvious. Here, though rice is no longer grown, largely traditional villages can still be found, lineage and clan organisation still exists, formal ancestor worship in ancestral halls (ch'i t'ong: **) is still observed, and people still have a strong sense of local as well as cultural identification which is expressed in temple festivals, with Cantonese opera performances and fa p’aau (JE#) and kam chue (✯*), as well as in the continuance of old local rivalries in new political and administrative forms. Here, too, we can still talk with old people who remember the still recent more", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209001, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n131\n\nThe Chinese are both adept at make-believe and at the same time very practical—in a way that confuses some Westerners. This flexibility also creates problems for the government of Teng Hsiao-p'ing. I have heard these problems talked about inside China and outside China. The most serious problem is that mid-level cadres report to Peking only what they think will please the orthocrats there. Therefore mid-level cadres conceal from their superiors the fact that a target has not been met. They do not want to be criticized for not meeting targets—and perhaps lose some of their perks.\n\nIn Peking the perquisites of cadres struck me more than anywhere else. I did not myself see the special schools that their children attend; nor their superior places of residence. What I did see once was a procession of about fifty cars, each with its curtains drawn as if to shield the occupants from curious gazes. I was told that the wife of the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka was visiting Peking. The first of several of the cars in the cavalcade were flying national flags as they went past me on Ch'ang-an Boulevard. Ambassadors rode in them.\n\nAfterwards I was walking back to the Peking Hotel, where I lived not in the western part (built with Russian help), but in the eastern part built in 1975. I happened to look in a gateway on the south side of Ch'ang-an Boulevard. I could hardly believe my eyes. What I think I saw was a white marble statue of Stalin, about ten feet tall. I could not enter the courtyard and inspect the statue more closely because the sign at the gate informed me that this was the headquarters of the Ministry of Public Security.\n\nThe Chinese government is now revealing that many of the statistics released in 1958-1976 were erroneous. It is issuing corrections when it can. But it faces limits. For example, how can it state with certainty the approximate population of the world's most populous country? Cadres in distant areas may be reluctant to report that they have failed to carry out the program to stop married couples from having more than three children. Many peasant families still believe that the best old-age insurance is a larger number of children. Where they feel this way and have four or more children, the village cadre may be reluctant to report the fact to the county cadre; and the ascending accumulation of errors may be concealed from Peking. If Peking does not know the population of an area, it cannot plan to take adequate measures in case of drought—like the one in Kansu, for example, in 1979.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209004, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "134\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\ninsurance against Indonesian official accusations of racialism and idolatry. The temple staff believed, said the temple keeper, that Indonesian moslem officials would not dare throw out an image of the former President. It is interesting and no doubt connected, that the image was in a Chinese temple in the birth place of the former President.\n\nThe image, illustrated at Plate 18, regrettably does not bear much resemblance to President Sukarno.\n\nHong Kong, 1981\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\nMORE ABOUT THE TUNG LUNG FORT*\n\nThe Fat Tong Mun Fort or the Tung Lung Fort 東龍砲台 is situated on Tung Lung Island 東龍島. As recorded in the San On Yuen Chi, Chia Ch'ing edition***, it was erected during the K'ang Hsi period, for the protection of the waterway against the pirates.2 However, as the K'ang Hsi Reign of the Ch'ing Dynasty lasted for sixty-one years (1662-1722), I wonder when it was actually erected within that period?\n\nFrom the book Ch'ing Cho Hoi Keung To Shueta, published between 1727-17333, the following points bearing on the Fat Tong Mun Fort are mentioned:\n\n1. In the San On County, four forts, namely: the Tor Ling Fort 沱泞砲台, the Fat Tong Mun Fort 佛堂門砲台, the Nam Tau Fort 南頭砲台, and the Tai Yu Shan Fort 大魚山砲台, were newly erected.\n\n2. These forts were erected when Yeung Lin was Viceroy of the Kwangtung Province.\n\n3. The Fat Tong Mun Fort was provided with eight cannon places and thirteen guard-houses.\n\n4. There were no fixed number for the garrisons at the forts. Soldiers were sent to guard them as required.\n\nIn the Kwangtung Tung Chi✯✯5 and the Ch'ing Shi Ko✯or 3, it was recorded that Yeung Lin was a Shau-pei.\n\nSee also JHKBRAS 19 (1979): 209-210.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209005, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 167, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n135\n\nmajor during the early K'ang Hsi period. He had taken part in the suppression of the disturbances led by Ng Shaam-kwai in the south. He was promoted to Yau Je or colonel and then to Ti Tu or brigadier of the Fukien Province. In the 56th year of the K'ang Hsi reign (1717), he was promoted to be Chuen Fu or Governor of the Kwangtung and Kwangsi Provinces.\n\nAt that time, pirates were disturbing the south coast of China, and the people there led a hard life. Yeung Lin lowered their taxes and improved their living. Two years later, in the 58th year of the Kang Hsi reign (1719), he was made Viceroy of the Kwangtung and Kwangsi Provinces. He then proposed to erect 126 forts, walled cities and guard-stations, and to strengthen the fortification of the coast by increasing the garrisons to 3991 men. His proposal was authorized, and in the first year of the Yung Cheng reign (1723), he was appointed to be Viceroy of Kwangtung specially responsible for all matters of the Kwangtung Province. He died a year later, (1724).\n\nTo conclude, the Fat Tong Mun Fort must have been built when Yeung Lin was Viceroy of the Kwangtung and Kwangsi Provinces, within the period between the 59th year of K'ang Hsi and the first year of the Yung Cheng reign (1720-1723). The fort guarded the Fat Tong Mun and had 8 cannon places and 13 guard-houses. A garrison of 25 soldiers under one pa-tsung or sergeant from the Tai Pang Battalion was stationed there. Then in the 15th year of the Chia Ch'ing Reign (1810), the fort was evacuated and finally abandoned.\n\nThe fort became a ruin, long neglected. It is now being excavated under the direction of Dr. Solomon Bard, Executive Secretary, Antiquities and Monuments Section, Urban Services Department, Hong Kong.\n\nHong Kong, January 1981\n\nANTHONY K. K. SIU\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Tung Lung Island was called South Fat Tong or Nam Fat Tong in the past. It lies to the east of Hong Kong Island and guards the eastern entrance to the Victoria Harbour.\n\n2 Chapter 4 of the San On Yuen Chi, Chia Ch'ing edition **縣志卷四**.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209006, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "136\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n3\n\nMap of the East Coast of the Kwangtung Province, in the Ch'ing Cho Hoi Keung To Shuet 清初海疆圖說之粵東海圖說篇 The book was prepared in the Reign of Yung Cheng (1723-1735).\n\n* Chapter 43 and Chapter 255 of Kwangtung Tung Chi, 1864 edition 阮元廣東通志卷四十三及卷二百五十五\n\n5 Table 37 of Ch'ing Shi Ko\n\n* In the 12th year of the K'ang Hsi Reign (1673), Ng Shaam-kwai led an uprising against the Ch'ing Government. The uprising was suppressed in the 20th year of K'ang Hsi (1681). Some of his followers turned to piracy on the south coast of China.\n\n7 Chapter 255 of Kwangtung Tung Chi, 1864 edition\n\n* As recorded in the Map of the East Coast of the Kwangtung Province, in the Ch'ing Cho Hoi Keung To Shuet, within 16 coastal counties of the Kwangtung Province, a total of 41 forts, 312 cannon places and 618 guard-houses were erected when Yeung Lin was Viceroy of the Kwangtung and Kwangsi Province. Of these, 4 forts, 32 cannon places, and 74 guard-houses were erected in the San On county.\n\n* He was appointed as Viceroy of Kwangtung Province in the 1st year of the Yung Cheng Reign (1723). The Province of Kwangsi was then under Kung Yuk-sun, as Governor.\n\n10 See my article The Fat Tong Mun Fort (or the Tung Lung Fort) in Volume 18 of the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch Royal Asiatic Society.\n\nDISTRIBUTION OF TEMPLES ON LANTAU ISLAND AS RECORDED IN 1979\n\nLantau Island lies to the west of the Island of Hong Kong. Before the Sung Dynasty, the people living there were mainly of the Yiu tribes. Then came the refugees of the Southern Sung. The population increased during the Ming Dynasty; and many of the temples on the island were first built at this time.\n\nDuring the first year of the K'ang Hsi reign of the Ch'ing Dynasty, the people living in the coastal areas had to move back to the interior, because of the policy called the \"Evacuation of the Coast\". Seven years later, in the eighth year of the K'ang Hsi reign, they were allowed to come back. However, like many houses, some of the temples decayed during their absence.\n\nFrom then on the population increased rapidly, with people flocking to the area. The local temples were rebuilt and repaired. The temples listed below are in existence in 1979. Though some", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209007, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 169, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n137\n\nare ruined, we can still get information about their previous existence.\n\nTin Hau Temple\n\n1. Ham Tin, Pui O— Built in the Ming Dynasty, rebuilt in 1798, and repaired in 1947*. Bell 1799.\n\n2. Chung Hau, Shap Long—Rebuilt in 1951. No bell.\n\n3. Fan Lau\n\nBuilt in the early Ch'ing Period, rebuilt in 1820, repaired in 1820*, 1928* and 1976*. No bell.\n\n4. Yi O No information.\n\n5. Tai O Market\n\nBuilt in the Ming Dynasty, repaired in 1741, 1835*, 1852, 1903, 1959 and 1975. Bell 1772.\n\n6. Yim Tin, Tai O Built in the early Ch'ing Period, repaired in 1838*, 1892, 1895*, 1946 and 1972*. Bell 1713.\n\n7. Tai Pak No information.\n\n8. Nim Shue Wan\n\n9. Chek Lap Kok\n\nHung Shing Temple\n\nBuilt in early 20th Century, removed to Peng Chau Island during the Second World War, rebuilt at the present site in 1972*. No bell.\n\nBuilt in 1823, repaired in 1978. No bell.\n\n1. Mui Wo—Built in the Ming Dynasty, repaired in 1843, now completely disappeared.\n\n2. Pui O—Built in the Ming Dynasty, repaired in 1780, now ruined.\n\n3. Tong Fuk—Built in 1802, repaired in 1965*. Bell 1802.\n\n4. Shek Pik\n\n— Removed to Tai Long Wan. The original temple at Chung Hau, Shek Pik, is in ruins.\n\n5. Tai Long Wan\n\nBuilt in 1960. No bell.\n\n6. Shek Tsai Po, Tai O— Built in the early Ch'ing Period, repaired in 1746*, 1802*, 1841*, 1875* and 1969*. Bell 1746.\n\n* indicates that commemorative tablets exist for these repairs.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209008, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 170, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "138\n\n7. Sha Lo Wan\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nBuilt in 1774, repaired in 1852, 1925* and 1975*. Bell 1774.\n\n8. Tung Chung-inside the Fort but now ruined. No information.\n\nKwan Tai Temple\n\n—\n\n1. Mu Wo (Man Wu Temple) Built in the Ming Dynasty, repaired in 1901 and 1960*. Bell 1961\n\n2. Lo Wai, Pui O— no longer in existence No information.\n\n3. Tong Fuk - No information. No bell.\n\n4. Tai O Market\n\nKwun Yam Temple\n\nBuilt in the Ming Dynasty, repaired in 1741, 1835, 1852*, 1903*, 1959* and 1975*. Bell 1741.\n\n1. Fan Lau- ruined, no information.\n\n2. Tsin Yu Wan near Yi O — ruined, no information.\n\n3. Keung Shan\n\nBuilt in 1910, repaired in 1964 and 1970. Bell 1756, was originally in one of the Pak Tai temples in Kowloon.\n\nHau Wong Temple 侯王廟\n\n1. Shek Pik-Inundated by Shek Pik Reservoir in 1960.\n\n2. Po Chue Tam, Tai O - Built in 1699, repaired in 1877* and 1966*. No bell.\n\n3. Tung Chung-Built in 1765, repaired in 1878, 1910*, 1962* and 1978. Bell 1765\n\nWah Kwong Temple\n\nHang Mei, Tai O — Built in the Ch'ing Dynasty, repaired in 1896, 1954 and 1973. No bell,\n\nSaam Shan Kwok Wong Temple\n\nSan Shek Wan\n\nYuen Tan Temple\n\nNo information.\n\nShek Mun Kap, Tung Chung no longer in existence. No information.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209009, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 171, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUIRIES\n\n139\n\nFuk Tak Temple **\n\nTai O Market- No information.\n\nThe number of temples found in each area is as follows\n\n1. Mui Wo-2\n\n6. Tsin Yu Wan-1\n\n11. Sha Lo Wan-1\n\n2. Pui O-4\n\n7. Yi O-1\n\n12. Tung Chung 3\n\n3. Tong Fuk-2\n\n8. Tai O-7\n\n13. Tai Pak - 1\n\n4. Shek Pik-3\n\n9. Keung Shan- 1\n\n14. Nim Shue Wan-1\n\n5. Fan Lau-2 10. San Shek Wan-1\n\n15. Chak Lap Kok-1\n\nHong Kong, March 1980\n\nANTHONY K.K. SIU\n\nTHE KOWLOON WALLED CITY\n\nThe Kowloon Walled City was situated to the north of the present Kai Tak Airport. It had been the most important military base in Hong Kong during the later Ch'ing Dynasty (1644-1911).\n\nAt the beginning of the Ch'ing period, there was no walled city. In the 7th year of the K'ang Hsi reign (1668), there was only a watchpost, called the 6, recorded as having thirty guards. Fourteen years later, in the 21st year of Kang Hsi (1682), the number of guards was reduced to only ten, and the post was turned into the Kowloon guard-station. This Kowloon guard-station, with only ten soldiers, was still in existence up to the 16th year of the Chia Ch'ing reign (1811)\n\n1\n\nDuring the 15th year of the Chia Ch'ing reign (1810), the Fat Tong Mun Fort # was evacuated, and a new fort was built on the coast of Kowloon. This was the Kowloon Fort #. Its garrison was forty-eight men, under one pa-tsung and one ngai-wai.\n\nAfter the 22nd year of the Tao Kuang reign (1843), Hong Kong Island was under British rule. In order to strengthen the fortification of Kowloon, a walled city was built in the 27th year of Tao Kuang (1847). This was the Kowloon Walled City\n\n* See JHKBRAS 19 (1979)· 209-210.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209010, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 172, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "140\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nThe Walled City had an area of about 70 mou. It had a length of about 130 yards and its breadth was about 240 yards. The walls were about 20 feet high and five to ten feet thick. There were four main gates. The gateways were about ten feet high and eight feet wide, and they could be shut with iron gates.\n\nThe main entrance was the South Gate PT. Outside the main gate, there was the Lung Chun River. A stone bridge called the Lung Chun Bridge crossed the river. Soldiers could land at a pier and march directly into the Walled City.\n\nThe Walled City's garrison was 150 soldiers under one fu-cheung or brigadier. In addition, fifteen soldiers and one ngai-wai-tsin-tsung or sub-lieutenant guarded the Kowloon Coastal Guard Station 九龍海口汎 whilst the Kowloon Fort 九龍砲台 was guarded by one tsin-tsung or lieutenant with 75 men. The number of men remained the same until the early Kuang Hsü Reign.\n\nThen in the 24th year of the Kuang Hsü Reign (1898), the New Territories was leased to the British. The Walled City at first remained under the rule of the Ch'ing Government. However in 1899 the garrisons in that area were evacuated, and the Walled City was abandoned.\n\nNowadays, nothing of the Walled City remains, except two old cannons of the Chia Ch'ing Period and the old yamen which can still be found in Lung Chun Road inside the old Kowloon Walled City.\n\nHong Kong, November 1980\n\nANTHONY K. K. SIU\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Chapter 8 of the San On Yuen Chi, K'ang Hsi edition states, \"During the 7th year of the K'ang Hsi Reign (1667), the Kowloon watch-post, guarded by thirty men, was established. Then, in the 21st year of the K'ang Hsi Reign (1682), the Kowloon watch-post was turned into the Kowloon guard-station and the number of guards was reduced to ten only.”\n\n2 See Chapter 11 of the San On Yuen Chi, Chia Ch'ing edition 新安縣志卷十一\n\n3 Chapter 125 of Kwangtung Tung Chi, Tao Kuang edition records, “In the 15th year of the Chia Ch'ing Reign", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209012, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 174, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "142\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nDuring the early Tang Dynasty, the importance of Tuen Mun increased. Thus a garrison of two thousand men was posted1, and Tuen Mun became known as the Tuen Mun Military Zone19 5. The garrison was led by a commander known as Sau-Chuk-Si 守捉使 belonging to the Annam Military Zone 安南都護府. Its headquarters were at Nam Tau, later the district city of San On. The area of present day Hong Kong, including the islands, the Kowloon Peninsula and the New Territories, was under the protection of this garrison.\n\nIn the Sung Dynasty, the Tuen Mun Military Zone was turned into the Tuen Mun Ngam19. However, the number of soldiers and the rank of the officer in charge are not certain.\n\nDuring the early Ming Dynasty, the Tuen Mun Ngam was turned into the Nam Tau Walled City, and the garrison was commanded by a Cham-Cheung or Brigadier. Later, in the 17th year of the Hung Wu Reign (1384), Fa Mau✯✯, Commander of the Nam Tau Walled City, asked the Imperial Court to strengthen the garrison of the coastal area. Tuen Mun lay between the areas protected by the Tung Kwun Battalion and the Tai Pang Battalion. Thus, a watch-post was built, and a guard-station under a Pa-Tsung(4) was established. In the 9th year of the Chia Ching reign (1514), the Portuguese entered the Tuen Mun Bay. They took over the adjacent lands and built forts. They even established a monument. However, in the 16th year of Chia Ching, Wong Wang, Commander-in-chief of the Kwangtung naval forces, defeated the Portuguese at Sai Tso Wan8.\n\nAfter that, no Portuguese was found in the Tuen Mun area.9 At that time, there were villages like Lung Kwu Tsuen, Lang Shui Tsuen✯k††, Tuen Mun Tsuen19#, So Kwun Wat Tsuen 掃桿笏村, and Siu Lam Chung Tsuen 小欖涌村.10\n\nDuring the early Ch'ing Dynasty, the Coastal Evacuation✯✯ caused the abandonment of the area close to the sea. Tuen Mun thus lay barren until, in the 7th year of the K'ang Hsi reign (1668), people were permitted to return to the coastal strip. The Tuen Mun Watch-post was re-established with a garrison of fifty men under a Tsin-Tsung. In the 21st year of K'ang Hsi (1682), the Tuen Mun Watch-post was turned into the Tuen Mun Walled City19 with a garrison of thirty men under a Tsin-tsung11. During", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209013, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nthe Chien Lung period, it was turned into a guard-station\n\n143\n\nVillages rebuilt at that time were Tze Tuen Tsuen, Tuen Mun Tsuen, Siu Hang Tsuen, Po Tong Ha Tsuen, So Kwun Wat Tsuen and San Tsuen Wai.12\n\nIn the 16th year of the Chia Ching reign (1811), the Tuen Mun guard-station was strengthened. Besides the original garrison, a Pa-Tsung was posted to be the assistant. Five guard-stations, each under a Ngai-Wai with four men, were erected at Shing Mun, Wang Chau, Kwun Chung, Tsiu Keng and Ma Tseuk Leng. They were all under the command of the Tsin-Tsung of the Tuen Mun Guard Station. At that time, villages in that area were all under the charge of the Kwun-Fu-Shi TO: namely: Tuen Mun Tsuen, Tsing Chuen Wai, Tsz Tuen Wai, Siu Hang Tsuen, Po Tong Ha Tsuen, Sun Fung Wai, Chung Uk Tsuen, Nai Wai Tsz Tsuen, San Tsuen, So Kwun Wat Tsuen, Tai Lam Tsuen, Tin Fu Tsai Tsuen and Un Tan Tau Tsuen.4\n\nDuring the early years of the Tao Kuang reign, a Pa-Tsung and a Ngai-Wai with sixteen men were posted at the Tuen Mun Guard-station, sixty men were placed in the following six guard-stations which were all under the command of the Tuen Mun Guard Station. These guard stations were at Mong Tseng, Wang Chau (ten men), Kwun Chung (five men), Tai Po Tau (fifteen men), Shing Mun Au (fifteen men) and Tsiu Keng (five men).15 This continued until the 24th year of the Kuang Hsü reign (1898), when the Ch'ing Government leased the New Territories and the adjacent islands to the British, after which these guard-stations were abandoned.16\n\nIn 1899, the area was divided into the three sub-districts of Tuen Mun, Tai Lam Chung and Lung Ku Tan belonging to the Un Long District. Villages in these sub-districts were as follows:17\n\nTuen Mun Sub-district:- Chung Uk Tsun, Shun Fung Wai, Tsing Chun Wai, Tsz Tin Wai, Nai Wai, Tun Tsz Wai, Po Tong Ha, Siu Hang, Lam Ti and San Tsuen.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209016, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 178, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "146\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nTo the north of Chun Fa Lok on the mainland side are Kwai Chung 葵涌 and Chin Wan 淺灣.* Kap Shui Mun 急水門 lies to the south-west. South of the Kap Shui Mun is the Yeung Shun Chau 仰船洲?\n\nJudging from the position shown on the map, Chun Fa Lok's location is probably the same as that of Tsing Yi Island today. And from the present day maps of Hong Kong, we can find the name Chun Fa Lok on the east coast of Tsing Yi Island.\n\nI have twice visited the present Chun Fa Lok on Tsing Yi Island, once with Dr. James Hayes, and found that the huts there belong to one family, surnamed Chung. They came here a few decades ago, after the Second World War. Now, they are the second generation here. I was told that before the present reclamation there was a pier quite close to the village, and the seashore in front.\n\nNothing about Chun Fa Lok itself is recorded in the local histories, but in the San On Yuen Chi, 1819 edition, it is recorded, 'In the 12th year of the Chia Ch'ing period of the Ming Dynasty, pirates called Hui Chat-kwai and Wan Chung-sin 溫宗卷 invaded Tung Kwun county. Ku Sing 顧晟, a military officer of Tsin-wu † rank, tried to capture them at Chun Fa Yeung ***, but was killed in the fight, Kong Leung-choi ‡, commander of the naval forces of that region, defeated them.\" Can Chun Fa Yeung be the waters near Chun Fa Lok of Tsing Yi Island today? This needs further proof.\n\nThe names of Tsing Yi Mun 青衣門 and Tsing Yi Tam 青衣潭 appear in the local history books written in the later part of the Ch'ing Dynasty, but nothing about Chun Fa Lok is mentioned. Is Chun Fa Lok the old name of Tsing Yi? The local elders have been unable to state the connection, when consulted on this point, though confirming that Chun Fa Lok is an old place name.\n\nHong Kong, April, 1980\n\nANTHONY K. K. SIU\n\n1 Yuet Tai Kei NOTES was written by Kwok Fai in the Wan Li reign (1573-1620) of the Ming Dynasty. The map of the Kwangtung Coast is shown at the end of Chapter 32.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209023, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n153 \n\ntinuing solidarity and sense of community is, I believe, quite noteworthy. The indigenous multilineage alliance feels threatened by the changes imposed on its quiet valley both by the influx of immigrant farmers and by the new government development plans. In the tun fu ceremonies, I would suggest, it fights back symbolically at both foes. The government is committed to keeping, at least symbolically, the promise made by Blake that Chinese \"usages and good customs will not in any way be interfered with.\" Although these villagers are in reality helpless in the face of tumultuous change, they can in the short run pressure the government to give them \"face\" by providing financial support for the ritual reaffirmation of their exclusive symbolic rights in the lands of their ancestors. The presence of the outsiders in Fung Yuen, ritual statement notwithstanding, is very real, as is the power of the state which is likely to claim more than the domains of the Green Dragon and the White Tiger in the very near future. In the meantime, the tun fu ceremonies, like other rituals, provide us a glimpse of the structure of social as well as religious meaning in a sector of Chinese society that carries on old traditions in a changing world.\n\nBerkeley, California, 1982 \n\nJUDITH STRAUCH \n\nLYCHEES OF TSANG SHING COUNTY, KWANGTUNG. \n\nIn May 1979 I was invited to inaugurate a new term of office-bearers of the New Territories Tsang Shing Fellow Countrymen's Association*4, and at dinner enquired into special local products. Among other items, a rare type of lychee was mentioned. The lychee is a kind of sub-species, and is supposed to be red with a green stripe. None of the persons at the table had seen it, and in conversation they presumed that it came into the category of folk myth.\n\n(1921), \n\n2. The latest edition of the country gazetteer chüan 9/3a has this to say about the lychees of Tsang Shing District: \n\nSei Mong Kong in Sa Pui, Tsang Shing County, produces the prime quality of lychee in Kwangtung because the soil there is rich and sandy. Species ranging from \"Kwa Luk\" (##) to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209027, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 189, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nANOTHER (MISSING?) LIBRARY\n\n157\n\nIn 1935, after two years' travel and study in China, Gerald Yorke's book China Changes was published by Jonathan Cape of London. In Chapter Eight, entitled \"In Search of a Hermitage\", the following extract (p. 159) refers to a library at, it would appear from the final paragraph, \"the temple of the Mountain Cave (Tung Yuan) above Lanchi.\" This is county in Chekiang Province.\n\n\"In the meantime Li [Li Yuen-tzu, his companion, interpreter and friend, to whom the book is dedicated] had heard of a temple in the hills behind the town. It was not easy to find, and at first sight proved disappointing; for a family of peasants were in charge. But a draper's assistant, whose master had failed, was staying there to study. I had stumbled on a library presented by a scholar (Chao Ke-lao) in the first quarter of the sixteenth century. A tablet in his handwriting still bears witness to the gift. The books are in their original bindings and as fresh as if printed yesterday. Several appear to be of great age. This is hardly surprising, as the Tripitaka, the Bible of Chinese Buddhism in over one thousand volumes (the San Ts'ang), was first struck off wood blocks in the nine hundred and seventy-second year of Our Lord.\n\nThe draper's assistant knew his way about and picked out for me volumes with exquisite woodcuts as frontispieces. Unfortunately, he never distinguished between the dynasty in which a book had been written or translated, and the century in which it had been printed. I longed for a bibliophile to enlighten me. Over two thousand books printed before the year 1500 survive in as clean a condition as anyone could wish. Before taking them from their cases, sticks of incense and candles are lit by the peasant in charge. It gave me a real thrill to find such a treasure so respected in the hills. The veneration in which learning is held in China has no counterpart in the West.\n\nThere were too many people living at the temple of the Mountain Cave (Tung Yuan) above Lanchi. I decided to return to the Ch'ientang gorges, where the temple of the Master of the Water Rushes (Lu Su Chen Kung) had attracted me with its name.\"\n\nDoes anyone know if this library still exists?\n\nHong Kong. January, 1981.\n\nJAMES HAYES", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209038, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 200, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "168\n\nBOOK LISTS\n\nTHE POPULAR CULTURE OF LATE CH'ING AND EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY CHINA: BOOK LISTS PREPARED FROM COLLECTING IN\n\nHONG KONG\n\nThis book list is not taken from library sources, nor for lack of time has it been compared with local library holdings. It is compiled from my purchases of material in local bookstores and street stalls over the last four years; in additional preparation for writing the long article from which this bibliographic portion has been extracted, revised and augmented.\n\nIt aims to give no more than an indication of (a) material in certain categories that has come down from later Ch'ing and Republican times (b) its relevance for a study of government and society in those periods.\n\nThe details of books are not always complete in every particular. Missing pages at front and rear, and especially the colourful title pages in red and yellow often favoured by the printers and publishers—and beloved of book collectors—account for most lacunae.\n\nNo attempt has been made to cover every sub-head in the text: readers will find most entries in those subjects which have interested me most. Indeed, a new section (n) “subscription books” and new sub-sections (dd) \"Riddles and Proverbs\" and (gg) \"Guides to Official Forms and Letter Writing\" have been added.\n\nSection A BOOKS AND HANDBOOKS\n\nThe lists follow the order of the listing in Section A of the article in the Hong Kong Library Journal, as follows:\n\n(a) Genealogical records\n\nI have not listed any here, but for those used in my other work, see the article prepared for the World Conference.\n\n*These lists relate to a paper on bibliographic aspects of popular culture in this period to be published shortly in the Journal of the Hong Kong Library Association, Number 7. This in turn is part of a larger study \"Written Materials and Specialists in the Village World\" due for publication as part of the Proceedings of the Conference on Popular Culture in Ming and Ch'ing, held at East-West Center, University of Hawaii, in January 1981 and jointly sponsored by the Center and the East Asian Studies Center at Columbia University.\n\nThe lists are published separately in this Journal to complement the essay in the Hong Kong Library Journal which did not have space for the full text and the book list, in order to make both more readily available in Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209039, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 201, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "BOOK LISTS\n\n169\n\nference on Records, Salt Lake City, Utah, 12-15 August 1980 \"Chinese Clan Genealogies and Family Histories: Chinese Genealogies as Local and Family Histories\", published in Volume 11 of its Proceedings, \"Asian and African Family and Local History\". These are from the Tsuen Wan sub-district of the N.T., mostly in manuscript. I have also collected on Lantau Island. In all cases a xerox copy has been taken and the original has been returned to its owner.\n\n(b) Handbooks of family and social practice\n\nThese are available in printed and manuscript form. Those purchased and included in this list are a sample of the types that come onto the local book market.\n\n(c) Almanacs\n\nI have collected modern editions of various Hong Kong publishers from 1949 on, by the following firms: 聚寶樓, 廣經堂, 永經堂, 福安堂 and 明記. Besides these, I have also purchased the listed earlier works, variously from Hong Kong, Canton-Fatshan, and Shanghai.\n\n(d) Collections of couplets for every occasion\n\nThis was a popular field, judged by the numbers seen.* The attached list shows how Shanghai publishers took over collections earlier published in Canton.\n\n(dd) Riddles and Proverbs\n\nI attach a few titles from this interesting sub-group. \"Proverbs are not devoid of attractiveness and charm, especially as they often appear as couplets, sometimes rhymed\", writes Patrick Pichi Sun in his foreword to Seven Hundred Chinese Proverbs translated by Henry H. Hart (Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1937). Riddles were\n\n* They abounded in the towns and countryside. An interesting collection of couplets from buildings of the Ch'ing period in the Sha Tou Chen sub-district of Nan Hai county of Kwangtung is given at pp. 101-110 of the 36th anniversary bulletin of the Nam Hoi Sha Tau Association, Hong Kong, published by the Association in 1964. Couplets by famous Cantonese are featured in two articles by Chin Yung (A) entitled TSLA LO in Vol. 12, Nos. 1 and 2 of a Taiwan publication ✯✯ A, 71st Year of Chinese Republic, 31st March and 30th June (1982).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209041, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 203, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "BOOK LISTS\n\n171\n\nsection, as indicated by the attached list of purchases in this field. The \"borrowing\" by Shanghai book publishing houses is again a feature.\n\n(g) Guides to contract forms\n\nThis group has an importance beyond the small number of works listed here. This is established by the inclusion of forms in the collections in encyclopaedias of daily use, and by the many village handbooks which contain draft forms. The number of occasions on which they were required was legion, because of the countless sales and mortgages of fields, houses and other property and the many social and business purposes for which contract forms were in use.\n\n(gg) Guides to official forms and letter writing\n\nThis sub-head is not included in the text which originally dealt mostly with the Ch'ing period and before. It is inserted here because one cannot ignore the publication of a good deal of such material in Republican times. I cannot yet say whether it was also produced in Ming and Ch'ing. It is, of course, a valuable source for the study of government and society in Republican times.\n\n(h) Encyclopaedias of daily use\n\nAs their titles indicate, these are compendia of the foregoing subjects and much else. They have always been a feature of Chinese publishing. The list indicates items of this kind that I have been able to purchase locally.\n\n(i) Ballads\n\nThis was a constant and very large production. I have purchased items for my own collection and the Centre of Asian Studies (University of Hong Kong) Kwangtung Archive and seen many more. I have not listed them here because of the comprehensive account and list of titles given in Leung Pui-chee's Wooden-Fish Books: Critical Essays and an Annotated Catalogue based on the collections in the University of Hong Kong (Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, 1978), in Chinese with English summaries.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209042, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 204, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "172\n\nBOOK LISTS\n\nMr. Leung's book lists those produced mainly in Canton and Fatshan (Fo-shan), but I have recently purchased another type of wood-block mu yu shue published in the Chiu-chau prefectural city, seemingly in late Ch'ing times and after. The covers give place of publication as Chiu-shing (M) by the 王生記, 財利堂, 吳瑞文堂 and 李萬利 publishing firms. Perhaps these were the ones referred to by D. H. Kulp, Country Life in China: The Sociology of Familism; Volume I, Phenix Village Kwangtung, China (New York, Columbia Teachers' College, Columbia University, 1925): Judging by my local collecting, they are rarely found in Hong Kong.\n\n(j) Popular poetry\n\nI have not collected old editions from Ch'ing and Republican times, but have seen many, even from the former period, usually with a Canton or Fatshan imprint. They were frequently \"borrowings\" of compilations made by scholars from the Yangtse area and North China, for such works were seemingly universally in demand. No list.\n\n(k) Novels and stories\n\nThis was not a main area for collecting, and the few works listed here are mainly for the purpose of illustrating the genre than for serious bibliographic attention. I have, in truth, seen many more titles.\n\n(l) Morality books\n\nHere again, I have not really attempted to collect such material, but only to provide a few titles on temple deities to accompany the text in Section A. But I can state that there is a great deal of it around, and that some can usually be found whenever a merchant's business and miscellaneous papers come onto the market, along with the account books and correspondence relating to his shop or firm.\n\n(m) Newspapers\n\nI have only mentioned them in the text because they seem to have been part of the stock of written materials available in rural areas of the Hong Kong Region before 1911, even if only casually and occasionally, which was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209057, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 219, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TAOISM\n\n187\n\nThe abbreviations besides each item indicate that the work is in the collection of one of the following libraries:\n\nBC: University of British Columbia\n\nCA: University of California, Berkeley\n\nLC: Library of Congress\n\nSA: University of Saskatchewan\n\nAt a later date the works on Taoism in Oriental Languages from the collection of the library of University of Toronto will be added, when this bibliography is revised.\n\n1. GENERAL WORKS\n\nTHE\n\nChao, Chia-cho. Tao-chiao chiang chuan lu. Taipei, 1971. 趙家焯,道教講傳錄,台北,道學雜誌社,1971. 144 p.\n\nBC\n\nChao, Chia-cho. Tao-chiao t'ung ch'üan. Yangmingshan, 1973. 趙家焯,道教通詮.陽明山,華岡出版部,1973. 2, 3, 125 p.\n\nBC\n\nCh'en, Kuo-fu, 1915- Tao-tsang yuan liu k'ao. Peking, 1963. 陳國符.道藏源流考,增訂版.北京,中華書局,1963. 2 v.\n\nCheng t'ung Tao-tsang. Pan-ch'iao, 1977.\n\nBC, CA, LC\n\n正統道藏,台北縣板橋,藝文印書館,1977. 61 v.\n\nLC\n\nDôkyô kenkyů ronshů. Tokyo, 1977.\n\n道教研究論集,吉岡義豐博士還曆紀念集刊行會編集.東京,國書刊行會,1977. 26, 803, 21 p.\n\nLC\n\nDõkyō no sogoteki kenkyů. Tokyo, 1977.\n\n道教の總合的研究,酒井忠夫編,東京,國書刊行會,1977. 455, xvi p.\n\nLC\n\nFang-tao yü lu. Taipei, 1966.\n\n訪道語錄,李樂俅編述,台北,真善美出版社,1966. 16, 451 p.\n\nSA\n\nFukui Kojun, 1898- Dōkyō no kisoteki kenkyů. Tokyo, 1965. 福井康顺,道教の基礎的研究,東京,書籍文物流通會,1965. 4, 6, 452, 18, 10 p.\n\nBC, CA, LC", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209061, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 223, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TAOISM\n\n191\n\nTao shu shih ĕrh chung. Shanghai, 1913.\n\n道書十二種,上海,江東書局,1913. 16 v.\n\nCA\n\nTao-tsang. Shanghai, 1924–26.\n\n道藏,上海,商務,1924-26.\n\n1200 v. in 128 cases.\n\nCA, SA\n\nTao-tsang chi yao. Taipei, 1971.\n\n道藏輯要,賀龍驤校勘,台北,考正出版社,1971.\n\n25 v. (11308 p.)\n\nLC, SA\n\nTao-tsang ching hua lu. Shanghai, 1922.\n\n道藏精華錄,丁福保編纂,上海,醫學書局,1922.\n\n12 v.\n\nCA\n\nTao-t'ung ta ch'eng. Taipei, 1975.\n\n道統大成,汪東亭輯,台北,新文豐出版公司,1975.\n\n2 v.\n\nLC\n\nTs'ao, Wen-i. Ling yüan ta tao ko pai hua chieh. Taipei, 1964.\n\n曹文逸. 靈源大道歌白話解,台北,自由出版社,1964.\n\n1 v.\n\nLC, SA\n\nWan, Shang-fu (Ming dynasty). T'ing hsin chai k’o wen. Taipei, 1966.\n\n萬尚父,聽心齋客問,台北,台灣商務,1966.\n\n13 p.\n\nSA\n\nWei, Po-yang. Ku pen Chou-i ts'an-tung-ch'i chi chu. Taipei, 1974.\n\n魏伯陽,古本周易參同契集註,台北,自由出版社,1974.\n\n398 p.\n\nSA\n\nWu shang mi yao. Taipei, 1966.\n\n無上秘要,撰人不詳,台北,台灣商務,1966. 8 p.\n\nSA\n\nYen Ling-feng, 1903- Tao-chia ssu tzu hsin pien. Taipei, 1968.\n\n嚴靈峯,道家四子新編,台北,台灣商務,1968.\n\n2, 6, 2, 858 p.\n\nLC\n\nYoshioka, Yoshitoyo, 1916– Eisei e no negai. Kyoto, 1970.\n\n吉岡義豐, 永生への願、道教, 京都,淡交社,1970.\n\n271 p.\n\nLC\n\nYü-ch'iao-tzu. Hsüan-hsüeh mi lu. Taipei, 1975.\n\n玉樵子,玄學秘錄,再版增訂本. 台北, 1975.\n\n[41] double leaves.\n\nLC", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209063, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 225, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TAOISM\n\n193\n\nTonkō dokei mokuroku. Kyoto, 1960.\n\n敦煌道經目錄,大淵忍爾編,京都,法藏館,1960.\n\nxv, 123, 5 p.\n\nCA\n\nYen, Ling-feng, 1916– Lao-Lieh-Chuang san tzu chih chien shu rru. Taipei, 1965.\n\n嚴靈峯,老、列、莊三子知見書目,台北,中華叢書編審委員會,1965. 3 v. in 2.\n\nLC\n\n3. SACRED BOOKS 經典\n\nCh'ing-ching-ching Hsüan-men-pi-tu ho k'an. Taipei, 1966. 清靜經玄門必讀合刊.無名子,李二曲合著,台北,自由出版社,1966. 8, 79, 2, 1, 12, 7 p.\n\nChuang-tzu. Taipei, 1969.\n\n莊子,沈洪選註,台1版,台北,台灣商務,1969.\n\n[20], 10 p.\n\nChuang-tzu chi shih. Taipei, 1974.\n\nLC, SA\n\nLC\n\n莊子集釋,郭慶藩輯,台景印3版,台北,河洛圖書出版社,1974. 8, 1118 p.\n\nLC\n\nHuang-ti yin-fu-ching Huang-t'ing-nei-wai-ching-ching ho kan. Taipei, 1965.\n\n黃帝陰符經,黃庭内外景經合刊,歷代古真輯註,台北,自由出版社,1965. 2, 152, 18 p.\n\nLC, SA\n\nHuang-t'ing-ching mi. Taipei, 1965.\n\n黃庭經秘義,冷謙註,台北,自由出版社,1965.\n\n2, 124 p.\n\nLC, SA\n\nHuang-t'ing wai-ching yin-fu-ching ho chu. Taipei, 1959. 黃庭外景陰符經合註.石和陽註,台北,自由出版社,1959. 1 v.\n\nLC, SA\n\nHuang-chün-lao-tsu. T'ai shang wu chi hun yüan chen ching. Taichung, 1972.\n\n鴻鈞老祖,太上無極混元真經,台中,鸞友雜誌社,1972. 34 p.\n\nLC\n\nKeng-sang, Ch'u. Sung pen Tung-ling-chen-ching. Shanghai,1928.\n\n庚桑楚.宋本洞靈真經,上海,涵芬樓,1928.\n\n38 double leaves.\n\nCA\n\nPage 225\n\nPage 226", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209070, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 232, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "200\n\nWILLIAM Y. CHEN\n\nLiu, I-ming. Ta tao p'o i chih chih. Taipei, 1960. 劉一明,大道破疑直指,台北,自由出版社,1960.\n\n1V\n\nLC, SA\n\nLiu, Ming-jui. Tao yüan ching wei ko. Taipei, 1965. 劉名瑞,道源精微歌,台北,真善美出版社,1965.\n\n3, 70, 95 p.\n\nLC, SA\n\nLu, Hsi-hsing. Fang-hu wai shih, Taipei, 1970.\n\n陸西星,方壺外史,增訂再版.台北,自由出版社,1970.\n\n2 v. (652 p.)\n\nLC, SA\n\nLu, Tan-t'ing. Shang cheng hsiu tao mi chih ssu chung. Taipei, 1974.\n\n盧丹亭,上乘修道秘旨四種,台北,自由出版社,1974.\n\n1 v.\n\nLC, SA\n\nLu, Tan-t'ing. Tan-t'ing chen jen ch'uan tao mi chi. Taipei, 1976.\n\n盧丹亭, 丹亭真人傳道密集,台北,自由出版社,1976.\n\n511 p. in various pagings.\n\nLC\n\nLü, Yen, b. 798. Lü-tsu chih-hsüan-p'ien mi chu. Taipei, 1959. 呂燕,呂祖指玄篇秘註.台北, 財團法人恩修宮, 1959.\n\n37 double leaves.\n\nCA\n\nLü, Yen, b. 798. Lü-tsu hsin-fa wu-p'ien chu. Taipei, 1960, 呂嵓,呂祖心法五篇註,台北, 自由出版社,1960.\n\n1 v.\n\nLC, SA\n\nP'eng, Shun-i. Ch'eng chih lu. Taipei. 1960.\n\n彭純一,承志錄.台北,自由出版社,1960.1v.\n\nLC, SA\n\nShang ch'eng hsiu chen ta ch'eng chi. Taipei, 1961. 上乘修真大成集,明老人等傳述,台北,自由出版社, 1961. 4, 127 p.\n\nLC, SA\n\nTao miao tsao wan kung k'o ching i. Taipei, 1969.\n\n道廟早晚功課經義,趙家焯編訂.台北, 道學雜誌社, 1969. 8, 18, 112 p.\n\nLC\n\nYang, Chien-hsing. Chih-tao-chen-ch'uan Shou-shih-pao-yüan ho k'an, Taipei, 1966.\n\n揚踐形,指真導詮,壽世保元合刊.台北,自由出版社, 1966. 4, 6, 138, [70] p.\n\nLC, SA", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209072, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 234, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "202\n\nWILLIAM Y. CHEN\n\nKeng-sang, Ch'u. K’eng-tsang-tzu. Taipei, 1955. 庚桑楚,亢滄子,台北,台灣商務,1955. 48, 2 p.\n\nSA\n\nKo, Ch'ang-keng. Pai-yü-ch'an ch'üan chi. Taipei, 1969. 葛長庚,白玉蟾全集,台北,自由出版社,1969. 3 v. (1472 p.)\n\nLC, SA\n\nKo, Hung, ca. 350-330. Pao-p'u-tzu. Taipei, 1965. 葛洪.抱朴子,台北,中華書局,1965. 365 p. in various pagings.\n\nLC, SA\n\nLao-tzu yen chiu tzu liao hui pien. Hongkong, 1974. 老子研究資料彙編,香港,陶齊書屋,1974. 2 v.\n\nLieh-hsien ch'üan chuan. Peking, 1961. 列仙全傳,王世貞辑,北京,中華書局,1961. 3 v.\n\nLC\n\nCA\n\nLiu, Hsiang, 77?–6? B.C. Li tai chen hsien shih chuan. Taipei, 1960. 劉向,歷代真仙史傳,台北,自由出版社,1960. 1 v.\n\nLC, SA\n\nLü, Yen, b. 798. Lü-tsu ch’üan shu. Taipei, 1967. 呂函,呂祖全書,台北,自由出版社,1967. 2 v. (806 p.)\n\nLC, SA\n\nMurakami, Yoshimi, 1906– Chugoku no sennin. Kyoto, 1967. 村上嘉實,中國の仙人,京都,平樂寺書店,1967. 3, 2, 248, 12 p.\n\nLC, SA\n\nShen, Fen, 10th cent. Hsü shen-hsien chuan. Shanghai, 1937. 沈汾,續神仙傳,上海,商務,1937. 1, 1, 3 p.\n\nCA\n\nShoji, Tatsusaburo. Shina sennin retsuden. Tokyo, 1911. 東海林辰三郎,支那仙人列傳,東京,聚精堂,1911. 3, 3, 15, 498 p.\n\nCA, LC\n\nSsu-ma, Ch'eng-cheng. Tien-yin-tzu. Taipei, 1966. 司馬承禎,天隱子,台北,台灣商務,1966. 14 p.\n\nSA\n\nTung yû t'u chih. Shanghai, 1936. 洞寓圖志,鄧牧編,上海,商務,1936. 2 v. in 1.\n\nCA\n\nWang, Chien, Sung dynasty. I-hsien-chuan. Shanghai, 1937. 王簡,疑仙傳,上海,商務,1937. 2, 21 p.\n\nCA", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209073, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 235, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TAOISM\n\n203\n\nWu, Shou-yang. Ku pen Wu-liu hsien-tsung ch'üan chi. Taipei, 1962.\n\n伍守陽, 古本伍柳仙宗全集, 台北, 真善美出版社, 1962.\n\n716 p.\n\nLC, SA\n\nWu-neng-tzu. Taipei, 1965.\n\n無能子, 撰人不詳, 台北, 台灣商務, 1965. 52 p.\n\nSA\n\n7. RELATIONSHIP WITH CONFUCIANISM AND BUDDHISM 與儒佛等之關係\n\nChang, Shang-te. Ju Tao sheng ming che-hsüeh. Taipei, 1976.\n\n張尚德, 儒道生命哲學, 台北, 帕米爾書店, 1976.\n\n5, 3, 143 p.\n\nLC\n\nChao, Ling-ling, 1947- Hsien Ch'in Ju Tao liang chia hsing shang ssu hsiang ti yen chiu. Taipei, 1977.\n\n趙玲玲. 先秦儒道兩家形上思想的研究. 台北, 嘉新水泥公司文化基金會, 1977.\n\n2, 166 p.\n\nLC\n\nChao, Yü-hsiu. San-chiao yüeh yen. Hongkong, 1971.\n\n趙聿修. 三教約言. 香港, 圓玄學院, 1971. 40, 39 p.\n\nBC\n\nChu, Ching-chou. Wu-cheng Fo fa yü Chung-kuo wen hua. Taipei, 1968.\n\n朱鏡宙, 五乘佛法與中國文化. 台北, 樂清朱氏詠莪堂, 1968.\n\n3, 4, 261 p.\n\nLC\n\nHuang, Shang. San-chiao ho tsung lo yü t’ang yü lu. Taipei, 1962.\n\n黄裳. 三教合宗樂育堂語錄, 台北, 自由出版社, 1962.\n\n1 v.\n\nLC, SA\n\nHung, Tzu-ch'eng. Hung-shih hsien Fo ch'i tsung. Taipei, 1960.\n\n洪自誠, 洪氏仙佛奇蹤, 台北, 自由出版社, 1960.\n\n2 v.\n\nLC, SA\n\nJu Dō shishi meigen ko. Tokyo, 1978.\n\n儒道四子名言考, 五十嵐一郎, 東京, 空間書院, 1978.\n\n225, 4 p.\n\nLC", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209098, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 1, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "210\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\n71 Mr. Chan T'aai 22.7.81, Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80, Mr. Wan Yau 14.7.81, Mr. Chan Shing 21.11.80.\n\n72 Mr. Chan T'aai 22.7.81, Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80.\n\n73 Mr. Lau Shang 24.8.81, Mr. Ng Tso 24.8.81, Mr. Chung Tin Fuk 24.8.81, Mr. Chan Shui Yung 25.8.81.\n\n74 Mr. Kong Cheung 28.8.81, Mr. Tse Koon K'au 9.6.81.\n\n75 Mr. Chung Tin Fuk 24.8.81, Mr. Loh Kai Faat 22.8.81.\n\n77 Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80, Mr. Chau T'in Shang 13.11.80, Mr. Chan Tsz K'eung 28.5.81 also mentioned Mr. Koo T'in Lam as a key member of the Wai Ch'i Wooi.\n\n78 Mr. Chan Tsz K'eung 28.5.81, Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80, Mr. Sham Kin K'eung 23.6.81, 1.7.81.\n\nThe composition of the administrative districts may be found in \"Special issue on regulations promulgated by the Governor of the occupied territory of Hong Kong\", Ya-chou shang-pao, supplement (n.d., n.p.) pp. 25-29. A copy is in the holdings of the library of the Hoover Institution, Stanford University. See also Mr. Chung P'oon 13.11.80, Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80, and Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81.\n\n70 Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81, Mr. Uen Chiu Ming 16.1.81, 13.2.81, 7.3.81, Mr. Tse Wing 9.6.81.\n\n80 Mr. Chung P'oon 13.11.80.\n\n81 Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, Mr. Chan Tsz K'eung 28.5.81, Mr. Chan Shui Yung 25.8.81.\n\n82 Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81.\n\n83 ibid.\n\n** It would seem that these three subjects left a stronger impression than disruption to education and the ritual life. Many villagers inter-viewed reported that they stopped going to school when the War broke out. The annual celebration at the T'in Hau Temple in Sai Kung Market stopped until the last year of the War (see int. Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80).\n\n85 Madam Wan 20.7.81.\n\n86 Mr. Uen Chun Wan 22.6.81.\n\n87 Mr. Wong Ts'ing 23.6.81.\n\n88 Mr. Chan Uet Shing 24.6.81.\n\n89 Mr. Chan Shing 21.11.80.\n\n90 Mr. Lau Wan 28.8.81.\n\n91 Mr. Shing Uen On 21.8.81, Mr. Shek Kwong Lin 16.11.80, Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, Mr. Chung P'oon 13.11.80, Mr. Cheung Wing 8.1.81.\n\n92 Mr. Chau T'in Shang 13.11.80, Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81.\n\n93 There were also several reports that 1 catty of rice per day in addition to a money wage was given to construction workers. See Mr. Lei Kan 19.6.81, Madam Lo Koon Mooi 21.6.81.\n\n94 Mr. Hoh King 27.5.81, 5.6.81, Mrs. Tsui née Lei 20.5.81, Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81.\n\n95 Mr. Chan Shing 21.11.81.\n\n96 Mr. Chau T'in Shang 13.11.80, Mrs. Uen 18.1.81, 24.1.81, 7.3.81, Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80.\n\n97 Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209099, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 2, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "211\n\nElsewhere, \"smuggling\" between Nationalist-held areas and Japanese-held areas was just as prevalent as that conducted across Mirs Bay, and it was not necessarily carried out without the knowledge or consent of the Japanese. See the political context of this particular form of trade discussed in Lloyd E. Eastman, \"Facets of an ambivalent relationship: smuggling, puppets, and atrocities during the War, 1937-1945\", in Akira Iriye ed., The Chinese and the Japanese, Essays in Political and Cultural Interactions (Princeton, 1980).\n\nMr. Shing 10.7.81.\n\n100 Mr. Chan T'in Po 12.5.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81.\n\n101 Mr. Ip Wan 2.7.81.\n\n102 Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80.\n\n103 Mr. Tse Koon K'au 9.6.81.\n\n104 Other members of the East River Guerrillas included Wong Koon Fong, Kong Shui, and Lo Fung; see ints. Mr. Cheung Hing 28.11.80, Mr. Chiu Lin Shing 11.5.81, Mr. Sham Kin K'eung 23.6.81, 1.7.81. For the background history of the East River Guerrillas see Feng Pai-chu, Tseng Sheng, et. al. Kuang-tung jen-min k'ang-Jih chan-cheng hui-i (Canton, 1951), and \"The general conditions of the liberated areas behind enemy lines in South China (East River and Hainan Island)”, in K’ang-Jih chan-cheng shih-chi chieh-fang-ch'ü kai-k'uang (Peking, 1st ed. 1953, rep. 1981) pp. 123-132. Dr. (later Sir) Lindsay Ride contacted Ts'oi Kwok Leung immediately upon his escape from Hong Kong and after the British Army Aid Group was formed, Ts'oi co-operated with the B.A.A.G. to assist prisoners-of-war escaping from Hong Kong. See Edwin Ride, BAAG, Hong Kong Resistance, 1942-1945 (Hong Kong, 1981).\n\n105 Mr. Cheung Hing 28.11.80.\n\n100 Mr. Hoh Shang 24.6.81, Mr. Wong Ts'ing 23.6.81.\n\n107 Mr. Lau 17.7.81, Mr. Chan Shing 21.11.80.\n\n108 Mr. Lau Wan Hei 25.6.81, Mr. Sham Kin K'eung 23.6.81, Madam Chiu I Mooi 7.5.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81.\n\n100 Mr. Cheung Hing 28.11.80, Mr. Wong Ts'ing 23.6.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81.\n\n110 Mr. Chan Shing 21.11.80.\n\n111 Mr. Chiu Lin Shing 11.5.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81, Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80.\n\n119 Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, Mr. Yau Koon K'au 27.7.81, Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80, Mr. Tse Kw'an 16.11.80.\n\n113 Mr. K.M.A. Barnett 13.2.82, Mr. Wan Yau 14.7.81.\n\n114 Father Lau Wing Yiu 18.5.81.\n\n115 Mr. Chung Poon 13.11.80, Mr. Sham Kin K’eung 23.6.81, 1.7.81.\n\n116 Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81, Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80, Mr. Tse Kw'an 16.11.80. See also \"The story of the American pilot Kerr's escape\", in the Wen-hui pao 7.1.80, and Edwin Ride, op. cit. pp. 219-220.\n\n117 Mr. Wan Ts'eung 31.11.80.\n\n118 Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81.\n\n110 Mr. Chung P'oon 13.11.80, Mr. Lau Wan Hei and Mr. Kong Sai P'ing 25.6.81.\n\n120 J. Barrow, \"Annual Report of the D.C.N.T. 1947-48”, p. 2.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209104, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 7, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "216\n\nA Republican Book of Receipts in United College Library\n\nThe Hong Kong Collection in United College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, acquired this book of receipts several years ago from a local second-hand book-seller. The volume bears no title. As the Chinese characters in the upper margin (tan-chi chan-ts'un pu*) indicate, a collection of receipts are glued onto its pages. The receipts are dated the 9th year of the Republic, that is, 1920.\n\nThe receipts are of two sorts. A substantial number are receipts for payment for telegrams sent from Hong Kong, chiefly to Shanghai and Macau, but occasionally also to Amoy, Chicago, Havana, San Francisco, Vancouver, Kuala Lumpur and Ipoh. The more interesting ones are acknowledgements of sums ranging from several hundred to 40,000 Hong Kong dollars paid by Sun Fo (Sun Yat-sen's son). Chu Chih-hsin**, Ku Hsiang-ch'in\n\nand others (on their relationship to Sun Yat-sen in 1920, see below). It will take someone with a better knowledge of the political history of the Republican era than this writer to identify all the recipients of these payments. Quite a few, however, are undoubtedly military commanders or warlords: Li Fu-lin acknowledged receipt of 10,000 Hong Kong dollars; 20,000 was paid to commander Hsü at the military headquarters in Swatow, in addition to 9,700 acknowledged on a sheet bearing the heading, \"Office for Raising Military Funds in Swatow and Mei hsien, Kwangtung\". A receipt for 30,000 dollars was made out to Sun Fo by the Kwangtung Provincial Treasury, and another one for 5,000 made out to him states explicitly that this sum was derived from donations by overseas Chinese. The fleet at Fu-men (\") received two payments, of 600 and 1,000 Hong Kong dollars respectively. Some receipts were also made out for purchases (several field telephones, 1,000 items of clothing; 2,000 water flasks). Most of these purchases were not substantial, the exception being a deposit for 40,000 dollars for an unspecified machine. Documents pasted on the first page consist of enquiries made about rice-mill-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209105, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 8, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "Page &\n\nVol. 25 (1985)\n\nJournal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n217\n\ning machines; perhaps this was it. Notwithstanding the possibility that one item purchased might be unrelated to war, the receipts pasted here are obviously connected with funds raised and disbursed through Hong Kong for some military operation.\n\nIt does not take much imagination to see what this operation was. I translate the following from Liu Shao-t'ang H, Min-kuo ta-shih-chih ICHA DE (Taipei, 1972), pp. 174-177; 16th August, 1920 Commander-in-chief Ch'en Chiung-ming of the Kwangtung Army swore allegiance to Mr. Sun Yat-sen at Chang chou...; 19th, Hsü Ch'ung-chih of the right division of the Kwangtung Army captured Mei hsien; 24th, Commander-in-chief of the Kwangtung Army, Ch'en Chiung-ming arrived at Swatow...; 6th September, in obedience to Mr. Sun Yat-sen's order, Chu Chih-hsin instigated the independence of the Fu-men batteries...; 21st, Chu Chih-hsin... killed, aged 36; 26th Commander of the 3rd division of Canton and Hui-chou, Li fu-lin, declared independence; 2nd October in obedience to Mr. Sun Yat-sen's command, Ku Ying-feng (that is, Ku Hsiang-ch'in) carried 108,000 dollars from Hong Kong to Swatow in support of Ch'en Chiung-ming's troops, and Mr. Sun further remitted 150,000 Hong Kong dollars from Shanghai to Swatow for Ch'en.\n\nTHE NIXON SCROLL\n\nDavid Faure\n\nThe following letters, written in 1963, provide some necessary information on the Nixon Scroll, now presented by the Society to the Fung Ping Shan Museum on long-term loan:\n\n(1)\n\nThe Keeper\n\nOriental Printed Books and Manuscripts\n\nThe British Museum\n\nLondon\n\nDepartment of History University of Hongkong June 14, 1963", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209136, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 39, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "ANOTHER LOOK AT LAND AND LINEAGE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES, CA. 1900\n\nEDGAR WICKBERG*\n\nPreface\n\nThe title of this paper may sound presumptuous, as if I have, after only six months' research, discovered the utter foolishness of all previous research on the subject, which I will now correct with one revisionist flourish. No such thing. What I really mean is: \"Yet another look at Land and Lineage in the New Territories, ca. 1900\". Why is \"yet another look\" worth taking? Because my methods and my experience are somewhat different from those of previous students of the subject, I think that I may be able to raise some old and some new questions in different ways than before and thereby advance discussion.\n\nI approach this task with some diffidence, since I am well aware of the years of experience, the skills and the effort that many people — including some in this room — have lavished on the subject. I am presenting my findings and views after only six months on the job because I want and need your comments and criticisms before it is too late; in other words, before my research year ends, as it will next July, and I must return to Canada. Better to correct mistakes now while I am still in the field and can do so.\n\nWith these comments as background, let me turn to Part I of the paper.\n\n1. The multi-tiered land tenure system of east and south China.\n\nOur understanding of agricultural land tenure in the New Territories ca. 1900 will be enhanced by considering first the general type of Chinese system of which it was a representative. This system, usually called \"one-field, two-owners” (or, sometimes, when circumstances warranted, \"one-field, three-owners\"), has been written about extensively by Chinese, and especially, by Japanese scholars. Widely found in south China during the Ch'ing period, this system was characterized by a separation of agricultural land ownership and occupancy into several\n\n* Professor of History, University of British Columbia.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209137, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "26\n\nEDGAR WICKBERG\n\nrights. The two most common were: the right to collect revenue from the land, and the right to use the land. A third right, that of permanent sublease tenancy, might also be established and recognized. The first and second of these rights, the ones most commonly found, were called \"ownership\" rights, and it was customary to speak of one \"owner's\" owning the \"topsoil\" and the other \"owner's\" possessing the \"bottom\" soil. Although these terms, used in the New Territories as elsewhere, are colourful and memorable, they are somewhat misleading to those of us who today think of mineral rights, air space, and so on. I prefer to think of these as simply two different rights in land: one a revenue right, the other a right of agricultural cultivation. In most places where this separation of land rights was found, each of the two rights in question was perpetual, could be inherited, and could be freely mortgaged or sold. Thus, the owner of the revenue right might not even know the location of the land from which he drew revenue; he had inherited or purchased a right to income from it, which he, in turn, could freely dispose of. In that sense, the revenue right became, by the late Ch'ing period, more a right to income from a given piece of land than a partial \"ownership\" of that land. The only responsibility he had towards the land was to pay the tax, which, being lower in amount than the revenue he received, allowed him a net profit. The holder of the cultivation right, on the other hand, was closer to what we would consider an \"owner\". He was free to farm the land as he wished, and he might sublet it if he chose. His only responsibility was to pay the revenue charge to the person who held the right to collect it. Since that charge was usually much less in amount than what he might gain from farming the land himself or by collecting rent from a tenant, he, too, made a profit. We tend to think of this person as an \"owner\" because he might very well have farmed the land himself, and, even if he did not, he might reside close by and keep track, thereby, of the condition of the land. Yet there were holders of the cultivation right who did not live near the land in question, and who knew little of its actual condition. In such cases, the tenant who actually held a lease from them might come, in time, to be recognized as having a permanent right to be a tenant on that land. Once that happened, such a tenant might be able to sell his right to be tenant, or mortgage it. He might also, if the land in question were sufficiently sizeable and fertile, sublet part or all of it to someone else. In this way, several different rights in a given piece of land were established, and, thereby, a large and fertile piece of land might support a large number of people, each with a right to some aspect of it. In this way,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209138, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "ANOTHER LOOK AT LAND AND LINEAGE IN THE N T, c 1900\n\n—\n\n27\n\nall\n\ntoo, multiple rights in land became negotiable. Thus, by the end of the Ch'ing period, in the places where this system existed, the revenue right, the cultivation right, and sometimes the tenancy right could be bought and sold, or mortgaged (as well as inherited), and, since mortgage could be assigned, might be transferred yet another step or two. The economic and social significance of these developments in late imperial China awaits full investigation.\n\nUnder what circumstances did such a system come into being? I believe I have identified five kinds of circumstances. There may be many more. In one case, where a frontier is to be opened or devastated lands reclaimed, patents may be given to an entrepreneur to make the necessary arrangements. He may then recruit persons to do the work, giving them a perpetual lease to cultivate the land subject only to their paying him an annual rent on a perpetual basis. In this way, both entrepreneurship (which sometimes included partial financing of reclamation) and the actual labour of opening the land, are given their rewards. Such was the most common origin of the multi-tiered tenure system in Ch'ing Taiwan; but as far as I know these circumstances never applied to the New Territories of Hong Kong.\n\nIn a second case, local power sometimes extending beyond the purely local to become influence in higher places was the basis of such an arrangement. In this case, clans or individuals who arrived early in a given region, claimed the best lands for themselves, and, in time, perhaps produced degree holders who exercised influence, or through armed forces asserted their local power, would then claim what amounted to \"protection money\" from other landowners in their region. Again, the result was the same: a right to part of the produce of the land. But in this case, there seems to have been little sense of responsibility for paying the tax and, indeed, the arrangement, based on power rather than documented land rights, might not have been recognized by the Chinese government if ever brought to notice. We are most familiar with this form of revenue claim from reports of the activities of the Tangs of Kam Tin just prior to the British assumption of sovereignty over the New Territories.\n\nIn a third case, on a frontier where there were non-Chinese aboriginal peoples, treaties might be made with the latter in which Chinese settlement and land rights were allowed subject to the perpetual payment of fees to the aboriginal claimants. In Taiwan, where this situation existed, such a fee was called \"barbarian\" rent, or \"barbarian\" revenue (fan ta-tsu).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209141, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "30\n\nEDGAR WICK BERG\n\n-\n\nclaims were not settled by the British administration until 1908. Despite the wide prevalence of revenue-claiming practices and institutions, the British recognized only those revenue rights that could be documented. Thus, the raw power and somewhat less raw influence of the Tangs of Kam Tin which underlay their revenue claims, and which the Pat Heung region, at least, had but recently thrown off by force, was not recognized. Only in the fifth circumstances and sometimes the fourth where a perpetual lease document, or perhaps a satisfactory sale document could be produced, were such rights recognized. It is of interest to note that despite the wide prevalence of multiple \"ownership\" noted by early British land officers, only the claims of about 40 \"taxlords\" were sufficiently documented to be recognized, and the land involved amounted to only about 200 acres, in a total New Territories cultivated acreage estimated at 40,000 acres. Those whose claims were so recognized were awarded lands as full owners elsewhere in the New Territories, and the multiple-\"ownership\" system was thus retired.\n\nIt is interesting to note the similarities and differences between the New Territories and Taiwan on these points. In 1900, north Taiwan was 100 to 150 years past the frontier age which had shaped its multi-tiered land system. But by 1900, fewer than 50 percent of the cultivated lands in the north had such arrangements, and when the Japanese put an end to the system in 1905, they were actually following through on an attempt that had been made in the 1880s, under Chinese rule, by Governor Liu Ming-ch'üan to end the multiple \"ownership” system. This is not the place for extensive comparisons, but we may observe in passing that the much greater prevalence of the multi-tiered system in the New Territories in 1900 as compared to Taiwan at the same time may be a result of the much greater importance of clans here than there.\n\nII. The rate of tenancy.\n\n-\n\nHere we are speaking, properly, in terms of a multi-tiered system, of subtenancy: not the taxlord-\"owner\" relationship, to use the early British terms, but the relationship between the \"owner\" and the tenant under him - the man who actually cultivated the land. Much less has been written about tenancy at this level than at the upper-level of taxlord to \"owner\". Understandably, the British interest in 1900 was primarily in determining a single owner who would be responsible for paying the tax. Owners were asked the names of their", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209164, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "RELIGIOUS RESPONSE TO MODERNIZATION IN TAIWAN THE CASE OF I-KUAN TAO\n\n53\n\nThis short passage shows the general attitude which characterizes the religious interpretation of the present time: the present era is seen as a time of decline and of crucial historical significance. The future of humanity is at stake. Only if men are able to reverse the tendency of decay inherent in modern societies will it be possible to avoid the impending catastrophe. Recovery can be secured by returning to the way of the sages of antiquity and by practising the traditional virtues of the Chinese culture. This point is further elaborated in the following passage:\n\nThese are the teachings of the holy kings of former times:\n\n1. We want to restore the five social obligations (wu lun), the three social principles (san kang) and the five constant virtues (wu ch'ang). 2. We want to institute the three unspoiled [values], i.e. virtue, merit and true speech, and [in this way] bring benefit to the people. 3. We want to esteem highly the spiritual life, but to disregard the material life. Spiritual life means to put into practice the natural virtues humanity, righteousness, propriety, wisdom and faithfulness. [...] Alas! [How different are] the men of this world! They always care about the material life and are striving for the enjoyment of worldly goods. Who still speaks of propriety and righteousness, of modesty, social principles, constant virtues and modesty?\n\nIt can be seen from this passage that the dangers of the present time have their roots in the moral decline of men, i.e. in the abandonment of the traditional social virtues as propagated by the Confucians. These rules of moral conduct and social obligations are seen as the prerequisite for a sound and orderly society. Although principally these standards apply to every society, it is obvious that the deity especially has in mind the present situation in China, i.e. in Taiwan. Criticism of contemporary society in Taiwan becomes more outspoken in the next section:\n\nI [i.e. Shang Ti] see that in this world it is the Chinese nation in which rites and music are cultivated, where true culture exists. For this reason, up to the present day China could not be overthrown by another nation. Nowadays, however, people are only imitating the European and American way of life. Father and son do not love each other, husband and wife do not live in harmony, brothers fight each other,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209174, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 77, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "RELIGIOUS RESPONSE TO MODERNIZATION IN TAIWAN THE CASE OF I-KUAN TAO\n\n63\n\nfor the different developments in Taiwan and the West can be found. In trying to answer this question I shall make a few suggestions which may serve as a framework for future research.\n\nThe key to an understanding of the different religious developments may be found by considering the different circumstances of modernization in China and in the West. The temporal priority of Western modernization may be crucial. Not only did modernization in the West start about two centuries earlier than in China, which means that the West had much more time to digest the transformation from a traditional to a modern society; what is more important is the fact that modernization was the outcome of a genuine development of the Western intellectual and social tradition. In China, by contrast, the change from traditional to modern society was provoked by developments from outside the Chinese culture. Modernization began only in the middle of the nineteenth century as a reaction to the impact of Western imperialism. Consequently, modernization did not happen as a “natural” evolution of the Chinese culture but was conceived as something threatening the genuine Chinese tradition. It implied not only change but change after the model of Western societies.\n\nTo some extent, modernization in China was forced in that it was the only way to cope with Western aggression. What is more, this forced modernization was from the very beginning accompanied by the experience of Chinese inferiority which led to a crisis of cultural self-confidence. While externally modernization in China had the same structural elements as in the West, i.e., industrialization, urbanization, scientific rationalization, etc., in terms of cultural continuity, modernization in China represented a clear break, whereas in the West, it was a continuation of the genuine tradition. To put it simply, one major aspect of modernization in China was and still is westernization, which means in a way that the modern culture in Taiwan is perceived as \"less Chinese\" than the traditional culture. This may help to explain some of the differences in the cultural and especially the religious responses to modernization in Taiwan and in the West.\n\nI would suggest that westernization, which is concomitant with modernization in all non-Western societies, represents a factor which in the long run may account for different developments in the process of modernization in the West and elsewhere. This appears to be a paradox but it can easily be understood if we think westernization through to its inevitable consequences. For if modernization implies", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209178, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "RELIGIOUS RESPONSE TO MODERNIZATION IN TAIWAN THE CASE OF I-KUAN TAO\n\n67\n\nchanged reality than were the old religious symbol systems. The adoption of Western science and philosophy and Western religion can be interpreted as a means of finding legitimation systems which are compatible with the new conditions created by modernization. They have the advantage of reconciling the consciousness to the reality of modern society, at least they do it better than the traditional legitimation systems. But they have one crucial shortcoming: they are not able to symbolize the Chinese cultural identity.\n\nAt this point we come back to the role of traditional religions. In so far as they are traditional they express continuity and identity. But, on the other side, in so far as they are traditional they contain many elements which do not harmonize with the changed reality. However, only dead traditions are unchangeable. There are many signs that religions in Taiwan today are changing. This is obviously true of Buddhism. In the case of Taoism it is more difficult to demonstrate since recent research has put the emphasis on the revival of the Taoist tradition and not on changes in this tradition. As to popular religions, I have tried to give some hints as to what is going on. The tendency towards universalism is just one element. There are others which could not be dealt with here, and many which await further research. In any case we should be aware that traditional religions in present-day Taiwan may not just be survivals of a bygone age doomed to extinction, but living traditions which could even gain importance in the future.\n\nNOTES\n\n1\n\nCf. C. K. Yang, Religion in Chinese Society. (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1967) pp 294–340\n\n2 Cf. Chin Yao-chi, Ts'ung Ch'uan-t'ung tao hsien-tai (Taipei, 1979, third edition).\n\n3 Of course, in the People's Republic there were other factors which made a great impact on the religious life, esp. the official anti-religious propaganda and the suppression of religious activities.\n\nYang, op. cit., pp 363–377\n\n• \"As a result of industrial development, farm population has gradually moved to urban areas. The share of employment in agriculture decreased from 59.3 per cent in 1952 to 27.3 per cent in 1977, while that in industry increased from 14.5 per cent to 37.6 per cent in the same period.\" (China Yearbook 1978, p 165)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209180, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "RELIGIOUS RESPONSE TO MODERNIZATION IN TAIWAN THE CASE OF 1-KUAN TAO 69\n\nagainst I-kuan Tao see L. Deliusin, “The I-kuan Tao Society\", in Popular Movements and Secret Societies in China 1840 – 1950, ed. by J. Chesneaux, (Stanford, 1971) pp 225-233.\n\n21 In orthodox Buddhism San Pao stands for Triratna, i.e. Buddha, Dharma and Sangha (W. E. Soothill and L. Hodous: A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, Reprint Taipei 1970, p 63)\n\n22 Cf. for example Ching-fen Hsiao, loc.cit., p 17.\n\n23 Cf. Shih Wen-tu *, \"Wo tsen-yang t'uo-li I-kuan Tao” #, in Chuch Shih #(Kao-hsiung, Sept. 1977) pp 20 -- 32.\n\n24 Since these accusations can neither be proved nor refuted by the observer it is very difficult to give a fair description of the sect.\n\n25 Cf. Chao Wei-pang, \"The Origin and Growth of the Fu-chi\", in Folklore Studies, 1 (1942) pp 9 — 27; Hai Ti-shan #, Fu-chi mi-hsin ti yen-chiu *****(Taipei 1966).\n\n26 Cf. G. Seaman, Temple Organization in a Chinese Village, (Asian Folklore and Social Life Monographs, No. 101 Taipei 1978) pp 20 – 35.\n\n27 Cf. Halao, loc. cit., pp 12 – 16. For a case-study ref. Seaman, op. cit.\n\nThe members trace the origin of the sect back to Fu Hsi and have an elaborated list of the transmission of the Tao through the centuries. The historical evidence for the existence of I-kuan Tao as a separate tradition does not reach beyond the last century, however.\n\n29 The ordinary fu-luan cults have sessions much more often, in general eight or twelve times every lunar month.\n\n30\n\nObviously many teachings of the fu-luan cults have their origin in the popular \"Buddhist” tradition which is also a main source of the I-kuan Tao teachings. It is difficult, however, to assess to which degree there is a direct influence of I-kuan Tao on these cults in Taiwan today. Probably there is a mutual influence since many followers of I-kuan Tao participate also in ordinary fu-luan cults. Actually, some fu-luan cults seem to be reservoirs of potential I-kuan Tao proselytes.\n\n31 Tian-jan *, 2 (Hsinchu Febr. 1980) pp 2 - 3.\n\n32 Cf. K. Ch'en: \"Anti-Buddhist Propaganda During the Nan-Ch'ao\", Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 15 (1952) pp 166 - 192.\n\n33\n\nFor examples see J. Chesneaux ed. Popular Movements and Secret Societies in China 1840-1950, (Stanford 1972).\n\n34 Of course, Mohammed is not regarded as a god in Islam. The knowledge of Islam in China, however, is rather poor and Mohammed is thought to be a divine person much like the Chinese \"historical\" gods or for that matter – Jesus.\n\n36\n\nThe medium belonged to the Sheng-hsien t'ang in Taichung.\n\n36 W. Grootaers, \"Une société secrète moderne, I Kuan Tao: Bibliographie annotée\", in Folklore Studies 5 (1946) p 332f.\n\n37 Tian Tao Kai Lun (1979 2nd printing), p 61.\n\n38 ibid., pp 61 – 62.\n\nby Su Ming-tung (Kaohsiung, 1978)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209252, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "EDUCATION AS A BY-PRODUCT OF FISH MARKETING\n\n141\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Inside front cover, programme of the F.M.O. schools Joint Graduation Ceremony, 1979. It is to be sung to the tune \"Walk, for the Night is coming\". This translation was by the writer and Mrs. Belinda Chiu-Bing Acton.\n\n2 F.M.O. Annual Report 1978-9, p. 7\n\n3 F.M.O. Schools Summer Camp Programme, 1980\n\n4 T. Acton, Gypsy Politics and Social Change, Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1974) pp. 170-1\n\n6 T. Acton 'Educating the children of herdsmen and fishermen' in China Now No. 89, April 1980\n\np. 28\n\n8 A.J.S. Lack, \"The Yaumatei Typhoon Shelter\" in the JHKBRAS (1973)\n\n7 F.M.O. Annual Report 1978-9, p.3\n\n• Ibid.\n\nBarbara E. Ward. \"Chinese Fishermen in Hong Kong: Their post-peasant economy\" in M. Freedman ed. Social Organisation: Essays presented to Raymond Firth, (London, 1967) pp. 271-2.\n\n10 Wu Yuey Len \"Life and Culture of the Shanam Boat People\" in the Nankai Social and Economic Quarterly, 9:4 (1937) pp. 837-46.\n\n12\n\n11 F.M.O. Annual Report 1978-9, p. 12 and Appendix 1.\n\nDick Worrall Gypsy Education Van Leer/Walsall Council for Community Relations (Walsall, 1979) ch 5,9.\n\n13 West Midlands Education Authorities Education Service for Travelling Children Gypsy Education in the West Midlands, (Wolverhampton, 1976) p. 25.\n\n14 F.M.O. Schools Joint Graduation Ceremony programme, 1979, p. 3.\n\n16 Romani, i.e. descended from a group that left India at the end of the first millennium AD, and has since spread over much of the world, retaining a sanskritic language, Romanes, often in a form creolised with the language of the host country.\n\n16 T. Acton, Gypsy Politics and Social Change, ch. 7,8,15,16,17.\n\n18\n\n17 T. Acton, \"The Ethnic Composition of British Romani Populations\" in Roma, Journal of the Indian Institute of Romani Studies, 4:4 (1979) p. 48.\n\n18\n\nS.F. Balfour \"Hong Kong before the British\" in the JHKBRAS 10 (1970) reprinted from the Tien Hsia Monthly, (Shanghai), vols. 11 & 12.\n\n19 Wu Yeuy Len, op.cit. and also \"The Boat people of Shanam\" in the Nankai Social and Economic Quarterly 9:3 (1936)\n\n20 Ho Ke-en, \"A Study of the Boat People\" in the Journal of Oriental Studies (1965) pp. 1-41.\n\n21 T. Acton \"The Dissolution of the Tanka image”, to be published in China", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209253, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 156, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "142\n\nTA ACTON\n\n22 of J. Hayes \"The Hong Kong Region\" in JHKBRAS 14(1974) p. 111 and D. Akers-Jones, \"Boat People's Ceremonies observed at Island House\" in the JHKBRAS 15 (1975) pp. 300-303. This paper does not make overt ethnic judgments, but does have an odd ethnographic style: for example \"In the middle of all this there was a wedding ceremony, and I think the preceding activities were connected with it. But I was particularly struck by the frenzied, almost ecstatic and unseemly behaviour of the women.\"\n\n23 Barbara E. Ward, \"A Hong Kong Fishing Village\", in the Journal of Oriental Studies 1 (1955) p. 195\n\n24 Barbara E. Ward \"Varieties of the Conscious Model\" in M. Banton ed. The Relevance of Models for Social Anthropology. (Association of Social Anthropologists Monograph No. 1, London, 1965). p. 113, and \"Sociological Self-Awareness: Some uses of the Conscious Models” in Man, (1966) p. 201.\n\n26 H. Kani A General Survey of the Boat People in Hong Kong, (New Asia Research Institute, Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1967) p. 67, E. Anderson, \"The Boat People of South China\" in Anthropos 65 (1970) and “The Floating World of Castle Peak Bay\", University Microfilms International, Ann Arbor, Mich. 1978.\n\n26 E. Anderson \"The Ethnoichthyology of the Hong Kong Boat People” in his Essays on South China's Boat People\", Orient Cultural Service, Taipei, 1972, p. 39.\n\n27 J. McCoy, \"The Dialects of the Hong Kong Boat People: Kau Sai\" in the JHKBRAS 5 (1965) pp. 46-64. But note that this paper is based on work in only one village, does not take account of the well-known habit of respondents with both “high” and \"low\" versions of their own language to use the \"high\" version when speaking to outsiders. Note also the contradictory evidence in this paper at page 18.\n\n28 T. Acton, \"II ruolo della cultura tradizionale romani come contributo allo sviluppo dell'educazione moderna\" in Lacio Drom, Rivista Bimestrale di Studi Zingari 15:3 (1979) p. 20\n\n29 J. Gibbon ed. Viewpoint Hong Kong (Longman, Hong Kong, 1977) ch. 3 For example, on p. 19 of this book of English Language development exercises, we are asked \"Some people look down on the boat people. Why is this unfair?”\n\n30 F.M.O. document \"Duties and Responsibilities of Liaison Officers\", Para. 11 (3) iv.\n\n31 Ibid. Para III (6)\n\n32 W. Hahn Aberdeen Catching the Last Rays (Perennial Press, Hong Kong, 1974) pp. 193-4.\n\n33 D. Wood ed. Hong Kong 1980 (Government Information Services, Hong Kong. 1980) p. 59\n\n34 SOCO, A Survey of Boat People in Hong Kong (Hong Kong, 1978, in Chinese), p.3\n\n35 V. Wong \"Among the Sewage and Sampans of Yaumatei” in the South China Morning Post, 13 October 1979. pp. 10, 14. R. Daryanani \"Home for 5,000 is most polluted” in the South China Morning Post, 8 September, 1980, p. 19\n\n36 E. Elliott \"Ordinance not in public interest\" (Letter) in the South China Morning Post 11 August, 1980, p. 20.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209254, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 157, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "EDUCATION AS A BY-PRODUCT OF FISH MARKETING\n\n143\n\nThe Society for Community Organisation (Hong Kong, 1976)\n\n37 SoCO pp. 1,9.\n\n38 SoCO, Survey pp. 6-9\n\n39 Ibid. p.15\n\n** R. Daryanani op. cit.\n\n41 Conversation with the secretary of the Hong Kong and Kowloon Fishermen's Association Ltd.\n\n42 Reports in South China Morning Post and the Star (Hong Kong) August 30, 1980.\n\n43 Words of Life (English Literature Evangelical Centre, International Assembly of the True Jesus Church, Singapore, 1976) p.3\n\n44 Ibid.\n\n46 Barbara E. Ward, \"Chinese Fishermen in Hong Kong”, p. 286.\n\n46 Reported in the Hong Kong Standard, July 19, 1979\n\n47 D. Grayson, \"West Midlands Travelling School\" in H. Steyne and D. Derrick eds. The Education of Travelling Children (Centre on Educational Disadvantage, Manchester, 1979)\n\n48 T. Acton \"Seven Wasted Years: Negotiations with the Department of Education and Science, 1970-77” in H. Steyne and D. Derrick eds, op.cit.\n\n49 T. Acton, Gypsy Politics and Social Change ch, 11-14.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209255, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 158, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "# JUAN YÜAN'S MANAGEMENT OF SINO-BRITISH RELATIONS IN CANTON\n\n## 1817-1826\n\n## WEI PEH T'I\n\nIn November 1817, Juan Yuan (1764-1849) was appointed Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi. He had formerly served as Governor of Chekiang and of Kiangsi. The Governor-General at Canton was the highest Chinese authority dealing with foreign trade and relations in China on a day-to-day basis and on specific issues. During his tenure at Canton, for almost a decade, with the Governor of Kwangtung and the Superintendent of Canton Customs, he handled foreigners in accordance with rules set out under the Canton system.\n\nAt the end of 1817, there were several potentially explosive problems involving Sino-British relations and trade. The failure of the Amherst mission the year before had left certain controversies unresolved. The fact that the five ships carrying the mission to Taku had managed to evade Chinese surveillance after being provisioned, and had surveyed the China coast from Taku to Canton, had left the Chia-ch'ing Emperor and the court more sensitive than ever to the issue of British naval presence in Chinese waters. Jurisdiction over foreign nationals in port was also a source of serious disagreement between the Chinese authorities and foreigners in Canton. The importation of opium and exportation of sycee silver, both prohibited by imperial decree, were to become a major area of controversy in time. Diplomacy as an art of managing foreign relations was outside the Chinese experience. As Westerners at Canton were neither tribute bearers nor alien conquerors, Juan Yüan chose to manage his dealings with foreigners as a matter of security and control.\n\nThe Canton system governed all foreign (except Russian and tributary) trade in China, which had been confined to this port since 1760. Essentially, under this system, foreigners carried on their buying and selling through franchised hong merchants. As time went on, these hong merchants performed an increasing number of functions. By the time Juan Yuan came to Canton, they \"not only settled prices, sold goods, guaranteed duties, restrained the foreigners, negotiated with them, controlled smuggling, and leased the factories to them, they also had to manage all the aspects of a banking business, act as interpreting agencies, ...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209256, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 159, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "JUAN YUAN'S MANAGEMENT OF SINO-BRITISH RELATIONS IN CANTON, 1817-1826\n\n# 1\n\n145\n\nsupport the militia and educational institutions, and make all manners of presents and contributions to the authorities far and near\". Although leadership of the foreign merchants resided in the Select Committee of the British East India Company, each foreign firm licensed to transact business in Canton, as well as each of its ships coming into the port, had to be secured by a hong merchant, who had to guarantee the good conduct of officers and crew of the ship while in port, and to assure the Chinese authorities that the ship was not carrying contraband. Under this system, the security merchant also served the important role as intermediary between Chinese officials and foreigners.\n\n# 2\n\nDespite accusations by the Chia-ch'ing and the Tao-kuang Emperors that Juan Yuan was expending more time and energy on compiling books and founding academies than on affairs of state, a sentiment echoed by the twentieth-century historian John K. Fairbank, both British and Chinese historical records show that Juan Yuan had taken the conduct of foreign affairs at Canton very seriously. He adhered strictly to the protocol established under the Canton system, handling negotiations with foreigners through the hong merchants and the Select Committee, refusing \"to establish direct communications between the local government and [the foreign community]\". Although contemporary foreigners at Canton complained about Juan Yuan's “inflexibility”, they remembered him later with respect. \"His conduct... was both firm and conciliatory, and his memorials were admired by foreigners for their polite and dignified style...\"\n\n+6\n\n# 3\n\nJuan Yuan saw the British as a serious threat to Chinese security, and considered them the most difficult among foreigners at Canton to keep under control. This was consistent with the general attitude of the Ch'ing court that the British were pressuring for further expansion of trade with China beyond Canton, thus challenging traditional Chinese policy. In 1818, however, his proposal for a repressive policy towards the British, outlined in a secret memorial to the Chia-ch'ing Emperor, was not accepted by the Emperor, who exhorted moderation. The Emperor restrained Juan Yuan with this rescript: “Adopt a policy showing both strength and kindness simultaneously. Do not over-react under any circumstances and avoid rash actions.” \"Appointed to Canton in the wake of the Amherst crisis, only four days after his arrival at Canton, Juan Yuan embarked on an inspection tour of the Pearl estuary outside Boca Tigris in the company of the provincial commander-in-chief of the Kwangtung marine force. They visited fortifications and gun batteries along the shores and on the islands, and paid a visit to Macau.7", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209258, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 161, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "JUAN YUAN'S MANAGEMENT OF SINO-BRITISH RELATIONS IN CANTON, 1817-1826 147\n\nWu, chief of the hong merchants at that time, was blamed for the increase in opium traffic. In 1821, at the suggestion of Juan Yüan, Wu's button was removed by imperial decree in the wake of strengthened anti-opium campaign.\n\nWu Tun-Yuan, as chief of the hong merchants, appears to be leading the others in conniving with foreigners to smuggle opium into China. After all, no hong merchant has yet reported the presence of this contraband item on any of the ships he was securing. Meanwhile, opium import continues to be on the increase. Wu's third rank button should be removed herewith.13\n\nThe hong merchants were constantly in debt to foreign merchants because the latter provided the former with advances to pay duties and taxes as well as ordinary business credit. The Consoo fund, established by a special levy on foreign trade, was supposed to provide credit to the hong merchants, but it had to be supplemented by further advances from the foreign traders at Canton. Moreover, hong merchants were often called upon to make contributions to various government programmes. Juan Yuan as Governor-General, for instance, decided on the amount the merchants were to give to the Chia-ch'ing Emperor on the occasion of the imperial sixtieth birthday.\n\n[Juan Yüan] fixed upon the Sum of 300,000 Taels as an Offering on the part of the Hong merchants to the Emperor upon the attainment of his sixtieth year, which will take place this year, and which Sum is to be levied in cash in two installments in proportion to the respective amount of duties paid to Government by each Hong.14\n\nFollowing Juan Yüan's proposal, the hong merchants duly offered to the Emperor the gift of 300,000 taels, two-thirds of which were accepted.\n\n16\n\nDuring the following year, the hong and salt merchants contributed 300,000 taels and again 500,000 taels more to “military and engineering expenses\". In 1826, to help suppress the Kashgar Rebellion they contributed 600,000 taels. When the hong merchants were unable to meet their obligations to the foreign merchants, they were imprisoned like ordinary debtors. In 1825, Puiqua was jailed when the Parsee merchants made charges against him for non-payment of 300,000 taels.15 Even after death, hong merchants had to honour their debts to the foreign merchants. The Chinese government aided in enforcing such payments,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209263, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "152\n\nWEI PEH-TH\n\n8\n\nThe killing of a Chinese man and wounding of three boys in P'an-yü by a member of the crew of a British vessel, the London, on 27 November 1820, was the first major crisis handled by Juan Yüan involving jurisdiction over foreigners who had committed crimes against Chinese nationals. On 27 November 182o, in broad daylight, a cutter from the London, a ship belonging to the East India Company, sailed “a considerable distance\" beyond Whampoa into a branch stream of the Pearl River, in search of fresh water. On the cutter was the fifth mate of the London, a man by the name of Pigott, and five other crewmen. They had a musket with them. Upon landing at P'an-yü, the men were taunted by a number of boys throwing stones and shouting \"obscenities\" at the foreigners. To frighten away the boys, Pigott fired two volleys, the first one loaded with peas and the second what he thought was \"blank cartridge” but which turned out to be live ammunition. A Chang Shun-ts'un who was hanging up laundry at the stern of a Chinese rice boat nearby, shouted at the boys to disperse. Pigott's second shot entered Chang's chest on the left side, killing him instantly. Meanwhile, three boys all surnamed Ch'en, were wounded on the nose, foot and toes, respectively. While there was pandemonium ashore, the cutter departed, pursued by two Chinese boats, thus it was ascertained that the cutter had come from the London. Later on, despite Pigott's assertion that he had fired what he believed to be blank cartridge, indicating that at least he had known something of the consequences of his shooting at that time, the British spokesman claimed that they had known nothing about the incident until two days later, when Puiqua brought them the news that a warrant had been issued by the Chinese for the arrest of the murderer at P'an-yü.\n\nNormal Chinese procedures under the circumstances would be to stop the offending ship from discharging and loading cargo, while demanding that the criminal be remanded to Chinese justice. After being informed of the incident, Juan Yuan gave instructions to the hong merchants to notify the supercargo of the East Indian Company in the British factory in Canton to bind the murderer over to Chinese authorities. Although the security merchant in this case was Exchin, because of the seriousness of the case, it was Puiqua who went to the British factory to apprise the Select Committee of the existence of the warrant. The Committee then proclaimed that they had known nothing about the incident until that moment. They suggested that Puiqua bribe the Chinese officials, but the hong merchant did not support the idea. Meanwhile, the Committee's primary consideration was “to avoid trouble and embarrassment to the Company's trade\", but Juan Yüan had already placed an embargo on the London.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209265, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "154\n\nWEI PEH-T'I\n\nthe Chinese point of view, Juan Yuan reported Barrowcliff as the guilty party in his memorial to the Emperor dated 12 December 1820. It was at this time that he wrote the secret memorial proposing strong measures to control the British, and receiving in return instructions from the Emperor to hold to a more moderate line.**\n\nPerhaps Juan Yuan only displayed the willingness to make the best of a situation in the Barrowcliff case, the kind of co-operative spirit that led the British to refer to him as a “man of singular moderation and wisdom”35 only because no opium was involved. The next major crisis over jurisdiction took place not quite a year later. By then, the new Emperor had proclaimed a policy to strengthen the law prohibiting importation of opium and exportation of silver. In October 1821, Terranova, an Italian seaman serving on an American ship, the Emily, accidentally killed a Chinese boat woman. He was sacrificed to Chinese justice in order to prevent the Canton government from investigating further into the cargo of opium that was on various foreign ships in port at that time. This is a well-known case in the West and is often cited as an example of the barbarity of Chinese justice. Terranova, who had been turned over to Chinese officials, was strangled to death as punishment for having taken a life.\n\nThe incident arose when on 29 September, a boat woman, Kuo-Liang shih (surnamed Kao née Liang), who spoke \"pidgin\", sculled her sampan to the Emily, peddling fruit. Terranova, leaning against the railing of the ship above her, lowered her five copper cash in a basket. Not satisfied with the number of oranges and bananas he had been given by the woman, he negotiated further. Somehow, the argument became heated, ending with Terranova throwing a pottery jar at the woman, hitting her on the head, cracking her skull, causing her to fall into the water, and resulting in her death. This was a serious matter, for, in addition to murder, there were other violations. Terranova, as a foreigner, was buying goods from a Chinese directly without going through the regular channel of the hong merchants. The security merchant of the Emily was Exchin, but, as in other serious cases over jurisdiction, Puiqua, as head of the hong merchants, was also involved.\n\nJuan Yüan's investigations showed that the act of the jar striking Kuo-Liang shih on the head had been witnessed by another woman, Ch'en-Li shih, who had shouted for help. A worker for the Canton customs, Yeh Hsia, in a boat nearby, attempted a rescue, but failed. The body of the dead woman was not pulled out of the water until her husband arrived at the scene of the accident. The injury on the woman's", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209266, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 169, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "JUAN YUAN'S MANAGEMENT 01 SINO-BRITISH RELATIONS IN CANTON, 1817-1826 155\n\nhead was a cut of 1 ts'un and 4 fen in length, and 3 fen deep. The cut had gone all the way to the bone. The captain and the owner of the American ship both inspected the wound of the dead woman,\n\nand pronounced that \"the woman in reality died from head injury and from drowning\".\n\nThe Americans agreed to submit Terranova to an investigation by Chinese officials, provided that the hearings were conducted on the American ship with Americans present. As a compromise, the \"ceremony\" of charging the prisoner was to be conducted on a Chinese war vessel that was to carry the Chinese official to the American ship. On 6 October, Captain Cowpland cleared all firearms from the deck of the Emily, stationed all hands at the forecastle, had Terranova without handcuffs on deck, and waited for the arrival of Chinese authorities. The Chinese officials were led by the magistrate of P'an-yù who was concurrently serving as prefect of Canton. Eight hong merchants were in attendance. The service of Dr. Morrison, who was then attached to the British factory, as a translator, was refused because Juan Yuan did not want to involve a third nation. After a lengthy debate during which Captain Cowpland argued successfully that no American prisoner was ever in irons during a trial, Terranova was \"surrendered\" to the Chinese with Puiqua pledging his safe return for trial on the Emily. Captain Cowpland accompanied Terranova and the hong merchants to the Chinese war vessel and back to the Emily.\n\nTestimonies of witnesses at the trial were somewhat different from the facts Juan Yüan had ascertained earlier. The Americans objected to the magistrate's allowing the presence of two children who were prompting the witness Ch'en-Li shih, and demanded that she speak in English, as her command of the language was superior to that of the translator or even Puiqua himself. When the woman's testimony deviated from what she had said before, an instrument of torture was brought aboard. The instrument was not used, although the woman insisted upon the later version of her testimony. Altogether, there were one thousand Chinese at the trial on board the Emily, and forty Americans. At the end of the session, the Chinese wanted to take Terranova with them. Captain Cowpland said: \"Come and take him,\" but the Chinese wanted the Americans to \"surrender\" the prisoner officially. While the Americans prepared for armed resistance, the magistrate proceeded to put Exchin, the ship's security merchant, and the Chinese linguist, Cowqua, in chains. Together with the overwhelming number of Chinese on board and other considerations such as opium in the hold, Captain Cowpland changed his mind", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209267, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 170, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "156\n\nWEI PEH-T'I\n\nand handed Terranova to the Chinese magistrate.36\n\nThe facts that emerged during the trial, different from the earlier version that the foreigners had already accepted, left Juan Yulan somewhat \"puzzled\".37 This later version, as reported by Morse, is as follows:\n\nThe jar which is said to be the instrument that caused the death of the woman was safely delivered by the accused (Terranova) into her hand, and that she fell overboard at the distance of thirty feet and upwards from the ship Emily, that she was seen from on board of the Hero of Malown, an English ship laying near the Emily, and fell overboard while in the act of sculling her Boat, that no Jar or any such instrument was thrown at her, or caused her falling into the Water, that from the relative situation of the boat and the ship it was impossible to strike the woman on the side of the head in which the wound was inflicted,\n\n38\n\nThe British thought that the Americans should not have yielded. The Americans had \"abandoned a man serving under their flag to the sanguinary laws of this Empire without an endeavour to obtain common justice for him\".39 Perhaps the eventual surrender of Terranova to the Chinese gave further credence to the Chinese version of the facts as far as Juan Yuan was concerned. Nevertheless, the underlying reason for this surrender remained the fear that unless the seaman was given up, the Chinese authorities might search the ship and discover opium.\n\nBy the time Juan Yuan arrived at Canton, the Chinese had already known opium for more than a thousand years, and, for nearly a century, an official policy had been adopted prohibiting its domestic sale and use. The first opium-producing poppy was brought into China by Arab and Turkish traders some time during the seventh or eighth century, to be used as medicine.40 In the 1660s, the smoking of opium, mixed with tobacco, was introduced into the coastal provinces of Fukien and Kwangtung from Taiwan. By the eighteenth century, the Chinese had devised their own method of opium consumption, by having the smoker reclining on a couch, burning the opium extract over a lamp, and inhaling it through a pipe. The use of this definitely addictive substance became so widespread that as early as 1729 domestic sale and consumption of opium was forbidden by an imperial edict. In 1796, the Chia-ch'ing Emperor prohibited the importation and domestic cultivation of the poppy as well. Since then, all opium used in China was brought in through illicit smuggling. Whereas American ships brought", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209272, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "JUAN YUAN'S MANAGEMENT OF SINO-BRITISH RELATIONS IN CANTON, 1817-1826 161\n\nMeanwhile, the Tao-kuang Emperor felt keenly British challenges to traditional Chinese foreign policy. Juan Yüan was summoned to Peking. One topic of their discussions was Sino-British relations at Canton. But these discussions must be interpreted in the light of another pressing development.\n\nPage 162\n\nIn 1821, the Tao-kuang Emperor, newly on the throne, adopted a policy that was closer to Juan Yüan's point of view. A more stringent anti-opium policy was enforced at Canton, leading to closer monitoring of activities and movements of foreigners in port. The following year, a new situation developed in the northwest, giving further evidence that the British were challenging the Canton system by trying to open new trading frontiers in China. The combination of these factors led to toughened measures to control Westerners in Canton. That year, Wu-lung-a, assistant military governor for administration (ts'an-chan ta-ch'en) in Kashgar, reported to the Emperor the presence of two British traders near Yarkand in western Sinkiang. These traders had entered the Chinese Empire from Kashmir and Tibet, and had travelled by camel across the Sinkiang desert, but had sent the camels back when they were no longer suitable for the terrain. These traders and the remainder of their caravan had been prevented by the local chieftain of Yarkand, Akim Beg Mohamet, from buying horses, blankets and other provisions. Wu-lung-a, whose responsibilities included Yarkand, had ascertained that these traders were indeed British, and had indeed come from Kashmir. He enclosed with the memorial a letter from a British official in India which gave in considerable detail the route taken by the two traders from Kashmir to Sinkiang, as well as their intention to travel through the Chinese Northwest to Bukhara, north of Afghanistan, hence their need for horses. This letter to the Akim Beg identified the writer and the traders, then continued:\n\nThese traders and their retinue would like to go to Bukhara, taking any road that was safe for them, ... It is their understanding that the road through Yarkand is good and safe. They also heard that his Imperial Majesty is kind and fair to strangers, therefore, they have come to discuss with me the possibility of taking this road. They have asked me to certify their need to purchase horses, blankets and stockings. As it is the British practice for the chief in each city to write a letter to the chief of the next city on the traveller's route on behalf of the traveller, I am writing this letter to the Akim Beg of Yarkand. Wu-lung-a, maintaining the traditional Ch'ing policy that the only\n\nPage 163", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209273, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 176, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "162\n\nWEI PEN-T'I\n\nplace for the British to trade in China was the port of Canton, wrote that it was understandable that the British would want to take advantage of the peace and quiet of the Chinese Empire to facilitate their trade overland, but, as there had never been a precedent for their trading in Sinkiang, a fact borne out by old Moslem traders as well as various local chieftains despite British claims to the contrary, local authorities had decided to permit the traders to buy provisions, but had refused them the right to travel. \"We are seeking Your Majesty's advice on the wording of this refusal because we do not know how to draft communications to foreigners,” concluded Wu-lung-a.5\n\nA hypothesis can be drawn here that, to the Ch'ing court, the presence of these traders in Sinkiang was another indication that the British were seeking further penetration into China at that time. Remembering the Amherst ships that surveyed the China coast a few years before, and in view of the intelligence brought by the traders that the British were already in control of both Kashmir and Afganistan, the new Emperor was more willing to let Juan Yüan adopt a hardened policy towards the British in Canton. In fact, Juan Yuan was called to Peking shortly after the news reached the Emperor that the British traders were in Sinkiang.6 He was in Peking from 28 May to 25 June 1822. During that period the Emperor received him in audience five times. Juan Yüan recorded with great pride and joy that he was presented with several embroidered silk purses, and during these meetings with the Emperor the principles of foreign policy were established. These principles were made public subsequently through a court letter to Juan Yuan. They were:\n\n62\n\nThe principle of compensating for life lost with a life was to remain valid.\n\nIn instances where foreign nationals, civilian or naval, committed crimes against the Chinese in China or Chinese waters, they must submit to Chinese justice.\n\nForeign naval vessels as well as their personnel were in Chinese waters, ostensibly for the protection of their commercial vessels. Thus, if they should violate Chinese law, their nation's supercargo must be held responsible for the surrender of the culprits to Chinese authorities.\n\n4\n\nJuan Yuan was also directed by the Emperor to notify the British supercargo at Canton that since there was no piracy in the waters off Kwangtung, there was no need for them to send naval escorts for their", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209274, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 177, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "JUAN YÜAN'S MANAGEMENT OF SINO-BRITISH RELATIONS IN CANTON, 1817-1826 163\n\ncommercial vessels.\n\nStill, the legacy of the Chia-ch'ing Emperor in offering kindness to foreigners was continued even at this time. In the midst of the Topaze crisis, there was the famous fire of Canton. On 1 November, the fire began in a cake shop outside the city wall, when the baker was careless with the pieces of brushwood he was using as fuel for melting sugar. \"The streets were narrow and the houses crowded together\", wrote Juan Yuan to the Emperor. \"Fanned by strong north winds, despite concerted efforts by soldiers and civilians, the fire could not be contained.\" It burned through the night and all of the next day, destroying \"more than 2,423 shops and extended to the foreign factories.\"64 A number of warehouses belonging to the hong merchants were destroyed. Puiqua and Mowqua especially suffered great losses. Sailors from the foreign ships managed to salvage some of the cargo in storage at the factories, but the factory buildings were burned. In the stampede of refugees from the fire and the looters, twenty-two people died. Puiqua petitioned to Juan Yüan on behalf of the hong merchants and foreign traders for remission of taxes owed. 140,243 taels of taxes due to the Canton Customs by the foreign traders were completely remitted. The hong merchants were excused from half of their taxes of 524,156 taels. They did not have to pay anything in 1823. In 1824, however, the other half of the taxes owed had to be paid, with each hong merchant's burden in proportion to the damages he had sustained. Chinese local shopkeepers who considered themselves well-to-do refused compensation from the government, but small shopkeepers as well as the Tanka boat people accepted money from welfare funds released by the province. The foreigners considered these measures fair play indeed.\n\n65\n\nWith the removal of British naval vessels from Chinese waters, threats to the Canton system were relaxed. Opium smuggling remained a major problem, but by 1823 the network of smugglers was well established, trans-shipping the contraband from foreign ships onto small local crafts outside the Bogue, so it was no longer a source of conflict between the foreign traders and Chinese authorities at Canton. Illegal payment in silver to the suppliers meant its exportation, which was forbidden by imperial decree. By the time Juan Yüan left Canton in the summer of 1826, the shortage of silver was already becoming evident. His successor became a part of the opium smuggling network as each patrol boat was paid a bribe of 36,000 taels a month to overlook the illicit trade.97\n\n64\n\nIn the summer of 1826 Juan Yüan was transferred to the post of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209275, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 178, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "164\n\nWEI PEH-T'I\n\nGovernor-General of Yunnan and Kweichow. By this time he was over sixty, a venerated official who had served three reigns. He was an author and scholar of distinction. He had a solid reputation abroad as a pragmatic and honest official. His family was large and despite the loss of a young daughter under tragic circumstances in 1823, by his own assessment he was pleased with his Canton years. The grain storage was full. Fortifications and new examination facilities were constructed. Other public buildings and historical sites were restored, and, of course, the famous Hsueh-hai-t'ang Academy was a reality. The seas were free of foreign war vessels, and at least on the surface, and for the time being, foreign traders and hong merchants were under control. It was not until more than a dozen years later that British commercial interests were able to garner support from their government to challenge the Canton system by force.\n\n1\n\nNOTES\n\nJ. K. Fairbank, Trade and Diplomacy on the China Coast, (Cambridge, Mass., 1953), p. 55.\n\n2\n\nThe Chia-ch'ing Emperor's accusations were communicated to Juan Yuan through court letters. See, for instance, Kung-chung-tang – CC 019639 (Palace Memorials, hereafter referred to as KCT). Similar charges were levied against Juan Yuan by the Tao-kuang Emperor in KCT – TK 000013. Both emperors were angry at Juan Yüan because they felt that he was not doing enough to suppress secret society activities in the provinces under his jurisdiction. J. K. Fairbank, op. cit. p. 20; on the other hand, cited Juan Yüan as an example of the \"intellectual unpreparedness for Western contact\" on the part of Chinese officials of the early nineteenth century.\n\nMay, 1818. H. B. Morse, The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China 1635–1834, (Taipei reprint edition), III, 316.\n\nSelect Committee Reports on the East India Company and Trade with China 1821-321, Parliamentary Papers, (Irish University Press edition), 36:540.\n\n5 Chinese Repository, II: 71–72 (June, 1835).\n\n7\n\nDraft Biography, Palace Museum No. 1266(1)\n\nLei-t'ang an-chu ti-tzu chi, 5:106-11 (Chronological account of Juan Yuan's life by his students) hereafter referred as Ti-tzu chi.\n\n8 Hsin-hui hsien-chih (Local gazetteer of Hsin-hui district) 12:16. This is a rather liberal translation.\n\n10\n\n9\n\nYen-ching shih-chi, (1820) compiled by Juan Yüan, II:7:24-25b.\n\nI am grateful to Father Benjamin Videira Pires of Macau, who took me to visit the fort in December 1979, just as the fort was being converted into a tourist hotel. Father Videira is the author of “As Fortalezas de Cidada, em 1741”, in Comunidade, a newspaper published in Macau.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209276, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 179, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "JUAN YUAN'S MANAGEMENT OF SINO-BRITISH RELATIONS IN CANTON, 1817-1826\n\n11 Ti-tzu chi, 5:11.\n\n165\n\n12\n\nFour men were known by the name (or title) of Howqua. They were Wu Tung-yüan (Puiqua or Howqua II), his father Wu Kuo-yung (Howqua I) before him, his two sons, Wu Shou-ch'ang (Howqua III) and Wu Chung-yao (Howqua IV).\n\n13\n\nWai-chi-tang, (hereafter cited as WCT), n.p. Copy of memorial from Juan Yüan, Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, dated TK 1/11/19 (1821/2/21).\n\n14\n\n+6\n\n16\n\nMorse, Chronicles, III, 334.\n\nLiang-kuang yen-chik, chuan on Chia-ch'ing.\n\nIbid.\n\n17 Morse, Chronicles, IV, 57.\n\n18\n\nCopy of memorials from Juan Yüan, Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, in Shih-liao Hsun-k'an 4:126a-b.\n\n19 W. C. Hunter, The \"Fan Kwae\" at Canton Before Treaty Days, 1825-1844, (Shanghai, 1911), p. 40.\n\n20 H. F. McNair, Modern Chinese History: Selected Readings, (Shanghai, 1913), 1:42.\n\n21 Chinese Repository, V:2:422 (January, 1834).\n\n22\n\nMorse, Chronicles, III, 377.\n\n23 Extract of letter from the Select Committee to the Court of Directors, East India Company, as reprinted in Parliamentary Papers, 21:104.\n\n24 Morse, Chronicles, III, 318.\n\n26\n\nIbid., 320.\n\n26\n\nWai-chiao shih-liao, Chia-ch'ing 6:57.\n\n27\n\n28\n\nLetter from the Select Committee, Parliamentary Papers 21:537. Wai-chiao shih-liao, Chia-ch'ing 6:57b.\n\n20 Letter from the Select Committee, Parliamentary Papers, 21:537.\n\n30 Morse, Chronicles, III, 381. In the listing of Company ships at Canton 1805-20, however, the security merchant for the London is given as Kinqua, Ibid.\n\n31 Letter from the Select Committee, Parliamentary Papers 21:537.\n\n32\n\nIbid. After the crisis was over, it was revealed that Pigott had been hiding on a British warship, the HMS Liverpool, then moored at Lintin. He could not return to the London when it left China because of bad weather, but managed to return to England at a later date, Morse, Chronicles, III, 382.\n\n33 Letter from the Select Committee, Parliamentary Papers 21:539; Morse, Chronicles, III, 380.\n\n34 Morse, Chronicles, p. 380.\n\n35 Eliot to Palmerston, as cited in Chinese Repository IX:406 (August, 1842).\n\n**WCT-TK1/11, Chinese Repository, V:5:223.\n\n37\n\n*7 WCT-TK 1/11.\n\n38\n\nMorse, Chronicles, IV, 23.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209278, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 181, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "60\n\nJUAN YUAN'S MANAGEMENT OF SINO-BRITISH RELATIONS IN CANTON, 1817-1826 167\n\nIbid., 1:22b-23. Court letter to Juan Yuan et al., TK 2/5/25 (1822/7/13). 07 After Juan Yuan left Canton, his successor as Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, Li Hung-pin, established a system of patrol boats to check on opium smuggling. Each boat received a monthly bribe to permit the illicit trade. Liang, Kuang-chou shih-san hang k'ao, p. 299.\n\nChang Shun-ts'un #\n\nTao-Kuang ch'ao\n\nCh'en 陳\n\nCh'en-Li shih ★BA\n\nchin f\n\nchüan-na ‡Ã1⁄4\n\nfen 分\n\nHsiang-shan J\n\nHsin-hui hsien-chih Hsi Nai-chi 許乃濟 Hsüeh-hai t'ang***\n\nHu-Kuang Hu-pu 户部\n\nHuang I-ming *** I-li-pu 伊里布\n\nJuan Yuan 阮元\n\nKuang-tung shih-san hang k'ao\n\nKuang tung tung chi là ki\n\nKung-chung-tang\n\nkung-hong 2Ấ\n\nKuo-Liang shih\n\nLi Hung-pin 李鴻賓 Liang Chia-pin 梁嘉彬 Liang-Kuang✯ Liang-Kuang yen-chih\n\nch'ou-pan i-wu shih-mo\n\ntao-t'ai\n\nTi-tzu chi, for (Lei-t'ang-an-chuɃ‡ƒ‡ ti-tzu chi)\n\nTs'an-chan ta-ch'en ★★★E ts'un += 1/10 Chinese foot) Wai-chi-tang >-*#\n\nWai-chiao shih-liao ££* Wu Kuo-yung Wu-lung-a\n\nWu Shou-ch'ang ££ 3\n\nWu Ts'ung-yao 14\n\nWu Tun-yuan {£✶ ̃\n\nyang-hang *{1\n\nyang-shang 洋商\n\nYeh Huan-shu #£#\n\nYeh Hsia 葉及\n\nYen-ching shih-chi &*£✯ Yun-Kuei +\n\nNei-wu-fu\n\nPan-yü 番禺 pao-chia 保甲\n\nTa-Ku\n\n#", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209279, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 182, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "THE HONG KONG ORIGINS OF\n\nDR. SUN YAT-SEN'S\n\nADDRESS TO LI HUNG-CHANG\n\nNG LUN NGAI-HA*\n\n2\n\nOf the many studies on Dr. Sun Yat-sen's ideas and works, his letter presented to Li Hung-chang has received relatively less attention.* There were in the past, doubts as to whether the letter was written by Sun himself, as he made no mention of it in his autobiography and the presentation was an appeal to a Ch'ing high official for reform, which might appear to some as inconceivable. Yet, studies from contemporary sources such as the works of Feng Tzu-yu and Ch'en Shao-pei3 confirm that in February 1894 Sun did leave Canton for Tientsin to present a letter to Li Hung-chang, then governor-general of Chihli and one of China's most influential exponents of modernization. In fact, in the pamphlet written by Sun himself after the kidnap incident in 1896, he mentioned twice his attempt to petition the Ch'ing Government for reform. The letter has now been generally accepted as one of the earliest documents we have by Sun himself, showing that while his anti-Manchu sentiments and revolutionary tendencies had germinated in the 1880's, he nonetheless shared some of the notions of the reformists of the time. In view of the fact that during these early years in the formation of his political ideas, Sun had stayed in Hong Kong, where he received much of his formal education, it is worth finding out how much of Sun's proposal in the presentation to Li was nurtured by what he had seen and experienced here.\n\nAt the opening of the presentation, Sun described his educational background so as to claim knowledge which he considered was essential for the modernization and strengthening of China,\n\n\"I have obtained a British medical degree from Hong Kong. As a young man, I had been educated abroad and acquired general knowledge of Western languages, literature, politics, customs, mathematics, geography, physics and chemistry. I paid, however, special attention to their (Western) ways of\n\n* Dr Ng lectures on Hong Kong history at the Chinese University of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209281, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 184, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "170\n\nNG LUN NGAI-HA\n\npart in affecting the social and political attitude of the students. The Anglo Chinese schools in Hong Kong were modelled on the Western pattern, in their curriculum, textbooks and teaching method. In addition, Chinese students here had frequent contact with British school-masters and fellow students of different nations and religions for starting from 1867, the Central School was opened to students of all nationalities and the enrolment included English, Portuguese, Americans, Japanese, Indians, Filipinos and others. The interflow of ideas and experience went on in their daily intercourse not only through formal lessons but also through simply being mixed in a class, in their recess and games. The interchange of ideas was further facilitated by the publication of a school magazine, which contained not only school news, but also interesting articles by staff or students.\n\nAs a youth and student, Dr. Sun Yat-sen spent his most formative and impressionable years in Hong Kong, and learnt much that could serve as a stimulus to his political awareness. It was never the intention of the Hong Kong Government to include any political content in the school curriculum. Care was taken, in fact, to avoid arousing any national sentiment among the Chinese students, and Chinese history was not taught in government schools. Yet, in a number of ways, some more subtle than others, the curriculum did stimulate political awakening and ideas of reform. In the Central School, topics like \"Patriotism\", \"The Follies of Foot-binding\" and \"The True End of Education\" were often set for English composition. Lessons on the history of England, such as the growth of parliamentary government or the Industrial Revolution, might directly or indirectly activate the minds of the students on the problems in China. What would a young man from China think of his local magistrate when he read about the municipal council in England, the rising influence of the merchant class, or the workers in the West, knowing how humble peasants fared in China? The impact of these lessons of course depended very much on the personality and mind of the individual. This explains why the Central School produced during these years officials of the Ch'ing court, reformists, as well as revolutionaries.10\n\nHong Kong from the mid-nineteenth century onward was an important centre for the publication of journals and newspapers containing news and articles from Hong Kong, China as well as the West. The more important early newspapers were the China Mail, the Hong Kong Daily Press and the Hong Kong Telegraph.11 These papers formed the important backbone of the China coast newspapers of the time.12", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209282, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "The Hong Kong Origins of Dr Sun Yat-sen's Address to Li Hung-chang\n\n171\n\nTheir editorial and correspondents' columns offered a ground for free political discussions, with greater attention on issues in China than those in Hong Kong. There appeared in the 1870's two Chinese-language newspapers, the Hsin-huan jih-pao founded and edited by the well-known scholar reformist, Wang Tao, and the Hua-tzu jih-pao, which was firstly issued by the China Mail as a separate paper in Chinese called the Chinese Mail. But in 1886, the Chinese Mail became an independent paper with Ch'en Ai-ting as its editor. These two early Chinese newspapers were well-known for their promotion of Western learning and China's modernization. About one-third of the Hsün-huan jih-pao was devoted to an editorial for such causes. The Hua-tzu jih-pao did not have an editorial, but a special column was reserved for publishing the writings of Chinese intellectuals in China or Hong Kong. In addition to newspapers, there were occasional pamphlets on current issues or ideas of reforms of the time. The well-known compradore-reformist Cheng Kuan-ying's I-yen, later to be incorporated in his Sheng-shih wei-yen, was first printed and published in Hong Kong in 1872. Intellectuals such as Ho Kai and Hu Li-huan also often wrote to express their views on China's modernization and reforms. Thus in Hong Kong, Sun was well exposed to these writings and ideas. Recent studies show that during these years Sun might also have written occasionally.13 At least two papers written around this time have been identified. In 1890, Sun wrote to Cheng Tsao-ju, a scholar of Sun's native county Hsiang-shan and a prominent and progressive official who had served as Chinese Minister to the United States between 1881 and 1885. The letter was later published in a newspaper in Macao.14 Meanwhile, Sun also made acquaintance with Cheng Kuan-ying, although it is not clear how closely he was associated with Cheng. Regional ties, common appreciation of knowledge of the West, and concern for the renovation of China must have helped Sun to look to Cheng. Sun wrote a paper on agricultural reforms, which, after some revision by Cheng, was incorporated in the 1894 edition of Cheng's Sheng-shih wei-yen. On the way to the north in 1894, Sun stopped in Shanghai to discuss his proposal with Cheng, through whom he also met Wang T'ao. It was through their introduction that Sun was able to meet one of Li's secretaries. The letter to Cheng Tsao-ju and the paper on agricultural reforms are relatively less well-known pieces of Sun's writings. But the ideas expressed in both, though less detailed, are similar to ideas in the letter in 1894. The superiority of Western science and technology, benefits of modern education, full use of human talents and the need for modernization of agriculture are the major themes.15", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209286, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 189, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "THE HONG KONG ORIGINS OF DR. SUN YAT-SEN'S ADDRESS TO LI HUNG-CHANG 175\n\ncollege. He therefore laid emphasis on the proper training of talents along Western lines and the full utilization of these talents as essential means of bringing progress to the nation. He advocated education opportunities for all, establishment of different types of schools for people of different potentials, award of academic titles and honours to people with achievement in different subjects of learning, setting up societies of learning, and publishing journals to promote advanced knowledge in various fields. These were, as Sun explained, important reasons which accounted for great advance of new knowledge in the West. He stated, \"The system of recruitment in the West was to some extent similar to what was intended in the ancient times of T’ang and Yu; people with training in different fields were selected and assigned to relevant posts of state affairs, so that those learned in the arts were given appointments in the civil service, those from military academies would be in the army service, agricultural colleges in the agricultural department, technical colleges in engineering and commerce in the trading departments ...\".\n\nSuch information and ideas must have been derived from his personal observation in Hong Kong. The principle of universal education was introduced in Britain by the Education Act of 1870. The award of academic degrees, the establishment of academic societies sponsored by high officials and patronized by the monarch were features of the British system. Since Sun could not, by nature of this presentation, speak critically of the Ch'ing government and its institutions, his emphasis on the selection and appointment of officials from specialists in relevant fields was in effect a proposal for change in the administrative system. Therefore the full utilization of human talent was the first of the four measures which he considered essential for the modernization of China. Human talents were not only to be properly trained but also to be properly used.\n\nArguing for the full utilization of the land, Sun's special concern was the modernization and improvement of agriculture. He emphasized the need for the appointment of officials with such knowledge to be in charge, provision of modern education for such knowledge and also the use of modern Western techniques. Sun's interest in agricultural improvement, which was later to be further demonstrated by his proposal in 1895 for the formation of an agricultural learning society, seems to have little connection with his urban educational background. It was nonetheless in line with his primary concern for the welfare of the people, as peasants then made up the overwhelming majority of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209287, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 190, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "176\n\nNG LUN NGAIHA\n\nthe Chinese population. This was to make Sun different from Ho Kai and other intellectual or bourgeois reformists whose interest in economic reform was centred more on industry and commerce. He maintained that improving agricultural productivity was the most urgent and important reform in China. He found it deeply regrettable that in the recent westernization movement undertaken by the Government, agricultural affairs had been neglected as no one was sent abroad or into agricultural college to learn Western techniques. It was perhaps for these reasons that he offered to serve the state, to promote agricultural reforms. He did not claim to have specialized training in this field. But \"for many generations my family had been engaged in farming, and I was able to gain some experience in it\", and \"when I was educated abroad, I often read books concerning Western farming methods, geology and other science subjects\". He admitted that practical knowledge was essential and he was ready to go abroad to study sericulture and other Western agricultural methods.\n\nDr. Sun Yat-sen's years in Hong Kong being an essential part of his formative age, had a significant influence on his intellectual development. He mentioned more than once in his recollections that his revolutionary ideas germinated in Hong Kong, and in his few early essays that can be found, it is evident that he also shared some reform notions of the time. Much of this thinking then, as expressed in his presentation to Li Hung-chang in 1894, was also nurtured by his experience and observations in Hong Kong.\n\nNOTES\n\n1\n\nAccording to Wang Teh-chao, this was published in the September and October (1894) issues of the Wan-kuo kung-pao. It was then republished in issue No. 19 of Yu-shih. See Wang Teh-chao, “Tungmeng hui shih chi Sun Chung-shan hsien-sheng k'o-ming szu-hsiang ti fen-hsi yen-chiu”, Chung-kuo hsien-tai shih ts'ung-k'an, vol. 1 (Taipei, 1960), p. 66, note 3.\n\n2 ibid. note 4.\n\n3\n\nFeng Tzu-yu, “K'o-ming i-shih” (Taipei reprint, 1957), and K'ai-kuo chien k'o-ming shih (Taipei reprint, 1954); Ch'en Shao-pei, Hsing-Chung hui k'o-ming shih-yao (Canton, 1934). See also Chou Hung-jan, \"Kuo-fu 'shang Li Hung-chang shu' chih shih-tai pei-ching”, Ta-lu tsa-chih 23.5, pp. 157–161.\n\n4 The pamphlet, Kidnapped in London, was published in England in 1897. In this, Sun recalled that a Ch'ing official in the Chinese legation said to him, \"You have previously sent in a petition for reform to the Tsung-li yamen in Peking asking that it be presented to the Emperor.\" See Kuo-fu ch'uan-chi vol. 5 (Taipei, 1973), p. 16.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209288, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 191, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "THE HONG KONG ORIGINS OF DR. SUN YAT-SEN'S ADDRESS TO LI HUNG-CHANG 177\n\nTranslation from op. cit., vol. 3, p. 1.\n\n# The school was set up in 1870 and was originally named the Diocesan School and Orphanage for Boys and known in its short form as the Diocesan Home. The orphanage was closed in 1896, but the school has continued as the Diocesan Boys' School. Its early history is given in W.T. Featherstone, The Diocesan Boys' School and Orphanage, Hong Kong, 1869 to 1919 (Hong Kong, 1930).* The Central School was set up by the Hong Kong Government in 1862 as a result of a proposal from the famous sinologue James Legge. It was the first government school put directly under the supervision of a government officer recruited from Britain. The school was meant to be a model school for the promotion of teaching of English and Western learning. For its history, see Gevenneth Stokes, Queen's College, 1862–1962 (Hong Kong, 1962).\n\n7\n\nThe article was written in 1937, when the early school register was still in the possession of Queen's College. The Yellow Dragon, vol. 37, p. 94.\n\nIt is still not clear when Sun entered the college. It is generally known that Sun was transferred to Hong Kong in early 1887, but the college was not opened until October of the same year. It is possible that Sun had been transferred to work at the Alice Memorial Hospital as a student before the college was officially opened. For Sun's student life in the college, see Lo Hsiang-lin, Kuo-fu chih ta-hsüeh shih-tai (Chungking, 1945).\n\n10 A brief survey of the significant role of the Central School in this respect is given in Ng Lun Ngai-ha, “Role of Hong Kong Educated Chinese in the Shaping of Modern China”, paper presented to the 8th IAHA Conference, 1980.\n\n11\n\n“For more information on these and other early Hong Kong newspapers, see Ng Lun Ngai-ha, “A Survey of Source Materials in Hong Kong Related to Late Ch'ing China”, Ch'ing-shih wen-t'i, 4, (December 1979), 145–146, appendix A.\n\n12 The China coast newspapers are valuable sources for the study of modern Chinese history. For a brief survey of these materials, see Frank H. H. King and P. Clarke (eds.), A Research Guide to China Coast Newspapers, 1822-1911 (Camb. Mass., 1965).\n\n13 It was said that Sun might have contributed articles to the local newspapers and also to the Wan-kuo kung-pao, of which Cheng Kuan-ying was a patron. See Sun Chung-shan nien-p'u (Peking, 1980), p. 24 and Lo Hsiang-lin, \"Kuo-fu yü Ho Chi chüeh-shih ti kuan-hsi\", Kuo-fu ti kao-ming kuang-ta (Taipei, 1965), p. 129.\n\n14 The Hao T'ou yueh-k'an 14 and 15 (1947), a magazine published by a secondary school in Chung-shan county, noted that it was first published in the Macao Daily in 1892. Its full text can now be found in Sun Chung-shan Shih Jiao chuan chi (Kuang tung wen shih tzu-liao, Canton, 1891), pp. 271–273.\n\n16 For a brief comparative study of the two letters, see Huang-yen, “Chi-shao Sun Chung-shan 'chih Cheng Tsao-ju shu'”, Li-shih yen-chiu (1980:6), pp. 184–189.\n\n10 For a short description of Ho's life and career in Hong Kong, see Wu Hsing-lin, The Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong (Hong Kong, 1936), II, pp. 1–2. Ho's contributions to the reform movements in China have been studied in a number of works. The more recent ones are Chiu Ling-yeong, The Life and Thought of Sir Kai Ho Kai (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Sydney, 1968) and Tsai Jung-fang, “Comprador Ideologists in Modern China: Ho Kai and Hu", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209289, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 192, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "178\n\nNG LUN NGAIHA \"Li-huan\", (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, 1975). The most detailed account of his life in Hong Kong is given in Gerald Chao, The Life and Times of Sir Kai Ho Kai, (Hong Kong, 1981).\n\n17 Most of these works are collected in Hu Feng-nan hsien-sheng ch'uan-chi, printed and reprinted in Hong Kong between 1902 and 1918.\n\n16 Between 1884 and 1945, the Hong Kong General Chamber of Commerce had the privilege of electing a member to sit in the Legislative Council. See G.B. Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong (Hong Kong, 1964), pp. 250-253. For political and economic influence of the local merchants, see also W.V. Pennell, History of the Hong Kong General Chamber of Commerce, 1861-1961 (Hong Kong, 1961).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209303, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 206, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "192\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nTRADITIONAL FUNERALS\n\nApart from the ta tsiu, the most significant ritual acts within the traditional New Territories village were those marking the death of an adult villager. The ritual of such funerals differed in detail from area to area, but seem to follow basically the same form everywhere. The traditional funeral was a matter of importance not only to the bereaved family but to the whole village. The ritual alternated between formal religious acts, led by Taoist priests, and village customs, led by the elderly men and women of the village.\n\nTraditional funerals are becoming rarer, rituals are being simplified to follow the pattern set by the modern style funerals in the City, and the willingness of villagers outside the circle of the immediately bereaved to assist in the rites is less automatic than in the past. There is, therefore, a need to record the funeral ritual used while there are still opportunities to witness it in operation. Miss Barbara Ward, and Dr. David Faure of the Chinese University together with the author of this note were privileged to record at length a recent traditional funeral in Tai Wai Village, Sha Tin; it is hoped that this record will be published in an appropriate form soon. In the meantime a brief indication of the ritual with some photographs, (plates 4-13) is published here as a general guide to the main features of a New Territories traditional Punti funeral. The photographs were taken by Mr. Liu Yun-sum, of Sheung Shui Village, the current First Vice-Chairman of the New Territories Heung Yee Kuk, in 1953, at the funeral of his father, Mr. Liu On-wai, and are published here with Mr. Liu Yun-sum's kind consent. Mr. Liu On-wai was the son and grandson of Ch'ing dynasty village headmen; he and his brother had been educated to the best standards available in Sheung Shui. His elder brother, indeed, became a Sau Ts'oi degree holder and taught in the village school. Mr. Liu On-wai himself went into trade, selling foot-stuffs and roast meats from a shop in Sheung Shui market; he was 76 years old at his death. The photographs, therefore, are of the funeral of a well-connected and moderately wealthy, but neither particularly rich nor powerful villager.\n\nThe funeral ritual began everywhere immediately on the death. Elders of the clan and village washed, dressed, and prepared the corpse, while the women of the bereaved family sang wailing songs. Friends and relatives stood around weeping during the dressing and preparation.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209314, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 217, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n203\n\nstraw was used mostly as fuel, and in the repairs of the irrigation canal dykes. At second harvest the rice was cut as close to the ground as possible - the sweet potato harvest did not need this fertiliser, and, the ground being dry it would not rot quickly enough. Also straw was more valuable in the winter as it was needed to feed cattle, and to lay along the furrows where vegetable or sweet potato seeds had been planted to protect them from the birds. Just before and after the War the British army would come to Tai Wai in autumn to buy spare straw to feed army horses. Wai H.L. acted as broker and could make 30 cents on a load.\n\nCalculating the harvest\n\nBoth at Tai Wai and Wong Chuk Yeung the quality of the harvest was calculated by counting the grains of rice in the heads. In Tai Wai a good harvest was where each head had 120-140 grains, in Wong Chuk Yeung 80-100 grains (120 was also known). In upland fields Tai Wai occasionally had harvests with only 8-10 grains a head. The density of growth was assumed constant - in Wong Chuk Yeung 80-100 grains presumed 2 piculs per tau, in Tai Wai 120-140 presumed 3-4 piculs etc. The estimates were regarded in both villages as reasonably accurate.\n\nIrrigations\n\nThe Tai Wai fields were irrigated by means of lateral irrigation canals taking water from main streams. A dyke was built across a main stream (Shing Mun River or Tin Sam Nullah), damming up the waters behind it. These were then led into an irrigation canal running along the river bank, roughly parallel to it, but at a higher level. In order to lead the river waters into the irrigation canal the dyke was built aslant the river. With this method the irrigation canal could provide water efficiently to large areas of land. Where the river had raised its bed above surrounding land levels, a dyke across half the river was adequate. At the end of the irrigation canal it was best to build a fish pond into which any excess waters could be allowed to fall. Water would only flow back into the main river if the pond overflowed. In low water years the water in this pond could be lifted with the shui-ch'e (a hand-operated water wheel) and so the pond could be used as a reservoir, otherwise as a fish pond. Because of the risk of flooding the fields in very heavy rain times the main irrigation canal required sluices to close the flow and force the flow back into the main river above the fields. Tai Wai had 3 such systems. The Tin Sam valley had a similar system; from a dyke at Hin Tin water was led between Tin Sam and Keng Hau to a pond opposite the Che", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209426, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "61\n\n\"J.W. Norton Kyshe: \"The history of the laws and courts of Hong Kong\" (2 vols. H.K., 1898), I, p. 658; cf also NCH 3.7.1858, 24.11.1860.\n\nPT 1.8.1933, 1.9.1934.\n\n10 NCH 11.5.1861.\n\n60 NCH 5.4.1862.\n\nG.A.M. Anderson: \"Humanity and Labour in China\" (London, 1928), ch. VI, IX; E.M. Hinder: \"Life and Labour in Shanghai\" (New York 1944), p. 2, 115-116.\n\nSee Hinder, \"Life\", passim.\n\nFor tax rates see Feetham, \"Report\", I, p. 147-148.\n\nFor critical comments on the sectional, non-representative background of Municipal Council members, see China Weekly Review, Shanghai, 24.3.1934, p. 119.\n\nCf NCH 10.7.1852, 17.7.1852, 24.7.1852.\n\nCf NCH 14.10.1854, 21.10.1854 and following issues.\n\nNCH 23.4.1864.\n\nChina Weekly Review 9.1.1937, p. 179.\n\nNCH 20.10.1860.\n\n* China Weekly Review 9.1.1937, p. 179.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209450, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "85\n\nChinese leaders seemed determined to use this occasion to make their presence felt, though they had already been told in no uncertain terms that the Government did not want this impression to be given.\n\nBefore the strike ended, cargo boatmen and others had been anxious about those rioters who had been arrested and detained. They had not been sentenced on the 3rd because of insufficient evidence against them. They were tried on the 10th. On that day, the court was packed, and significantly, among the crowd was a \"certain past director of the Tung Wah Hospital.\"76 Significant also was Ho Kai's appearance as defence attorney. Some of the men he defended were reported to be unaware of the fact that they were being represented by a barrister.\" Who instructed Ho Kai? One possibility is that Chinese leaders had hired him to defend rioters as part of the deal to induce boatmen and coolies to resume work. Another possibility is that Ho had done so on his own, out of a mixture of the patriotic fervour which he was to demonstrate so freely in his later reformist writings, and self-interest in establishing himself as a Chinese leader. Whatever the case, we see attempts by Chinese to defend Chinese, and reverse what many believed to be patent injustice. And again, we see the possible combination of high principles and material interests within the Chinese leadership.\n\nThe fines were, therefore, repaid and work was resumed. For all practical purposes, the riot was over by the afternoon of the 3rd and the general strike was terminated by the 5th. In quantitative terms, the general strike lasted only five days and the riot a matter of hours. A month and a half later, Governor Bowen summed up the events by saying, \"It is now generally acknowledged on all sides that the riot of October 3rd had little, if any, permanent or political significance.”78 His attitude seems to be shared by historians of Hong Kong, including G. B. Endacott and Lin Yu-lan79 who have not devoted special attention to it in their works.\n\nIronically, the few historians who have focussed upon these events have done so beyond the context of Hong Kong history. Fang Han-ch'i wrote of them in 1957 in terms of an", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209453, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "88 \n\nELIZABETH SINN \n\nto keep their own people in order. Local headmen such as the Paou-chong E, and then the Tepo were used in the first two decades of British rule. In 1846 the Registrar-General became also the Protector of Chinese Inhabitants in the Colony, 88 \n\nBut the Registrar-General's office was small, and its function was very much one of liaison. It depended heavily on Chinese leadership groups to manage the native population, The Man-Mo Temple Committee was one of the first such groups to emerge, followed by the Nam Pak Hong and the Tung Wah Hospital, which since its inception in 1870, became the predominant institution of its kind, until the Chinese Chamber of Commerce began to share its status in the 20th Century.87 \n\nThe Tung Wah Hospital, like the rest, had functions beyond what its name might suggest. It was modelled upon traditional Chinese urban gentry organizations which provided relief of various types, arbitrated conflicts, sat in judgement over minor offences, ran schools, and occupied a privileged position between the officials and the common people. In short it provided in Hong Kong what the Chinese population expected from gentry organizations in China, and created in its merchant-members images of the gentry. \n\nIt may appear anomalous to describe the Chinese leaders in Hong Kong as shen (gentry). If defined as degree holders then certainly not many of the Chinese leaders in Hong Kong would qualify for the description of \"gentry\". Yet these men were consistently referred to by Chinese officials as shen-shang (gentry, merchant). Mariane Bastid raises the very interesting point about the transition over time of the expression shen-shang from denoting merchant and gentry to denoting merchant-gentry in China. This change, of course, reflects nothing less than the change in social composition in late Ch'ing China, and perhaps nowhere did this change take place more dramatically than in Hong Kong. The one important difference was that being in Hong Kong, the shen-shang had to act as a bridge, not only between the people and government of Hong Kong, but also between the Chinese of Hong Kong and the Chinese Government, and, in particular, the authorities in Canton. They stood in the midst of a complex net of interests, often clashing interests, and to accommodate all parties was a game of intricate manoeuvring,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209457, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 114, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "92\n\nELIZABETH SINN\n\nportantly, what was not of value in their own. If Chinese nationalism, as Joseph Levenson defines it, could be truly established only when \"nation\" has overtaken \"culture\" as the focus of loyalty, then Hong Kong was understandably a fertile ground for the germination of modern Chinese nationalism. And through this, we can see the role Hong Kong has played in the history of modern China.\n\nThe 1884 episode is only one of many interesting episodes in Hong Kong history which have been overlooked in spite of their significance. If more of them could be studied in depth, our understanding of Hong Kong history would be enhanced.\n\nNOTES\n\nAbbreviations Used\n\nCO129— Colonial Office, Original Correspondence series 129. FO228 Foreign Office, Embassy and Consular Archives, Correspondence series 228.\n\nJHKBRAS― Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.\n\nShu Pao I—Shu Pao, (Taipei reprint, 1964). See note 10. Shu Pao II—Shu Pao, extracts in Chin-tai-shih tzu-liao (Sources on Modern History) 57:6 (1957.12) 20-30 see note 10.\n\n(notes on Hu Ch'uan-ch'ao—\n\nTun-mo lui-fen the [Sino-French] War) (Taipei, 1973 reprint, original preface 1898), 2 Volumes, 8 chüan. See note 2.\n\n+ Daily Press, 4th September, 1884,\n\n* Hu Chuan-ch’ao Tun-mo lul-fen (notes on the [Sino-French] War) (Taipei, 1973 reprint; original preface 1898), 2 volumes, 8 chüan; chüan 2:34a. Hu had followed P'eng Yu-lin into Kwangtung and was attached to the Kwangtung military headquarters. He kept a close watch on the war and his notes are an important source on the subject.\n\nA translated version of the proclamation is found in Marsh to Derby, 25th September, 1884, Despatch No. 336: Colonial Office Original Correspondence, Series 129 (hereafter CO129)/127. The lunar date was given as 16th day of the 7th moon which was 5th September, but was wrongly converted in the translation to 15th September. The Chinese original is in Hu Ch'uan-ch'ao, chüan 2:28b-29b.\n\nThe original is in ibid., chüan 2:28a-28b. The translated version is in the Daily Press, 1st October, 1884. For correspondence on this proclamation between Parkes, the British Minister in Peking, Hance, Acting British Consul at Canton and the Tsungli Yamen, see Parkes to Granville, 26th September, 1884, Despatch No. 190: Foreign Office, Embassy and Consular Archives, Correspondence Series 228 (hereafter FO228)/375, Parkes to Granville, 30th September, 1884, Despatch No.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209458, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "93\n\n193, ibid.; Parkes to Granville, 1st October, 1884, Despatch No. 201, ibid.; 7th October, 1884, Despatch No. 203, ibid.; Parkes to Granville, 7th October, 1884, Despatch No. 204, ibid. It took some time before Parkes realized there were 2 proclamations involved.\n\nDaily Press, 19th September, 1884.\n\nIbid., 23rd September, 1884. Ho Amei will be discussed further below. See Note No. 59.\n\nThe publication of the Viceroy's proclamation in 4 Chinese language newspapers in Hong Kong was reported by the Acting Governor to the Under Secretary of State of the Colonial Office. (Marsh to Derby, 25th September, 1884, Despatch No. 336: CO129/217). Also reported in China Mail, 17th September, 1884.\n\nIt may be noted that although no Hong Kong Chinese language newspaper of this particular period has survived, information on material published in these papers is often available in other contemporary sources.\n\nAdmiral Léspès to Marsh, 18th September, 1884, enclosed in Marsh to Derby, 25th September, 1884, Despatch No. 336: CO129/217.\n\nMarsh to Derby, 25th September, 1884, Despatch No. 336: CO129/217, China Mail, 18th and 19th September, 1884, Shu Pao II, 23rd September, 1884. (for Shu Pao, see note 10).\n\nShu-pao W, 22nd September, 1884. The Shu-pao published in Canton. Very little is known about its origins though it is believed that it had started publication in 1884 for the specific purpose of reporting on the Sino-French War. There are at present two collections of this paper. One is at the Provincial Library of Taiwan at Taipei, from which a photographic reprint was made in 1964 under the editorship of Wu Hsiang-hsiang (Shu-pao, Taipei reprint, 1964; hereafter referred to as Shu-pao I). Another collection was discovered by Fang Han-ch'i 方漢奇 in Soochow, and he published those parts related to the “anti-imperial struggle\" of Hong Kong workers in 1884. Fang Han-ch'i \"I-pa pa-ssu nien Hsiang-kang jen-min ti fan-ti tou-cheng” 一八八四年香港人民的反帝鬥爭 (The anti-imperial struggle of the people of Hong Kong in 1884) (hereafter Shu-pao II) in Chin-tai-shih tzu-liao 近代史資料 (Sources on Modern History) 57:6 (1957.12) 20-30. The materials in these 2 collections overlap as well as complement each other. Since no Hong Kong Chinese-language newspaper of the period has been preserved, the Shu-pao acts as a substitute in reflecting contemporary Chinese \"public opinion\".\n\nChina Mail, 23rd September, 1884.\n\nMarsh to Derby, 25th September, 1884, Despatch No. 336: CO129/217.\n\nIbid., 27th September, 1884.\n\nIbid.\n\nDaily Press, 1st October, 1884.\n\nDaily Press, 2nd October, 1884.\n\nChina Mail, 2nd October, 1884.\n\nDaily Press, 7th October, 1884.\n\nDaily Press, 29th September, 1884.\n\nChina Mail, 7th October, 1884.\n\nMemorandum by the Colonial Secretary, Marsh, 5th December, 1884, enclosed in Bowen to Derby, 5th December, 1884, Despatch No. 399; CO129/218.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209460, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "95\n\n\"Kaifongs were self-appointed district leaders, people who showed interest in district activities.\n\n40 Marsh to Derby, 6th October, 1884, Despatch No. 340: CO129/217.\n\n\"Marsh to Derby, 11th October, 1884, Despatch No. 342: CO129/217. A police report enclosed in this despatch describes 1,000 women leaving on one ship on the 10th October alone.\n\n42 Daily Press, 9th October, 1884, China Mail, 8th October, 1884. Police Inspector D. Thomson's \"Morning Report\" enclosed in Marsh to Derby, 11th October, 1884, Despatch No. 342: CO129/217,\n\n48 \"Report on Ordinance No. 22 of 1884,\" enclosed in Marsh to Derby, 11th October, 1884, Despatch No. 342: CO129/217.\n\n\"Marsh to Derby, 11th October, 1884, Despatch No. 342: CO129/217.\n\n**Daily Press, 11th October, 1884. Ho Kai (Ho Ch'i) is another colourful personality in Hong Kong's history. His biography has been written by Gerald Choa, The Life and Times of Sir Kai Ho Kai (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1981) and his intellectual biography by Dr. Chiu Ling-yeong, \"The Life and Thought of Sir Kai Ho Kai\" (Ph.D. thesis, University of Sydney, 1968) and Ts'ai Jung-fang, \"Compradore Ideologists in Modern China: Ho Kai (Ho Ch'i) (1859-1914) and Hu Li-yüan (1847-1916)\" (Ph.D. thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 1975) and \"Syncretism in the Reformist Thought of Ho Kai and Hu Li-yüan”, Asian Profile, Vol. 6, No. 1 (1978).\n\n40 Bowen to Derby, 1st November, 1884, Despatch No. 358: CO129/217. Daily Press, 1st November, 1884. Shu-pao, 10th November, 1884.\n\n**Chang Chih-tung to Tsungli Yamen, 4th October, 1884, telegram in Chang Chih-tung, Chang Wen-hsiang kung ch'üan-chi (The Complete Collection of Chang Chih-tung's Works), 228 chuan, 6 vols. (Photographic reprint, Taipei, 1963) chuan 73:6b-7a.\n\nChang Chih-tung to Tsungli Yamen, 9th October, 1884, telegram in Chang Chih-tung, chuan 73:7a-7b.\n\n\"Governor-General Chang to H.M. Acting Consul Hance, 12th October, 1884, enclosed in Marsh to Derby, 20th October, 1884, Despatch No. 350: CO129/217.\n\n50 Chang Chih-tung to Tsungli Yamen, 9th October, 1884, Chang Chih-tung, chuan 73:7b.\n\n1 Daily Press, 1st October, 1884.\n\n* China Mail, 23rd September, 1884.\n\n63 Bowen to Derby, 25th August, 1884, Despatch No. 298: CO129/217. Marsh to Derby, 25th September, 1884, Despatch No. 336: ibid. China Mail, 2nd October, 1884.\n\n4 Marsh to Derby, 21st September, 1883, Despatch No. 240: CO129/211.\n\n65 (Draft) F.O. to C.O., 7th November, 1884: CO129/219.\n\n5 House of Commons to C.O., 27th October, 1884: CO129/218. 67 Bowen to Derby, 23rd February, 1885 in Stanley Lane-Poole, (ed.), Thirty Years of Colonial Government. Selections from the Despatches and Letters of the Right Honourable Sir George Ferguson Bowen G.C.M.G. 2 volumes (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1887) Vol. 2, 350.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209461, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 118, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "96\n\nELIZABETH SINN\n\nsignificance Bowen saw in this rise of Chinese national feeling will be discussed below.\n\n* Hu Ch'uan-ch'ao, chuan 2:16b. The agent (t'an-yüan A) was responsible for intelligence reports.\n\n50 Carl Smith, \"The Emergence of a Chinese Elite\", JHKBRAS, 11 (1971) 74-115. Ho Amei is dealt with in greater detail in an untitled series Smith wrote for the South China Morning Post each Wednesday between January 1978-May 1979.\n\n* Several telegrams sent by Ho Amei to the Canton military headquarters are found in Hu Ch'uan-ch'ao, chüan 2:14b, 21b; 3:7a.\n\n1884.\n\n\"Daily Press, 23rd September, 1884. China Mail, 22nd September, \n\n\" Memorandum by the Colonial Secretary, enclosed in Bowen to Derby, 5th December, 1884, Despatch No. 399: CO129/218.\n\n** Chang Chih-tung to Tsungli Yamen, 9th October, 1884, Telegram: Chang Chih-tung, chüan 73:7a to 7b.\n\n* A special thank-you note was in fact forwarded to Marsh from the French ambassador for his protection of the French mail steamer, enclosed in F.O. to C.O., 8th December, 1884: CO129/219.\n\n65 Minute by Robert Herbert to newspaper clipping from the Standard, 16th October, 1884: CO129/218.\n\n** F.O. to C.O., 21st November, 1884: CO129/219.\n\n* Daily Press, 4th October, 1884.\n\n** Ibid.\n\n40 Marsh to Derby, 6th October, 1884, Despatch No. 342: CO129/217.\n\n70 Marsh to Derby, 3rd October, 1883, Despatch No. 250: CO129/212; Bowen to Derby, 8th March, 1884, Despatch No. 71: CO129/215; Bowen to Derby, 18th March, 1884, Despatch No. 82: ibid. Hu Ch'uan-ch'ao, chüan 7:34b-36.\n\n71 Marsh to Derby, 6th October, 1884, Despatch No. 340: CO129/217.\n\n\" Chang Chih-tung to Tsungli Yamen, 9th October, 1884, Telegram: Chang Chih-tung, chüan 73:7a-b. Chang here referred to the i-yüan Hua-jen BRA (Hospital Chinese) but from his other correspondences, we know this referred to the Tung Wah Committee.\n\n* Bowen to Derby, 5th December, 1884, Despatch No. 399: CO129/218.\n\n** Daily Press, 7th October, 1884.\n\n** Minutes of the Legislative Council Meeting of 9th October, 1884, reported in Daily Press, 10th October, 1884.\n\n** Shu-pao II. 14th October, 1884.\n\n\"China Mail, 10th October, 1884, Daily Press, 11th October, 1884, Shu Pao II, 14th October, 1884.\n\n** Bowen to Derby, 17th November, 1884, Despatch No. 381: CO129/218.\n\n* G.B. Endacott, The People and Government of Hong Kong. Lin Yu-lan Hsiang-kang shih-hua (History of Hong Kong) (Hong Kong, 1980 revised edition), pp. 92-93.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209462, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "97\n\n* For Fang Han-ch'i, see Note 10. Li Ming-jen\n\n\"I-pa-ssu nien Hsiang-kang pa-kung yün-tung\" (\"The Strike in Hong Kong in 1884), Li-shih yen-chiu (Historical Studies), 1958:3 (March, 1958) 89-90.\n\nLloyd E. Eastman, \"The Kwangtung anti-foreign disturbances during the Sino-French War\", Papers on China, 13 (1959) 1-31,\n\nLewis M. Chere, \"The Hong Kong Riots of October 1884: Evidence for Chinese Nationalism\", JHKBRAS, Vol. 20 (1980), p. 54.\n\n* Chinese Prisoners, Papers respecting the confinement and trial of Chinese prisoners in Hong Kong 1857 (155, Sess. 2) XLIII, Great Britain, Parliamentary Papers (Shannon, Ireland: Irish University Press, 1971) Vol. 24: China, pp. 151-188. For a narration of the event see James Pope-Hennessy, Half Crown Colony: A Hong Kong Note Book (London: Jonathan Cape, 1969), pp. 55-58.\n\nMarsh to Parkes, 4th October, 1884, enclosed in F.O. to C.O., 2nd February, 1885: CO129/224. Marsh to Parkes, 6th October, 1884, Telegram enclosed in F.O. to C.O., 9th December, 1884: CO129/219.\n\nTsungli Yamen to Parkes, 10th October, 1884, enclosed in F.O. to C.O., 13th December, 1884; ibid.\n\n**For Paou-chong, see Ordinance No. 13 of 1844; for Tepo, see Ordinance No. 3 of 1853; for the Registrar-General, see Ordinance No. 7 of 1846. The Registrar-General's duties were redefined by Ordinance No. 6 of 1857, and again by Ordinance No. 8 of 1858.\n\nFor the Chinese elite, see Carl Smith's works cited in Note No. 59. See also his \"An Early Hong Kong Success Story: Wei Akwong, the Beggar Boy\", Chung Chi Bulletin No. 45 (December 1968), pp. 9-14; \"English-educated Chinese Elites in Nineteenth Century Hong Kong\", Symposium Paper, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, (November 1972), pp. 65-96; and H.J. Lethbridge, \"A Chinese Association in Hong Kong: the Tung Wah\", \"The Evolution of a Chinese Voluntary Association in Hong Kong: The Po Leung Kuk\" and \"The District Watch Committee: The Chinese Executive Council of Hong Kong?\" in his Hong Kong: Stability and Change.\n\n**Marianne Bastid, \"The Social Context of Reform” in Paul A. Cohen and John E. Schrecker, ed., Reform in Nineteenth Century China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1976), pp. 117-127; 118.\n\nLi Tak Cheong was a director in 1872, chairman in 1883, and a hip-li in 1873 and 1884. Ho Amei was chairman in 1882 and a hip-li in 1883. Leong On was a founding chairman, and chairman again in 1877 and 1887, and was a hip-li in 1872, 1878 and 1888.\n\n**Ho Kai's father, Ho Fuk Tong and his brother-in-law Wu T'ing-fang were both founding chi-shi.\n\nSee Note No. 34.\n\nMarsh to Derby, 24th March, 1886, Despatch No. 91: CO129/225.\n\n**This refers to a meeting called by Europeans in Hong Kong to discuss the rise of crime which they believed resulted from the leniency of the new Governor Hennessy. Some of the Chinese leaders however supported him and the meeting developed into a confrontation between Europeans and Chinese residents in Hong Kong. See James Pope-Hennessy, Verandah (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd.), pp. 203-205. This was also fully reported in the Daily Press and China Mail throughout October 1878.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209463, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "98\n\n04\n\nELIZABETH SINN\n\nStanley Lane-Poole, (ed.), op. cit (vide note 57) Vol. 2, p. 350.\n\n\"s For Wang T'ao, see Paul Cohen, \"Wang T'ao and Incipient Chinese Nationalism\", Journal of Asian Studies, 26: 4 (1967) 559-574. For Ho Kai's nationalist ideas, see Dr. Chiu Ling-yeong, and Ts'ai Jung-fang, op. cit (vide note 45) Dr. Sun's nationalism is treated in too many works to be cited here.\n\n* Reported by Wu Hsiang-hsiang in the preface to the Photographic Edition of Shu-pao I.\n\nThis theme is developed throughout Joseph Levenson, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and the Mind of Modern China (Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1970; 1st published 1953).\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209477, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "112\n\nW. ALLYN RICKETT\n\nunfortunate that some of its worst features have been incorporated into the Chinese Code, including the use of analogy (Article 79) and a broad classification of \"counter-revolutionary offenses.” Articles 90 to 104, dealing with such offenses require the court to determine the motive for a range of acts which might or might not have as their purpose \"overthrowing the political power of the dictatorship of the proletariat.\" For example, Article 102 stipulates that \"using counter-revolutionary slogans, leaflets or other means to spread propaganda inciting the overthrow of the political power of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the socialist system\" is to be punished by a fixed-term imprisonment, detention, surveillance, or deprivation of political rights for not less than five years. Since the classification of a presumed offense as counter-revolutionary then depends on a subjective interpretation of motive in this type of case, it is difficult to know when the constitutionally guaranteed freedom of speech and press become counter-revolutionary.\n\nIt is understandable that since this is their first attempt to produce a general criminal code, the compilers were reluctant to give up the useful tool of analogy to cover any gaps in the law that might appear later on. The drafters of the Code were, however, not oblivious to the dangers inherent in the application of analogy and therefore stipulated that its use had to have the approval of a Higher People's Court. The articles dealing with counter-revolution are a far more serious matter. Again they are understandable given the turbulent history of modern China, the on-going civil war with the Kuomintang on Taiwan, and the hostile treatment accorded the People's Republic by most of the world throughout most of its history, not to mention the general paranoia which seems to take hold of most societies going through a revolution. However, it is precisely because of these articles and the psychological condition which produced them, that one continues to feel some concern for the future in spite of all the positive steps that have been taken since the fall of the Gang of Four.\n\nThis concern is further strengthened by another disturbing factor. I mentioned earlier that one of the characteristics of the period following the Anti-Rightist Movement was the development", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209506, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "141\n\nH.F. MacNair, The Chinese Abroad (Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh, 1925) 57.\n\n* P.C. Campbell, Chinese Coolie Emigration to Countries Within the British Empire (London: P.S. King, 1923).\n\n* See A.W. Hummel (ed.), Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1943).\n\n40 Charlie Chan, the Hollywood Chinese detective, who frequently quoted Confucian aphorisms, was accepted as a lifelike Chinese by film-goers in the 1930s and 1940s. The slinky, enigmatic, deadpan Anna May Wong represented, for Westerners, the Oriental belle or siren.\n\nGO Ng Kwee Choo, The Chinese in London (London: Oxford University Press, 1962) 2. Ng takes these figures from a study by L. Wong, Overseas Chinese in Britain (unidentified by the writer). Ng believes Wong's figure is an overestimate and prefers a lower one: 30,000. In the 1901 Census of England and Wales, 61 percent of the Chinese recorded were seamen; in 1911, 36 percent; in 1921, 26 percent. This trend has continued to the present day. Laundrymen overtook seamen in the 1920s and 1930s; now restaurant workers represent a significant proportion of Chinese in Britain.\n\n* Only a small proportion of murder suspects are actually convicted of murder; in the past, only a relatively small number were eventually hanged; many are discovered to be mentally disturbed, or commit suicide. See Elwyn Jones, The Last Two to Hang (London: Macmillan, 1966).\n\n6 Public interest awakens with a spectacular and brutal case, such as that of the Black Panther or the Yorkshire Ripper cases.\n\nNeedless to say, definitions of normal and abnormal behaviour are not necessarily the same in two different cultures. See, for example, Arthur Kleinman and Tsung-Yi Lin (eds.), Normal and Abnormal Behaviour in Chinese Culture (Dordrecht: Reidel, 1981). Such differences are usually an expression of cultural differences, which may be comprehended, and of different social definitions, which may be grasped.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209619, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 276, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "254\n\nthe prefectural capital, for more advanced studies. During the last quarter of the 19th century, when deliberate efforts to prepare for the civil examinations began to fade, there still existed within the village some of these special small classes taught by the more prestigious teachers in their own homes. This practice continued even after the abolition of the civil examinations. Liao Chung-nan [Liu Chung-nam], a siu-tsai of the late Ch'ing, taught a small class of about ten at his own house at and after the turn of the century, charging a higher fee than the normal school fees paid for classes held in the study halls. His classes remained as prestigious classes for the rich well into this century.\n\nThe curriculum and method of teaching both in the study halls and in the private classes were typical of Chinese traditional education. There was no division of classes by academic standard. Instruction was given individually or in groups of four or five by rotation. Progress depended largely on the individual or the liking of the teacher. Normally teaching would start with the well-known primers, the San-tzu-ching,70 Ch'in-tzu-wen* and Pai-chia-hsing‡. Two other popular primers were the Hsiao-ching and the Yu hsueh ku-shih ch'iung-lin****. Brighter students would proceed to the Four Books and even the Five Classics after a year or two. There was also much emphasis on teaching the students rhymed couplets, other simple poetic forms, and the correct way of writing polite letters and other formal documents. Books for this kind of teaching, some printed but most hand-written, have been found in several villages alongside the standard primers used in the village schools. Rhymed couplets were useful, we were told, to reinforce recognition of characters for their sound and meaning and also for teaching students to compose couplets, this being a form of literary activity popular in the villages of the region.\n\nShortly after the setting up of British rule in 1898, a government officer described Sheung Shui as \"a village of scholarship and agriculture”.11 Perhaps he was impressed by the grand looking ancestral hall and the number of study halls in the village. The many wooden boards hung in these halls recording", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209620, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 277, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "255\n\nthe examination successes and the honours won must also have been very impressive. Although there is no evidence that the villagers in general had acquired a higher level of literacy, yet school attendance in the village, with the school-going children amounting to 7.5% of the population, was higher than the average of 5% for the New Territories as a whole estimated by Lockhart in 1898. There was, furthermore, a relatively large number of teachers in the village, which was described as a \"haven for the unsuccessful candidates of the yuan-kao\", who usually worked as teachers.12 We have come across in the village some old hand-written manuscript collections of poems, couplets and essays written by village scholars, probably in the late Ch'ing. These were in many cases original collections of material either written or gathered by individuals and kept by their own families. There is no evidence that any of these collections had been copied out or printed for circulation. Literary appreciation of this order was, however, confined to the relatively small group of village scholars.\n\nThe traditional pattern of village life remained very much the same after the arrival of the British in 1898. Yet there was some evidence of change. The coming of British rule had brought the lineage into direct contact with the West and into easy communication with the world outside. Construction of the Tai Po Road began in 1900 and of the railway in 1905. A number of other public works such as the erection of police stations, government offices and paths linking the villages with the main road were also undertaken. This, together with the setting up of a new administration, must have brought opportunities for new jobs. The more adventurous villagers might find their way to urban Hong Kong and Kowloon, while a number would seek jobs in the new construction works. We have oral records of a few who worked in the construction of the railway and the building of the paths. There was a teacher who gave up teaching to work in the Land Office. The total number of such new openings might be very small and had not yet brought any important changes to the traditional economic conditions of the village, yet they did open new avenues for work and wealth. This, together with the abolition of the civil", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209628, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 285, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "263\n\nand traditional primers and classics were taught with emphasis on memorization, recognition of characters, and calligraphy. After 1921, simple readers known as Kwok Man E Readers, revised versions of the Yu-hsueh ch'iung-lin and a reformed set of three-four-five-character primers written for women and children began to be, very tentatively, introduced into these classes. In the subsidized and registered schools, a wider curriculum including reading, arithmetic, history and geography was adopted. Yet, according to the official reports of the inspectors of these schools, even the subsidized classes with their wider curriculum failed in fact to provide a modern basic general education as desired. The 1921 report remarks with respect to schools of this type in the New Territories in general:26\n\nLittle or no explanation of reading matter is given; the main idea being to memorize as much as possible. Pupils in their second year could not, with any degree of certainty, explain the meaning of simple characters as sky, heaven, day, sun; the matter seemed to be understood by those who were naturally intelligent, who at inspections were generally pushed forward.\n\nBoys of the poorer class do not receive anything approaching a useful education. They spend 3 or 4 years at school, and leave school to take up, in many instances, some menial position, and their only asset is an ability to recite a hundred pages or so from the Classics practically meaningless to them.\n\nThe few subsidized schools at Sheung Shui belonged to category C and received an annual subsidy varying from $45 to $60 per annum only. Therefore, the income of a subsidized school teacher was, even taking into account school fees, only about $12 per month.27 In the non-subsidized schools, it was even lower. Although the normal school fees were supplemented by gifts in kind from students at festivals, most teachers had to work as clerks to the villagers for extra income.28 The price of rice was between $12 and $14 per picul and the monthly salary of a government clerk was then $30 to $40. This explains why there was a marked shortage of teachers. A number of teachers were brought from\n\nPage 264\n\nPage 285\n\nPage 286", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209633, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 290, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "268\n\nNOTES\n\n* A general study on traditional education in the New Territories before the arrival of the British is given in another paper, \"Village Education in the New Territories under the Ch'ing\" shortly to be published by the Centre of Asian Studies, Hong Kong University. This present article is a related study on a single village in the N.T., with the purpose of seeing how and why education changed from its traditional pattern to a modern structure in the late 19th century and the early decades of the 20th century.\n\n* Sheung Shui is a large single surname village consisting of eight sub-villages lying at the heart of the Sheung Shui/Fanling plain (originally called Sheung U Tung [上烏塘] in Chinese). The village lies in a fertile low-lying river valley some twenty miles north of Kowloon and four miles south of Sham Chun. The village has been discussed in detail by Hugh Baker in his book, A Chinese Lineage Village, Frank Cass, 1968.\n\n* We were told by the village elders that their ancestors made special efforts to convert their dialect and custom into Punti shortly after their settlement in the district, just to be qualified to partake in the imperial examinations, for it was not until 1802 that the Hakkas were given a small quota in the examination, see also Hsin-an-Hsien-chih, 1981 reprint of the 1819 edition, Hong Kong, vol. 9, p. 99.\n\nAccording to the Liao genealogy and records on the ancestral tables (神主牌), the number of first degrees (生員) won by the lineage by generation were as follows:\n\n \n no of Sheng-yuan\n Generation\n \n \n 9\n 1\n \n \n 17th\n \n \n \n 10\n century\n \n \n 11\n \n \n \n 12\n 10\n \n \n Enw.\n 2\n \n \n 13\n 13\n \n \n 18th\n century\n \n \n 14\n 8\n \n \n 15\n 4\n \n \n 16\n 12\n \n \n 19th\n century\n \n \n 17\n 4\n \n \n 18\n 3\n \n\nThese data are not completely reliable, especially for those before the 14th generation, when the genealogy had not yet been written. Yet the numbers can be taken as an indication of the academic success of the Liaos. According to official records, there were at least three chu-jen degree holders from Sheung Shui in the 19th century.\n\nThe six halls included the Ming Te Tang 明德堂, Hsien Ch'eng Tang, Yun Sheng Chia-shou 潤生齋, Tu Nan Tang 圖南堂, Ming Te Chia-shou 明德齋, and Yen Siu Tang 延壽堂. The Liaos stood next only to the T'angs of Kam Tin and Ping Shan within the New Territories in possessing such a number of halls for studying purposes.\n\nThe Wan Shih Tang, unlike the other ancestral halls, was seldom used as a classroom as it was reserved for ceremonial functions. But in 1932, the building was re-modelled to accommodate the Fung Kai School, the first modern school set up in the village. For the history of the Wan Shih T'ang and founding of the Fung Kai School, see Liao Yin-sen.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209634, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 291, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "269\n\n[Liu Yun Sham] Shang Shui [Sheung Shui] Hsiang Hsiang-kung-so kai-mu te-k'an 1:03, Hong Kong, 1981, pp. 31-32, 51.\n\n* The estimated population was given in \"Report by Mr. Lockhart on the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong\", Sessional Papers, 1899, p. 204. * The figure is worked out on the estimate that about half of the population were males, and 20% of them were within the age group 7-14,\n\nHugh Baker op. cit. p. 73.\n\nHsin-an Hsien-chih, pp. 100, 156-157.\n\nG. P. Late, \"Report on the Survey of the New Territories, 1900-1901\" Hong Kong Government Gazette, 1902, p. 708.\n\nThe description was given by a late Ch'ing sit-tsai, Liao Chun-nan in a poem (undated) found in a hand-written collection of poems and verses kept by a retired school master in the village.\n\n*G. N. Orme, \"Report on the New Territories, 1899-1912”, Sessional Papers, Hong Kong, 1912, p. 56.\n\n14 Ibid., p. 59.\n\n15 \"Report of the Director of Education for the year 1912\", Hong Kong Administrative Reports, 1912, p. N 14.\n\nG. N. Orme, op. cit., p. 57.\n\n17 Ibid.\n\n\"Report on the Census of the Colony for 1911\" p. 103(26) and \"Report on the Census of the Colony for 1921\", p. 173. Table XVIII of the 1911 Census gives 94,246 as the total population including the N.T., Kowloon City and Sham Shui Po. From this, we have to subtract the numbers for the last two districts, which were placed administratively under New Kowloon. Hence population figure of what we now call the N.T. in 1911 was 80,622.\n\n\"Report of the Director of Education for the year 1913”, Administrative Reports, 1913, pp. N16-N17.\n\n* \"Report of the Education Department\", Administrative Reports, 1926, p. O5.\n\n* Annual Report of the Hong Kong and New Territory Evangelization Society, Hong Kong, 1912, p. 6,\n\n** Annual Report of the Hong Kong and New Territory Evangelization Society, 1918, p. 4.\n\n* \"Report on the Census of the Colony for 1921\", Hong Kong, p. 189.\n\n\"Report on the Census of the Colony for 1931\", Hong Kong, pp. 138-139.\n\n\"Dr. David Faure and Dr. Patrick Hase discovered last year at the home of a former village school teacher (born about 1875), a villager of Hoi Ha and resident at Pak Sha O Ha Yeung some 365 books of immense interest for the study of traditional village life and scholarship in the area of the New Territories. Amongst these books are a substantial number of textbooks used in the village from about 1875 to the eve of World War II. The books include the standard primers and their revised editions with additional commentaries, a set of three-four-five character primers composed in the late Ch'ing designed for women and children, simple readers, semi-modern texts on history, geography and hygiene, etc. The collection is of great value for further research.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209670, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 327, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n305 \n\nseparate sectors close to Fanling Road; population: 505; both Cantonese and Hakkas.\" \n\nIt is believed that Cha Hang (茶坑) is the original name which was derived from the location of the village, which is situated near the junction of two streams. Because of the differing pronunciations of Cantonese and Hakka, the names Tai Hang (大坑) and Choi Hang (菜坑) appeared later. Probably because of the Chinese tradition of preferring propitious characters in place names, the villagers adopted the modified version of Tai Hang 太亨,泰亨 \"Tai\" meaning peaceful \n\nand \"Hang\" meaning prosperous. In fact, 太亨 is the official name recorded in the 1819 edition of the San On Gazetteer (新安縣志). Recently, this version has been used commonly by the Lands Department and the District Office in official maps and documents. \n\nThe local names of Cha Hang (junction of streams together with Kau Lung Hang (nine dragon stream 九龍坑) and Kiu Tau (bridge head 橋頭) sheds some light on the condition of the plain between Tai Po and Fanling several centuries ago. It suggests that the area was essentially low-lying marsh land crossed by many small streams. In this connection, the ancestors of the Man clan had certainly made, perhaps inadvertently, a correct choice in bringing the water pines with them for planting in their new village, since this occupies a location very similar to the natural habitat of the species in the low lying districts of the Pearl River Delta. \n\nYU KOW-CHOY LAI CHIK-CHUEN \n\n(Senior Forestry Officer and Forestry Officer, Agriculture and Fisheries Department) \n\nMORE ABOUT THE TUNG CHUNG FORT \n\nIt is recorded in Chapter 125 of the Kwong Tung Tung Chi, Tao Kuang edition (廣東通志) that in the 22nd year of the Ch'ia Ching reign (1543), not 1817, eight guard-houses were built at Tung Chung.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209695, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 352, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "330\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\ninterviews as well as genealogies, and show how these different sources are complementary. The last essay in the book (chapter 11) includes a number of boat people's songs and shows how much can be learnt from them.\n\nDiscussion of historical \"events\" from evidence contained in genealogies in this way is useful, and, indeed more such discussion, of more \"events\" is needed. Nonetheless, something is missing from these essays, such as a discussion of the genealogies as family, rather than historical records, of the limitations of oral accounts as accurate reconstructions, of the particular problems posed by tablets as being records designed to be publicly known and so forth. Missing also is a reconstruction of the purposes for which the genealogies were drawn up in the first place and the politics of lineage and inter-lineage groups that played such an important part in their construction and transmission. The study of genealogies is indeed an important element in the study of lineage history and organization, but it is much more useful if an anthropological perspective can be incorporated.\n\nThe historian does, of course, have an important part to play in studying genealogies. As well as discussing the historical implications of material included in the genealogies, he can study them textually, compare them and sort out their inter-relations. The authors of this book have not yet done enough of this sort of work. The Lung Yeuk Tau Wan genealogy, for instance, that provides some of the most important passages quoted in this book, is not, as is suggested in the book, a genealogy of any Wan lineage, but is an early version of the Lung Yeuk Tau Tang genealogies. It is, in fact, one of the earliest genealogies relating to this area extant, and as such is very important for the study of the early Ch'ing and even the late Ming in the New Territories. The historian can also supplement the genealogies through interviews, but it is important to note the sources of these accounts. The reference to a Kaak Chun market on page 45, alleged to have been set up by the Haus of Ho Sheung Heung and Yin Kong, for instance, would be more valuable if the source of the information i.e. from which lineage and which village - had been given.\n\nThe four chapters (1, 2, 3, and 7) on genealogies include a record of Hong Kong University's efforts in collecting these", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209701, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 358, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "336\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\n(No. 92) are equally successful in giving new perspectives on the human life of Hong Kong.\n\nAll in all, this volume is recommended to anyone wishing to own a superbly produced volume of intelligently conceived and masterfully produced photographs of Hong Kong.\n\nP. H. HASE\n\nChukoku Saiki Yengeki Kenkyu (Ritual Theatres in China). By Issei Tanaka, Institute of Oriental Culture, The University of Tokyo, 1981, xvi + 926 pp, Index.\n\nThis impressive book contains the results of the author's researches during the period of ten years since he joined the Institute of Oriental Culture, University of Tokyo, in 1972. Trained as a sinologist, Prof. Tanaka started his study on ritual theatre in China from a historical viewpoint. Later his research focus shifted to field studies, particularly in Hong Kong. Between 1978 to 1981 he visited Hong Kong eight times and stayed here in total for eleven months. Most of the data presented in this volume are his field reports collected during his time in Hong Kong, and these form a mine of fascinating material which will prove to be of great value to many scholars.\n\nIn addition to presenting the field reports, however, the book analyses three aspects of ritual theatre in China. One of these is the origin of ritual theatre. Based on historical data, the author traces the process of transformation of ritual theatre from ancient times to the present. Through these studies, he points out that the original form of ritual theatre was aimed at exorcising or controlling evil forces or at celebrating beneficial forces and seeking their assistance. Theatre of this kind can still be found in Hong Kong. The ritual theatre of Hoklo and Ch'ao-chou people in Hong Kong are mostly performed for exorcising, i.e., these theatrical performances are mainly aimed at freeing orphan souls and wandering spirits. Cantonese ritual theatre, on the other hand, is of the latter type, celebrating the deities' birthdays and beseeching their blessing.\n\nThe second aspect is concerned with the social organization of ritual theatre. The author classifies Chinese local theatre,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209702, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 359, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n337\n\naccording to the social groups supporting them, into the following types:\n\n(I) Theatre organized by territorial groups\n\n(IA) The theatre of market based village unions\n\n(IB) The theatre of agriculturally based village unions\n\n(IC) Village community theatre\n\n(II) Theatre conducted by kin groups\n\n(IIA) Theatre jointly organized by clan communities\n\n(IIB) Theatre separately organized by 'branch groups' of clans\n\n(IIC) Theatre organized by family groups'\n\n(III) New theatre developed in the emerging towns\n\n(IIIA) Theatre conducted by merchants (Expansion of 1A)\n\n(IIIB) New theatre conducted by small and medium landowners instead of big landlords (Expansion of IB and IC)\n\n(IIIC) New family theatre conducted by the small and medium landowner classes in town (Expansion of IIC)\n\nLooking at ritual theatre in Hong Kong, the author suggests that the early ritual settlers, whether Hakka, Cantonese or Hoklo, appear to develop theatre of the community type (IC + IIA), while the Cantonese living in the city develop the town type (IIIA + IIIB). As to the theatre developed by the Ch'au-chou people in Hong Kong, this, generally speaking, is similar to the clan type (IIB + IIC).\n\nThe third aspect of the book is a discussion of the problem of the diffusion of ritual theatre. The author condenses the diffusion routes of ritual theatre under (1) diffusion through the clan or bureaucratic network, (2) diffusion through the commercial marketing network, and (3) diffusion through peasants' migration.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209703, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 360, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "338\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nThe diffusion, he feels, through the bureaucratic network ended by the middle of the Ch'ing dynasty, thereafter the other two types have been the dominant methods by which theatrical styles have diffused into the Hong Kong area.\n\nIn short, the author has an appropriate conceptual framework for presenting the field research data. The book will be welcomed by many scholars, particularly by anthropologists and sinologists. The book is written in Japanese, but includes a short guide to contents in English. It is profusely illustrated with photographs.\n\nWANG SUNG-HSING\n\nJohn M. Chin, The Sarawak Chinese, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1981. xvi, 158 pp. maps, plates, appendices, bibliography, index.\n\nR.H.W. Reece, The Name of Brooke: the end of White Rajah rule in Sarawak, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1982. xxxi, 331 pp. maps, plates, tables, appendices, glossary, bibliography, index.\n\nThese two books published recently by Oxford University Press in Kuala Lumpur are so disparate that a combined review seems to this reviewer very unfair. Hence my observations are given below separately.\n\nFirst, The Sarawak Chinese: This small readable work is a thumbnail sketch of the role of the Chinese in Sarawak from their earliest arrival to the present. It gives a background to Chinese contact with Borneo from ancient times (Ch. 1); sketches the migration of Chinese (mostly coolie laborers) to Sarawak (Chs. 2-6) and the policies of, first, distrust and then gradual toleration, and direct encouragement of Chinese immigration and enterprise in the late nineteenth century, and early twentieth century development of agriculture and trade (Chs. 6-7).\n\nThe historical section, covering the period up to World War II (Chs. 1-7) lacks sufficient detail to be more convincing than a cursory sketch can be. It contains a few myths: that “Majapahit succeeded Shivijaya\" and \"extended its rule over Ternate, Luzon and the northern coasts of Borneo\" (p. 3) (A better term would be \"influence\" or \"suzerainty\"); the \"intolerant\"\n\nPage 360\n\nPage 361", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209709, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 366, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "344\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nbegan to develop around 4000 B.C., that iron metallurgy was practiced in the Shang dynasty, and that the Hsia dynasty existed as described in much later texts—all highly controversial views—but the reader does not glean this information from the essay. Cheng's concluding sentence typifies his approach, with confident optimism and will to believe displacing scholarly caution: \"and what an exciting day it will be when the discovery of a Hsia capital site is announced to the world!!\" (emphasis added).\n\nWILLIAM MEACHAM\n\n+\n\nOxford Reprint Series: Things Chinese J. Dyer Ball (reprint of Kelly and Walsh 1925 Edition, Shanghai) 766pp inc. index, Peking J. Bredon (reprint of Kelly and Walsh 1931 Edition, Shanghai) 571pp inc. index, The Moon Year J. Bredon and I. Mitrophanow (reprint of Kelly and Walsh 1927 Edition, Shanghai) 514pp + index, The Hong Kong Guide 1893 (reprint of Kelly and Walsh 1893 Edition, Shanghai) 137pp + 36pp of advertisements, Kwang Tung, or Five Years in South China J. A. Turner (reprint of S. W. Partridge and Co. 1894 Edition, London) 194pp inc. index. All Oxford University Press, Hong Kong, 1982, all with introduction by H. J. Lethbridge.\n\nThe Oxford University Press is to be wholeheartedly congratulated on their courage in deciding to reprint many of the classic western texts on China dating from the last decades of the Ch'ing and the first years of the Republic. These works have become increasingly difficult to buy in recent years, and their reappearance on the market is most welcome. The reprints of this year do not represent the end of OUP's hopes in this field; also under consideration for reprinting are, it is understood, among others, Couling's Encyclopedia Sinica, Eitel's Europe in China, and Montalto de Jesus' Historic Macau.\n\nThe last decades of the last century and the first years of this are usually considered a period when Europeans either merely had contempt for the Chinese or else, at best, regarded them with patronising condescension. Surely, it will be thought, books on Chinese religion, society, or customs written by Europeans in China in this period would have nothing of value to tell us today. There are, certainly, remarks in almost all these books which", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209710, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 367, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n345\n\nseem to arise from an invincible conviction of the superiority of some western ways, of the inferiority of some Chinese practices, and of the inevitability and desirability of a general westernisation of China in at least religion, and some social customs. Lethbridge rightly draws attention to these remarks in his short but clear introductions. At the same time, it is abundantly clear from all these books that these remarks arise only from routine acceptance by the writers of the common assumptions of their time and class. Bredon's Peking, indeed, makes it abundantly clear that some of these beliefs, and particularly the belief that traditional religious practices were \"superstitious\", were also held by many Chinese at this time, particularly by the new revolutionary groups. In most of their work these western writers were recording facts, from a depth of personal acquaintance with the Chinese that few modern writers can even begin to emulate. What is more, the China these writers knew was the traditional, pre-modern society of the late Ch'ing: the society that so many modern scholars labour so hard to comprehend was lived and breathed by them.\n\nFor me at least, my first introduction to Dyer Ball's Things Chinese has led to a very real admiration for a work which is still of the greatest value as a prime source for traditional China. Similarly, I have never been to Peking, but Bredon's Peking is so well and clearly written that the later Imperial capital now seems very real and vivid to me. Again, there can be little doubt that Bredon and Mitrophanow's The Moon Year represents, for all time, the fullest, clearest, and most sympathetic treatment of northern religious practices: these differ markedly from those in the Cantonese speaking parts of China. Reading The Moon Year leads me to regret that no writer of similar stature was moved to record southern ritual practices at the same date.\n\nIt would be invidious to attempt to judge between these works. Peking and The Moon Year are clearly classics which will stand for all time as the best statement obtainable of a vanished world, but Things Chinese will almost certainly be the most consulted of the three, at least from my bookshelves. This is for two reasons. First is Dyer Ball's clarity, lack of bias, common sense and accuracy: his articles spell out well the traditional attitudes of the Hong Kong area. His comments are, indeed, a better insight into traditional practices than almost", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209713, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 370, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "348\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nChina. Inevitably, and by intention, such persons were ignorant of the local scene and background, and usually did not speak its dialect.\n\nThe contents of district gazetteers were usually fairly uniform, taking in the principal subjects such as history, geography, the economy and government, and providing extended or contracted accounts of these and other topics according to the interest and degree of industry shown by the compilers. The gazetteer also provided much information about the worthies of the district whether scholars, aged persons, religious figures, chaste widows and other females, or meritorious officials who had served there in past centuries. Interesting works on the district or by its natives were also included. Our Hsinan Gazetteer is a fairly typical product of the scholar-gentry's contribution to the writing of local history, albeit far from being the best example of the kind.\n\nBaker and Ng's work is well-done. The chapters are concise and the notes and complementary material are comprehensive, useful, wide-ranging and enlightening. The material itself is varied and interesting. The book includes useful tables showing the contents of the 1688 and 1819 editions of the gazetteer (pp 5-16 and 128-130), and there are also maps reproduced from the two editions, showing the county, the district city, and coastal defences, all typical of those found in local histories of the Ch'ing period and before. Useful additional features are a reproduction of the Italian missionary Volonteri's bilingual map of 1866 (map 9) and Dr. Baker's production of two special maps (Nos. 7 and 8). The latter show the dynamics of local settlement and population growth, and their geographical variation, and greatly assist the reader in making sense of what would otherwise be a mere listing of administrative divisions and place names.\n\nWhat then is there to be criticised? In general, any omissions are those of the gazetteer itself, being things which were largely taken for granted by the magistrate and local scholar-gentry who produced the 1819 edition. They expected that local villages and market towns would supply their own self-management and did not describe its workings, but owing to the distance in time and the vastly changed circumstances of the last eighty years,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209719, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 376, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "354\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nsources. For such purposes we could use dozens of studies like Sagart's in all the Chinese dialects.\n\nOf course there is much more that one can do with materials such as these. The synchronic description of this particular subdialect at this particular time is useful in many ways. For example, Sagart's lexicon leads us into the interesting area of borrowed words in Hakka, loans from both Cantonese and English. We might hope for a future study of the phonology and semantics of loans in this subdialect along the lines of Samuel Cheung's chapter on loan words in Cantonese (Zhang Hóngnián 香港粵語語法的研究, Hong Kong 1972).\n\nThe few references in Sagart's study to syntactic details are intriguing and suggest the possibility of a fruitful expansion in that area. Although syntax and phrase construction are treated only cursorily in a section entitled Grammaire in the lexicon, we see some interesting details of usage that call for elaboration, hopefully at an early date. Page 20, entry 475 has a locative coverb phrase after the main verb in a construction that would require special explanation in other dialects. (cf. Cantonese phak gà chè hài nī douh 泊喺呢度 and also hài nī douh pāak chè, ‘park here' with a difference of nuance that needs fuller explanation). Also, I am fascinated by a dialect that uses throughout (Mandarin zhī) as the classifier for humans, monsters, deer, and other creatures. In some parts of China the use of this classifier is an insult when applied to people, but in this subdialect it seems to be the standard form for human beings. Divergent usages of this kind could constitute the base for an interesting study in its own right.\n\nWe also find Sagart's teu: kjius ‘les chiens', suggesting a plural form alternating with ais kjius 'le chien'; one wonders if teu, is equivalent to the Cantonese form dī in post-verbal position.\n\nIt is just in these areas of syntax and semantic shifts that one would like to see an expansion of Sagart's work. For too long we have taken it for granted that syntactic features are so similar among Chinese dialects that they are seldom worth separate study. In detailed studies of the kind Sagart has done we begin to see", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209722, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 379, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n357\n\nOfficially dominant Chinese philosophy was organistically idealistic before 1949, while, at the same time, philosophies concerning science and technology are almost by definition materialistic. Thus, Needham's remark would seem to be nothing more than superfluous tautology. On this question of comparative philosophy, Steve Odin, Process Metaphysics and Hua-yen Buddhism, Albany: State University of New York Press, 1982 can be read with profit.\n\nRegarding the discussion of the Hua-yen (華嚴) (changer or magician) on p. 72, Needham ignores Prof. Chi Hsien-lin's \"Lieh Tzu and Buddhist Classics\" (revised in his Essays in the History of Sino-Indian Cultural Relations, Peking: San Lien, 1982).\n\nOn the Yin-yang problem, it would have been preferable had Needham compared Chinese medicine with the Pythagorean Croton School. (See Edwin L. Minar, Jr., Early Pythagorean Politics in Practice and Theory, New York: Arno Press, 1979.)\n\nThe medical classic Lei Ching (類經) said, “The heart and the pulse are not themselves either ch'i or blood” 氣血. Needham fails to indicate this text as the probable origin of Lao Tzu's simile \"bellows\".\n\nIn 1982 three books have been published which should be used to supplement Needham's works: 1. Liu Ch'ang-lin Philosophy of Lei Ching and Methodology of Chinese Medicine, Peking: Science Press; 2. Collected Papers on History of Science and Technology, Series No. 9, Shanghai: Science and Technology Press, esp. p. 34 on \"bellows\", and the last paper: Shen Kang-shen, \"Comparisons and Influences between Archaic Chinese and Foreign Bridges\"; 3. Draft for History of Chinese Science and Technology, Peking: Science Press. However, Ho Ping-yu and Ho Kwan-piao's Outline of History of Chinese Science and Technology (Hong Kong: Chung Hua, 1981) is too brief to be supplemental.\n\n1|1", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209725, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 382, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "360\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nwith someone, preferably Chinese, who knows the places well and can argue and interpret for him, it could well prove a dangerous as well as an incomplete vade-mecum.\n\nP. H. HASE\n\nThe Imperial Ming Tombs, Ann Paludan, Hong Kong University Press.\n\nIn many ways 'The Imperial Ming Tombs' by Ann Paludan is an excellent book, devoid of jargon, it opts for simplicity in its presentation to guide readers not only in detail to the history, architecture and sculptures of the monuments but also to the entire environment of this splendid mausolea complex where thirteen of the sixteen emperors of the Ming dynasty lie buried.\n\nEarlier studies on the Ming Tombs by other scholars concentrated on the first tomb, Ch'ang-ling. Ann Paludan attempts to consider the cemetery as a whole and reveals to us systematically one by one all the thirteen tombs. To complete the account, she includes Hsiao-ling in Nanking, tomb of the first Ming emperor Chu Yuan-chang, and Western Hills, tomb of Chu Chi-yu. Her account is different from that of earlier authors (Jan Jakob Maria De Groot, Georges Bouillard, Vandescal etc.) also because this was written after the restorations which began in the 1950s, and during the time when there was an expansion of the adjacent village and agricultural activities.\n\nThere is a remarkable difference in the way in which individual tombs are being preserved, some are gradually being incorporated into the life of the local village and even stones are being used for contemporary buildings. The book not only gives a description of the architectural and sculptural details of each tomb, but also a picture of the current state of the buildings and the village activities that grow around each mausoleum. The account of each tomb is further supplemented by descriptions of the drainage system and birds and flora observed in the precinct. A brief history of the life of the emperor buried there is also included to give the readers a better understanding of the choice of site of the mausoleum.\n\nFor\n\nA lot of attention is paid to detailed description in the book in order to establish the theory and concept of the tombs. example, the use of colour and materials, the origins of motifs,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209726, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 383, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n361\n\nsymbolism and certain architectural elements such as the stele to commemorate the dead are explained in detail with an appendix containing a further explanation of the symbolism and characteristics of the four intelligent creatures which are depicted in all the tomb architecture in the valley. The principles of Chinese architecture in general and tomb architecture in particular are established to enable the readers to understand the layout of the different mausolea; however, the comparison of domestic architecture, city planning and tomb architecture requires further exploration. Throughout the book, Ann Paludan emphasizes the tenacity of classical Chinese tradition apparent in the architecture of the Ming valley. All elements (basic forms, general pattern, layout, ground plan, style etc.) except for the drainage system can be dated back to an earlier time as in Han or T'ang.\n\nIt is certainly a difficult task to describe thirteen similar tombs without boring the readers, and so the author tries to tease out peculiarities observed in individual tombs, e.g. the ceramic frieze of the stele tower in Ch'ing-ling, the stone basins before the altar of Yu-ling and the sophisticated drainage systems in Yung-ling and Chao-ling. She also shows that later tombs often incorporate ideas from different earlier tombs which together with a few innovations fit into a traditional framework. The book should be commended for the clear graphics especially in the diagrammatic illustration of the tomb layouts and comparison of the thirteen tombs together. Photos could have been better if more of a sequence had been produced to tie in with the plans. At the end, Ann Paludan gives an account of the traditional administration of the Imperial cemetery and sacrificial rites performed at the tombs. This, together with her list of birds she observed during her many visits to the tombs, indicates the care and effort she has given to this beautiful piece of work.\n\nPATRICK LAU\n\nBritain in the Far East, Peter Lowe, Longmans, London and New York, 1981, n.p.\n\nProfessor Lowe's book is subtitled “A Survey from 1819 to the Present\" and that precisely defines the scope and treatment of the subject. As the author says, \"The aim of this work is", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209748, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 7, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nDog Divination from A Dunhuang Manuscript\n\nCAROLE MORGAN\n\n184\n\nAn Ode on Hong Kong Composed by the Major of\n\nCanton in 1845\n\nP. BRUCE\n\n193\n\nRelics of Hong Kong and China in British Army and\n\nRegimental Museums\n\nP. BRUCE\n\n196\n\nAn Imperial Chinese Banner Preserved in Kendal,\n\nEngland\n\nP. BRUCE\n\n202\n\nA Relic of St. Francis Xavier\n\nP. BRUCE\n\n204\n\nA Ch'ing Cannon from Wyndham Street, Hong Kong\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\n208\n\nChue Mo Peng, A Fever Reported from Villages in the Hong Kong Region, and Its Cure, Together with\n\nOther Village Remedies for Excess Heat\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\n209\n\nThe Kwun Yam Tung Shan Temple of East\n\nKowloon 1840-1940\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\n212\n\nA Community Shooting Bungalow Near Chinkiang, Kiangsu, and Its Library About 1905\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\n218\n\nAncestral Images: A Bibliographical Note\n\nHUGH D. R. BAKER\n\n221\n\nOld Hau Wong Temple, Tai Wai, Sha Tin\n\nP. H. HASE\n\n233\n\nTraditional New Territories Farming: Manuring\n\nP. H. HASE\n\n241\n\nThe Cultivation of the \"Incense Tree\" (Aquilaria\n\nSinensis)\n\nIU KOW-CHOY\n\n247\n\nvi", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209751, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 10, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "of the charitable work done by the Kadoorie family in this field. A cheque for $500 was sent in appreciation to Mr. Horace Kadoorie on behalf of the Society.\n\nK\n\n26th November 1983 about 35 members took part in a visit to the Soo Kon Poo district of Hong Kong Island where we visited the Buddhist Memorial to victims of the Race Course fire in 1918, the Tung Wah Eastern Hospital and the Confucian Middle School.\n\nDecember 1983 and March 1984 - two separate groups of members visited the Narcotics Museum of the Narcotics Bureau, RHKP, in Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, under the kind arrangements of Mr. K. W. J. Lloyd, Chief Inspector of Police.\n\n28th January 1984 about 70 members went by boat to the Ch'ing Dynasty fort on Tung Lung Island, and passed by the Tin Hau Temple at Fat Tong Mun and the former Chinese customs station at Junk Island on the return journey.\n\nLectures\n\n29th March 1983 Mr. Nigel Cameron, the author and art critic, gave an interesting illustrated talk on \"Hong Kong Art: the Quiet Revolution\".\n\n14th April 1983 — Ms Elizabeth Sinn of the Department of History at the University of Hong Kong spoke about \"The Strike and Riot, Hong Kong 1884\", an interesting local side effect of the Sino-French war over Vietnam.\n\n25th April 1983 Professor Daffyd Evans, Head of the Department of Law, University of Hong Kong, spoke about the wills made by some Chinese in early British Hong Kong in an interesting talk entitled \"Fearing Verbal Words, or Chinese Testaments in British Hong Kong\".\n\n25th May 1983 Professor Daniel Kwok, professor of History at the University of Hawaii and visiting professor, Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, gave a stimulating talk entitled \"Confucianism and Modernization: Reflections of Antipathies and Sympathies\". This dealt with\n\nix", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209765, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 24, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "language. The third reason for the house was that a place was needed for the priests living up country in China to take their summer vacation.\n\nNow to the 'when' of the house. Early in the thirties, our founder Bishop James A. Walsh was here, and he wanted to build a house for the just mentioned reasons. He contacted a Chinese real estate man, Mr. Lee Ue Ch'eung. Incidentally he was the brother of that famous shoe maker Mr. Lee Ue Kei who was known locally as Leaky Lee the shoemaker. Well, Mr. Lee told our founder to meet him at the Hong Kong side of the Star ferry one morning, and they then drove out in his horse and buggy through Aberdeen to Repulse Bay. From there they followed the old military track that swung around the mountain and dropped down into Stanley. As Mr. Lee and our founder came around the mountain, Mr. Lee pointed out this hillock and said that was the place he thought might be suitable for the center. Our founder took one look, and said 'I'll take it. It's exactly what I want'. At that time there was nothing in Stanley except the Fortress, the Prison, St. Stephen's College and of course the small fishing village.\n\nConstruction started in 1933, and was finished in 1935. When planning was going on, the depression reached its height and the building was reduced in size two times. There was a big discussion about whether to put in expensive hard wood or cheap soft wood. The hard wood boys won out, and the white ants have ever since been breaking off their teeth on this wood. Had the soft wood been put in, it would have had to be changed practically every year. The house was built before air conditioning, and so is very cool in summer, and very cold in winter.\n\nThe house is built like a big \"U\". In this wing, the ground floor is now used for conferences, and the chapel is upstairs. In the opposite wing, the ground floor has staff quarters and maintenance shops. The upstairs has our parlor, television room, and a small library. On the ground floor of the South wing are the offices, the dining rooms, and the kitchen. The next two floors contain bedrooms.\n\nAt that time, there were these wide open spaces in Stanley and quite a bit of wild life. There were barking deer and monkeys.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209781, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "DISFUNCTION OF CHINESE RURAL SOCIETY\n\nRAMON H. MYERS\n\nA talk presented to the Royal Asiatic Society,\n\nApril 6, 1984, Hong Kong\n\nThe title of this talk, essentially, derives from an analogy with the human body. Just as the skeletal structure, nervous system, etc. must have their functional elements working so that the human body can perform normally, so too must a society have its fundamental organizations and transactional relationships performing effectively as in the recent past. If not, certain dysfunctions emerge which are soon associated with social breakdown, disorder, and even misery.\n\nThe land tenancy issue in the twenties and thirties elicited great controversy in China, and indeed many studies indicated that tenancy had worsened and rural misery had deepened in those years. The causes of these developments were blamed on different factors, and the policies ultimately proposed called for major programs to restructure rural property rights and redistribute incomes. I want to raise two historical issues in this regard, propose an answer, and present a very different argument for interpreting the land tenancy issue of these years.\n\nWhy was it possible for the British Government and the Japanese colonial regimes to virtually double land tax revenues when they began to administer their respective territories in Ch'ing China? Why did the KMT fail to reduce tenant rents in Chekiang province in 1929-30 and then never try to carry out a land tenure reform thereafter? I believe the answer lies in the type of land tenure arrangement in central and southeast China which was then very prevalent,\n\nThis unique arrangement had two different claimants to the land: one claiming the sub-soil rights, the other claiming the top-soil rights. Both parties had different rights and obligations. The former paid a tax to the imperial state and collected a fixed rent, usually in kind, in perpetuity or re-negotiated rent terms.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209782, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "19\n\nlatter paid a rent to the former and had the privilege of mortgaging, selling, or transferring the top-soil rights. Surviving contracts reveal that these parties were referred to by different names, but the terms were like those just described.\n\nThis tenure arrangement made it possible for the rural people to reclaim land, in which case additional land became farmed by the top-soil claimants which never became registered so no taxes were collected. As a result, a tremendous amount of land was never reported for land tax collection, and agriculture became under-taxed. On the other hand, the tax-paying households with sub-soil rights continued to acquire a fixed rent which enabled them to manage other resources. The consequences were that (1) agriculture developed and more people were accommodated on the land, and (2) countless top-soil claimant households were able to climb the socioeconomic stepladder to higher social status and accumulate more property.\n\nTherefore, we can readily see that when the British and Japanese imposed a new land tax, they were able to garner a much higher land tax revenue, and why the sub-soil claimants would resist having their land rents reduced when their land taxes were being increased. Unless the KMT authorities truly understood this aspect of the land tenure system, their efforts to restructure property rights were bound to fail.\n\nThe Japanese in Taiwan stumbled upon the best solution to the problem. They had made use of the Liu Ming-ch'uan survey of the 1870s and initiated new surveys of customary law of their own. In this way they learned about this long-term tenancy system and devised a policy to change it. They first conducted a land survey of the island, using police power to complete that survey, and then they issued bonds to the sub-soil rights' claimants and conferred real ownership rights to the top-soil claimants, but insisting they now pay the land tax, in fact a much higher one. These policies created a new incentive for the new landowners to farm and market a higher surplus to pay the new land tax. But these policies failed to deal with the short-term tenancy conditions which still persisted and would indeed worsen by the second quarter of the twentieth century.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209786, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "THE SELF-PERCEPTION OF BUDDHIST MONKS\n\nI.\n\nIN HONG KONG TODAY\n\nBARTHOLOMEW P. M. TSUI\n\nChinese University Of Hong Kong\n\nIntroduction\n\nThe title of this article may be ambiguous. One can imagine that in answer to the question of his self-perception a monk may say that there is no self according to Buddhist teaching and that therefore there cannot be such a thing as self-perception. To a student of religion the term 'self-perception' can be used to imply the value of the monk's activities in the context of the society he lives in. 'Self-perception' means the subjective awareness by the monk of the state of monkhood in relation to the reality around it. As the monk's perception of the world changes so must the state of monkhood be altered in order that its attractiveness be maintained. But does the monk's perception of the world change? Has it not been philosophically determined once for all by earlier writers? The truth is that changes in the secular sphere such as in the economic condition of society, customs, and trends of thought, did, and still do, affect life in the sangha. For example, Ch'an monks made it a point that they ought to cultivate land for their own livelihood. This is in direct contrast to the monks in India where begging is the accepted norm of the ascetical life. It is an integral part of the scheme of things. However, in China, nothing positive can be said of begging. The Chinese monks could not change the cultural opinion around them. In order to make themselves acceptable, they abolished their rule of begging. This is a case where the secular definition of reality has affected life in the sangha.\n\nBut 'self-perception' deals with problems larger than what has been described as \"the value of the monk's activities in the context of the society he lives in.\" A change in self-perception ultimately calls for a change in the conception of the religious quest, or at least a different configuration of it. However, a clear perception that such a necessity exists would demand an immense\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209841, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "The number 78 is mentioned at the beginning, but its meaning or context is not provided in the given text. The text discusses the representation and romanization of Chinese words in various publications, including novels, newspapers, and magazines.\n\nThe examples given illustrate how Chinese words are often italicized and glossed in texts to help non-Chinese readers understand their meanings. For instance, in Clavell's Noble House, terms like \"Tai-fun\" (Supreme Winds), \"Tai-tai\" (supreme of the supreme wife), and \"ma-foos\" (stable hands) are explained within the narrative.\n\nFurther examples from different sources, such as the South China Morning Post, Asia Magazine, and the Waikiki Press, demonstrate the practice of providing glosses for Chinese terms like \"see-fu\" (master), \"fook\" (all-embracing luck), and \"Bok coy\" (a type of cabbage).\n\nThe text also highlights the issue of lack of standardization in the spelling of Chinese words in romanized form. Different spellings are used for the same word across various publications, such as \"kylin\" or \"ch'i-lin\" for the Chinese mythical beast, \"lychee\" or \"litchi\" for a type of fruit, \"tai chi ch'uan\" or \"tai chi chuan\" for a form of exercise, and \"wan tun\" or \"won ton\" for a type of dumpling.\n\nExamples from different sources, including the Waikiki Press Beach Press, an advertising magazine, the University of Hong Kong Bulletin, and the South China Morning Post, are provided to illustrate this variation in spelling.\n\nAdditionally, the text touches on grammatical issues related to the use of Chinese nouns in English texts, such as whether they should be treated as countable nouns with plural endings or remain unchanged.\n\nThe discussion concludes with an observation from The Noble House, where the writer is seen to vacillate between different forms for certain Chinese nouns, such as \"quai.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209843, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 102, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "80 \n\nwords of Chinese origin are almost always anglicized in pronunciation. There may be doubt concerning how the word should be pronounced, but rarely is the Chinese pronunciation retained. For example, take the word cheongsam. The affricate /ts/ is replaced by the English /ch/ and the rounded vowel similar to that in the English \"bird\", but with lip-rounding, is replaced by a vowel identical to that in the English 'long'. Similarly in fung shui the Cantonese diphthong /oey/ (similar to that in the French 'lui') is substituted by the /u/ + /i/ sequence as in the English 'ruin'. On the graphological level, there is no question of the loans being written in Chinese characters. The letters of English alphabet may however occur in rather unfamiliar combinations, as in the case of e-o-n-g occurring in cheongsam, and u-e-y in chopsuey.\n\nAnother requirement for full assimilation is related to the grammatical status of the word. Grammatically, it is assigned to a word class, or may have multiple-class membership. It behaves like other members of the class, so that if it is a countable noun it is inflected for number, and if it is a verb, it can take a past tense ending, and so on. Thus typhoon is inflected for number and kowtow for person and tense. It obeys the syntactical rules of the language in combining with other words to form grammatical sentences. For example, the headline 'Running water for lamas' occurs in The South China Morning Post, (7/82) also in the same paper, someone is described as 'mingling with the rich tai tais'. The word is not restricted in occurrence to limited contexts, but may be found to combine freely with other words to form bigger constructions, so that one can speak of Bruce Li as a 'kung fu superstar' The South China Morning Post (26/4/82), while in Noble House the writer mentions ‘a flood of amah Cantonese' (p. 1017). Cheongsam, in its past participle form, functions as an adjective in ‘cheongsamed girl', as used by Richard Hughes (p. 98) and James Clavell (N.H., p. 9). Derivational affixes may be added, as when ‘ism' or ‘ist' is added to the loans tao, lama, Mao, giving taoist, taoism, lamaism, Maoist and so on. It does not matter that Confucius originally derives from a surname plus a title; now that it has been established in the English language, one can derive Confucian and Confucianism from it. Again, it is of no significance that the model for Shanghai", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209897, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 156, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "134\n\nBoard (in manuscript), p. 121 kept in the Public Records Office, Hong Kong as Hong Kong Record Series 206. Pages 120-141 of the Proceedings relate to a hearing held on 6th June 1893, \"Claim to a Temple at Apleichau\".\n\n10 The same man also said that Ap Lei Chau 'was built about 1850' (ibid, p. 122). However, as stated in my text, the Hung Shing temple on the island appears to date from the 18th century and another local resident (b. 1825) who gave evidence to the Squatter Board (ibid, p. 132) said that it was enlarged in 1847. The temple originally stood on its own little island, later joined by reclamation to Ap Lei Chau. See JHKBRAS 7 (1967) p. 170, footnote.\n\n11 W.F. Mayers, N.B. Dennys and C. King - The Treaty Ports of China and Japan (London, Trubner & Co., 1867) p. 49. 'Boat building and general trade' are listed as the principal concerns. The \"Ap-le-chow\" and \"Shek pai wan\" (Aberdeen) entries in this work are bracketed. The latter had 160 houses and 205 boats and the total recorded population for the two places, together with the boat people, was 1,664. See also information given in the printed proceedings of a court case over ownership of land on Ap Lei Chau given in Sessional Papers August 1886 - September 1887\" (Appendix to Report from the Land Commission of 1886-87) pp. 33-35.\n\n1* See the Hong Kong Government's printed Sessional Papers for 1897 and 1911, pp. 484 and 103 (23) respectively.\n\n1 Sessional Papers 1901, No. 39 of 1901. pp. (6), (18) and (20). Of the 947 vessels, 787 were fishing boats. At that time, there were 2,799 land persons living in and round Aberdeen-Ap Lei Chau.\n\n11 Sessional Papers 1897 and 1911 at pp. quoted at note 12 above. For similar organizations of M. Freedman's article \"Immigrants and Associations: Chinese in Nineteenth-century Singapore\", Comparative Studies in Society and History, III (1960-61), 25-48; and for other coastal market centres in the Hong Kong region, Hayes 1977, chapters 2 and 3 dealing with Cheung Chau and Tai O respectively.\n\n10 See the account given in the printed Ap Lei Chau Hung Shing Festival brochure for year (1983) now in Hong Kong Collection, University of Hong Kong Library,\n\n10 Squatter Board proceedings, p. 138. The word \"Kaifong\" (#) or street association was commonly used in South China to describe (a) all the inhabitants of an area (b) the voluntary organization of leading residents which managed the affairs of that community, e.g. the Kaifeng looked after the interests of all kaifongs. On Ap Lei Chau, the Kaifong and the Fongs' leaders seem to have been one and the same. For Kaifongs in the Hong Kong region see Hayes 1977, pp. 64-69, 81-84, 96-98, 171-172 and 218 note 27. Also, Hayes 1983, pp. 45-46 and 56-59.\n\n18 For divining blocks, see J.J.M. De Groot, The Religious System of China (Ch'ing Wen reprint, Taipei 1976) Vol. VI, pp. 1285-1287.\n\n1o See Hayes 1977, p. 219, note 41, for similar honours paid to leading office bearers reported from Canton (1902).\n\n* The shopkeeper petitioners who came to see the Registrar General in 1893, as recorded in the Squatter Board proceedings, stated that \"The temple is the property of the inhabitants of Ap Lei Chau and the boatpeople who subscribe”.\n\nThe Ap Lei Chau section of this article is based mainly on the oral statements of Messrs. CHENG Kam-kwu ($##) b. 12.10.1887, CHENG Lim () b. 17.12.1891 and LUN Shing-fun () b. ...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209925, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 184, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "162\n\nrisks. Otherwise the whole family would starve (he laughed). In a large company, there is wider exposure and one can learn more. Then one can be an owner.\n\nThe high premium on individual autonomy among the spinners, it appears to me, has its origin in the cultural world view of the Chinese. Various schools of Chinese philosophy since the Warring States period shared one basic premise: men are 'naturally equal', (Munro 1969: 1-22). This means that men are born with common attributes at birth. Social inequality appears because some persons can realize their potential through their own efforts, especially by means of education. This conception of man was embodied in a peculiar system of social stratification in traditional China. A strictly hierarchical structure coexisted with an ideology exhorting individual social mobility, (See Chü 1957; Ho 1962: 1-91). No status, no matter how high, was regarded as intrinsically beyond the reach of an individual. In order to maximize one's chances of upward mobility, one should not let one's ambition be suppressed. This outlook affects Chinese economic behaviour and creates problems for the Chinese owners. They must try to devise means to cope with the centrifugal tendencies among their executives. This raises the question of the effect of the role set on the performance of the entrepreneurs. Most studies of entrepreneurship simply look at the entrepreneur in isolation and try to define his essence. They tend to neglect that entrepreneurial performance is often collectively determined. To understand entrepreneurship fully, we should take into account the behaviour and orientation of the people on whom the entrepreneur has to depend, in particular his executives and assistants. In his essay on the Protestant ethic, Weber has touched on this aspect. He writes (1930: 177):\n\n'The power of religious asceticism provided him [the entrepreneur] in addition with sober, conscientious, and unusually industrious workmen, who clung to their work as to a life purpose willed by God.'\n\nThis passing comment does not seem to have captured the imagination of later sociologists. Therefore the 'organization men' who form the supporting cast in the drama of industrialization do", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209935, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 194, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "VARIATION TECHNIQUE IN THE FORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE MUSIC OF TAOIST JIAO-SHI IN HONG KONG\n\nPEN-YEH Tsao\n\nCHINESE UNIVERSITY OF HONG KONG\n\nTaoism is one of the major indigenous religio-philosophical traditions that have played an important role in the life of Chinese people for more than two thousand years. Organized Taoist religious communities have had at least eighteen hundred years of history since the second century A.D. Among its various sects, the more representative and wide-spread are the Zheng-yi 正一 and Quan-Zheng. The most important Taoist ceremony is the Jiao-shi, a ritual that expresses gratitude to the gods for their blessing and solicits continued peace and prosperity or early termination of and recovery from natural calamities. The holding of Jiao-shi involves a team of dao-shi Taoist priests, who recite, chant, and dance during the various stages of the ritual, accompanied by melodic and percussion instruments. Among the twelve or so types of Jiao-shi, the following four are more often practiced:\n\n \n 1.\n P'ing-an-jiao\n Jiao-shi to pray for continued peace and prosperity, the most frequently held among the four.\n \n \n 2.\n Wen-jiao\n Jiao-shi to pray for the extinction of a plague.\n \n \n 3.\n Q'ing-ch'eng-jiao\n Jiao-shi to celebrate the completion of a construction, such as a temple.\n \n \n 4.\n Huo-jiao\n Jiao-shi to appease the God of Fire after a big fire.\n \n\nA Jiao-shi can be completed in one day, two days, three days, or more; the more common being that of one day (yi-zhao-jiao) and three days (san-zhao-jiao). Generally,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209945, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 204, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "182\n\nNOTES\n\n1 For historical developments of Taoism, see Ch'en, 1963; Stein, 1979: 53-82; and for a fuller discussion of Jiao-shi, see Saso, 1972: 32-83, Liu, 1974, and Keuper, 1977: 79-94.\n\n\"They hold Jiao-shi in either Cantonese or Fukien dialects and in general, Cantonese-speaking dao-shi provide Jiao-shi to Cantonese-speaking communities and Fukienese-speaking dao-shi to Fukienese-speaking communities.\n\n* The two dao-shi groups who conducted Jiao-shi at these two locations are among the few practicing Taoist groups in Hong Kong. Dao-shi who performed Jiao-shi in Fanling were Cantonese-speaking and in Cheung-chau, Fukienese-speaking.\n\n4\n\nExact instrumentation varies according to the practice of different regions; for example, Fukienese-speaking Taoist team performing at the Cheung-chau Bun Festival employs an er-hu in addition to the melodic instrument suo-na. Ch'en Guo-fu, 1963, mentions that the instrumentation of Jiao-shi music in the Jiang-nan area is quite similar to that of the Shi-fan-luo-go of that area which consists of the melodic instruments of di, xiao, sheng, er-hu, xian-zi, yun-luo, pi-pa and percussion instruments.\n\n6\n\nIt goes without saying that changes of the pitches in the original pattern will result in rhythmic changes as well; they are viewed nevertheless as pitch-variants. In rhythm-variant, the pitches remain relatively stable while rhythmic details change.\n\n• Based on the examples which I have analysed, it seems that the rhythm-variants are rarely used and even if they are used, they are often accompanied by some kind of pitch-variant (e.g.,).\n\n+\n\nOnly the vocal part is included in the transcription. The er-hu part plays the same melody an octave higher. The percussion instruments of luo and po, played by the Taoist priest himself in this case, repeat the following pattern throughout:\n\nluo ро\n\n33 XX- -X333\n\n*This structure makes it possible for the suo-na players to prolong their playing whenever necessary by repeating the middle part several more times before going on to motif k.\n\n• The similar use of instrumentation and seating arrangement, and melodic and rhythmic motives in Jiao-shi music and regional opera of the same locality are two ready examples. Chen, 1963, describes Taoists performing Kun-ju excerpts during Jiao-shi. See also Note 4.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209946, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 205, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "References Cited\n\n183\n\nCh'en Kuo-fu\n\n1963 Tao-tsang yüan-lin k'ao. Peking: Chung hua Press.\n\nKeupers, John\n\n1977 \"A Description of the Fa-ch'ang Ritual as Practiced by the Lü Shan Taoists of Northern Taiwan,\" in Michael Saso and David W. Chappel, eds., Buddhist and Taoist Studies (Hawaii: The University Press of Hawaii).\n\nLiu Chih-wan\n\n1974 Chung-kuo min-chien hsin-yang lun-chi. Academia Sinica Special Monograph no. 22. Taipei: Academia Sinica.\n\nSaso, R. Michael\n\n1972 Taoism and the Rite of Cosmic Renewal. Pullman: Washington State University Press.\n\nStein, Rolf A.\n\n1979 “Religious Taoism and Popular Religion from the Second to Seventh Centuries\", in Holmes Welch and Anna Seidel, eds., Facets of Taoism: Essays in Chinese Religion (New Haven: Yale University Press).\n\nAPPENDIX\n\n1983 Cheung Chan Bun Festival\n\n長洲一九八三年(癸亥年)建太平清醮\n\nDate: May 16-20, 1983.\n\nPlace: Playground in front of the Bai-di temple\n\nA.\n\nTaoist Team: five Fukienese-speaking dao-shi, with Wei Guo-xin as the head dao-shi; five musicians, also Fukienese-speaking.\n\nMay 16\n\n13:00 Greeting the Gods\n\n20:00 First operatic performance begins on temporary stage adjacent to the Taoist altar.\n\nMay 17\n\n1:00 Beginning of Jiao-shi\n\nResidents of Cheung-chau begin the three-day fast\n\nOperatic performances continue, afternoon and evening shows.\n\nMay 18\n\nOperatic performance continues, two shows per day.\n\n12:00 Offering to the Gods\n\n15:00 Dotting of eye\n\nMay 19\n\n12:00 Vegetarian diet ends.\n\nMay 20\n\n10:00 Divide the Buns\n\n14:00 First day of Procession 第一天會景巡遊\n\nOperatic performance continues, two shows per day.\n\n14:00 Second day of Procession\n\nOperatic performance continues, two shows per day.\n\nFast ends.\n\nMay 21-22 Operatic performance.\n\nBeginning on May 17 and ending on May 22, Jiao-shi were conducted in three sessions each day, generally in the morning, afternoon, and evening.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209971, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 230, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "208\n\nA CH'ING CANNON FROM\n\nWYNDHAM STREET, HONG KONG\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nThe photographs at Plates 15 to 17 are of a large cannon from the Chia Ching period (1796-1820) of the Ch'ing dynasty. For some time after its discovery in 1965 it was kept in the old Marine Office at Rumsey Street, Connaught Road Central, but is presently located at the entrance to the Marine Department's dockyard beside the Canton Road Government Offices, Kowloon.\n\nA plaque on the carriage made for this cannon states that it was discovered during excavations on 4th March 1965 in the forecourt of Nos. 10-12 Wyndham Street near the \"South China Morning Post\" building. It was, probably, originally positioned at the site of the third Harbour office (1843-1845). On the barrel are markings giving the weight as 1,500 catties and showing that it was made during the tenth month of the 10th year (1805) of the reign of Emperor Chia Ch'ing by Man Tsoi (*) Man Shing (萬盛) Man Ming (萬明) and Man Tat (萬德).\n\nIt is not known whether this cannon was brought to Hong Kong when it was first made, which is unlikely in my view, or whether it was taken from elsewhere by British forces during the first China War in 1840-42.\n\nOther cannons from this period are to be found on the walls of the Tung Chung Fort, at Lantau Island. See this Journal Vol. 4 (1964) pp. 146-150, and Vol. 18 (1978) pp. 207-209 with photographs.\n\nFor two earlier cannon from Hong Kong see \"A Cannon from the end of the Ming period\" in JHKBRAS Vol. 7 (1967) pp. 152-157, with plates.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209974, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 233, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "211\n\nobtained from a well or stream before noon on the 7th day of the 7th moon*. The water will turn black, and should then be drunk.\n\nI then asked about herbal medicines in use in the village in the earlier part of this century, especially those that could be collected from the adjoining hillsides, and with special reference to those used to reduce excess heat in the body. The following plants were listed:\n\n竹葉\n\n消山虎\n\n水感草(雨淋後感冒才用)\n\n白花仔\n\n蘇菜\n\n盧樹心\n\n細葉卜九酸\n\n埔地錦\n\n地胆頭\n\n酸籐笛\n\nAmong these, the 竹葉 assumed special importance in the treatment of cold or fever. It was ground up with a little salt and put into a bucket. All the other herbs were put together in cold water in a second bucket, then brought to the boil and continued at the boil for 30 minutes. This general boiled mix was then added to the ground up 竹葉 mixture in the other bucket. Anyone suffering from a heavy cold or fever wrapped himself in a blanket, and sat over the infusion, absorbing the vapour for about fifteen minutes and producing sweat. Then the leaves would be taken out and the water would be left until a bath could be taken without discomfort, after which the person must walk around.\n\nThese plants had to be fresh, and could be picked for this purpose when needed. They were available in all four seasons, and the roots could be used in winter, being identifiable by their smell. Women were generally more knowledgeable on this subject than men, and their knowledge was passed down through the family.\n\n* This brought us to the subject of this special water. The villagers believe that water obtained on that day (ngau long chik nui) as described above will never go bad, and can be used in potions and leung cha drink. This water must not be kept in metal tak, they said—but in a nga ch'ing, with a small mouth, or a bottle. It will keep for 60 years.\n\nng kam an earthen jar", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210012, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 270, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "248\n\nagents of incense merchants and conveyed by land to Tsim Sha Tau (now Tsim Sha Tsui) whence it was transported by junks to Shek Pai Wan (now Aberdeen) and thence to mainland China, southeast Asia and places as far away as Arabia. Hence Shek Pai Wan was known as \"Incense Harbour\" or \"Heong Kong” the harbour of Incense or \"Heung\" produce, and the whole island eventually came to be known as \"Hong Kong”. \n\nThe cultivation and trade in \"Kuan-heung\" reached the height of its prosperity during the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644 A.D.). However, during the reign of Emperor K'ang Hsi (R) of the Ch'ing Dynasty (1662-1722 A.D.), the Manchus, as a preventive measure against counter attacks from Taiwan, where Cheng Shing-kung (*), a faithful vassal of the Ming Dynasty still held sway, adopted a \"scorched earth strategy\" by destroying everything within 50 Li (Chinese miles) of the coast, including incense trees, before the inhabitants were evacuated inland. Thus the industry suffered a stunning blow, and then, as the coastal areas were subsequently infested by pirates, its doom was finally sealed. \n\nThe \"Incense Tree\" (**, £*) is a medium-sized evergreen tree with a small compact crown. Leaves are oval in shape, about 6 cm long and 3 cm wide, with a pointed tip, and shiny on both surfaces. Flowers are small, scented yellowish-green, borne in clusters on the ends of the branch, and open in May. The fruit is a woody capsule, shaped like a compressed egg about 3 cm long, densely covered with short grey hairs and can be seen dangling from the branch tips when ripe. It is a rather slow-growing, insignificant tree whose presence in the open countryside is often masked by more vigorous plants. \n\nThe statement that it was introduced from North Vietnam must be questioned. Aquilaria sinensis is in fact a species indigenous throughout this region, and it may be found growing wild in many different places and at different altitudes in Hong Kong. The misunderstanding may have been caused by the reference to another incense-producing tree (Aquilaria agallocha) which was commonly grown in the western part of Kwangtung, and in Hainan Island, North Vietnam and Thailand. \n\nPage 270\n\nPage 271", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210038, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "## PRESIDENT'S REPORT: 1984-85\n\nTonight I have pleasure in reporting on the Society's activities during the year. I shall also describe, inevitably at some length, some of the problems which have engaged the Council's attention during the year in the belief that you will wish to know of these and perhaps offer some sound advice.\n\n### Lectures and Tours\n\nWe have had a fairly productive year. Our programme included twelve lectures and three local tours which as usual covered a wide range of topics relating to our area, and were delivered by specialists based in Hong Kong and visiting from overseas.\n\nOur programme opened on 6 April when a visiting scholar, Dr. Ramon Myers, gave an interesting and stimulating talk, \"The Dysfunctions of Chinese Rural Society”, a review from the 1930s onwards. Dr. Myers, who is Scholar-Curator of the East Asian Collection and Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford, California, is particularly known for his publications on the economy, society, and politics of both pre-Communist and Communist China. His views were of considerable interest, and it is hoped a summary will appear in the next Journal.\n\nOn 16th April, Professor John Aitchison, Head of the Department of Statistics, University of Hong Kong, since 1976, spoke about Anderson Gray McKendrick of the Indian Medical Service, a pioneer in mathematical epidemiology, in a talk entitled “A Not-so Plain Tale from the Raj”. On 24 May 1984, a second visitor from overseas, Mr. Wilhelm Kuhlmann, gave an illustrated talk, \"Chinese Loan Bonds\", those attractive and historically interesting commercial documents connected with the modernization of China in the late Ch'ing and early Republican periods, and especially the development of railways. A few days earlier, on 22 May, three local historians, Dr. Patrick Hase, Dr. David Faure, and myself gave a joint presentation on the Hong Kong History Project. Until recently, few people did much research on the Chinese side of Hong Kong history, in its wider setting. However, the position has now changed, and a great deal of collecting has been\n\nviii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210051, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 22, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "TEMPLE ORACLES IN A CHINESE CITY\n\nA Study of the Use of Temple Oracles\n\nin Taichung, Central Taiwan*\n\nJULIAN PAS\n\nPrelude\n\nIn the early morning of February 26, 1978, our group of over a hundred pilgrims from Taichung arrived in the city of Peikang, one of the major centres of the Matsu cult. The ch'ao-t'ien temple there was first built in 1694 and enlarged in 1775. The whole previous day had been spent in visiting temples in other places and burning incense to prepare for this solemn visit. As we arrive, the sedan chair of the goddess which we had brought from Taichung is carried toward the temple gates by ten strong men; the pilgrims follow behind, while musicians blow high-pitched trumpets and beat gongs and drums.\n\nSoon our group disappears inside the temple gates, while the great bell and drum are beaten to welcome the visiting Matsu. All the courtyards and halls are crowded with worshippers. It is still three weeks before the deity's birthday celebration but already every day large crowds of visitors pour into the small town from all over Taiwan. Peikang is the seat of the mother temple of Matsu on the island, and hundreds of temples claim affiliation with it.\n\nWhile the visiting gods and goddesses are carried into the inner shrine and seated on the altar tables to pay homage to the Peikang Matsu, the crowd of pilgrims go about their private devotions. They offer incense to all the deities enthroned here, pray to Matsu, tell her about their problems and uncertainties at home, and ask her advice. Matsu's counsels have been embodied in her temple\n\nTo prepare this survey I was greatly inspired by my learned friends Mr. Liu Chih-wan, a research scholar at the Academia Sinica in Taipei, Institute of Ethnology, and by Professor Wolfram Eberhard of the University of California at Berkeley. I am also indebted to the untiring efforts of Miss Ch'en Yu-mei in Taichung, who collected many samples of the temple oracles. I finally wish to recognize my gratefulness to the Tunghai University in Taichung: my team of anthropology students, 1977-78, contributed to the completion of the Taichung sample collection, while the Centre for Environmental Studies kindly offered me office space. (Dr. Pas is professor of Religious Studies at the University of Saskatchewan, Canada,)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210063, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "13\n\n \n+ + +\n\n \naway some at will; the remaining ones were counted to see whether they were even or odd. To avoid making a mistake, they were arranged by twos, each pair in the shape of a cross. If at the end one cross remained (an even number), the result was a bad indication, hsiung (†4: 2 sticks inside a container); if only one stick remained, it was a good omen, chỉ (l'¡ : the top shows 3 sticks, which is clearer than just one; the bottom shows a ‘mouth', probably replacing an older writing of a container)”*\n\n \nThis originally very simple technique, in which only 2 kinds of answers were obtained, “yes” and “no”, developed into more complex forms: perhaps the question was repeated several times (cp. the present-day \"moon-block\" divination) and the results written above each other. In that case, an even number was expressed by two short lines written in a horizontal way: - - It had nothing to do with yin or a ‘broken line'. An odd number was expressed by just one line. The Iching philosophy started from the trigrams: at one time the eight different answers obtained by repeating the oracle three times were interpreted in a cosmological way. That left the door open for further speculation and resulted in the 64 hexagrams. At this stage, numerology lost its meaning. The only trace of the older method of counting sticks in a container is found in the use of 50 yarrow stalks: they are still counted, but merely to obtain one of the 64 hexagrams, not any longer to find a positive or a negative answer to one's question.\n\n \nThere are many other ways of using a number of dried stalks in divination: several methods are found in China as well as in other cultures, and it is not certain that the old milfoil method has always been a uniform technique. One other hypothesis is that a number of sticks were thrown at random on the ground and the diviners would draw interpretations from the configurations obtained. This is suggested by the definition of “geomancy” as given in Webster's dictionary: “a kind of divination by figures or lines formed by a handful of earth cast on the ground, or by dots or points drawn at random.””\n\n \nOne can clearly see how lines can be obtained by throwing a handful of stalks. To go even one step further: one can find a strong similarity and perhaps a historical link between oracle bone", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210083, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 54, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "33\n\nAPPENDIX I: A SELECTION OF REPRESENTATIVE SAMPLES OF CURRENT TEMPLE ORACLES\n\nAlthough Werner Banck has published a voluminous collection of 55 complete sets of temple oracles (hereafter abbreviated as B), I believe that the following selection of samples can be meaningful and useful for comparative purposes. Seven samples taken from printed editions commonly used by the temple personnel are presented: these samples show the variations of commentaries attached to the basic oracular verses.\n\nFor each case I have only chosen the first oracle, but this is sufficient for our purpose of limited comparison.\n\nSample No. 1 (B-1)\n\nThis is oracle no. 1 taken from the most popular of all temple oracles: the 60 oracles Matsu set. (See bibliography, Sheng-ch'ien chu-chieh). Many temples not only have printed leaflets for the use of devotees with each oracle printed on a separate leaflet, but have booklet editions available for the use of specialists counselling devotees.\n\nThis set of oracles is characterized by its usually added subsections or areas of concern for which devotees most frequently cast the oracles. They are the major concerns in life, such as “employment”, “disease”, “dwelling”, “wealth”, “marriage”, “expectation of rain”, etc. When devotees consult the oracles they\n\n第一籤\n\n(000 000)\n\n萬事向明出清前清便途淨見保進照風大世雲安道問散移年詞歲節 | 病！作居冬歡君中人人事沾難解\n\nA\n\n求婚功 | 失 | 求日雨姻名物！病！財荷「尤 | 有「龙平悭安微\n\n甲子屬金利在秋天宜共西方公請雷驚\n\nwould in most cases ask about only one of these areas. The B-1 type of this variation distinguishes between 14 and 16 concern areas.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210085, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "35\n\nSample No. 3 (B-6)\n\nA sample from the Kuan Yin oracles occasionally but by no means exclusively found in Buddhist temples.\n\nThis set of only 24 oracles also carries short references to drama or stories; its areas of concern are extended to 36. (See bibliography Kuan Yun ling-ch'ien chu-chieh).\n\n年\n症保歲\n\n功名\n註香\n糕\n\n前崚易元\n你\n雙不宜\n備\n\n觀音籤第一\n\n善才泰 寶馬盈門吉慶多 官司有理勸調和\n上吉\n\n萬般得利稱全福 一箭紅心定中科\n\n解\n遷移\n彼\n妄作作食則後四 主如謝恭正道則事多順境若 此籤謀望事緒皆吉们各有所\n\n被此同心\n求師學到\n不如\n宝\n進開拆\n失物\n進人", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210086, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "36\n\nJULIAN PAS\n\nSample No. 4 (B-34)\n\nA unique set of 38 oracles is found in the Changhua Matsu temple \"Nan-Yao kung\". The text is reduced to a minimum: short verses with a very short interpretation. (See bibliography Ch'ien-shu chu-chieh).\n\n振\n\n電影\n\n·让化\n\n印市\n\n刷四山\n\n麻富枯東\n\n衣貴木風\n\n換從新得\n\n二錦人發意\n\n敬七三\n\n贈\n\n#號猇\n\n角\n\n字\n\n衣愿枝 好\n\n前婚\n\n婚行\n\n之慎之\n\n論\n\n新让\n\n斷\n\n头\n\n保定\n\n前程依邇\n\n問事咸宜\n\n失 人\n\n約好\n\n運音\n\n途\n\n通通\n\n曰", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210088, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "38 \n\nSample No. 6 (B-55) \n\nJULIAN PAS \n\nLu Tung-pin's oracles have been printed in booklet form both in Taiwan and in Hong Kong. Several editions only carry the oracle verses without any extra commentary. Only the Hong Kong edition has short commentaries. (See bibliography: Lu Ti ling-ch'ien hsien-fang; Po-chi hsien-fang, and Fu-Yu Ti-chun), \n\n息陽 \n\n陰盛於 \n\n柔順而靜 \n\n只不均 \n\n若此消息 只待羊兎相宜 \n\n坤之六爻皆吉 \n\n不怕亢龍之悔 \n\n宜悔者 \n\n若陰柔 第 \n\n第 \n\n五 \n\n得一天明不宜順蓬 \n\n第一 \n\n意陽地 在來自當 \n\n秋已無三 時復私五 \n\n他正行東 方好舟關 \n\n下圖仙玉 地全賜桃 長計方香 \n\n籖 \n\n必男水萊", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210089, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 60, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "39\n\nSample No. 7\n\n(Not in B). A rare set of 50 oracles, not listed in the Banck source edition, but found in the very popular temple of Mamingshan. Several commentaries are attached to it. (See bibliography, Wu-nien ch'ien-sui ling-ch'ien chi-chich).\n\n第壹籤\n\n乾\n\n大\n\n居西岐 婚姻喜遇釣璜客 貿易又逢磻 周文王 首籤原注文福齊 白雲深處白雲西\n\n水\n\n溪西\n\n王 意\n\n谷豐稔\n\n功名顯\n\n婚閿固\n\n福祿全\n\n孕生子\n\n訟得理\n\n行人還\n\n福齊原註\n\n江仙解\n\n奇遇克獲\n\n祿壽康亨\n\n富貴華榮\n\n貿易財進\n\n地極深處\n\n於可完情\n\n孕卜男生\n\n文明景運顯西陲\n\n雲韶註\n\n求謀稱意 逢時\n\n不耗掉\n\n解\n\n日\n\nLILL\n\n進歧文\n\n虛士\n\n也\n\n績\n\n功\n\n遂意但各\n\n【持官員占之有超越之喜 君求財有名無實語多空\n\n文寄託一身關係萬古其\n\n大非徒的\n\n路沂\n\n占\n\n驗\n\n者不\n\n進身所\n\n方有明乾。\n\n歸休林下\n\n此首句心為主白\n\n註\n\n「漲退漲者吉\n\n守正而行\n\n背甲於一\n\nPage 60\n\nPage 61\n\n40", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210091, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "41\n\netym, (variant); } = cracks; 1= || scapula !) (K. 1192) enquire by divination; auspicious, good, virtuous; firm, solid; and !! diviner's fee?) { Kui (K. 462) tortoise, divination by aid of the cracks in heated tortoise shell to draw lots; a lot [this character is a strange mixture; enclosure or “border prairie” with possibly 2 sets of stalks on top of a tortoise: 2 types of divination mixed together] * (K. 894; M. 5763) to divine by stalks of milfoil; (from K magic and \" bamboo-stalks) * shih (M. 5801) milfoil (“achillée”) [the character suggests a plant, and elder person, and a mouth: oracle of old sage?]\n\nCharacters derived from 4: A hands manipulating divining sticks on a table to perceive name of king, Kao, a diviner to learn to teach (to learn + whipping)\n\nNOTES\n\n1 The Chinese text of this oracle is found in Sheng-ch'ien chu-chieh (see bibliography)\n\n2 While this article was already in press, I obtained new information stating that there is a still older example of Chinese oracles, dating from the 5th century A.D: “The earliest example of a Buddhist oracle-sequence can be dated to the middle of the fifth century, and is found in the printed Buddhist Canon. It forms the tenth book in a work entitled The Book of Consecration (Kuan-ting ching, T. 1331).” Although this text is not necessarily a temple oracle, yet it is so far the earliest book containing 100 oracle stanzas in a style similar to the later temple oracles. (Michel Strickmann, “Chinese Oracles in Buddhist Vestments”, p. 27 of an unpublished paper delivered at the Berkeley Conference on Chinese Divination and Portent-lore, June 20-July 2, 1983).\n\n3 See for example L. Vandermeersch, \"De la Tortue à l'Achillée\", p. 46. Fung Yu-lan, in his History of Chinese Philosophy, vol. 1 (1952), pp. 27-28: quotes the Ch'ien Han Shu, which in its turn refers to the Shuching. “The divina-tion plant (shih ) and the tortoise shell (kuei #k) are used by the Sages. The Shu says: \"when you have doubts about any great matter, consult the tortoise shell and divination stalks'. . . .\n\n** See also J. Needham, Science & Civilization in China, vol. 2 (1956), pp. 347-349. On page 348 there is a reproduction of a drawing dating from the late Ch'ing dynasty, which shows the legendary emperor Shun and his ministers consulting the oracles of the tortoise-shell and the milfoil.\n\n7 & Miyazaki Ichisada (1966), p. 161.\n\n8 Miyazaki (1966), p. 162.\n\n9 Webster's New 20th century Dictionary of the English Language (1979), p. 765.\n\n10 Andree Richard (1906).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210092, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 63, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "42\n\nJULIAN PAS\n\nWebster's Dictionary (1979), p. 1733.\n\n10 Webster's Dictionary (1979), p. 170.\n\nLenormant (1875), p. 18.\n\n12 Lenormant (1875), p. 19.\n\n13 Lenormant (1875), p. 30.\n\n14 Needham (1956), p. 349.\n\nBanck (1976).\n\n16 CHENG, Chen-tuo, Editor, T'ien-chu ling-ch'ien\n\n(Reproduction of the\n\nEarliest Preserved Set of Temple Oracles) Folklore & Folk Literature Series of National Peking University. (reprint), Taipei: The Orient Cultural Service, 1958.\n\n17\n\n19\n\nI have used the cheng-t'ong or Ming edition, as reprinted in Taipei.\n\nEberhard (1970), p. 193.\n\nHuang-ti shen-kung Ħ☎1⁄2, Banck (1976), #17.\n\n20 Eberhard (1970), p. 191-192.\n\n21 Jordan (1982).\n\n11 W. Eberhard (1970), p. 195. The Chinese text: 1+X8\n\n23\n\n24\n\nThe Chinese text: 高達五十得名\n\nSt. Augustine's Confessions, translated by William Benham (New York: Collies & Son, 1909), pp. 141-142.\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\nA. Sources\n\n(i) Taiwan (& Hong Kong) Oracles, published in booklets\n\nB-I\n\nB-I\n\nB-I\n\nB-2\n\nB-2\n\nB-2\n\nSheng-ch'ien chu-chieh E, Kuan Yin Fo-tsu, T'ien-shang Sheng-mu &Ħ, X_L, Taichung, Jui-ch'eng Bookstore AĦĦ , 1972, (1st ed. date, unknown).\n\nK'ai-t'ai Ma-tsu chien-chieh, published by the Feng-t'ien Temple in Hsin-kang, Chia-yi *, ****8. (n.d. circa 1978). The oracle texts are on pp. 1-30.\n\n+\n\nLing-ch'ien chich-shuo, with commentaries by Yeh Shan #ll, Taichung: Ch'uang-shih Publishing House, & FURN 1979.\n\n+\n\nPai-shou ch'ien-chieh, Published by the Hsing-sheng Temple in Taichung 台中市行聖宮,1977.\n\nLing-ch'ien chieh-shuo *, with commentaries by Yeh Shan #. Taichung: Ch'uang-shih Publishing House, ÷ÞOKRE 1975 (1st ed.: 1966)\n\nKuan-sheng Ti-chún ch'ien-shih chich MESE the Shui-hsien Temple in Nan-kang, Chia-yi, \n\n1\n\nPublished by\n\n*, 1964,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210093, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "43\n\nB-2\n\nB-2 Pai-shou ling-ch'ien, Ku-shih chu-chieh ti by Cheng Chin-ling $436. Tsoying, Kaohsiung, 1976.\n\nM. Published\n\nKuan-sheng Ti-chun ying-yan t'ao-yian ming-sheng ching E KNMVTÆ. Published by the Fu-ch'uan Fo-t'ang in Kang-shan, Kaohsiung. QUI÷HES, 1971. (The oracles are in the Appendix).\n\nB-6 Kuan Yin ling-ch'ien chu-chieh, erh-shih-szu shou Pi. Taichung: Jui-ch'eng Bookstore, 1975.\n\nB-34 Ch'ien-shu chu-chieh, Tien-shang Sheng-mu, lished by the Nan-yao Temple in Changhua M, R, LTE. Pub Mä, 1977.\n\nB-54 Huang Ta-hsien (Wong Tai Sin) ling-ch'ien, ku-pen chu-chieh A¶ LASER. Published by the Wong Tai Sin Temple in Kowloon, HK, n.d. (purchased in 1980).\n\nB-55 Po-chi hsien-fang 1981;. Taiwan (no exact place indicated but stamped by the Tz'u-yu Temple in Taipei, BMK), 1951.\n\nB-55 Lu Ti ling-ch'ien hsien-fang, PPARI), Hsinchu: Chu-lin Book-store 新竹市竹林書局,1977.\n\nB-55 Fu-yu Ti-chün chüeh-shih ching, Lü-tsu ling-ch'ien chi hsien-fang Fili MEIM.NG MAUZERO/2A07), Hong Kong, N.T., SEDILE. 8-0 1976.\n\n+ Wu-nien ch'ien-sui ling-ch'ien chu-chieh 1F, Published the Chen-an Temple (2000) of Ma-ming-Shan in the county of Yiin lin, Taiwan, 1963.\n\n(ii) Taiwan Oracles: Temple Samples\n\nWerner Banck, Das Chinesische Tempelorakel PPE (part 1: Sources), Taipei: Ku-t'ing Bookstore, fillaliliPVM, 1976.\n\n(iii) Canton Temple Oracles, collected by the Library of the Center of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong (not included in Banck's source edition)\n\n1. Kuan-shih-yin ling-ch'ien, #, published by Wu-kui t'ang 4, in Canton, n.d. (circa 1940?) block print reproduction; contains 100 oracles).\n\n2. Hung-sheng-wang ch'ien 1, published by I-wen tang in Canton, n.d. (blockprint reproduction; contains 64 oracles).\n\n3. K'ang-kung ling-ch'ien 12, published by T'ien-pao Printing Co.: Ch'an-shan, Canton, dated 1855 (nice wood block print edition)\n\n+ 4. Fu-shen T-u-ti ch'ien (@J:22, published by Wen-tang Bookstore, **W in Yue-tung ch'an shan 40, dated 1859. (woodblock print; 30 oracles).\n\n5. Shang-ti ling-ch'ien (zar, published by Wen-t'ang Bookstore, Z, n.d. (wood block print; 50 oracles).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210094, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "44\n\nJULIAN PAS\n\n6. Hou-wang ling-ch'ien 14, published by Tsui-ching tang f**, Canton, n.d. (block print edition; 64 oracles).\n\n7. Pei-ti ling-chien w, published by Wu-kui t'ang in Canton, n.d. (block print; 50 oracles, identical with above Shang-ti ling-ch'ien).\n\n(iv) Oracles reproduced in the Tao-tsang\n\n1.\n\n2.\n\n3.\n\n4.\n\n5.\n\n6.\n\n✯ (−TT), 1977 Taipei reprint. Szu-sheng chen-chin ling-ch'ien 145, vol. 54, pp. 44056-44080, TT. 1298 (1 scroll; 49 oracles).\n\nHsian-chen ling-ying pao-ch'ien KERAK, vol. 54, pp. 44081-44137, TT. 1299 (3 scrolls; 365 oracles, divided over 12 daily hours each of which has 30 slips, i.e. 360 plus one slip for each of the five agents).\n\nTa-tz'u hao sheng chiu-t'ien wei-fang Sheng-mu yilan-chun ling-ying pao-ch'ien KkP;AMP@!#MEW, vol. 54, pp. 44138-44150, TT. 1300 (1 scroll; 99 oracles).\n\nHung-en ling-chi chen-chân ling chien light hi. Vol. 54, pp. 44150-44154, TT. 1301 (1 scroll; 53 oracles).\n\nLing-chi chen-chün chu-sheng ling ch’ien OBZIRAR, vol. 54, pp. 44155-44159, TT. 1302 (1 scroll; 64 oracles).\n\nFu-t'ien kuang-sheng ru-i ling-ch'ien KQE✯, vol. 54, pp. 44160-44190, TT. 1303 (1 scroll; 120 oracles).\n\n7. B-2 Hu-kuo chia-chi chiang-tung-wang ling-ch'ien ARMORIA, vol. 54, pp. 44193-44213, TT. 1305 (1 scroll; 100 oracles).\n\n8. Hsuan-t'ien Shang-ti kan-ying ling-ch'ien K, vol. 60, pp. 48479-48506 (49 oracles).\n\n(v) 1. Sham Francis, Trans., Kwun Yum Fortune Slip Predictions. Hong Kong: Tung Wah Group of Hospitals, Board of Directors, 1983. (This set corresponds with the Kuan Yin set found in Lukang; B-11 and -12).\n\n2. Sham Francis, Trans., Predictions of Wong Tai Sin. Hong Kong: Tung Wah Group of Hospitals, Board of Directors, 1984. Chai, Tung-yeh # !f, \"Ling-chien malo-chii” NUE.\n\n3. Heaven-Earth-man Journal Ke (published in Taichung, Taiwan), no. 1 (1968), 117-147.\n\nB. Studies\n\n1. BAUER, Wolfgang, China and the Search for Happiness. Recurring Themes in Four Thousand Years of Chinese Cultural History. (Translated from the German by Michael Shaw.) New York: The Seabury Press, 1976 (German Ed.: 1971)\n\n2. EBERHARD, Wolfram, \"Oracle and Theater in China\", pp. 191-199, Studies in Chinese Folklore and Related Essays, The Hague: Mouton, 1970.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210095, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "45\n\n3. GERNET, Jacques, \"Petits Ecarts et Grands Ecarts\", pp. 52-69, in J. P. Vernant, a.o., Divination et Rationalité, Paris: Ed. du Seuil, 1974.\n\n4. JORDAN, David K., \"Taiwanese Poe Divination; Statistical Awareness and Religious Belief\", JSSR, 21 (1982), 114-118.\n\n5. KALTENMARK, Max & NGO van XUYET, \"La Divination dans la Chine Ancienne\", pp. 333-356, in vol. 1 of A. Caquot & M. Leibovici, Eds., La Divination, 2 vols., Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1968.\n\n6. KARLGREN, Bernhard, Analytic Dictionary of Chinese and Sino-Japanese. Taipei: Ch'eng-wen reprint, 1973 (original edition: Paris, 1923).\n\n7. LENORMANT, Francois, La Divination et la Science des Présages chez les Chaldéens, (Les Sciences Occultes en Asie). Paris: Maisonneuve, 1875.\n\n8. LOEWE, Michael & BLACKER, Carmen eds., Oracles and Divination, Boulder: Shambhala, 1981 (\"China\" by M. Loewe, pp. 38-62).\n\n9. MATHEWS, R. H., Chinese-English Dictionary. Shanghai, 1931. Revised edition: 1974.\n\n10. MIYAZAKI, Ichisada, \"Le Développement de l'Idee de Divination en Chine\", pp. 161-165, in Mélanges de Sinologie offerts à Monsieur Paul Demiéville (Bibliothèque de l'Institut des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, vol. 20), Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1966.\n\n11. NEEDHAM, Joseph, Science and Civilization in China, vol. 2, Cambridge University Press, 1956.\n\n12. RICHARD, André, \"Scapulimantia\", pp. 143-165, in Boas Anniversary Volume. Anthropological Papers written in honor of Franz Boas. New York: G.E. Stechert & Co., 1906.\n\n13. VANDERMEERSCH, Léon, \"De la Tortue à l'Achillée\", pp. 29-51 in J. P. VERNANT, a.o., Divination et Rationalité, Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1974.\n\n14. NGO van XUYET, Divination, Magie et Politique dans la Chine Ancienne (Bibliothèque de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes, Sciences Religieuses, vol. 78). Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1976.\n\n+", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210189, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "139\n\n58\n\nPetition dated 23rd day of 4th lunar month, Tao Kuang 24th year i.e. 8th June 1844.\n\n59\n\n60\n\nSee notes 19-20 above and relevant text.\n\nResponse or comment, presumably again by the District Magistrate, following the petition of 8th June 1844.\n\n61 Instruction dated sometime in Tao Kuang 24th year, but date and originator not clear to me.\n\n62\n\nCommunication dated 15th day of 11th month, Tao Kuang 24th Year, i.e. 24th December 1844 (from Series CO129/7/9807, p. 326). See also Mayers, Dennys and King, op cit., p. 57.\n\n64\n\nPublic Records Series CO129 and FO233.\n\nCopies of this deed, together with a few other papers from Chai Wan, belonging to Mr Law Wan-yeung(c) of Chai Wan, are available in the Public Records Office of Hong Kong.\n\n65 See note 26 for the Wong holdings. The Tangs leased out similar properties on Tsing Yi Island in the present New Territories, where they apparently did hold the sole rights to the sub-soil up to 1899.\n\n66\n\nSee the account given in J.W. Hayes The Hong Kong Region op cit, p 32 and in J.W. Hayes The Rural Communities of Hong Kong op. cit., pp. 34-37 and 244-246.\n\n67 For accounts of these places see chapters 2 and 3 of J.W. Hayes The Hong Kong Region, op. cit.\n\n6. See J.W. Hayes The Rural Communities of Hong Kong, op. cit., pp 68-9 and relevant notes on p. 254.\n\n69 See the information on settlement in north-west Kowloon and Tsuen Wan in J.W. Hayes The Rural Communities of Hong Kong, op. cit., chapters 5 and 7.\n\n70 Kuo Fei(部) Yueh Ta Chi 與天記三十三政事類渗防廣東沿潮閣\n\n71 This is perhaps misleading and more information is required. The list of places where land was claimed to be in the private ownership of the Tangs, with dates of purchases and names of sellers is given in a petition to the Hsin-an District Magistrate dated 18th day of the 10th moon in Tao Kuang 24th year, i.e. 25 November 1844. This shows that part of those Hong Kong lands registered in the Tung-kwun district yamen, presumably before 1573, had been purchased by the Tangs from another family in the Ch'ien-lung reign, and therefore cannot be used to show Tang ownership in or before the Ming dynasty, although they do suggest that the lands were cultivated and of value in the Ming. Nor do we know whether land registered in what later became Hsin-an had earlier been registered in the Tung-kwun yamen but with the relevant registers transferred to the new district yamen in 1573.\n\n72 For the dates of these temples, and especially for the items mentioned in the Table, see 陸鴻基, 吳偏霞霞, 合编, “香港伸銘彝術 op. cit. (D. Faure, B. Luk, A. Ng, The Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong), passim.\n\nI\n\n71 See J.W. Hayes The Hong Kong Region op. cit. chapter 7.\n\n74\n\n**\n\nA.R. Johnston “Note on the Island of Hong Kong” in London Geographical Journal, XIV, reprinted in the Hong Kong Almanack and Directory, 1846,\n\n75 Endacott, op cit., p. 59\n\n76 E.J. Eitel, Europe in China op. cit. p. 215.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210190, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 161, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "140\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\n77\n\nSee despatch No. 76 Civil from Governor, Hong Kong to Lord Stanley, 28 December 1844 in CO129/7/9807, especially p. 323. Ako Mayers, Dennys and King, op cit, p. 57.\n\nSee J.W. Hayes The Hong Kong Region op. cit. and The Rural Communities of Hong Kong op. cit. D. Faure The Structure of Chinese Rural Society: Lineage and Village in the Eastern New Territories, Hong Kong (Hong Kong, 1986), J.W. Hayes Secular Non-Gentry Leadership of Temple and Shrine Organisations in Urban British Hong Kong JHKBRAS, Vol. 23, 1983 pp. 113-137, passim.\n\nJ.W. Hayes The Rural Communities of Hong Kong op cit. p. 63.\n\n80 See D. Faure Visit to Stanley, elsewhere in this Journal.\n\nJ.W. Hayes Secular Non-Gentry Leadership op. cit. JHKBRAS, Vol. 23, 1983, pp. 127-132.\n\nSee note 10.\n\n12\n\n81 科大街\n\n陸鴻基,吳倫霩霹 A*.\" ****\" op. cit. p. 821 (D. Faure, B. Luk, A. Ng The Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong).\n\n84 J.W. Hayes The Hong Kong Region op. cit. pp 61-64, and 64-69, and J.W. Hayes Secular Non-Gentry Leadership op. cit. pp. 113-121.\n\n85\n\n科,陸,吳, 香港碑銘 #‚É‚1⁄2‚“ ***(op. cit.) (Faure, Luk, Ng, The Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong, op. cit.) p.76.\n\n*,4,5,\" *** \"(op. cit.) (Faure, Luk, Ng, The Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong, op. cit.) p. 102. For the Kaifong hall, see also D. Faure Visit to Stanley elsewhere in this Journal.\n\nH 科,陛,吳, 香港郈銘 (op. cit.) p. 98 (Faure, Luk, Ng, The Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong).\n\n63\n\n*.,,\" \"(op. cit.) (Faure, Luk, Ng, The Historical Inscriptions 科,陸,吳, 香港碑銘 of Hong Kong), p. 152 (Foundation of Tin Hau Temple 1873 by group lead by General Managers and two grades of Managers 總理, 董理, 個事), p. 166 (Refoundation of Tin Hau temple 1876 by group lead by General Managers and Managers), p. 347 (Foundation of Tam Kung temple 1905 by group lead by General Managers and Managers #), p. 388 (Repair of Tam Kung Temple 1908 by group lead by Managers).\n\n89 The possibility certainly exists. Revd. Carl Smith's researches show that some Hong Kong village men took advantage of the new situation to acquire language skills and advance their fortunes through service as government interpreters and clerks to solicitors, or by acting as compradores for Western business firms. The most famous of them all, Sir Shouson Chau, born in Little Hong Kong in 1861, was sent to America with the \"First Hundred\" Chinese boys (of the Chinese government's educational mission) in the 1870s. He graduated later from Columbia University, served the Ch'ing government as a high official and afterwards returned to Hong Kong where he was a member of both the Executive and Legislative Council. His father was compradore of the Canton Hong Kong Steamship Company with its head office in Canton, and according to family history his grandfather, the village head of Little Hong Kong in 1841, assisted Captain Charles Elliott in posting up one of his first official proclamations on the Island in 1841. (Letter quoted at note 18 above, together with the biography in Chinese and English at pp 4-5 of Prof. Woo Sing-lim's The Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong (Hong Kong, The Five Continents Book Co., 1937)). See also D. Faure Visit to Stanley elsewhere in this Journal.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210277, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 248, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "135\n\nNCH 31.3.1855.\n\n136\n\n137\n\nCR Jan. 1848, Jan. 1849, Jan. 1850.\n\nAdv. NCH 1.4.1854.\n\n134\n\nAdv. NCH 11.8.1855.\n\n119\n\nAdv. NCH 17.5.1862.\n\n140\n\n227\n\nNCH 31.3.1855, 14.3.1857.\n\n141 Polt, o.c., fac. p. 81.\n\n1414\n\n\"Dictionary of National Biography” (1900), Vol. XIII, p. 202-203; A. Wylie: \"Memorials of Protestant Missionaries” (1867), p. 25ff; NCH 11.4.1857; Couling, o.c., p. 344.\n\n143 See: J.H. Haan: “De opkomst van de Internationale Settlement te Shanghai 1845-1865\" (The Rise of the International Settlement at Shanghai) Unpublished manuscript, University of Amsterdam, 1977, p. 167-169.\n\n144 NCH 13.9.1851; SA 1855.\n\n145\n\n146\n\nJ.C. Harris: “Couriers of Christ\" (1931), fac. p. 112.\n\nWylie, o.c., p. 25ff; BS I, 74; III 1596-1597.\n\nObituary by Henri Cordier in T'oung Pao, Vol. III (1902), p. 338.\n\n147\n\n148\n\nSA 1855, 1856.\n\n149\n\nAdv. NCH 19.1.1861.\n\n150\n\nChina Directory 1874.\n\n151\n\nSee: Edward LeFevour \"Western Enterprise in Late Ch'ing China\" (1970), passim.\n\n152\n\nKing & Clarke, o.c., p. 98; see also p. 137 (year of death should be 1902 instead of 1891).\n\n153 JNCBRAS, Vol. VI (1871), p. ix.\n\n154\n\nJNCBRAS, Vol. VIII (1874), p. i.\n\n155\n\nBS III, 2365; IV, 2557.\n\n156\n\nCR Jan. 1847.\n\n157\n\nAdv. NCH 27.8.1853.\n\n158\n\nNCH 12.4.1856, 14.3.1857, 9.1.1858, 15.1.1859. Replaced by Whittal (NCH 13.6.1863).\n\n159 NCH 26.9.1857; Cordier, Letter, (see n. 32) p. xii.\n\n160\n\nDeath reported in Report 1863 Trustees Trinity Church (NCH 10.12.1864).\n\n161 CR Jan. 1842, 1843, 1848 (Macau), 1847 (Canton), 1848 (ibid), 1849 (ibid), 1850 (ibid).\n\n162 Elliston. o.c., p. 25.\n\nSA 1854, 1855, 1856; adv. NCH 3.1.1857.\n\n163\n\n164\n\nCR Jan. 1851.\n\n165\n\nNotification in NCH 17.8.1861.\n\n166\n\nNCH 10.6.1865.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210280, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 251, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "230\n\nTHE CHINESE “YUE LAN” GHOST FESTIVAL IN JAPAN: A KOBE CASE STUDY,\n\nAUG. 31 SEPT. 4, 1982*\n\nCHOI CHI CHEUNG\n\nKobe is one of the three places in Japan where the Chinese hold a community-wide celebration for the \"Yue Lan\" festival.1 According to 1974 statistics, there were 8585 Chinese living in Hyogo prefecture of which Kobe is the capital. About 82% of them lived in Kobe.2 Although only 11% of the Chinese living in Hyogo are Hokkienese, yet the Hokkienese Association has been in charge of the festival since the end of the Second World War. The festival I am describing here took place at the Kobe Kwan-ti Temple (關帝廟).\n\nI. The Location\n\nThe festival area can mainly be divided into four parts:3\n\n1) The Tao-ch'ang (道場) area, where the priests performed most of the rituals (this used the building normally the offices of the Association).\n\n2) The Ming-che (冥宅) area. (Min-taku in Japanese meaning House of the underworld) (this used the temple courtyard, with a temporary tented roof).\n\n3) The Temple area.\n\n4) The Association Hall and the Kitchen area(s).\n\nAll rituals took place at these places except the Lantern Floating ritual which took place at the sea-shore half an hour's ride from the temple by mini-bus. In addition, there was a screen between the temple and the Tao-ch'ang where Chinese movies were shown for three nights.\n\n* Unless specifically stated, all explanations of the rituals during the festival are as given by the participants. See Plates 15-32.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210281, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 252, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "231\n\nDuring the whole festival period, the main temple was the most neglected area, whilst the Ming-che area was always crowded with worshippers. Free vegetarian food was offered by the committee in the Association Hall for the whole period. The Association Hall and a room of the office of the Temple were used as temporary kitchens for preparing food and offerings.\n\nWorshippers seldom went to the main temple except for presenting incense sticks. Even though the Tao-ch'ang area was more spacious and was air-conditioned, worshippers seldom stayed long in the Tao-ch'ang area except on the last night, for the \"Great Offering\" ceremony. Worshippers seldom visited the Association Hall either except when they were giving donations or having their daily meals. The Ming-che area was the only place which was always crowded. There were people chatting, exchanging greetings, admiring and criticising every Ming-che (paper-made houses), folding paper-money and playing musical instruments and singing.\n\n5\n\nThe Tao-ch'ang area was seen as the most dangerous and frightening place for the worshippers because it was believed to be full of the hungry ghosts who came for the offerings. The Association Hall and the kitchens belonged to the hosts, the Hokkienese. Worshippers went first to the Tao-ch'ang area to offer foods to the spirits, and then to the Association Hall to accept meals from the hosts. In general, worshippers felt attracted to the Ming-che area because, while it was the area of their ancestors, yet the ancestors there were not frightening. The Ming-che area gave the worshippers the opportunity to be at the same time closer to their ancestors, and to build up relationships with other Chinese who lived far away. Non-Hokkienese worshippers seemed to avoid the Association Hall because of ethnic differences, and this brought them even closer to the Ming-che area. During the whole event, only 'Ancestor Worship' was emphasised by the worshippers.\n\nII. The Festival\n\nAccording to the figure-maker (Tze-shi) Mr. Lin Yau Chie (73 years old, Hokkienese), the preparation for each year's 'Yue Lan' starts from the end of the previous event. In other", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210282, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 253, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "232\n\nCHOI CHI CHEUNG\n\nwords, he starts to accept orders for making Ming-che\" from the middle of the 7th moon. However, not until the beginning of the year is any actual work done. The Association first elects a committee for the 'Yue Lan' festival during the feast for the Lantern Festival (15th of the 1st moon), and several donation-books (Yuan Bu*) are sent out to different places in Japan to collect donations from the Chinese. At about the same time (2nd of the 2nd moon), Mr. Lin starts to make figures, Ming-ches, Chos (paper-made houses for the gods and ancestors), gold and silver paper-made hills, direction flags, and other paraphernalia. Major figures are completed a month before the festival starts. Then, a priest is invited to open the eyes (Kai Kuan H or Kai Yen MIR) of the paper-made figures, and the statues of the Kwan-ti temple and the Tao-ch'ang. On the same day, a ‘Raising the Lantern of Heaven' (Chie T'ien Dan) ritual is done to invite all the spirits to the festival. The committee will then start to send invitation letters to the Chinese in Japan.\n\nThe festival lasted 4 nights and 5 days from Aug. 31 to Sept. 4 (from 13th to 17th of the 7th moon), 1982.” According to a public notice, the rituals included: (i) a daily morning and a daily night ritual, (ii) praying for the reincarnation of the dead in the morning and afternoon, (iii) reporting to Heaven in the afternoon, (iv) offering to the hungry ghosts at night, and, (v) a lantern floating ceremony in the afternoon of Sept. 2.10 Table 1 shows, however, that the scheduled time-table was not strictly followed. For example, on the last morning of the festival, three rituals were performed to thank the gods of the Temple, to thank Heaven, and to offer to the ghosts which were supposed to be late or handicapped, instead of the previously advertised \"praying for reincarnation”.\n\nFrom my observation, it appeared that no one attended the 'Morning Lessons' (Morning ritual and prayer for reincarnation), and, except for the rituals for reporting to Heaven, the lantern floating ceremony and the last ‘Great Offering', there was less than ten persons who attended from start to finish. Besides the rituals for reporting to the Heaven, the three rituals held on the last day and the lantern floating ceremony, all other rituals took place at the 'Tao Ch'ang' area.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210283, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 254, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "Date \n\nAug 31 \n\nTime \n\nAnnounced Programme \n\n22:00 \n\nSept. 1 \n\n7:00 \n\nmorning lesson and \n\nKaiko\" WANA \n\nTable 1. Time Table \n\npre-offering 前传施戰鬼 \n\nObserved Programme \n\nInviting the gods \n\nnight ritual \n\npre-offering \n\nmorning ritual 1 \n\nmorning ritual 2 \n\nTime \n\n15:00 \n\n20:00-20:45 \n\n22:00-22:40 \n\n7:00- 7:20 \n\n10:00-10:30 \n\n15:00 \n\nafternoon Kaiko \n\n15:00-15:50 \n\nand Reporting NAJLA \n\nritual and prayer for \n\nreincarnation \n\n15:50-16:10 \n\nReporting \n\n18:00 \n\nnight lesson and \n\n20:00-20:45 \n\nnight ritual \n\nrepentance 晚課拜懺 \n\n20:00-22:00 \n\nmovie \n\n22:00 \n\nthe great offering 大拖能鬼 \n\n10:10-11:00 \n\nthe great offering \n\nSept. 2 \n\n7:00 \n\nmorning lesson and \n\n7:00-7:20 \n\nmorning ritual \n\n[ \n\nkaiko朝課间间 \n\n10:00-10:25 \n\nmorning ritual 2 \n\n15:00 \n\nafternoon kaiko, FEMA \n\n15:00-16:15 \n\nLantern floating \n\nReporting and lÆSLA \n\n16:20-16:40 \n\nReporting \n\nLantern floating \n\n18:00 \n\nnight lesson and \n\n20:00-20.45 \n\nnight ordinance and \n\nrepentance 晚課拜懺 \n\nrepentance \n\n22:00 \n\nthe great offering R \n\n20:00-22:00 \n\n22:10-23:00 \n\nmovie \n\nthe great offering \n\nSept. 3 \n\n7:00 \n\nmorning lesson and \n\n7:00- 7:20 \n\nmorning ritual 1 \n\nkaiko悯課川河 \n\n10:00-10:20 \n\nmorning ritual 2 \n\n15:00 \n\nafternoon kaiko and Reporting \n\n14:30-15:00 \n\nFOR \n\nFRASILA \n\n15:00-15:15 \n\nafternoon reincarnation \n\nReporting \n\n18:00 \n\nnight lesson and \n\n20:00-21:00 \n\nnight repentance \n\nrepentance # \n\n20:00-21:45 \n\n22:00 \n\nthe great offering AAMUE \n\n22:00-23:55 \n\nSept. 4 \n\n0:00- 0:40 \n\n7:00 \n\nLate Kaiko \n\nH \n\n10:50-11:05 \n\n11:10-11:15 \n\nmovie \n\nthe great offering \n\nBurning \n\nThank the Temple Gods \n\nThank Heaven \n\n11:20-11:25 \n\n15:00 \n\n* = in Japanese, means reincarnation through praying \n\nOffering to the late \n\nand handicapped ghosts. Feast. \n\n+ \n\nIL. \n\nthe prayer book for the offerings is 瑜伽燄口科怆 reincarnation it is A LAKE \n\n233 \n\nfor the ritual and \n\nAccording to the priests, the morning and night rituals are their normal daily rituals in the temple ( Wat ), only the 'Offering', the 'Reporting', the 'Lantern Floating', and the three rituals on the last day were performed specially for the Festival. During the night rituals, after reciting charms and presenting in- \n\ncense sticks to the altar of Heaven-and-Earth (T’ien Di T'an AM), all the priests, except one who kept on striking a drum 天地壇 \n\nin the Tao Ch'ang area, walked through the whole festival area. At the same time, the main priest bowed to every object of worship.\" \n\nAfter returning to the Tao Ch'ang area and purifying a small dish", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210285, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 256, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "20\n\n235\n\nhand-gestures implying that he was going to replace the ghosts who were suffering in Hell.\" After that, he threw six Man Taus as if he was offering millions of bread to the hungry ghosts who had been released from Hell. All three representative worshippers of the committee, each holding a small incense stick, attended each night offering ritual. During the last ‘Offering', the Tao Ch'ang area was crowded with worshippers who were mainly family members and relatives of the 'Newly Dead'. Everyone attending the last ‘Offering' held a small incense stick. According to the informants, the ‘Last Offering', different from the other offerings, was especially for the ancestors of the worshippers.\" After the ritual, all the paper-made figures, Chos, and Ming-ches were burnt with paper-made gold and silver hills, bundles of paper money, and fire crackers. As each Ming-che was burning, the family members and the relatives of the 'Newly Dead' bowed down to send it off. For most of the worshippers, the festival had now ended, and only the committee members attended the rituals held on the last morning.\n\nOn the last day, there was a ritual to (i) thank the temple god, Kwan-ti, (ii) thank Heaven, and (iii) give offerings to those handicapped ghosts who were supposed to have come late. For the first time in the whole festival, meat was presented at this ritual.” The festival ended with the priests' departure after the rituals. The Association held a feast in the afternoon of the last day to celebrate the successful completion of the festival.\n\nIII. Composition of the Participants\n\nFour categories of the participants should be specially mentioned. They are: (a) the priests, (b) the common worshippers, (c) the families of the \"Newly Dead,” and (d) the committee members and workers.\n\nA team of nine priests, including eight monks and one nun, were employed from the Huang Po (## Obakku in Japanese) Buddhist sect from the Wan Fu temple (万 Manfukuji in Japanese) in Uji (宇治), Kyoto.23 Although (as at least two informants told me) in the past the priests in this temple were mainly Chinese, they are now all Japanese. They used to have\n\n4:2", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210290, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 261, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "240\n\nCHOI CHI CHEUNG\n\nburnt and vegetarian food was offered by many worshippers there.\n\nAt the entrance of the Tao Ch'ang, 4 notices stated: \"The water and land cross-over is at this Tao Ch'ang ()\" separating the Tao Ch'ang area from the other areas. Within the area, there were 39 worshipping objects. There were three distinct areas to the Tao Ch'ang: i) On one side of the entrance, there were the territorial gods of the human world, and, on the other side of the entrance, there was a god who holds the key to the door between earth and hell (two of his runners were with him). ii) In the main hall, there were tablets of different spirits who were supposed to come from the ten courts of the underworld, and tablets of the Taoist Saints. Two Generals were put in the centre of the hall to watch over the spirits. iii) At the back of the area, was the altar (or Hoza in Japanese) where the priests practised their rituals under the images of the 3 Buddhas and the Goddess of Mercy. Compared with the typical Buddhist arrangement for rituals for appeasing the dead, the Tao Ch'ang area of the Kobe Chinese 'Yue Lan' was more inclusive and closer to Chinese folk tradition, though the priests were all Buddhists.\n\n32\n\nThere were 7 types of objects worshipped (Table in the Appendix):\n\ni) Those represented by incense bowls and offerings only.\n\nii) Paper-made figures.\n\niii) Paper-made lanterns.\n\niv) Porcelain statues.\n\nv) Paper-made houses.\n\nvi) Paper-made tablets.\n\nvii) Paintings.\n\nNot all worshippers knew the names and roles of all the objects worshipped. During the festival, worshippers presented incense sticks to all the objects of worship in the festival area. However, besides the Ming-che and the \"Ancestral Hall\", the two runners attracted the most attention from the worshippers. Worshippers bribed them with bundles of paper money. One Cantonese lady of about 75 years old explained that by doing so, it was hoped that the runners \"would take care of our ancestors whose spirits are com-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210292, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 263, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "242\n\nCHOI CHI CHEUNG\n\nnese News (MA###); reports about the Ghost Festival in Kobe no longer emphasised the role of the Hokkienese. Thus, the secondary identification (identity of being a Chinese and/or of being a resident in Kobe) instead of the primary identification (identity of blood relation and/or of origins) became the central idea of the Festival. Thus the Festival is more inclusive now.\" The Festival, though including all elements of the secular world as well as the sacred world, stressed only ancestor-worship because only ancestor worship supercedes the boundaries of all social groupings and categories, eases the tension of group competition among the Chinese, and connects all social groupings and categories into one worshipping group which is based primarily on the relationship of the worshippers with Kobe, and secondarily on their territorial identity as Chinese.\n\nNOTES:\n\nThe original meaning of 'Yue Lan' is \"hanging upside down” (of the hungry ghost in Hell). However, during the festival, participants used terms like: Obon (Mah, Japanese term for the festival), Chung Yuan (†, middle of the year, which is a term mainly used by the taoists for the same event), and/or Kuai Chie (m, ghost festival). Some Cantonese even called it a Chiao (M) (simply meaning a festival dedicated to the Gods). Moreover, the documents used during the festival spoke of it as 'Pu Tu' (#), meaning general offering and place where spirits can cross over to this world, e.g. the papers that hung over the entrance of the Tao Ch'ang (entrance A) wrote \"The water and earth Pu Tu is held in this Tao Ch'ang' (*), at the entrance B, it was written 'the Great Occasion of Pu Tu' (E), the invitation card wrote \"the great meeting of Pu Tu' (#★#), and the same term was also used in the P'ang.\n\n1 See Kobe Kakyou Ho (#), no. 71, 1976.3.10. In 1974, there were 46944 Chinese in Japan. 8585 of them lived in Hyogo Prefecture of which 7071 were concentrated in Kobe city. The distribution of the origins of the Chinese in Hyogo Prefecture was as follow: Taiwan (41%), Cantonese (21%), Hokkien (11%), Kiangsu (11%), Shantong (5%), Chekiang (4%), others (7%).\n\nSee plan at the Appendix to this paper, and Plate 15.\n\nPlate 16.\n\n3 Plates 17, 18, 19.\n\n6\n\nSometimes informants called the paper-made houses \"Cho' () without distinguishing between the house for the 'Newly Dead', and that for the gods. Here, Ming-che is used for the house of the \"Newly Dead', and Cho for that of the gods.\n\n7 Plate 20.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210293, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 264, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "243\n\nThe content of the invitation card is: \"The overseas Chinese in Japan will hold a 3-days-4-nights Pu Tu, for the sake of establishing luck by offering and helping all the imprisoned spirits of the water and the earth. The meeting will take place at the Kwan T'i Temple in Kobe city. Please come to the \"Tan\" (altar) to present incense sticks during the 14th, 15th, and 16th of the 7th moon. (1st, 2nd and 3rd of September 1982).” The card was red in colour.\n\n9\n\nThe 13th day and the 17th day of the 7th moon were not mentioned in the invitation card.\n\n10 The Lantern Floating ritual in Japanese is \"To Ro Nagashi', which means to float lanterns(s) (to the sea). During the Japanese Obon, lanterns are sent off on the last day of the festival. Through this, the ghosts and the ancestors are all sent back. During the Kobe festival, the ritual, according to the committee members, was to send off the \"wandering ghosts or those who are not worshipped by anyone (= Mu Zhi Kuai)\". However it seems confusing because after the floating ritual, they continued to give offering to the hungry ghosts as well as to the ancestors for two more nights, and the tablets of the wandering spirits were still inside the Tao Ch'ang. A similar ritual practised in Hong Kong during the Chiao festival is called 'Fong Shui Dang' (t, sending off the water lanterns), which is parallel with the 'Fong Luk Dang\" (PW10, put on the street lights) ritual. The rituals are to invite all the water and earth spirits to attend the offering during the Pu Tu or 'Sai Tai Yau* (*9A, to worship the numerous spirits) of the Chiao festival). The prayer book the Obaku Buddhists used for their morning and night rituals is \"Obaku Zenlin Choobo Kashoo\" (R). The priests called this daily work \"Zenlin Kashoo\" (M).\n\nSee below.\n\n12\n\nPlate 21.\n\n13\n\nPlates 22, 23.\n\n14 The \"Pang' was a book-form name-list in yellow. It had 8 pages with an introduction explaining the reason for holding a Pu Tu. (The introduction is printed in the Appendix).\n\n15 See the introduction to the Pang printed in the Appendix.\n\n16 The beach is at the western end of the Prefecture.\n\n17 Plate 24.\n\n18\n\nSee footnote 10.\n\n19\n\n20\n\nPlate 25.\n\nThe book used for the ritual was \"Yoga Enkoo Kahan\" (1⁄2μÅμ) which is similar to that used in Hong Kong during the 'Sai Tai Yau' ritual. According to an old taoist in Hong Kong, Mr. Lam Pui ( ), the gesture is called \"Poh Yuk” (Z, to break Hell), and through this the ghosts are released and able to come for reincarnation and cross over.\n\n21 Plates 26, 27, 28.\n\n22\n\nNo meat was allowed in the festival area. However, meat was presented at the Ming-che VII. One informant explained that it was because the dead like meat, and one committee member sighed and told me that \"We have no way, because they are from the other Provinces (of China) (##A)\".\n\n20 The sect started from Monk Yin Yuan (C) of Fu-ch'in (Mili), Hokkien. He was invited by the General of the Tokugawa Bankufu (UK) in 1654, In the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210294, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 265, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "244\n\nCHOI CHI CHEUNG\n\nSpring of 1662 the General gave him land in Uji to build the Temple. See “Fu Chin Hsien Chih Shu Lieh” (B) vol. 12, p. 14 (no date).\n\n24 See a copy of the contract for a house in the underworld in the Appendix to this article.\n\n25\n\n26\n\nKulp, D.H., Country Life in South China, pp. 145-148. The Figure-maker of the Kyoto Chinese Ghost Festival is, however, a Japanese.\n\n27 Several Japanese worked in the Kitchen, and two took care of the incense inside the Tao Ch'ang and other odd jobs like carrying things to burn etc.\n\n28 See the document printed in the Appendix from the introduction to the Pang.\n\n29\n\n30\n\nPlate 29. For the tablet in the \"Ancestral Hall\" see the drawing in the Appendix to this article. For the Ming-che see Plate 30.\n\n31 Plate 31.\n\n32\n\n33\n\nAs shown, for instance in DK-NR. Plate 32.\n\n34 See letter printed in the Appendix.\n\n35 Personal interview, Oct. 13, 1982.\n\n36 According to Li, in 1878, 357 Chinese lived in Kobe, 223 of them from Kwangtong and Kwangsi (Liang Kwang); 84 from Kiangsu, Chekiang, and Anhuai (Sankiang); and 50 from Hokkien. See Li Ta-shen, Shen-hu Ta-ban di Hau-chiao, May 15, 1943 (in the collection of the History Museum of the Kobe Chinese). Refer also to So Shi-sai, Fuku Sei no Pooru Unn, p. 12 ff. (unpublished thesis).\n\n37 Kobe Chinese News, Sept. 10, 1977. Kansai Chinese News, Aug. 25, 1978; Sept. 25, 1979; Sept. 1, 1981; Oct. 1, 1982. Until 1978, it was reported that the worshippers were mainly Hokkienese. But, from 1979 it was changed to \"Chinese worshippers from various places of Japan”.\n\n38\n\nOn the one hand, the festival adopted elements that belong to the Japanese, such as: the interpretation of the ritual of Lantern Floating, the Japanese being the mediators, and Japanese was the medium for interdialect group communication. On the other hand, if compared with the Ghost Festival in Uji, Kyoto, the latter is a purely Hokkienese festival. The organizers were Hokkienese, and so were the worshippers. Moreover, the Hokkienese themselves, not the Japanese priests performed the Reporting ritual at the Kyoto festival; there, Hokkienese, not Japanese, was the language for communication. Because of the primary identification or origins, the festival in Kyoto serves more social functions that do not appear in the Kobe festival, e.g. entan (to talk and arrange for marriage). The Ghost Festival in Kyoto is thus one of the 3 main yearly gatherings of the Hokkienese in Japan.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210309, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 280, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "26. The Great Offering Ritual (in the Ming-che area)\n\n27. The Great Offering Ritual (in the Tao-ch'ang area, 1)\n\nE\n\n259", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210310, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 281, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "گاه در ایران \n\n28. The Great Offering Ritual (in the Tao-ch'ang area, 2) \n\n* \n\n4 \n\nE \n\n260 \n\nCHOI CHI CHEUNG", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210332, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 303, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "282\n\nCHEUNG AH-LUM, A BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE\n\nCHOI CHI-CHEUNG\n\nOn February 2, 1857, Cheung Ah-lum, proprietor of the Esing Bakery, was charged with administering poison in bread with intent to murder on January 15 that year. The charge, defended by Dr. Bridge, who was Acting Colonial Secretary, was found unproven. However, Ah-lum was \"re-arrested as a suspicious character and detained in gaol until July 31, 1857\". He was released \"on condition of his not resorting to the Colony for five years\".\n\nThis Cheung Ah-lum was a member of the Cheung lineage of Heung Shan County (Hsiang Shan) (= now Chungshan). The Clan Record of this lineage was published in 1934, and contains a lengthy biography written by an old colleague, Chen Chao-ch'ang, in 1904, four years after Ah-lum's death. Since this biography gives a very different view of Ah-lum to that more frequently found, it is felt that a translation of this biography might be of interest, and it is, therefore, given below.\n\n“An Account of Ancestor Wu-sheng of the Chang (Cheung) Clan, granted the Honour of a High Official Title”\n\n\"His death name was Pei-lin, his style was Han-hung, and his assumed name was Wu-sheng. He was a native of Ya-kang of Heung Shan. His great-grandfather was Chiao-chin, his grandfather was Huan-pi, and his father was Wei-kang. He had two younger brothers, the first was Yu-hung, and the second was Tsan-hung. He was the eldest of the three sons of his father. From his youth, he was eager to excel. He could read the books his father gave him, and he had an excellent memory. However, because of poverty, he had to give up studying and followed Yung-yin, a man of the same surname whom he called uncle, to do business in Macao at the age of 13. From there, he learnt the ways of doing business with the foreigners. Knowing that Hong Kong was a newly opened port and that there were chances to develop business there, he decided to go to work in Hong Kong when he was 18. He became chief comprador of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210333, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 304, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "283\n\n11\n\nMurrow, Stephenson & Co. (AAR1-MIMO). He seized every chance to gain advantage and became rich. He was respected by the Chinese as well as by the foreigners. Later, he established the Heng Ch'ang (97) fuel company (R) by himself. At his suggestion, three steamers, the Russell (M), the Shamrock (A), and the Merry (4), began running between Hong Kong and Macao. Then he opened a Yü-sheng (4) Store (19) and a Yu-cheng (M = Esing) Bakery. The businesses expanded daily. Yu-cheng was a Bakery using western methods to produce the finest quality goods. Its products supplied all the water and land (residents) of Hong Kong.\n\nBecause he had too many workers, he had no time to check minute details. One day, through carelessness, a worker dropped some odd things (*) into the flour. When the westerners bought and ate the bread, they all felt sick and fainted. At that time, because the French and British had attacked Canton in 1856, the Chinese Government was preparing to declare war on the French and the British. Thus, the British suspected that he was commanded by the Chinese Government to poison the British, and prepared to prosecute him. However, because of his truth and honesty, he was soon released.\n\nBecause of this unhappy incident, he went back to Macao and opened a Hang-tai (48) store to sell western goods. He lived as if nothing had happened. Four years after, in 1860, when the French captured the six prefectures of Vietnam, a French lieutenant came to Macao and met him. The lieutenant made a contract with him for building several dozen junks (##). In 1862, when the construction was completed, he went personally to deliver the junks to the French in Vietnam.\n\nBecause of his loyalty and honesty, the French Governor (iti) requested him to do business in Vietnam. Thus, he stayed in Vietnam and travelled around the country. He saw that the country was rather poor, and that the houses were all made of mat and grass. He then bought machines and established four brick-kilns, (Yuan-heng (V), Li-cheng (i), Chien-mei (#), and Kun-mei (1)), and employed workers to make bricks and tiles for building houses.\n\nThe country soon became prosperous and populated, and merchants started to congregate in the country. There were 200 Hainan Chinese who sailed directly to Vietnam at that time. Because they did not know the French law, they were arrested and accused as pirates. Before they were all sent to be shot, he personally exerted himself in their", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210334, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 305, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "284\n\nCHOI CHI CHEUNG\n\n14\n\n13\n\ndefence. Thus, the 200 Hainanese were saved. He stayed in Vietnam for more than 40 years. He had a very good relationship with the French. He started many new businesses and expanded the old ones. Chinese and foreigners owed him more than a hundred million, but he just left and didn't ask (them to pay back). Within the 40 years, he helped and encouraged many people from his native place and his lineage, and he protected many Chinese in Vietnam. The French law was strict and the ignorant could be accused easily. However, they were released whenever he spoke out for them. Thus, all the Chinese in Vietnam felt very grateful to him and depended on him in many things. Moreover, he contributed a lot to the petitions presented to exempt the Associations(f) and the free cemeteries() from tax. These actions were all praised and well known.\n\nIn 1879, he was appointed by the China Merchants Steam Navigation Co.() to import rice into China (from Vietnam).1 Many famous diplomats, such as: Chung-hou( ), Kuo Sung-tao(#), Tseng Chi-tse(##), Shao yu-lien( ), Wang Chih-chun( 2), Hsieh Fu-cheng(# ), Lung Tien-yang(U), Huang Tsun-hsien(F) etc., wanted to know him, and relied on him as their host (when they passed through Vietnam).2 However, he was never arrogant, and he always treated them with great hospitality and respect.\n\nOn his 70th birthday, in 1888, his sons and grandsons celebrated it for him in Vietnam. Many officials and merchants came to the banquet. The French Government Offices(2), companies, schools, and mints(*) all raised flags to celebrate, and a holiday was given as if they were having their national celebration. At that time, the French Governor( t) awarded him a First Honoured Star(MSA) with a written citation.\" This excited the whole country, and everyone thought that it was a most honorific reward. However, he took it all casually.\n\nHe was filial and had a fraternal personality. The way he took care of his parents when living and at the time of their death was all according to the traditional ways. He lived with his brothers with fraternal love. He treated his nephews as if they were his sons. He liked to study, and even the old scholars could not equal what he wrote. Thus, his sons were well brought up, and succeeded in the official examinations.\" For himself, he, according to the Ch'ing regulations, donated money and got the title of Hua-ling-tao( = official ...)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210335, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 306, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "285\n\nwho can wear a colourful ribbon), and for his father and grandfather he applied for 2nd grade titles to be conferred on them.\" His filial piety was difficult to surpass. He died in Vietnam at the age of 73. When his sons and grandsons carried the coffin back to his native village, thousands of Chinese and foreigners, officials and commoners, accompanied it until they reached the ship. There were people crying for him, drawing pictures of him, and writing essays about him. Cities far away, such as Singapore, also had his life-story written in the newspapers with the headline ‘Death of a Philanthropic Gentry' (*). He was really a great man. I am his old colleague, thus, I know all about his personality and activities. Here I cannot give the details, but can only give a general account of him.\n\n“Written in 1904 by Chen chao-ch'ang (陈兆昌), a Tsun Sz (遵司), appointed by Imperial Command an official of the Han Lin Academy, and humbly offered while the writer was in charge of the Shan Hai Kuan area (山海关).\n\nNOTES\n\nEitel, E.J., Europe in China: History of Hong Kong, 1895. p. 311 ff. Ah-lum's wife and children were poisoned, and Eitel clearly had doubts as to his involvement in the crime. The defence of Ah-lum was conducted in a lynch law atmosphere and his arrest and deportation, even though he had been found innocent had, according to Eitel \"reduced (him) from affluence to beggary.”\n\n2 Hsiang-shan T'ieh-ch'eng Chang Shih Tsu-pu (AKA) (Clan Record of the Chang clan of Heung Shan and Fat Shan) (1934). Chi-ching Pu (2) section, Hang Chuang (孝庄) sub-section, pp. 8-9a.\n\n1 According to the Clan record, ancestor Chung-te (忠德) immigrated to Shih-t’ou village (石頭村), eight miles to the southwest of T'ieh-ch'eng (铁城) Fatshan (Foshan) during the latter part of the Southern Sung dynasty. The lineage then segmented into 3 sub-lineages in the 7th generation. The 1st remained in the original settlement, the 2nd moved to Nan-Ping (南屏), and the 3rd to Long-Mei (龙美) in Hsiang-shan (Heung Shan) county. 3 generations later, in the 10th generation, 3 descendants of the 1st sub-lineage emigrated to Ping-Lan (坪兰), Ya-Kang (雅岗) and Wai-chieh-yung (外借涌) in Heung Shan, respectively. Ancestor Ch'un-chen (纯真) of the 10th generation was the first to move to Ya-kang, but the family was not regarded as native to Ya-kang until ancestor Miu-hsien (妙贤) of the 14th generation registered and started a new segment of the lineage (开户立户). Thus, an Ancestral Hall was built in the middle of the Chia Ching (嘉靖) period in memory of him. Ah-lum was of the 18th generation of the Cheung lineage, and the 9th of the Ya-kang segment. He was born in 1828, and died in 1900.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210336, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 307, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "286\n\nCHOI CHI CHEUNG\n\nThe Cheung lineage was not prosperous until the Tao Kuang (*) period. Ancestor Yao-chih (2) of the 2nd sub-lineage became a successful merchant, and through his generous donation, an Ancestral Hall for the whole lineage was built. The Ancestral Hall of the Ya-kang segment was built in the middle of the Chia Ching period by the effort of ancestor I-pi ( ), brother of Ah-lum's grandfather (see clan record, Tz'u yu pu (3) section, Tz'u T'ang Chi (2) sub-section pp. 1-4). Though the lineage had several National School students (B), no one succeeded in the official examinations until the end of the Ch'ing dynasty when they had three chüren (A). Two of them were Ah-lum's sons. Ah-lum's father was also a National School Student who earned his living by teaching in the villages nearby (see the biography of Ah-lum's father in the Clan record, Chi-ching pu (it) section, Hang Chuang ((HA) sub-section p. 5).\n\nThis man is not otherwise mentioned in the Clan record.\n\nAccording to Ah-lum's statement as given in court, \"he first came to the colony at only 18 years of age. He was first employed by Mr. Bigham, who went to California; after that by Mr. Franklyn; then by Murrow, Stephenson & Co.; then by Mr. De Silver, for whom he made biscuits, as well as did other business see: British Parliamentary Papers, China, no. 24: Hong Kong, P. 183. (= BPP 24:183).\n\nThe Russell was owned by Russell & Co., and the Shamrock by Mr. Xavier, c.f. BPP 24:170 and 173.\n\nSee BPP 24:164–184. The bakery had three machines making bread to supply most of the foreigners in Hong Kong.\n\nSee BPP 24:155-184, and Eitel op.cit. p. 311-313.\n\n10 The Arrow War. The anti-foreigner movement was supported by Yeh Ming-shen (), the Imperial Commissioner for Kwangtung, in Canton. See Wakeman, F. Jr. Strangers at the Gate. 1966, pp. 109ff. Also Eitel op.cit. p. 305.\n\n11 Eitel: op.cit. p. 312-313.\n\n12 According to Chen Kuan-ying (###), Ah-lum was chief of the China Merchants Steam Navigation Co. (TERA) in Vietnam. He owned a shop Hung Tai Ch'ang() in Saigon, and his son Ti-fu (#) was chief manager (*) of the Cambodia Opium Co. (12). Chen Kuan-ying (E), Nan-yu Jih-chi (12), (Diary of a Journey to the South), reprinted 1967, Taiwan, p. 19ff, 81-89. According to the Clan Record Tsa Chi-pu() section, Pa-yu (if) sub-section, p. 1, Ah-lum had businesses in Saigon, Haiphong, Comuponton, and in Nha Trang in Kwangnam (ÂM NHIỀU).\n\n13 According to the clan record, we know that one of Ah-lum's sons was buried in the free cemetery of Haiphong (), and another was buried in the free cemetery of the Canton City Association in Vung Tau, Vietnam (#).\n\n14 In 1884, when Chen passed through Vietnam, Ah-lum was chief manager (*) of the China Merchants Steam Navigation Co. in Vietnam. See Chen: p. 19.\n\n15 Chen: ibid.\n\n16 Clan record, Chi-ching pu (###) section, Ch'i-shou (##) sub-section, pp. 1-4; has two essays presented on this occasion by the gentry of Heung Shan, and by the merchants of the Canton City Association in Vung Tau, Saigon (F#城會館).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210337, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 308, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "287\n\n17 The name of the Governor is given as Li (†), and the name of the award is transliterated in the next as Bai-Li-hsi-tien-te (X) which may represent \nthe Légion d'honneur).\n\n1 Ah-lum had 7 wives, 4 of them being considered concubines, 3 daughters and 10 sons, including 3 who died early, 1 given away to his 1st younger brother, and 1 adopted from another line of the clan. 2 of his sons became chüren, 2 more of them were National School Students. 1 had a military title. The one adopted out was also a National School Student. At least 3 of his sons died and were buried in Vietnam. Of his 2 brothers 1 died at the age of 21; he had a military title. He had 1 son who died early, thus Ah-lum gave one of his sons to him. Ah-lum's other brother was a I-wu-sheng (county military student). This brother held a military title; he had 5 sons and 4 of them were National School Students. See the clan record, 19 See the biography of Ah-lum's father Wei-kang in Clan record Chi-ching pu (A) section, Hang-chuang sub-section, p. 5.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210355, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 326, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "305\n\nTHE SOLDIERS AT THE TUNG CHUNG FORT ON LANTAU ISLAND IN LATE CH’ING TIMES\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nIn the 1968 Journal (Vol. VIII, pp. 165-167) I gave an account of the naval and military garrison at the Tung Chung Fort, taken from an old lady born at Tung Ching in 1877 and married into another village in the area. A few years later I found, and was able to speak several times with, another old lady from the Tung Chung valley. She was born at Ngau Au village in 1879 and like the other had married into Sheung Ling Pei (at age 22 sui). She had this to say about the fort and its garrison, and her account both corroborates and adds to the earlier account. I have run the text of our conversations together, and they amount to the following:\n\n\"The fort was there to protect us villagers. They were successful in this. When I was young there were no robbers and pirates, though I heard that there had been many before I was born. There were lots of soldiers, about 70 to 80, under an officer called a sau fu (少府). The soldiers wore robes. Their superiors were better dressed and had horses to ride. These officers had some contact with the elders of the villages of Tung Chung area, but did not speak with the younger men or the women. The soldiers' supplies were brought in. There was no need for us to give or sell foodstuffs to them, and the soldiers didn't have to do any cultivation themselves. They were all Kwangtung men and spoke in Punti. Some were even local villagers. The soldiers had many flags, over ten of them at least. The men of the garrison went to worship at our Hau Wong Temple on the 1st and 15th of each month, and joined in the opera show that was held yearly at the temple on the 15th day of the eighth lunar month. There were wind and steam driven military vessels in the anchorage, and I remember that some were blown onto the adjoining San Tau beaches in a typhoon.\"\n\nThis old lady also had interesting things to say about the temple inside the walls of the fort. It was, she said, a Sham Shing Miu (神聖廟) but only worshipped by the officers and troops of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210380, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 351, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "330\n\nShayuchung: just as it took the Northern pundits half a century to recognize that the Cantonese (ex-Yao) word \"I\" was to be rendered \"zhun\" and not \"ch'uan\", so they will not yet be told that in Cantonese usage \"東\" and \"北\" are not, as they are in North China, the same word, but different words of which the latter is pronounced like \"dung4)\". Likewise, to write Blacksmiths' Street (p. 80) \"Ta T'ich Chich\" is, pardon me, sheer barbarism, and a mixture of two systems like \"Po Kat in ... Paoan\" (p. 40, for either \"Po Kat in Po On\" or, if we must have this wretched Northern jargon, \"Buji in Baoan\") is ridiculous.\n\nAnd if there be any who will take up the challenge for Sha Tau Kok, & c., they cannot do better than emulate Dr. Hayes's Chapter 2 (Peng Chau) and Chapter 4 (Tai Tam Tuk — even though he does mistranslate the second word of the name). Both chapters are models of how this kind of study should be written up. And the same applies to nearly every part of the book. I wish I had written it!\n\nThe quotation with which I opened is, by the way, in one local variety of Naam T'au dialect, and means\n\nOne shagoo (small humped cattle) is worth 20 piculs of unhusked rice;\n\nOne water buffalo is worth a house,\n\nSuch mnemonic jingles used to be common in the rural areas. Can anybody be found to collect them, while they are still remembered? I read recently that the Hakka \"shan-ko\" had been rediscovered in N.E. Kwangtung. Is anybody collecting them? And how about itinerant story-tellers? All right, all right, I was only asking. There is so much to be done.\n\nK.M.A. BARNETT\n\ni", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210384, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 355, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "334\n\nwhich were divided into cultivation rights, surface rights, and sub-soil rights. Knapp's article on Taoyuan is followed by Cho-yun Hsu's description of settlement in the Yilan (I-lan) plain where such tenancy practices were not found. Hsu's main argument is that it was \"entrepreneurial leadership that guided pioneering activities and affected subsequent development\" (pp. 85-86) on the Yilan plain in contrast to \"foreign initiatives, military colonization, and patent-derived efforts” common in other areas of Taiwan.\n\nWen-hsiung Hsu's second essay concentrates on discovering the role voluntary organizations played in instigating social disorder during the Qing (Ch'ing) period in Taiwan (1683–1895). The author divides the Han-Chinese settlers of Taiwan into three large groups: Zhangzhou (Chang-Chou) people, Quanzhou (Ch'uan-chou) people, and the Hakka. Uprisings usually only received support from the group to which the leader belonged whereas the other two groups would oppose the uprising out of hatred of the third group rather than out of love for the Qing. Hsu concludes that the voluntary organizations, often based on the above-mentioned groupings, increased the frequency and raised the scale of social disorder prior to the mid-nineteenth century but their proliferation after that date facilitated social integration (p. 105). Why the three groups began to cooperate with each other at that time is not explained which leaves the topic somewhat unfinished.\n\nThe final chapter in Part One is a brief discussion by Chiao-min Hsieh of names given to places in Taiwan by the island's various ruling groups.\n\nPart Two, \"Urbanization and Economic Integration,\" begins with a chapter written by Tao-chang Chiang on the walled cities and towns in Taiwan. The discussion deals both with the form of individual walled towns and their distribution throughout the island. Chiang briefly describes how the walls often limited urban growth and how they affected the street patterns when growth beyond the walls did occur since main roads all began at the gates. The Japanese removed many of the walls and in their place built broad encircling boulevards.\n\nNext Donald R. DeGlopper traces the development and decline of the port of Lugang (Lu-kang) on Taiwan's west coast and the trading \"systems\" or hinterlands", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210416, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 23, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "BARTHOLOMEW P.M. TSUI\n\nfire. At first, thirty to forty came to seek cures, but after five months as many as fourteen thousand came each day and the Patriarch cured most of them. Among the more noted cases of cure was that of Li Tsung-yao (), brother of Li Tsung-jen (), the Vice-President of the Republic. Li Tsung-yao had an incurable disease. His intestines were exposed. Lo cured him completely, to the surprise of the then famous German physician called Otto, who pronounced the event as inexplicable.12\n\nThe message of this new god did not stop with curing. He demanded the establishment of an institution with a body of beliefs and a group of disciples. This he revealed on the eighth day of the first month (January 31, 1936). This god, who could not really be named, was provisionally called the Supreme Deityx), and the name of the new belief was called Tan Tse Tao () or the Revealed Truth.13 The Patriarch soon made a number of disciples who were endowed with healing powers equally with himself. Of these the most successful was Ms Liu Han-lien (劉漢廉女士). In 1936, that is, almost immediately after her initiation, she worked in Hui-chou () and Lung-kang Market() and cured over ten thousand sick people. In 1937, two other disciples, Li Han-kun () and Han-lun (), went to Hsin-hui (#) and cured over a thousand people there. Han-lin (***) and Han-ts'ai (#) worked in Wu-chou (梧州) and Han ch'üan (漢全) in Ts'ung-hua(從化).14\n\nThe Patriarch's work in Canton lasted only a few years. Eight months before Japanese soldiers marched into Canton, he was instructed by the Supreme Deity to come to Hong Kong and to establish his religion there. At first, with the help of Mr. Wong Yiu-tung, J.P. (), Lo set up his office at Tung-lu (). Shortly afterwards, he found a plot of land in Ping Shan in the New Territories and built his worshipping hall there where he continued the work of curing and converting disciples. He died in 1981 and his religion is actively carried on by his disciples.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210427, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "15\n\n11 At the time of my research in 1985, Tam was still alive in Canton. He has not altered his Protestant faith.\n\n12 From my interview with Alfred Lo.\n\n13 Lo translated it as the \"Tao of Apocalypse.\" He probably was not aware that the word 'apocalypse' had connotations which were not in keeping with his teaching.\n\n14 By now it is obvious that the first generation of disciples all changed their middle names to Han (). This is significant in that a name-change signifies a new identity, that is, the disciples were conscious that they belonged to a new sect.\n\n15 **. This worshipping hall must have been built before the fall of Hong Kong to the Japanese, for Alfred Lo recalled the pillage of the hall by neighbouring villages during the period of lawlessness.\n\nPage 1\n\n16 XANT · KM. There are certain esoteric elements in Lo's teaching, especially those which pertain to specific methods of sitting in meditation and the method of curing and of chasing of demons. These specific instructions cannot be divulged to the uninitiated. However, the abstract formulation of his teaching is open to the public.\n\n17 至大至達顧聖紀念館講詞,\n\n18 See his essay \"Does God exist? { »h_27[® )\".\n\n19 神也否無形而有徵者也\n\n20 有,形,名,性,欲,尬,恩怨,注,數情,\n\n21 This text appears as the centre-piece on one of the altars of this sect.\n\n22 This is as much as Lo is prepared to say about the creative function as the Supreme Deity.\n\n23 See photo on the inside of back cover of the AM (Plate I).\n\n24「歿後可以復歸干种」至大至尊顯聖紀念館講詞。「復貼於神,復節於無極」神之有無講詞。\n\n25 AZGI, ch. 8.\n\n26 Ibid., ch. 3.\n\n27 神之有無。\n\n28 Thus, human destiny in Tan Tse Tao is envisioned quite differently from monistic Indian religious thought.\n\n29「養身之道先修達德伤去监性」太太真jch. 17.\n\n30 Aliki chỉ 28.\n\n31 Ibid., ch. 8.\n\n32 Ibid., ch. 7.\n\n33 神之有無\n\n34 £ì, ch. 31. Also in f¡¡ ch. 18.\n\nPage 1", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210428, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 35, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "16\n\n35 太玄漫言 ch. 13.\n\n36 Ibid.\n\n•\n\nBARTHOLOMEW P.M. TSUI\n\n37 宗師,道長,法師,鍊師,謰道,高級弟子,初級弟子。\n\n38 However, in actual practice, almost anybody with a good character can come forward to the altar to venerate the Deity.\n\n39 It has been explained to me that the talisman is not at all essential, but is occasionally used to help the patient into thinking that a certain action is being performed on him.\n\n40 An attempt has been made by a healer in Hong Kong to heal a patient half way round the world in U.S. It is not clear to me whether the attempt was successful or not.\n\n41 These are the most commonly used objects in the worship of gods of the popular religion.\n\n42 The Supreme Deity is known to have revealed himself in the guise of a Taoist gentleman to Patriarch Lo and numerous disciples.\n\n43 See, for example, his \"Historical Notes on the Origins and Development of the Taoist Religion up to the Han Period” in Taoism and Chinese Religion, tr. Frank A. Kierman, Jr., Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1981, pp. 413-430.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210466, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 73, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "54\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nwould engage a Taoist priest to come down to his junk and perform a ceremony known as Changing the Gods (woon shan). This, which involved spilling the blood of a domestic fowl, was believed to provide cleansing from pollution and open the way for good fortune.\n\nThe annual ritual cycle began with the New Year and proceeded almost immediately to the public festival for the 'birthday' of the local tutelary deity, Hung Shing Kung, on the 13th day of the 2nd lunar month. These two occasions were the ritual highlights of the year. Quickly in their wake came Ch'ing Ming, fixed by the Chinese solar calendar at a date corresponding with April 6th and falling therefore usually in the third lunar month. This was one of the two special occasions for the commemoration of a family's departed members. The third month saw also the festival to T'in Hau, the so-called Queen of Heaven, protectress of all seamen, celebrated biennially with Chinese opera at the neighbouring village of Lung Shuen Wan and annually in a large number of other places in the Colony.\n\nIn the fourth month there was a festival at the temple of T'am Kung in Shaukiwan to which a few Kau Sai people sometimes went to watch the plays, and on the fifth day of the fifth month the Dragon Boat festival. Kau Sai had once had a Dragon Boat of its own which, I was told, on one memorable occasion even came in first in the 'regatta' held in those days at Aberdeen and attended by H.E. the Governor. But that was back in the 'twenties. Later, Kau Sai people merely looked on at the Dragon Boat races held elsewhere, or sometimes 'fielded' a scratch 'team' for the fun of the thing at Sai Kung. All boat families also made offerings at the temple on the Double Fifth which was also widely used as a kind of dividing mark in the calendar: hired crew, for example, were usually engaged or laid off at New Year and the Dragon Boat festival.\n\nIn the sixth lunar month was held the festival for Koon Yam, 'Goddess of Mercy', observed in all her many temples but attended particularly by Kau Sai residents at the village of Pak Sha Wan, near Sai Kung. (The fact that this village was also the site of that Kau Sai New Village to which the landsmen were", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210467, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 74, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "55 \n\nremoved in 1952 was coincidental). The 14th day of the 7th month was the day for remembering all those who at death had received no proper burial. Any seafaring community would be likely to know of many such, and like most Hong Kong Boat People, Kau Sai's fishermen marked the month of the 'Hungry Ghosts' with ceremonies of exorcism, both privately on the junks and publicly in the temple. The day of the Moon Festival (the 15th day of the 8th month) was the next occasion for making family offerings in the temple, and on the Double Ninth came the second of the annual dates for visiting the family graves.\n\nOn the 10th day of the 10th month a public offering of pork (and/or fish) was made to Shui Shing Ye, whose image stood next to that of Hung Shing Kung in the temple, and after that came the celebration of the winter solstice (fixed, of course, by the solar calendar, like Ch'ing Ming, but falling usually in the eleventh month). Finally, on the 15th day of the 12th month a pig was slaughtered and offered in the temple on behalf of the community as a whole in public thanksgiving for the successful completion of another year before the preparations for the New Year ceremonies once again got under way.\n\nOnly four of these ritual occasions were publicly observed in the sense that the offerings made and ceremonies performed were provided at joint expense and on behalf of the village as a whole. The rest were private, that is family celebrations, taking place on or about the same dates but quite independently. The four public occasions were the festivals of two gods of the local temple, Hung Shing Kung (13th of 2nd month) and Shui Shing Ye (10th of 10th month), the exorcism of the Hungry Ghosts (14th of 7th month) and the general thanksgiving at the end of the year (15th of 12th month). By far the most spectacular of these was the festival for Hung Shing Kung, for which a group of priests was always engaged to carry out the religious ceremonies and an opera troupe performed plays on five consecutive nights and four days. The organisation of this festival, which involved the collection and disbursement of well over 10,000 Hong Kong dollars each year, was much the most important single joint activity in Kau Sai.\n\ni", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210481, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 88, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "69\n\nmaintenance given to it. Smaller junks, like those in Kau Sai, may have a life of 15-25 years. Large deep-sea craft may last twice as long.\n\nThe three main types of junk operating out of Kau Sai between 1950 and 1970 were purse-seiners, small long-liners and hand-liners. The fish trappers' boats were indistinguishable from the last, except for their specialised gear. There was also a fourth type, used exclusively as a carrier and owned by land-dwellers. Known as p'a tsai or p'a t'eng tsai (lit. small paddle boat): it had a single mast and no deck covers. It did not normally serve as a dwelling place.\n\nPurse-seiners\n\nPurse-seiners are chunky little boats, measuring between about 25' and 35' in overall length and about 11' in the beam. Both larger and smaller examples may be found.37\n\nOn the purse-seiners fresh water is always stored forward, right up in the bows under a raised rectangular hatch cover. Here, too, worship is offered daily, and on all special ritual occasions, to the Spirit of the Prow. Holds for brine, and salt fish come next. They are separated from the (larger) fresh fish holds by the net holds. All this fore part of the junk is open decked. Aft of the mast is a large hold, running most of the breadth of the boat, traditionally used for gear, lamps, rope, spare sail-cloth etc. but now-a-days occupied by the engine and known as the “engine room” (ch'eah fong). Further aft the holds are all given over to gear, clothing and personal possessions. Cooking is always done on two or three chatties on the port side of the raised poop, the starboard side being used for a privy. The poop projects some three to four feet over the water, and a hole in the boards here, or a gap between two, allows for complete cleanliness. Surrounding wooden walls about 2½ feet high afford also a fair degree of privacy. Privy and “galley” can both be covered over with wooden lids which provide convenient extra seating, and from which the steering is usually done. The helmsman can quite easily control both the long handled tiller and either sails or long gear lever at the same time, often using his toes for the latter.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210496, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 103, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "84 \n\nBARBARA E. WARD \n\nwent out fishing, nearly all took in out-work for city-based manufacturies, making plastic flowers or hand-bags or stringing beads for cheap costume jewellery. At the same time, with the new methods purse-seining was tending to become more and more a man's job: of course it was still better to use family women than engage hired men, but family women were not quite so much needed for fishing as they had been when the older methods were in use. However, a crew of 6 to 8 able-bodied men could hardly be provided by the ordinary nuclear family, especially as education was now valued enough to keep 10- or even 12- and 14-year-olds at school. So inshore purse-seining remained essentially an extended rather than a nuclear family business, and where even the extended family unit was quite small women were still likely to be called upon to take an active part. \n\nGenerally speaking, the family situation on small long-liners and others was straightforward: as we have seen, the group comprised either a nuclear or a stem family. In the latter case, it was almost always the eldest son who continued to live on board his father's boat with his wife and young children, his younger brothers remaining there only while they were still too young to find paid employment elsewhere. A younger son on a small liner could get a job as a hired hand on a purse-seiner or other type of fishing boat, either locally or in one of the larger fishing centres, at the age of about 16. It was usually more profitable for a small liner family to put its younger sons out to work than to continue to feed them at home where their contribution to the fishing operations would be at best superfluous. This topic is discussed at fuller length in the section on hired labour below. \n\nPurse-seine arrangements were usually more complicated, especially in the days when purse-seiners worked in pairs. Most commonly the pair was run as a joint venture by members of an undivided, agnatically extended family. Thus for many years after 1939-40 when his old father Shek Ch'uen Foon (who died in 1956 aged 87) retired, Shek Kwai Hoi and his son Shek Cheung Hei ran a pair of purse-seiners together until in 1960 Kwai Hoi in his turn retired also and decided to move ashore, whereupon his second son, Cheung Woh, took his place. A little", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210509, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "97\n\nauthority of his father while the latter is still alive. In the second type a younger son, or other junior male, apparently usurps the position of an elder brother or other senior. (A third type, in which a woman takes the mastership did not occur in Kau Sai).\n\n59\n\nThe story of one retirement, an unusually early one, on a small liner has just been told. As a purse-seiner example I will take the history of the Shek family already discussed from another point of view in the preceding section of this chapter. Both Shek Kwai Hoi and after him his son Shek Cheung Hei supplanted their fathers many years before the latters' deaths. In each case the fathers grew old, and fairly gradually at first but without rancour handed over their roles as managers to their vigorous eldest sons. When I arrived in Kau Sai in 1950 the process of handing over from Kwai Hoi to Cheung Hei was still going on. Grandfather Ch'uen Foon, still living with his wife on the boat on which his grandson Cheung Hei was master, took no part in management, or, though he was of course not left out of the general discussions, in practical decision making. Kwai Hoi, master of the second junk of the pair, still played an important part in directing fishing operations, but all matters connected with marketing and finance were dealt with by Cheung Hei. In 1952 after much discussion it was decided that a new, mechanised boat should be commissioned. This was to be the family's first venture into mechanisation, the second in Kau Sai and only the third or fourth among the several thousand purse-seiners of the whole of Hong Kong. Cheung Hei's adopted son, Shan Loi, the only one yet old enough and sufficiently educated, was sent off to study for the new coxswains' and engineers' certificates. During the protracted arguments and negotiations about these matters, Kwai Hoi, not in any case a forceful personality, began to take more and more of a back seat, while Cheung Hei, already in charge of the financial side of the business came increasingly to the fore. The new boat, its building supervised by him, its engine bargained for by him and installed with him in constant and fascinated attendance, was licensed in his name. When, to the accompaniment of volley after volley of firecrackers, he steered it triumphantly back to Kau Sai, dressed overall, there was no possibility of doubting who was in command of his Shek family's fortunes. At 61 Kwai Hoi slipped apparently ungrudgingly...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210510, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "98\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\ningly and quite quickly into almost as complete a retirement as his own eighty-year-old father. For the next six or seven years he continued to live on board the second junk of the pair and take part in fishing operations, but everybody now called Cheung Hei si lau even though his father and grandfather were both still alive. He was 34.\n\nLo Shing Chui took over command of his family's pair of purse-seiners at an even earlier age. His father, Lo Kwai Fat, amiable but not very intelligent and, like Ma Tai Tak who retired when his son was barely 20, unhappy in contacts with the outside world, was only too pleased to withdraw as soon as possible. His younger brother Kwai Ch'ing, still in his thirties, still lived and worked in the same firm, undivided, and it might have been expected that (as in another Kau Sai pair at the same period) he would take over the mastership. So indeed he might, had he not been of such subnormal intelligence that he was obviously incapable. In cases of real incapacity, I was told, mere seniority is always overridden.\n\nrather less regular\n\nOne final case will illustrate another situation. In 1953 the two brothers Shek Hung Toh and Shek Hei Toh (they denied any relationship with the other Shek family just described) were running a pair of purse-seiners together. The elder, Hung Toh, aged 35, was si tau of the firm; the younger, Hei Toh, 29, master of the second junk. Their father had recently died, and their mother, aged 51, lived on Hei Toh's boat. Also living with them, on Hung Toh's boat, was their deceased father's elder brother, Shek Lin Hei, aged 63. This man had no managerial status. He was, like Lo Kwai Ch'ing above, simply another member of the crew, but unlike Kwai Ch'ing he was in no way incapacitated except, a little, by his age. On enquiry, I was told that Lin Hei and his now deceased brother had formally divided their family some ten or so years before, during the Japanese occupation (when poverty forced a number of divisions that might not otherwise have taken place). Unlike his brother, who had prospered, Lin Hei had suffered a run of very bad luck culminating in an accident in which his wife and all his children were drowned. After this, his brother had invited him to come and live on his boat, although, the family being divided there", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210524, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 131, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "112\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nested shrug: “Oh, he's just one of the fokis”. The surnames of those not related to local or locally known people were usually not known. Rationalised, the above believed-in characteristics were explained as the inevitable concomitants of having no stake in the family's business. Fokis took no risks and had no responsibilities, it would therefore be unrealistic to expect them to act responsibly. Above all, they were an expense. If only one had enough sons one need not employ outsiders. Fuk Hei's almost daily mutterings about his lazy fokis were balanced by his frank delight in the birth of his grandsons and unconcealed impatience with the very existence of his granddaughters. In this he was only more extreme and more outspoken than his neighbours. There was no disagreement. Sadly, he did not live to see the foki-less Kau Sai of the late 'sixties.\n\nFundamentally, these views reflected sound common sense economically and domestically. As we shall see in Chapter 8 purse-seine families with enough able-bodied members not to have to employ fokis did in fact make a better profit, and even in Kau Sai there was at least one example of a fisherman having to go out of business altogether because he could not meet his expenses. If only he had had enough sons, he said, this would not have happened. At the domestic level there were other hazards. The only scandal in Kau Sai for many years occurred during the last months of my stay in 1953. The hitherto barren wife of the harmless but sub-normal and allegedly impotent brother of [name withheld] was found to be pregnant. After fifteen years of marriage this was odd, to say the least. Imagination boggles at the practical difficulties in such small, crowded boats but the guilty parties confessed to having committed adultery in the presence of the unsuspecting husband. Perhaps fortunately, the [surname withheld] family have not needed to employ another foki since then.\n\n \n The official census of China in 1953 did not enumerate the Boat People as a separate group.\n \n \n 2 Ref: to Chan's and Ho En's books et al.\n \n \n [Ch'en Hsü-ching, Tan-min ti yen-chiu (Shanghai, 1946), and, probably, Ho Ke-en, \"The Tanka or boat people in South China,\" F.S. Drake, ed. Proceedings of the Symposium on Historical, Archaeological and Linguistic Studies on Southern China, South-east Asia and the Hong Kong Region (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1967), pp. 120-123.]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210525, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 132, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "113\n\n3 This is the Cantonese pronunciation of the characters which in literal translation mean \"egg families\".\n\n4 Ref: my articles in A.S.A. Volume and in Man. [\"Varieties of the conscious model, the fishermen of South China,\" in M. Banton, ed. The Relevance of Models for Social Anthropology (London, Tavistock, 1965), pp. 113-37, and \"Sociological self-awareness; some uses of the conscious models,” Man (1966) vol. 1, pp. 200-15.]\n\n* Professor Chan Tze-king states that the Boat People speak whatever dialect is dominant in the area in which they live, and that some of them (notably around Kwangtung) therefore speak non-Cantonese dialects [Ch'en Hsü-ching, op. cit., pp.30-1.]. To the best of my knowledge all so-called Tanka in Hong Kong speak Cantonese.\n\n\"[The 1961 census reported a 'marine population' of 136,802 persons.]\n\n7 This is a translation of the local term (suen cheung), the official title was Village Representative.\n\n& Substituted by nylon in late 'fifties.\n\n9 The Chinese expression used was either a fisherman's name or a pronoun, followed by the possessive particle.\n\n10 Chinese is suen.\n\n11 Note about equipment from New Zealand C.A.R.E. etc.\n\n12 Note on land tenure situation: these were officially \"temporary structures\" and therefore limited in size.\n\n13 Eating sweet potatoes, except by children as a kind of sweetmeat, is regarded as a sure sign of poverty and much derided.\n\n14 Except at weekends. His wife refused to live at Kau Sai and he quite often failed to return until Tuesday or even later in the week. The present day teachers also go back to the Mainland at the weekends and during school holidays, but are punctilious about keeping school hours.\n\n15 Officially called Kau Sai New Village.\n\n16 Or rather his wife; but that was not stated, nor were his wages taken into account.\n\n17 The roles of these different organs of administration are discussed fully below. [Discussion not found in manuscript.]\n\n18 [Not included in manuscript.]\n\n19 It does not follow that because for practical purposes movements on land and water were equally simple no intellectual distinctions were made. The point is discussed at length in the final chapter below. [This final chapter is not found in the manuscript.]\n\n20 Note on dynamite.\n\n21 The effect of mechanisation in breaking down specialisation seems to have been quite general among inshore fishermen. It is discussed further in Chapter V [section 5 below].", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210529, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 136, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "117\n\nexpectations, non-Chinese women also menstruated they were usually eager to enquire about different practical techniques. My notebooks and diaries indicate that this was the topic raised much the most frequently by the fisherwomen I talked with, particularly on a first meeting. Questions about child bearing and rearing, and about kinship relationships in general were some way behind. Sex relations as such were never mentioned. It may be relevant to point out that on my first and longest stay in Kau Sai I was known to be unmarried, but I do not recall that there were differences on subsequent occasions after my marriage and the birth of my children.\n\n65 Other aspects of this topic are discussed in the chapters on family relationships, and ritual below. [Not included in manuscript.]\n\n66 Unless stated otherwise ages are given according to the traditional Chinese methods of reckoning which were in exclusive use in Kau Sai. In that system a new born baby is said to have one year of life. After birth an additional year-of-life (sui) is added at each Chinese New Year. Ages reckoned in this way are thus always one or two years in advance of western reckoning. A child aged ten by Chinese reckoning would be 8 or 9 by Western reckoning, a man of 60 would be 58 or 59, and so on.\n\n67 See preceding note on age reckoning.\n\n68 Interestingly enough, the number of girls staying on at school to the age of 15 or 16 has remained high. This may be connected with the move ashore, which probably allows young people of both sexes from the purse-seiners more free time. A few girls from other fishing centres (but none from Kau Sai) have successfully passed the examinations for Coxswains' & Engineers' Certificates.\n\nGlossary of Chinese characters\n\nboon-loi **\n\nboon waan taipus\n\n100\n\nالمباراة\n\nالبرار\n\nboon wan ge jan APBA ch'eah fong chow shan foki kit fung shui\n\nK\n\ngaay siew yan IMA\n\nghaah cheung (chia chang) K gok tsai 181\n\nho gan-iu\n\nf\n\nHung Shing Kung\n\nkam shing teng kau tu\n\nKau Sai\n\n4\n\nku tsai\n\nlaau\n\nA\n\nTHE\n\n唔乾淨\n\n喺度\n\nMST\n\nWAT\n\nm gon ching\n\nmm gung doe\n\nmm gung ping\n\nnaau 1561\n\np'a l'eng isai PABETE\n\np'a tsai\n\n扒你", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210540, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 147, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "128\n\n'JOHN KARL EVANS\n\ndescends to the underworld, where a series of terrible punishments depicted on the scrolls that Taoist priests bring to funerals awaits the person adjudged guilty of such serious crimes as murder, theft, and unfilial behavior; a second takes up permanent residence in the ancestral tablet, and a third at the grave.35 In her recent field work in the Taiwanese village of Ch'i-nan, Emily Ahern discovered much the same thing, which reminds us that, at least in Taiwan and the New Territories, the ancient beliefs persist even in the face of rapid industrialization and contact with the outside world.\"\n\nUnlike the Romans, the Chinese rarely deify the spirits of their deceased; nevertheless, the latter demand and receive the same attention as their Roman counterparts. The details of the funerary ceremony vary, of course, from one locality to the next, but what occurs in Ch'i-nan may be taken as representative, particularly with regard to the vision of the afterlife that supports the entire ritual. Here, as elsewhere, the living initially intercede for the dead on the evening of the funeral itself, at an elaborate Taoist ceremony called the kung-te. In the course of this ritual, the earth god t'u-ti-kung is bribed to assist the deceased across the treacherous bridge leading to the underworld, and the drama closes with the burning of a great pile of mock paper money, which the soul needs to purchase food and protection. Seven days later, a prolonged transition period begins with the first in a series of seven offerings, spaced at weekly intervals. These consist in part of food, but also include paper replicas of an imposing array of luxuries and necessities, ranging from a house, car, and servants to televisions, an electric rice pot, and lawn furniture. Somewhere during these 49 days, at the moment which a professional geomancer deems most propitious, the new spirit is formally installed in this otherworldly domain. The transition period comes to a formal conclusion when the paper house and the other amenities are finally consigned to the flames and thereby transferred to the underworld.38\n\nThe sole purpose of this elaborate ceremonial is to ensure the comfort and well-being of the deceased, and it is obvious that this takes a purely materialistic form. It naturally follows, therefore, that additional offerings of paper money and food will", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210541, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 148, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "129\n\nbe required on a regular basis, and that the soul will suffer impoverishment and starvation if these are not forthcoming.\" In theory, at least, both the decedent's immediate descendants and the generations still to come will acknowledge a continuing obligation in this regard, and faithfully see to his needs; in reality, of course, the living are not always so mindful of their duties. We have already noted that anyone in Roman society who failed to perform the necessary sacrifices to the dead might feel their wrath, and that even today such is also the case among the LoDagaa and Nāyars. Are Chinese spirits similarly capable of defending their interests?\n\n40\n\nHere we enter an area of deep but insightful disagreement. In his book Under the Ancestors' Shadow, which is based upon field studies in a Yunnan community that he calls \"West Town\", F.L.K. Hsu claims that \"to living descendants their own ancestral spirits are always benevolent, never malicious\" (p. 210). The data that Hsu has marshalled in support of this position are impressive, and there is a consensus among scholars today that in Chinese society at large one normally expects the ancestors to be protective and supportive of their own lineage members. At the same time, however, scholars also generally concede that the ancestors are thought to punish their kinsmen if legitimately provoked. Arthur Wolf speaks for this majority when he remarks that \"neglect of worship is the most common reason given for misfortunes attributed to the agency of the ancestors.\"\n\n41 The fifteen case-histories that Wolf collected in the Taiwanese town of San-hsia, however, hardly warrant so bland a verdict. In one instance, a family is sentenced to perpetual poverty; in a second, a son is driven to banditry; and there are three examples of vindictive ancestors held directly responsible for deaths in the family. These reactions at times border on the capricious, and this is precisely how Emily Ahern characterizes ancestral behaviour in Ch'i-nan. She relates the story of an elderly man, who for years had been in terrible pain because of a bad back. The affliction was attributed to a particular ancestor, and numerous attempts to palliate his anger had all failed. Ahern's informant told her that the \"ancestor just has a bad heart. That's why the man has that trouble with his back. The ancestor is causing it out of meanness.\" Thus, there is ample evidence to suggest that in\n\n*+43", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210543, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 150, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "131 \n\n* \n\nof the underworld are thrown open, and the spirits of the dead are free to wander at will. Everyone is obligated to propitiate their own ancestors at this time, but especial care is taken to appease the hungry ghosts, the kinless and neglected who are most likely to seek vengeance against the living. In Taiwan, the ancestral offerings are set up inside the house, those to the ghosts outside. The latter can be elaborate: throughout the island, it is customary to offer a meal of fully prepared food, and sometimes beer and cigarettes in addition.* \n\nThe Roman lemuria occurs somewhat earlier in the year. The ninth, eleventh, and thirteenth of May were regarded as among the unluckiest days on the Roman calendar, for this was the season when their wandering spirits, equally tormented by neglect, were thought to be most active. It was on these dates that the sacred threshold of the Roman home was thought most susceptible to violation, and it was with the aim of warding off the ghosts that the Romans practised the obscure and ancient rites of the lemuria. These are described in great detail by the poet Ovid in his Fasti (5.419-444): the worshipper arose at midnight, made a magical sign with his thumb to protect himself from any ghosts that might be present, and washed his hands in pure spring water. He then took nine black beans and, with face averted, cast them aside, chanting each time the words “these I cast; with these beans I redeem me and mine.\" The ghosts followed behind, gathering up and consuming the beans, and after they had been pacified in this manner, they were urged to depart the house by a loud clash of bronze and a second incantation, again repeated nine times: \"spirits of our fore-fathers, go forth.\" \n\nThe principal festival of Chinese ancestral worship per se is the Ch'ing Ming, now celebrated each year on the fifth of April. It has been richly detailed by F.L.K. Hsu, who accompanied a West Town family to a graveyard in 1942. The tombs housing the remains of the parents of the head of the family were first decked with flowers, then offered wine and a variety of cooked dishes; thereafter, each member of the family offered incense and more wine, and mock paper money was burnt while they kowtowed before the graves. When the ritual was concluded, the \n\n: \n\n||| \n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210544, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 151, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "132\n\nJOHN KARL EVANS\n\nwhole family sat down to enjoy what Hsu describes as a sumptuous meal.\"\n\n50\n\nThe Roman counterpart of the Ch'ing Ming is the parentalia. This was a public event occupying a full nine days of the Roman calendar, the thirteenth through the twenty-first of February. As the name itself suggests, it was devoted to the propitiation of one's parents in particular, but Ovid's circumstantial description of the celebration in the Fasti (2.533-570), makes it clear that it extended to the ascendants in general. During this period, when the spirits were again believed to roam freely, the temples were closed, the magistrates laid aside the insignia of their offices, and it was forbidden to marry. On the last day, which was styled the feralia, the entire populace went out to lay offerings before the graves and to banquet with their dead. These meals could be fully as elaborate as the one in which Hsu participated at West Town, but equally, they could be as simple as those which Ahern reports in Ch'i-nan. She remarks that \"foods presented at the graves, though potentially edible, are not soaked, seasoned, or cooked; most of them are dry and unpalatable.\"' At the feralia, Ovid says (Fasti 2.537-539) that \"a tile wreathed with votive garlands, a sprinkling of corn, a few grains of salt, bread soaked in pure wine, and loose violets - these are offerings enough.”\n\n52\n\n——\n\nDespite certain procedural differences, the similarity in intent of the two ghost festivals on the one hand, and the Ch'ing Ming and the parentalia on the other, should be readily apparent. These are not by any means, however, the only ritual occasions on which the living attend to the dead in either community. Grave offerings, for example, are regularly to be observed during the Ch'ung Yang festival in the autumn, while generous offerings are normally set before the ancestral tablets on the death-day anniversaries of those ancestors who are personally remembered by at least one member of the family. Birthdays and death-days were usually commemorated by the Romans with sacrifices at the tomb, which were visited yet again at the rosalia and the violaria, the festivals of roses and violets respectively. These took place not on a fixed day but at any time during May or June, the months when these flowers bloom in the Mediterranean basin. This hints at the antiquity of the belief that", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210545, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "133\n\nthe manes derived pleasure from flowers strewn about their graves; whether the tradition of providing them with a meal on these occasions was equally long-standing is unclear, but it was certainly well-established at the outset of the Empire.\n\nInterpretation of the Cult Practices\n\nSince the late nineteenth century, a series of exceptionally competent classicists, notably Attilio de-Marchi, Franz Bömer and Jocelyn Toynbee, have focussed their attention on the cult of the dead in the Roman world. Each has compiled the relevant evidence with painstaking thoroughness, but without attempting to explore similar institutions in other cultures. In the absence of such an analytic framework, however, historians of Greece and Rome have not been able to generate a set of meaningful questions against which to test these accumulated data. The major advantage of the comparative approach employed here is that it locates this mass of information in a broader anthropological setting, where pertinent questions are already to hand. These have been raised by anthropologists with a specific interest in mortuary practices, whose work in contemporary societies, including the Chinese, has grown increasingly sophisticated over the last thirty years.\n\nAt the outset, it must be emphasized that the concerns of the modern anthropologist cannot be blindly grafted onto the ancient material. Because classical scholars will always be restricted by the deficiencies of their evidence, there are several interesting questions that cannot even be attempted. One brief example will elucidate the point. Anthropologists at work in Taiwan and the New Territories have frequently examined the generational depth of the ancestral cult in the villages in which they have conducted their field studies. At what point, they ask, does an ascendant cease to receive offerings as an individual on his death-day anniversary and become instead an undifferentiated member of those distant ancestors who are honoured collectively on other occasions? In a land-poor village, for example, Steven Harrell determined that ancestors \"more than one or two generations removed from the eldest living family members” received combined offerings at the Ch'ung Yang.\" Ahern found", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210546, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 153, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "134\n\nJOHN KARL EVANS\n\nmuch the same thing, despite the fact that her village was land-rich: in Ch'i-nan, observance of the death-day anniversary “is a sign that the deceased has living descendants who personally remember him.\"58 Long ago, Sir Henry Maine likewise concluded that in classical antiquity the great-grandfather was the most remote ascendant to whom offerings would customarily be tendered.59 It is for the Roman historian a tempting hypothesis, and there is a certain amount of evidence that can be submitted in its support. Ovid speaks in general terms of the sacrifices which the grandson offers to his grandfather (Fasti 5.426), while Aeneas, the hero of the Virgilian epic, who celebrates the death-day anniversary of his father Anchises but not that of his grandfather (Aen. 5.49-103), typifies the more specific materials at our disposal. More to the point, as we shall see, the Romans were not at all optimistic in this regard, and devised plans that at times are ingenious in an effort to secure perpetual offerings. Still, we cannot say with any confidence at what moment they expected these to cease in the absence of such careful planning. There must be a reasonable body of data at hand before a generalization such as Maine's is warranted, and in this instance, that threshold has not yet been reached.\n\nThis example notwithstanding, there are questions that can profitably be explored, and we may begin with a deceptively simple item: what is it that obligates any given individual to sacrifice to another? More precisely, is this obligation defined in terms of kinship, the transmission of property, or a combination of both? In the Chinese context, it is universally agreed that an individual who is descended from the lineage ancestors, who has married and produced sons, and transmitted his property to them, must be accorded an honourable place in the ancestral shrine and receive the sacrificial offerings. Many married couples, however, remain childless, or only have daughters, who are destined to venerate the spirits of their husbands' ascendants. What options are available to these unfortunate persons, if they are to avoid becoming kinless hungry ghosts? In Ch'i-nan, Ahern discovered that an only child has an absolute obligation to attend to his or her ancestors, and especially the parents and grandparents. This duty extends to a daughter who has married, a son who has married uxorilocally, and even to a child adopted", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210547, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 154, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "135\n\nout of the family.\" She goes on to contend, however, that in every other conceivable circumstance a village couple without sons must utilize their property to secure sacrificial offerings for themselves. A man with an only daughter, for example, in some regions of China may contract an uxorilocal marriage for her. At the heart of this arrangement is an agreement that one or more of the sons born to this union will continue their maternal grandfather's lineage by assuming both his name and property. In so doing, of course, they also acquire an obligation to see to his needs after death — an obligation that instantly ceases if for some reason the property should be withheld.\" In contrast, a man without natural heirs may adopt one of his collateral kin, or someone completely outside his clan; alternatively, he may effect a transfer of property to a kinsman or stranger without resort to adoption. In either event, the outcome will be the same: “just as property inheritance accompanied by descent entails the obligation to worship, so also may property inheritance in the absence of descent require worship.\"2 Indeed, the link between property and the cult of the dead is so strong in Ch'i-nan that one can acquire responsibility for the spiritual well-being of a deceased person merely by making use of his property, while a father who disinherits one of his sons for any reason thereby absolves him of all responsibility for his maintenance in the afterlife.63\n\nAhern's interpretation of the role of property in uxorilocal marriage has been confirmed by Arthur Wolf in his own field work. One of his informants in San-hsia acknowledged the obligation that the arrangement creates with the matter-of-fact comment that \"you have to worship your mother's father because he gave you his property.'64 The rest of her findings, however, have generated considerable controversy. Steven Harrell has countered with an argument that property does not play even a marginal role in fixing responsibility for the dead in the village that he investigated. Most villagers, he says, readily admit their obligation to care for everyone in their primary line of descent.“ Arthur Wolf has further complicated matters. Working in a village not more than a mile away from Ch'i-nan, his research has induced him partially to agree with both of his colleagues, thereby generating a third point of view! He has concluded that “both descent and inheritance create an absolute obligation to the dead.”", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210548, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "136\n\nJOHN KARL EVANS\n\nThere is no particular reason why these competing points of view should be regarded as mutually exclusive, and this should be kept in mind when one turns to the Roman material. Here our best source is undoubtedly Cicero, for he defines how one acquires responsibility for the dead with great precision. Once again, the critical passage is to be found in the essay On the Laws (2.48):\n\nClearly our laws on this subject derive from the authority of the pontiffs, who imposed the performance of the rites on those to whom the property passes so that the memory of his ascendants may not perish on the death of the father of the family. After this single rule was laid down, itself quite adequate for an understanding of the proper procedure, innumerable others have come into existence and filled the books of the jurists. For they attempt to fix with exactness the persons who are obligated to perform the rites. This responsibility is altogether just in the case of the natural heirs, for there is no one who more truly takes the place of the dead. Next comes the person who, either by a death-bed gift or a will, receives as much of the estate as all the natural heirs combined... In the third place, if there is no heir, the man who acquires by possession the ownership of the greater part of the property that was in the possession of the deceased at the moment of his demise is bound by the obligation. In the fourth place, if no one acquires any of the property of the deceased, then the obligation falls upon that one of the creditors who retains most of the estate.\n\nThe cult of the dead in late republican Rome, then, seems to be governed by the same principles that Ahern uncovered in Ch'i-nan: the natural heirs have an obvious duty, but only so long as they receive at least half of their father's property. It is the latter that is the crucial element in both communities; Cicero's remark that a creditor might in the end legally be required to continue the cult of his debtor's ascendants, for example, is strongly reminiscent of Ahern's claim that one could contract an obligation to care for the deceased simply by using his property. The lack of uniformly defined obligations at the village level even on the relatively small island of Taiwan,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210552, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 159, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "140\n\nJOHN KARL EVANS\n\nThe current scholarly debate on the behavior of spirits in Chinese society owes a great deal to this earlier literature. Echoing Goody, Maurice Freedman rests his claim that the ancestors are benevolent until provoked in large part on the argument that the jural emancipation of sons from their fathers' ritual and economic authority is not delayed until their deaths, but occurs more gradually once the sons attain adulthood.3 The conflicting positions of Hsu and Ahern also become more intelligible once set in this context. If the ancestors are unfailingly benevolent in West Town, it may well be because children there are rarely punished, and because a father treats a son who has married and produced children of his own as his equal.4 In Ch'i-nan, malevolent or simply capricious ancestors have been judged responsible for crippling injuries and deaths among their descendants: here, very young children are in fact routinely subjected to severe corporal and psychological punishment. What is more, for the adult male his father's death means both an end to ritual subordination and in most cases a substantial landed inheritance!75 Ch'i-nan seems, therefore, to be a community in which both explanations can be validated, and Ahern does attempt to establish a cause-effect relationship here by building upon the work of Meyer Fortes, another African anthropologist. Among the Tallensi, whose fathers literally own their children, Fortes concludes that ancestors are “a standardized and highly elaborated picture of the parents as they might appear to a young child in real life mystically omnipotent, capricious, vindictive, and yet beneficent and long-suffering; but the emphasis is far more on the persecuting than on the protecting attributes.” Careful questioning of her adult informants led Ahern to the conclusion that in Ch'i-nan as well, ascendants are not conceived to be elderly and infirm, as most were at the moment of death. Instead, they appear to their own fully grown sons and daughters as active adults in their own right, which can only mean that the perspective is that of the child.7\n\n78\n\nThere is little to be said on the subject of child-rearing in classical antiquity, but Roman fathers long exercised much the same rights over their children that Fortes witnessed among the Tallensi, and it may therefore be suggested that delayed jural", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210556, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "144\n\nLattimore (1942)\n\nOgilvie (1969)\n\nRel. & Rit.\n\nToynbee (1971)\n\nWolf (1974)\n\nWolf (1976)\n\nWolf and Huang (1980)\n\nYang (1945)\n\nJOHN KARL EVANS\n\nR. Lattimore, Themes in Greek and Latin Epitaphs (Urbana, Ill., 1942)\n\n= R.M. Ogilvie, The Romans and Their Gods in the Age of Augustus (London, 1969)\n\nA.P. Wolf (ed.), Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society (Stanford, 1974)\n\n=\n\nJ.M.C. Toynbee, Death and Burial in the Roman World (London, 1971)\n\n=\n\nA.P. Wolf, “Gods, Ghosts and Ancestors”, in A.P. Wolf (ed.), Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society (Stanford, 1974), pp. 131-182\n\n=\n\nA.P. Wolf, \"Aspects of Ancestor Worship in Northern Taiwan\", in W.H. Newell (ed.), Ancestors (The Hague and Paris, 1976), pp. 339-364\n\n- A.P. Wolf and Chieh-shan Huang, Marriage and Adoption in China, 1845-1945 (Stanford, 1980)\n\n=\n\nM.C. Yang, A Chinese Village: Taitou, Shantung Province (New York, 1945)\n\nTranslations have been provided by the author for those passages quoted from the Greek and Latin.\n\n2 Cf. CIL 5.1813 (Gemona), where the formula has been shortened to N.F.N.S.N.C; Lattimore (1942), 84 n. 473 plausibly suggests that the second F has been carelessly omitted.\n\n3 The formula appears in slightly modified forms in such disparate communities as Lambaesis in Africa (CIL 8.3463 = ILS 8162), and Lactora in Aquitania (CIL 13.530 = ILS 8163).\n\n4 Epigr. Gr. 595 – IG Rom. 1.313. Cf. Epigr. Gr. 1117 (Bologna), and IG 14.2190 (Rome), where the translation of the Latin formula is still more precise. All of these despairing epitaphs are reminiscent of the teachings of Lucretius, and will remind students of Chinese philosophy of the views on life and death espoused by Wang Ch'ung (A.D. 27 - 97?). He also scoffed at the notion of consciousness after death: \"if we suppose that after death a man becomes a ghost, there would be a ghost on every road, and at every step. Should men appear as ghosts after death, then tens of thousands of ghosts ought to be seen. They would fill the halls, throng the courts, and block the streets and alleys, instead of the one or two which are occasionally met with.\" See A. Forke, Lun-Heng 1. Philosophical Essays of Wang Ch'ung, 2nd ed. rep. (New York, 1962), 193. It therefore follows that sacrifices are useless: \"ghosts and spirits are insensible of joy and anger. People may go on sacrificing to them for ever, or completely disregard and forget them, it makes no difference.\" (Forke 1.524). One Greek inscription, from Astypalaea, requests that food and drink not be brought to the grave, for \"corpses have no need for the things of the living:\" see J. Geffcken, Griechische Epigramma (Heidelberg, 1916), no. 209. Forke discusses the similarities between Wang Ch'ung and Lucretius at length (supra, 1.13-29); readers unfamiliar with Han philosophy will profit from the brief discussion of Wang Ch'ung in M. Loewe, Chinese Ideas of Life and Death: Faith, Myth and Reason in the Han Period (202 B.C. — A.D. 220) (London, 1982), 12-14, 35-36, 68-70, and 89-90.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210557, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 164, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "145\n\n5 For an introduction to the religious life of the empire during the Principate, see J. Ferguson, The Religions of the Roman Empire (London, 1970), together with the criticisms of this work advanced in the review of M.J. Boyd, JRS, 62 (1972), 197-198; or the more synthetic effort of R. MacMullen, Paganism in the Roman Empire (New Haven, 1981).\n\n* For the date of composition, see G. Highet, Juvenal the Satirist (Oxford, 1954), 12-13. Isis was one of the redemptive oriental divinities; standard treatments include L. Vidman, Isis und Sarapis bei den Griechen und Römern (Berlin, 1970); R.E. Witt, Isis in the Graeco-Roman World (London, 1971); and F. Dunand, Le culte d'Isis dans le bassin oriental de la Méditerranée, 3 vols. (Leiden, 1973). As the title itself suggests, S.K. Heyob, The Cult of Isis among Women in the Graeco-Roman World (Leiden, 1975), focuses on the characteristics of Isis that made her attractive to women in the classical world, and on their role in her cult. The last two items are vols. 26 and 51 respectively in a general series edited by M.J. Vermaseren, Etudes préliminaires aux religions orientales dans l'Empire romain (Leiden, 1961-), which contains several more specialized monographs on Isis, and on which I shall have more to say below. Other salvationist deities worthy of note include Mithras and Cybele. The classic study of the Mithraic cult is that of F. Cumont, Les mystères de Mithra, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1902); on Cybele, cf. H. Graillot, Le culte de Cybèle, mère des dieux, à Rome et dans l'empire (Paris, 1912); and M.J. Vermaseren, Attis and Cybele: the Myth and the Cult, trans. A.M.H. Lemmers (London, 1977).\n\n7 The literature on the persecution at Lyons, as on the persecution of Christians in general, is predictably vast. One may profitably begin with S.R. Frend, Martyrdom and Persecution in the Early Church (Oxford, 1965), of which pp. 1-30 are devoted to the events at Lyons.\n\n8 The persecution at Lyons was preceded by a ban on Christians entering private homes, the public baths, or the forum (Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 5.1.5-6) - a useful reminder that people of very different beliefs routinely mingled in public and private. The tensions that could arise between a Christian and his or her pagan spouse were addressed by Paul circa A.D. 56 (1 Cor. 7: 12-16); we can follow them in greater detail in some of the aristocratic households of the fourth century; cf. A. Chastagnol, “Le sénateur Volusien et la conversion d'une famille de l'aristocratie Romaine au bas-empire”, REA, 58 (1956), 241-253; and P.R.L. Brown, \"Aspects of the Christianization of the Roman Aristocracy”, JRS, 51 (1961), 1-11. But Christianity itself was not a monolith; the decision to embrace the ascetic life could generate strong opposition from more orthodox Christian family members, as has been demonstrated by A. Yarbrough, “The Christianization of Rome: the Example of Roman Women\", Ch. Hist., 45 (1976), 149-165.\n\n9 One frequently encounters the argument, for example, that the ecstatic cult of Dionysus was especially attractive to women because it offered an outlet for the pent-up frustration and anger that resulted from their extremely low social status; cf. recently R. Kraemer, \"Ecstasy and Possession: the Attraction of Women to the Cult of Dionysus”, HThR, 72 (1979), 55-80; and E.C. Keuls, The Reign of the Phallus. Sexual Politics in Ancient Athens (New York, 1985), 360 et passim.\n\n10 The extraordinary cultural diversity of the empire is brought out well in the brief survey of F. Millar (ed.), The Roman Empire and Its Neighbours (London, 1967).\n\nHence the resort to notional dates, as in Ogilvie (1969), who admits at the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210558, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 165, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "146\n\nJOHN KARL EVANS\n\noutset that, “since our sources are so limited, I have used evidence from earlier or later periods where it seems reasonable to suppose that the thoughts or ceremonies which they report were also typical of the Augustan age” (p. 1).\n\n12 A survey of the more than 100 titles in the Etudes préliminaires aux religions orientales dans l'Empire romain (see n. 6 above) will convince the reader of this point. I cite L. Zotović, Les cultes orientaux sur le territoire de la Mésie Supérieure (Leiden, 1966); and M. Tacheva-Hitova, Eastern Cults in Moesia Inferior and Thracia (5th Century BC — 4th Century AD) (Leiden, 1983), merely as representative of this tendency.\n\n13 A.D. Nock, Conversion. The Old and the New in Religion from Alexander the Great to Augustine of Hippo (Oxford, 1933). One should also mention in this context the classic work of T.R. Glover, The Conflict of Religions in the Early Roman Empire (London, 1909).\n\n14 de Groot (1892-1910); and The Religion of the Chinese (New York, 1910); M. Granet, The Religion of the Chinese People, trans. M. Freedman (Oxford, 1975); and C.K. Yang, Religion in Chinese Society: a Study of Contemporary Social Functions of Religion and Some of Their Historical Factors (Berkeley, 1961).\n\n15 M. Freedman, “On the Sociological Study of Chinese Religion”, in Rel. & Rit., 20.\n\n16 A.P. Wolf, “Introduction”, in Rel. & Rit., 17.\n\n17 K. Hopkins, Death and Renewal (Cambridge, 1983), xv.\n\n18 For the view that the structure of the imperial bureaucracy has been superimposed upon the Chinese pantheon, cf., inter alia, Wolf, “Introduction”, in Rel. & Rit., 5, 7; Feuchtwang (1974), 124, 127; and Wolf (1974), 138-145, 176-178 et passim.\n\n19 For demonology, witchcraft and shamanism in the Roman Empire, one may begin with R. MacMullen, Enemies of the Roman Order. Treason, Unrest and Alienation in the Empire (Cambridge, Mass., 1966), 95-162; or Ferguson, Religions Rom. Empire, 150-189. The fifth volume of de Groot (1892-1910) is devoted to demonology and sorcery in China. For shamanism, cf. A.J.A. Elliott, Chinese Spirit Medium Cults in Singapore (London, 1955); and J.M. Potter, \"Cantonese Shamanism”, Rel. & Rit., 207-231. The popularization of Ceres: H. Le Bonniec, Le culte de Cérès à Rome (Paris, 1958), especially pp. 342-378; the official and Taoist cults of the gods of walls and moats: G.F. Moore, History of Religions, I (New York, 1948), 62-63.\n\n20 Christianity was by no means the only foreign cult to suffer persecution at the hands of the Roman government; cf. G. La Piana, “Foreign Groups in Rome during the First Centuries of the Empire\", HTR, 20 (1927), 183-403; L.R. Taylor, \"Foreign Groups in Roman Politics of the Late Republic”, in M. Renard and R. Schilling (eds.), Hommages à Joseph Bidez et à Franz Cumont, 2 (Brussels, 1948), 323-330; J.A. North, \"Religious Toleration in Republican Rome\", PCPhS, 25 (1979), 85-103, de Groot, Religion of the Chinese, 190-223, is a colourful description of the history of Buddhist persecution in China; briefer and more balanced, K.S. Ch'en, Buddhism in China. A Historical Survey (Princeton, 1964), 147-151, 184-194, and 226-233.\n\n21 I am indebted to Patrick Hase for reminding me of this important methodological consideration.\n\nT\n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210560, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 167, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "148\n\nJOHN KARL EVANS\n\nSociety (London, 1952), 175.\n\n34 Fustel de Coulanges (1874), 26-27; Cumont (1922), 3; and Toynbee (1971), 35.\n\n35 J. Doolittle, Social Life of the Chinese, 2 (New York, 1865), 401–402.\n\n36 Ahern (1973), 146, 217-244, and 247.\n\n37 Feuchtwang (1974), 107, points out that in the Taiwanese village that he calls Mountainstreet, an odd number of incense sticks are burnt for gods and ghosts, and an even number for the ancestral spirits. Still, deification has been possible; Wang Sung-Hsing, \"Taiwanese Architecture and the Supernatural”, in Rel. & Rit., 190-191, cites the striking example of a Japanese police officer named Seijiro Morikawa, who was formally deified after death in recognition of the services which he had performed for the villagers in his district.\n\n38 For these and additional details, see Ahern (1973), 221-228; and R.L. Janelli and D.Y. Janelli, Ancestor Worship and Korean Society (Stanford, 1982), 178. In the village of Taitou, which Yang (1945) investigated, the coffin of the deceased was usually kept at home for one to three months, although in some wealthy households this transitional period might be prolonged for as much as a year (p. 87). Here, with the exception of mock paper money, which was offered periodically, the many paper articles were transferred to the spirit world at the end of the funeral procession itself (p. 89).\n\n39 Thus Hsiao-tung Fei, Peasant Life in China: a Field Study of Country Life in the Yangtze Valley (London, 1939) 30; Hsu (1967), 76; Jordan (1972), 32-33; Ahern (1973), 149; and Wolf (1974), 177.\n\n40 Hsu expresses the same view in his Clan, Caste and Club (Princeton, 1963), 45-46, but here extends it from West Town to \"every part of China.\n\n41 Wolf (1974), 160; cf. inter alia, R.F. Johnston, Lion and Dragon in Northern China (New York, 1910), 286-287; Fei, Peasant Life, 78; M. Freedman, \"Ancestor Worship: Two Facets of the Chinese Case\", in M. Freedman (ed.), Social Organization, Essays Presented to Raymond Firth (Chicago, 1967), 92-93; and Jordan (1972), 97.\n\n42 Wolf (1974), 164-167.\n\n43 Ahern (1973), 199-201.\n\n44 R.L. and D.Y. Janelli, Ancestor Worship and Korean Society, 192, and 195, argue that a wife is much more likely openly to attribute malevolent behavior to the spirit of one of her parents-in-law than her husband, who will be exceedingly reluctant to condemn the mother or father who nurtured him. They go on logically to suggest that \"the lower the rate of uxorilocal marriage, the sharper the difference between men's and women's reluctance to acknowledge ancestral hostility.\" This may account in part for the profound disagreement between the findings of Hsu and Ahern, for as we shall see below, the rate of uxorilocal marriage in the northern Taipei basin, where Ch'i-nan is situated, has approached 15 per cent, while it was closer to 40 per cent in West Town during the period of Hsu's residence.\n\n45 Cf. Jordan (1972), 32-34; Ahern (1973), 248; and especially Feuchtwang (1974), 117. This was no less true of the p'o in the Han period; see Loewe, Chinese Ideas of Life and Death, 26-27.\n\n46 Hsu (1967), 75-76, and 103.\n\ni", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210561, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "149\n\n47 Cf. Feuchtwang (1974), 117; Wolf (1974), 169-170; and especially C.S. Harrell, \"When a Ghost Becomes a God”, also in Rel. & Rit., 193-194, 198, and 205. Lattimore (1942), 184-202, treats the themes of untimely death and violent death on Greek and Latin gravestones in detail. The spirit of the legendary maiden Verginia, who was killed by her father to prevent her from being dishonoured by the decemvir Appius Claudius, wandered from house to house, and found no rest until all of the parties responsible for her death had been destroyed (Livy 3.58.11)—an excellent example of the motif in a literary setting.\n\n48 Cf. Ahern (1973), 241-242; Feuchtwang (1974), 112-116; and Wolf (1974), 178-179.\n\n49 On the beans, see Festus, v. faba; on the clashing of bronze, de Groot (1892-1910), 5.481-482, 745-746, 781-782, and 6.944-945, who points out that loud noises, including the clashing of brass gongs and cymbals, are a particularly effective means of warding off ghosts. On the lemuria in general, see H.J. Rose, Ancient Roman Religion (London, 1949), 181-182; Ogilvie (1969), 85; and Toynbee (1971), 64.\n\n50 Hsu (1967), 179-183; cf. G. Aijmer, “A Structural Approach to Chinese Ancestor Worship”, Bijdragen Tor De Taal-, Land-En Volkenkunde, 124 (1968), 95; and Ahern (1973), 166-167, and 173-174. Both Jordan (1972), 99-100; and Wolf (1976), 344, indicate that the ancestral tablets also receive offerings during the Ch'ing Ming festival.\n\n51 Ahern (1973), 166-167.\n\n52 On the parentalia, cf. de-Marchi (1896), 1.199-200; Cumont (1922), 54; Bömer (1943), 29-31; Rose, Ancient Roman Religion, 48-49; Ogilvie (1969), 75-76; and Toynbee (1971), 63-64.\n\n53 Cf. H.G.H. Nelson, \"Ancestor Worship and Burial Practices”, in Rel. & Rit, 275-276; and Harrell (1976), 378.\n\n54 Cf. Jordan (1972), 99-100 (who mentions in passing that birthdays are occasionally marked in the same fashion); Ahern (1973), 9, 99, 160, and 166-167; Wolf (1976), 344; and Harrell (1976), 377.\n\n=\n\n55 The evidence is typically epigraphic; cf., inter alia, CIL 5.4489 = ILS 8370 (Brescia), 5.7454 = ILS 8342 (Grazzani), 6.10248 ILS 8366 (Rome), and 10.5849 = ILS 6269 (Ferentinum). For interpretation, cf. de-Marchi (1896), 1.202-203; Cumont (1922), 53; Bömer (1943), 31-32; and Toynbee (1971), 51, 63.\n\n56 Again, the evidence is overwhelmingly epigraphic; in addition to CIL 5.4489, 5.7454, and 6.10248 above, cf. 6.10234 = ILS 7213, 11.132 = ILS 7235 (Ravenna), and 11.1436 = ILS 7258 (Pisa). Lattimore (1942), 135-141, offers the most extensive discussion of the rosalia, but cf. de-Marchi (1896), 1.201-202; Cumont (1922), 53; Bömer (1943), 31-33; and Toynbee (1971), 63, 97-98.\n\n57 Harrell (1976), 378.\n\n58 Ahern (1973), 160. In Pau-an, it is again personal remembrance that determines whether or not an ascendant will be attended individually on his death-day anniversary, or collectively at the Ch'ing Ming festival; see Jordan (1972), 99-101. H.D.R. Baker, A Chinese Lineage Village: Sheng Shui (Stanford, 1968), 62, notes that in this particular New Territories community individuals also receive sacrifices at the grave during the Ch'ing Ming and Ch'ung Yang festivals only so long as they are personally remembered.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210568, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "156 \n\nWEI PEH T'I \n\nadopted, the Americans proceeded to exert their influence in China. It is not my intention here to suggest that Protestant missionaries in China were a part of the American scheme to wrestle for themselves a corner of the Chinese Empire. It remains true, nevertheless, that there was a surge in the number of American missionaries in China at that time, consisting of 8 to 12 percent of the total Protestant missionary force in 1900.12 \n\nAltogether seven letters were found in Mrs. Ryder's attic. Two were written in 1903, one each in 1904 and 1906, and three in 1905. It is unlikely that there were others because there appeared to be no break in the continuity of the content. Despite the small number, Edith Rowe was able to convey a great deal of information about Louise and herself, as well as life of the Chinese populace as observed by a foreign missionary in a small inland Chinese town at the beginning of the twentieth century. In addition, the letters reveal certain attitudes of foreigners in China; some were quite different from the espoused idealism that had brought them to China in the first place. \n\nThe first letter was written at Yangchow where Edith was receiving language training, together with eighteen other recruits. Most of these new missionaries were English, but there was at least one German woman. The stamps on the envelopes were in five and ten cent denominations issued by the Post Office of the Great Ch'ing Empire. Some of the envelopes carried two-cent American stamps, bearing the likeness of George Washington, with cancellation stamps indicating that they were sent from the U.S. post office in Shanghai. It was the practice of the Chinese Post Office at that time to charge recipients additional postage for letters that were considered to be overweight. On one occasion, Edith had refused to pay the postage due on a letter from Louise, and the letter had gone back to Wuhu before it was finally delivered to Edith at Taiho. Apparently, Louise had apologized in her letter for having caused Edith anxiety. Edith replied: \n\nPlease, you misunderstood my letter. I did not pay extra postage on your letter, but they charged me with it so I sent", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210619, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 226, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "207\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nTHE DECLINE OF TIU CHUNG\n\nAS A CHINESE NEW YEAR FLOWER*\n\nTiu Chung (Enkianthus quinqueflorus) is a native plant of southern China and is one of the best known flowering plants in Hong Kong. It is a rigid wild shrub with a blotched stem, attaining a height of about 2 metres. Its shiny deciduous leaves are narrowly elliptical in outline and are crowded at the branch tips. At the end of January and early February, clusters of small waxy pink bell-like flowers appear from the ends of the branches and for this reason it is called “Tiu Chung\", or \"Hanging Bell Flower\". Since its flowering period coincides with the Lunar New Year Festival, it has long been widely used for decorative purposes in living rooms and, to a lesser extent, in business premises.\n\nThe custom of displaying Tiu Chung during the Lunar New Year became well established among the residents of Guangzhou (Canton) early in the Ch'ing Dynasty. The popularity of the plant was due, in addition to its decorative value, to the fact that people could derive favourable symbolic meanings from its flowering and seeding characteristics. The bells at the tips of the branches were interpreted as \"Chong Yuen Ko Chun” (重院高樽), meaning \"Came First in the Imperial Examination”. The great number of bells and seeds was taken to symbolize \"Dor Tze Dor Suen\" (多子多孫), meaning \"having numerous descendants\". These were highly regarded values.\n\nThis custom was adopted in the late 19th Century by the Chinese residents of urban Hong Kong, who were predominantly Cantonese. Since the plant was abundant in several places locally, such as Tai Tam, Castle Peak and Lantau, its branches were cut for sale in the local markets. The Government, alarmed at the widespread destruction of the plant, introduced legislation in 1913 (Section 3 of the Licensing Ordinance) to prohibit its possession and sale. The prohibition was later incorporated in...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210634, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 241, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "Dear Sir,\n\nI have examined the fragment of ch. 494 of the Ta pan-jo po-lo-mi-to ching (Maha-prajna-paramita sutra) which you forwarded to Mr. Gardner on behalf of Mr. Nixon. It is undoubtedly a genuine document from the Tunhuang monastic library. I was extremely fortunate that Mr. Dzo Ching-ch'uan, who has worked on these manuscripts in Paris, came to London the other day, and was kind enough to give a second opinion. He considers that it is either 8th or 9th century, but certainly no later. The top and bottom have been trimmed, but it is impossible to say whether in modern times or not. Some of our documents were trimmed before the 10th century.\n\nThe Tibetan document we consider to be later, from the type of paper, but we are not able to comment on the text. I have taken the roll personally to the India Office Library, and they will write separately.\n\nThe fundamental work on paper, calligraphic style, dating sequences, etc., has yet to be done. Among the Tunhuang documents scattered throughout the world there are several hundred of the same title as the Chinese fragment. This one is average to good, with a greater variation of characters in the column than is usual.\n\nYours Sincerely,\n\nsgd.\n\n(E.D. Grinstead)\n\nAssistant Keeper\n\nThe scroll is described in our catalogue as follows:\n\n大般若經\n\n大般若波羅蜜多經卷第四百九十四第三分善現品 第三之十三三藏法師玄奘奉詔譯\n\n1\n\n44×24公分 卷軸 敦煌殘卷共 26 行行17字\n\nThe text of the scroll is reproduced in Plate 14.\n\nJames Hayes", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210848, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 199, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "182 \n\nCARL SMITH \n\nthe opening of consular offices. A competent staff of translators and interpreters was needed. Qualified people were very scarce. A request was made to Mr. Brown to supply interpreters from his students. \n\nHe was most reluctant to interrupt the boys' education, but official pressure, reinforced by reference to the yearly Government grant the school received, was strong. He agreed to send Tong A-chick and Wong Tin-sau for a limited period. The latter had only been in the school for a few months, but was an advanced transfer pupil from Singapore. They were to serve for six months and then to return. \n\nThe boys proved invaluable. The British Consul, Mr. Balfour, reported to Mr. Brown that he was quite pleased with the reliability and the conduct of the boys. He had found them so useful that he was not willing to send them back after the agreed six months. \n\nWhen A-chick finally returned to Hongkong after serving for a year and a half in Shanghai, he brought a note from the consul giving a favourable account of his conduct and expressing the consul's obligation to the Morrison Education Society for the assistance of its pupils. \n\nA-chick's fellow student remained in Shanghai where he later met a tragic death during the uprising of the Small Sword Society. \n\nReturning to Hongkong in 1845, Tong A-chick resumed his studies. In November 1845, six essays written by members of the senior class of the Morrison Education Society School were published. One of these was entitled “Chinese Government.” \n\nThe essay appears to reflect impressions made upon A-chick in his post as interpreter, pointing out the injustice and corruption of late Ch'ing Dynasty. While critical of the malpractices, the author clearly described its administrative structure and procedure. \n\nThe Morrison Education Society School was closed in the spring of 1849. The students were distributed among other schools. Along with seven of his schoolmates, Tong A-chick con-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210932, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 282, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "265\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nMORE ABOUT THE KOWLOON WALLED CITY\n\nThe Kowloon Walled City, situated to the north of the present Kai Tak Airport, was the most important military base in the Hong Kong region during the later Ch'ing Dynasty. It was built in the 27th year of Tao Kuang (1847) to strengthen the fortification of Kowloon.1\n\nThe first invasion that it faced was not of British troops but of Chinese bandits. On the 26th day of the Seventh Moon in the 4th year of Hsien Feng (1854), bandits under Lo Ah-tim2 took possession of the Walled City. Seven days later, on the 4th day of the leap Seventh Moon of the same year, imperial forces under Cheung Yu-tang recaptured the Walled City. The fighting lasted for only one day, over thirty bandits were killed, and only two soldiers, Liu Tat-bong and Lam Yu-ping*T, died. Since then, the Walled City remained under the rule of the Ch'ing Government.\n\n3\n\nThen in the 24th year of Kuang Hsu (1898), the New Territories was leased to the British. The following terms were stipulated by treaty: \"The Chinese officials stationed there (i.e. the Kowloon City) shall continue to exercise jurisdiction, except so far as may be inconsistent with the military requirements for the defence of Hong Kong. Within the remainder of the newly-leased territory, Great Britain shall have sole jurisdiction. Chinese officials and people shall be allowed as heretofore to use the road from Kowloon to Hsinan. It is further agreed that the existing landing place near Kowloon City shall be reserved for the convenience of Chinese men-of-war, merchant and passenger vessels, which may come and go and lie there at their pleasure; and for the convenience of movement of the officials and people within the city.”\n\nHowever, in the 25th year of Kuang Hsu (1899), when the British encountered strong resistance to the occupation of the New Territories,\" according to Chinese sources, they asked for the help of the Ch'ing Government. Six hundred soldiers were then sent to assist the Brigadier of the Tai Pang Battalion to suppress the upris-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210933, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 283, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "266\n\ning in the New Territories. Unfortunately, the British misunderstood that the soldiers were sent there to assist the uprising.\n\nWith this as an excuse, the British invaded the Walled City on the 8th day of the Fourth Moon (i.e. 19th May) and drove away the Imperial officials and the three hundred soldiers.\n\nThis ended the Ch'ing rule over the Kowloon Walled City.\n\nHong Kong, June 1987\n\nAnthony K. K. SIU\n\nNOTES\n\n2\n\nSee JHKBRAS 20(1980): 139-141.\n\nThey were said to be Hakka stone workers and Triad members.\n\nCheung Yu-tang E, a native of Wai Chau H, was a Fu-cheung #or Brigadier of the Tai Pang Battalion in 1854. He was stationed in the Walled City for thirteen years. Then he retired in the 5th year of Tung Chih (1866) and died four years later in the 9th year of Tung Chih (1870) at the age of 76.\n\nSee Chapter 82 of the Kwangchow Fu Chi, Kuang Hsu edition 廣州府志卷八十二,\n\n5 See the Convention for the Extension of Hong Kong, 1898 (signed at Peking, 9th June, 1898): Treaties between China and Foreign States Vol. 1, P. 539-540. Shang-hai, 1917.\n\n6 See Despatches and other Papers relating to the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong, 1899.\n\nSee the Report of Viceroy Tam Chung-lun and Governor Luk Chuen-lam of the Kwangtung and Kwangsi Provinces to the Imperial Court on the Lease of Kowloon Customs and her territory on the 9th day of the 4th moon in the 25th year of the Kuang Hsu Reign (1899).\n\nSee the Report of Viceroy Tam Chung-lun and Governor Luk Chuen-lam of the Kwangtung and Kwangsi Provinces to the Imperial Court on the British Occupation of the Kowloon City and the French Occupation of Ng Chuen and Shui Kai Prefectures 奧督撫譚鈺麟鹿傳霖泰英人佔據九龍城法人圖佔吳川遂溪兩縣請飭籌 on the 15th day of the 5th moon in the 25th year of Kuang Hsu (1899).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210994, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "31\n\n- fort was built at the head of the beach.' Its strategic, administrative and economic position remained relatively insignificant until the British occupied Hong Kong Island in 1841. In 1843, after the ratification of the Treaty of Nanking, the hsün-chien (Assistant Magistrate) of the Hsin-an county, with administrative responsibilities for 491 villages, was transferred there.2 Also transferred there was the Commodore of Ta-p'eng, the chief military officer of the county, and the garrison was increased to 150.3\n\nIt soon became apparent that these measures were not enough. In 1846, Ch'i-ying, the Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, further memorialized the imperial court pointing out the exposed position of the site, and suggested constructing a “walled-city” (tsai-ch'eng) mounted with cannon. He also proposed building offices and barracks, not only to provide accommodations for the civil and military personnel who had hitherto been billeted in private homes, but also facilities for drilling. Such measures, he felt, would have a “constraining effect” on the barbarian base in Hong Kong, and would greatly strengthen the coastal defence of the area.\n\nThe wall was completed in 1847, and the “Kowloon Walled City\" came into being.\n\nReports on the dimensions of the wall varied. As described by James Stewart Lockhart, who reconnoitred the newly leased territory in 1898, it formed a rough parallelogram measuring 700 ft. by 400 ft., enclosing an area of 6.5 acres. It was built of granite ashlar facing, 15 ft. in width at the top, and averaged 13 ft. in height. There were six watch towers and four gateways, with doors of wood lined with iron sheeting. Officially the main gate was the South Gate over which the four characters “Chiu-lung tsai-ch'eng” (Kowloon Walled City) were engraved, but it seems that the East Gate, which opened onto the market place, saw the most traffic. The parapet had 119 embrasures and an unknown number of cannon were mounted. At a later date, the wall was extended from the northern corners up the hill behind, forming the apex of a triangle at the top. The knoll, known both as White Crane Hill and Twin Phoenix Hill, had a number of romantic legends associated with it.4 With large boulders perched precariously on its slopes,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210996, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 58, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "33\n\nsave it from defilement, they often built incinerators to burn paper with words written on it. In 1859, the Commodore, Chang Yu-tang ski, erected a fine pavilion over an incinerator and old men were hired to gather abandoned paper for burning. On the plaque over the entrance were engraved the characters “Ching-hsi tzu-chih-ch'u”**(A pavilion for revering word-bearing paper) in Chang's calligraphy. Though a military man, Chang had pretensions to being a scholar and calligrapher, and his inscriptions found in the pavilion were reportedly much copied in the region.'\n\n16\n\nUp to 1898 there were no shops of any kind within the City.1 In fact, the word \"ch’eng” is rather arbitrarily translated as \"city\", which to a modern person, immediately conjures up visions of shops and other commercial facilities. This is misleading since traditionally, a Chinese ch'eng was simply an area enclosed for defence, and where officials resided. However, a cluster of shops lined the street Kowloon Street — which stretched for about a quarter of a mile from the East Gate to the water front. This became an increasingly prosperous market town, serving not only the Walled City but more distant areas such as Saikung and Shatin. From a fairly early date, a kaifong (chieh-fang i.e. neighbourhood) association, which organized such public functions as health, safety and good order, had existed.ii By 1880, the Lok Sin Tong (Luo-shan-t'ang; lit. Hall of Willing Charity) was founded. Like many Chinese \"charitable societies”, it exercised great social and economic influence, and its contribution was most strongly manifested in providing free education and free medicine in the area.\n\n18\n\nAs trade grew in the area, a Kwangtung Provincial Customs station was set up in 1871 to prevent smuggling, especially opium from Hong Kong. In 1886, it was replaced by a Chinese Maritime Customs station.iii A pier, the Lung-chin jetty, completed in 1875 after two years of construction, extended some 700 ft. into the sea. As the beach silted up and the jetty became worse for wear, it was repaired in 1892 and extended for another 260 ft. with a subscription of $1,700 raised by more than a hundred shops and individuals,\n\n20", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210997, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "34\n\nAt the head of the pier was the Lung-chin Pavilion which provided shelter for travellers. It was also known as the “Mandarin-Greeting Pavilion” (ying-kuan t’ing), for it was presumably here that officials landing at Kowloon were officially greeted before they proceeded to the Walled City.21\n\nIronically, the first invaders of the Walled City were not British, but Chinese. In 1854, certain anti-Dynastic elements in Hong Kong, taking advantage of the general disturbance caused by the T'ai-p'ing uprising, attacked the Walled City across the harbour and occupied it. According to British officials, they were mainly Hakka stone workers and Triad members. Though the rebels had promised the inhabitants protection if they withdrew their support from the Imperial forces, as soon as they took possession of the City, they ransacked the houses and seized pigs, poultry and dogs for food.\n\nThe Kowloon officials fled to Hong Kong Island. At one point, nine war junks carrying 2,000 Imperial soldiers were ready to confront an equal number of rebel naval forces. The British in fact held the ring by ordering all warships to leave Hong Kong waters and so averted a major naval battle. The Imperial troops finally prevailed.22 However, the hsun-chien's official residence in the Walled City was so damaged by fire that for a while, he was obliged to move to Ch'ih-wei on the Shumchun river.23\n\nChinese officials at Kowloon and British officials in Hong Kong kept in close touch and generally co-operated in maintaining law and order in the vicinity. In 1867 for instance, when conflict broke out between villagers from either side of the border, Governor Macdonnell made a special trip to Kowloon, met the Chinese official on his steamer and agreed to co-operate in keeping peace.24 In 1884, Kowloon officials warned the Hong Kong authorities of a possible rising of the Triad Society.25\n\n24\n\n26\n\nUnder Ordinance 2 of 1850, Chinese fugitives in Hong Kong were handed over to Kowloon officials, but the provision was not reciprocal — China had no obligation to extradite criminals to Hong Kong. Chinese authorities, however, did arrest and convict them. The Namoa case was the most dramatic example. In 1890,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210998, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 60, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "35 \n\npirates carried out a vicious attack on the s.s. Namoa. Some suspects were arrested in Hong Kong and two of them were committed for trial, but they were released for lack of evidence. Those arrested in Kowloon were less fortunate, for they were convicted and beheaded on the beach in front of the City, with British officials invited to witness the execution.\" The Chinese were of course also interested in keeping Chinese waters free of pirates and joint efforts were made to this end.\n\n18 \n\nOfficials at Kowloon performed more than their strictly official duties. Numerous temple inscriptions testify to their active involvement with the community activities of the territory, on both sides of the border.\" The stone tablet over the entrance of the Pei-ti Temple at Wanchai, with the temple's name inscribed in Chang Yu-t'ang's calligraphy is particularly significant.\n\n29 \n\n30 \n\nThe Chinese community in British Hong Kong were obviously very aware of the Chinese official presence across the harbour. Sometimes they looked to it for protection. For instance in 1886 when it was rumoured that 500 children would be required to consecrate the Tytam Water Works, children were sent to Kowloon City for protection, to the extent that hardly any child was to be seen anywhere for two days.\"\n\n31 \n\nThe Chinese in Hong Kong also looked to Kowloon as a source of authority and patronage, and this was most clearly seen in 1896 when the first Chinese Chamber of Commerce opened in Hong Kong. As was customary, rites were performed before the Kuan-ti M, or martial god. The Kowloon Commodore, Ch’en Kun-shan 120!!, officiated, as the dragon flag of Ch’ing China fluttered above,32 as if to establish the Chineseness of the occasion. Not surprisingly this display of loyalty to Chinese officialdom incurred the resentment of the local English press. The Daily Press leader lamented that the Hong Kong Governor had not been invited to officiate instead, and saw this as a move \"to insult the established order of the colony\".\" This, in fact, suggests that to some of the foreign community at least, Kowloon, as a Chinese base, was too close for comfort.\n\nThere were other problems. Gambling, prohibited in Hong\n\nPage 60\n\nPage 61", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211005, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "42\n\nNOTES\n\nAnthony K.K. Siu, \"The Kowloon Walled City”, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, (hereafter, JHKBRAS) vol 20 (1980) 139-140; his Chiu-lung ch'eng shih lun-chi ” (“Studies on the Kowloon Walled City\") (Hong Kong: Hin Chiu Institute, 1987) p. 27. It was called miserable by the Rev. Krone in his “A Notice of the Sanon District” China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Transactions 6 (1859) 71-105, reprinted in the JHKBRAS 7 (1967) 104-137, 132.\n\n2 Chou-pan i-wu shih-mo (The complete account of the management of barbarian affairs) 260 ch'uan (Photographic copy of original compilation, Hong Kong, 1964), ch'uan 70: 18b-19b.\n\nThe hsun-chien originally administered 496 villages in the county; with the cession of Hong Kong Island, 5 were taken out of his hands, and in 1860, another 12 were lost with the cession of the Kowloon Peninsula. Thus by 1898, he was only responsible for 479. See Siu, Chiu-lung ch'eng, pp. 16-20.\n\n3 ibid., p. 28.\n\n4 Chou-pan i-wu shih-mo, ch'uan 76: 3a-4a.\n\n5 J.H.S. Lockhart, [Report on the New Territory], enclosed in Lockhart to Chamberlain, October 8, 1898 in Great Britain. Colonial Office. Original Correspondence (Series 129) (hereafter CO129)/289; p. 74. According to a later account, however, the wall was about 23 English feet high, and the width at the top between approximately 5.8 feet and 11.75 feet. See Chiang-shan ku-jen LA, “Hsiang-kang hsin-chieh feng-t'u ming-sheng ta-kuan\" (A panorama of local customs and famous places in Hong Kong and the New Territories) part 104. These articles appeared in the Hua-chiao jih-pao between 1935-36, and are collected in an album deposited at the University of Hong Kong Library. Based on observations, these articles are an important source of geographical and historical information of places in the territory. However, it seems that Lockhart, who had been commissioned to reconnoitre the newly leased territory, might have gone to greater lengths to obtain accurate measurements.\n\n6 Another detailed observation of the wall and guard houses was made by Walter Schofield in 1928, and his notes are reproduced in JHKBRAS 9 (1969) 154–156.\n\n7 Chiang-shan ku-jen, “feng-t'u”, part 104.\n\n8 Lockhart, p. 75.\n\n9 Lockhart, p. 75.\n\n10 Chiang-shan ku-jen, “feng-t'u”, parts 109-110.\n\n11 See the inscription recorded in David Faure, Bernard Luk and Alice Ng Lun Ngai-ha ed. Hsiang-kang pei-ming hui-pien (Historical inscriptions of Hong Kong) 3 volumes. (Hong Kong: Urban Council, 1986) vol. 1, p. 101,\n\nJames Hayes, The Hong Kong Region 1850-1977 (Hamden, Connecticut, 1977) pp. 167-168. The building was partially demolished in the early 1980s, and a high-rise apartment building was built over it. At the moment (1988), the frame of the entrance with the original couplet is still in place, and an altar, said to be from the school, still stands on the ground floor.\n\n12 Hsun-huan jih-pao June 13, 1883.\n\n13 Hayes, p. 168; Chiang-shan ku-jen, \"feng-t'u”, part 107.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211006, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "14\n\nIbid., part 106.\n\n15\n\nIbid., part 105.\n\n43\n\n16 Lockhart, p. 77; Hayes, p. 164.\n\n17\n\n13\n\nFor the Kowloon Street and its kaifong, see ibid., pp. 171-173.\n\n18 See ibid., pp. 168-171; also Chiu-lung Luo-shan-t’ang pai-nien shih-shih HACKETT (One hundred years of the Lok Sin Tong) (Hong Kong, the lang, [1980]).\n\n19 Peter Wesley-Smith, Unequal Treaty 1898-1997 (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1980) pp. 19-20; Stanley F. Wright, Hong Kong and the Chinese Customs. China. The Maritime Customs. VI Inspector Series: no. 7 (Shanghai: Statistical Department of the Inspector-General of the Customs 1930), pp. 9-10. “Native” customs offices were handed over to the Inspector-General of Maritime Customs after the signing of the Hong Kong Opium Agreement in 1886.\n\n20 See Faure et. al., vol. 1, p. 166, p. 251.\n\n21 Siu, Chiu-lung ch'eng, p. 37.\n\n#1\n\n23\n\n24\n\n25\n\nBowring to Grey, August 21, 1854, despatch 61: CO129/47. Krone, p. 116.\n\nMacdonnell to Buckingham, August 27, 1867, despatch #358: CO129/124.\n\nJarrett, Vincent H.G. \"Old Hong Kong”, vol. 2, p. 613. This is a series of articles on the history of Hong Kong taken from the South China Morning Post from June 17, 1933 to April 13, 1935, and re-arranged alphabetically by subject. A Xerox copy of copies typed from the original articles is deposited in four volumes at the University of Hong Kong Library.\n\n26\n\nBowring to Grey, August 21, 1854, despatch 61.\n\n27 W.J. Norton-Kyshe, The History of the Laws and Courts of Hong Kong, 2 volumes (Hong Kong: Vetch & Lee, 1971; 1st published 1898) vol. 2, 423–429. Another case occurred in 1896 when a Chinese policeman was shot in Hong Kong. His murderer was arrested in Canton and brought to Kowloon City where he was beheaded. (John Luff, “The Hong Kong Police\", China Mail, February 24, 1960).\n\nMacdonnell to Kimberley, April 3, 1872, despatch #976: CO129/157.\n\n29 See Faure et. al., vol. 1, pp. 103, 114, 133.\n\n30 The tablet is dated the first year of the Tung-chih reign, i.e. 1862. It is still in very good condition.\n\n31 Newspaper cutting dated May 27, 1886, enclosed in Marsh to Granville, May 31, 1886, despatch #183: CO129/226.\n\n32\n\n3\n\nHua-tzu jih-pao #711, January 17 and 18, 1896.\n\nDaily Press, January 20, 1896.\n\n34 Wesley-Smith, Unequal Treaty, p. 17; The open nature of the gambling was also decried by the Hsun-huan jih-pao, December 17, 1885.\n\n35 Norton-Kyshe, vol. 2, p. 423.\n\n36\n\nIn fact gambling houses were re-opened as soon as Chinese officials departed from Kowloon, Blake to Chamberlain, August 18, 1899, in Great Britain, Colonial Office. Confidential Prints Eastern (Series 882) (hereafter CO882)/5, no. 66, p. 340.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211007, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "44\n\n37 Krone, p. 132.\n\n18 Bruce Shepherd, The Hong Kong Guide (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1982; 1st published, Shanghai, 1893) pp. 117-118; R.C. Hurley, Tourists' Map of 8 Short Trips on the Mainland of China (Neighbourhood of Hong Kong) including Principal Places frequented by Sportsmen (Hong Kong: R.C. Hurley, 1896) enclosed in Blake to Chamberlain, April 28, 1899, #107: CO129/290, p. 7.\n\n39 Shepherd, p. 117.\n\n40 The Convention is appended in Wesley-Smith, Unequal Treaty, pp. 191-192. The negotiation of the Convention is dealt with in detail in the book.\n\n* Colonial Office draft telegram to Sir H.A. Blake, enclosed in Colonial Office to Foreign Office, April 27, 1899, despatch #130: CO882/5/66, p. 136.\n\n42 Blake to Chamberlain, May 4, 1899, telegram: CO882/5/66, p. 140; Consul Mansfield to Bax-Ironside, April 20, 1899, enclosed in F.O. to C.O., July 13, 1899: ibid., p. 304.\n\n43 Wesley-Smith, Unequal Treaty, p. 73.\n\n44\n\nThe Order-in-Council, dated 27th December, 1899, is appended in ibid., pp. 196-7.\n\n45\n\nT'an Wen-chin kung tsou-kao, XUSA (Memorials of Tan Chung-lin) 2 volumes, (Taipei: Ch'eng-wen Co., based on 1911 edition) vol. 2, 248-26a.\n\n46\n\nTranslation of a telegram from the Tsungli Yamen, dated Peking May 20, 1899, enclosed in F.O. to C.O., May 22, 1899: CO882/5/66, p. 160.\n\n47 Lo Feng-luh [sic] to the Marquess of Salisbury, October 17, 1899, enclosed in F.O. to C.O., October 28, 1899: CO882/5/66, p. 364; Lo Feng-luh to the Marquess of Salisbury, November 14, 1899, enclosed in F.O. to C.O., November 25, 1899: ibid., p. 369.\n\nPeel to Cunliffe-Lister, January 9, 1934, confidential: CO129/546.\n\n49 Stubbs to Amery, June 26, 1925, despatch #275: CO129/488.\n\n50\n\nSheng San-i l'ang tsuan-hsi t’e-k'an 1890-1965 ——A (Special bulletin to commemorate the diamond jubilee of the Holy Trinity Church, 1890-1965) (Hong Kong: the Church [1965]) p. 34.\n\n51 Ibid., p. 33.\n\n52 Ibid., p. 34.\n\n$3\n\n$4\n\nHong Kong Government Gazette, 1901, p. 1401,\n\nPeel to Cunliffe-Lister, January 9, 1934, confidential; Chiang-shan ku-jen, \"feng-t'u\", parts 106-107.\n\n55 Stubbs to Amery, June 26, 1925, despatch #275; Chiang-shan ku-jen, “Pen-ti feng-kuang\" (Local sights) part 163. These are articles appearing in the Hua-ch'iao jih-pao in 1931 and an album of them is in the University of Hong Kong Library, Jarrett, vol. 3, p. 609.\n\n56 Stubbs to Amery, June 26, 1925, despatch #275.\n\n57\n\nPeel to Cunliffe-Lister, January 9, 1934, confidential: C. Van Leo, “A Little bit of China in the Heart of Hong Kong\", Hong Kong Telegraph, January 18, 1937. R.C. Hurley, Handbook to the British Crown Colony of Hong Kong and Depen-\n\n58\n\n¦", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211008, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "45\n\ndencies (Hong Kong: Kelly & Walsh, 1920) p. 130; S.H. Peplow and M. Barker, Around and About Hong Kong (2nd revised and enlarged edition, 1931), p. 10.\n\n59\n\nFor example, Chao Chun-hao, Yueh-Kang-Ao tao-yu #5 (A guide to Canton, Hong Kong and Macao) (Shanghai: China Travel Agency, 1938) p. 58; Wen Te-chang. ii) Kuang-Chiu t'ieh-lu lu-hsing chih-nan\n\nRířili (A guide to travel on the Canton-Kowloon Railway) (1922) p. 139; T'u yun-fuzli Hsiang-kang tao-yu fi (A guide to Hong Kong) (Shanghai: China Travel Agency, 1940) p. 15.\n\n60\n\nChiang-shan ku-jen, “Feng-kuang”, part 163. This was a Mr. Liu T'ao §‡ who had descended from one of the original inhabitants of the City. In 1931, he was living in the K'uei-hsing ke. He had copied every inscription there was in the City for sale to visitors.\n\n61\n\nJarrett, vol. 3, p. 611; \"Report on the New Territories, 1899-1912”, Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1912, pp. 43-63, p. 47.\n\n62\n\nHsing-che 1, \"Lung-chin shih-ch'iao” ¡¡¡\n\n(The Lung-chin bridge [jetty]) in Li Chin-wei $ (ed) Hsiang-kang pai-nien shih dred years of Hong Kong history) (Hong Kong, 1948) p. 93.\n\n#2(One hun-\n\n63\n\nJohn Stuart Thomson, The Chinese (London: T. Werner Laurie, Clifford's Inn, n.d.) p. 62; Jarrett, vol. 3, p. 611.\n\nSiu, Chiu-lung ch'eng, p. 38.\n\nQuoted by Wesley-Smith, Unequal Treaty, p. 127; an interesting account of the City in the 1930s-50s is provided in Chapter 7. The Colonial Office file dealing with the removal problem in 1933-4 is CO129/546; for the Chinese side of the story, see Wu Pa-ning \"Chiu-lung ch'eng chu-min san-t'u pei pi-ch’ien ching-kuo\" JuffDWIDE-LOK MESA (An account of the three occasions on which residents of the Kowloon City were forcibly evicted) in Li Chin-wei, p. 89 and Chih-che IL “Chiu-lung ch'eng shih-chien ti chiao-she\" ** (Negotiation over the Kowloon City incident) in ibid., pp. 98–101.\n\nז' 1\n\nOther secondary works on the subject include N.J. Miners, \"A Tale of Two Walled Cities\", Hong Kong Law Journal vol, 12; no. 2 (1982); Peter Wesley-Smith, \"Forlorn, Forbidden and Forgotten: Kowloon's Walled City\" Kaleidoscope vol. I: no. 3 (February, 1973) 26-33; Mike Davis, “Inside the Walled City” ibid., vol. IV; no. 6 (August, 1976) 5-11; Michael Chiang, \"The Development of the Kowloon Walled City\" (Student's thesis, School of Architecture, University of Hong Kong. 1979-80).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211052, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "88\n\nOur principal concern has been to document and explain the rapid growth in popularity in Hong Kong since the 1940's of the cult of Huang Daxian (on which, see Lang and Ragvald, \"Upward mobility of a refugee god\"). However, we have also been trying to trace the origins of the cult in Guangdong province, hence the research trip to the village. A report on this visit, and on the first author's initial visit to the village in 1985, has also been prepared. We are now working on a book on the history of the cult in Guangdong and Hong Kong.\n\nProbable cases of the mergings of deities include, from ancient Greece, the merging of two incarnations of Zeus (Gilbert, Murray, Five stages of Greek Religion, Garden City, N.Y., Doubleday Anchor Books, 1951, p. 48; H.J. Rose, Religion in Greece and Rome, N.Y., Harper and Row, 1959, pp. 48-49), and of various female deities in Aphrodite (Paul Friedrich, The Meaning of Aphrodite, Chicago, The University of Chicago Press, 1978, ch. 2); from Rome, the blending of Roman with Greek deities, and the subsequent apparent merging of some Roman deities with Celtic deities (John Ferguson, The Religions of the Roman Empire, Ithaca, N.Y., Cornell University Press, 1970, pp. 211-220); from the early Christian era, the probable absorption of elements of the cult of Diana into the cult of Mary (Herbert Muller, The Loom of History, N.Y. New American Library, 1958 p. 173; Durant, 1939: 183); from Mexico, the absorption of elements of the Indian goddess Tonantsi into the cult of the Virgin of Guadalupe (Ena Campbell, “The Virgin of Guadalupe and the female self-image: a Mexican case history\", in Mother Worship: Themes and Variations, ed. by Richard Preston, University of North Carolina Press, 1982).\n\n9 This translation strangely enough contains one serious (the failure to recognize Dongtian Fudi [Cavern-heavens and blessed spots] as a general Taoist concept) and a few smaller mistakes. These, however, do not affect the arguments made in this paper.\n\n10 This probable origin of the autobiography was pointed out to us by Dr. S.H. Wong of the Department of Chinese, Hong Kong University (see Wong, \"A study of Huang Ta-hsien\").\n\nThere are several slightly different versions of Shenxian Zhuan. For this translation we have used the relatively early (Song dynasty) version in Biji Xiaoshuo Daguan (A Parade of Note-form Fiction), Taibei, Xinxing Shuju, volume 4. 12 Essentially the same story is related in Huitu Liexian Quanzhuan, compiled in the 16th century by Wang Shizhen (reprinted by Zhongwen Chubanshe in 1971 on Taiwan). This is one of the major reference works on Taoist saints, with capsule biographies on some 500 of them, and covers the entire period from the beginning of Taoism until the last year of the reign of Hongzhi (1506 A.D.). This source adds only the information that during the Song and Yuan dynasties, both Huang Chuping and his brother were awarded honorary titles by the state. The story of Huang Chuping also appears in Jinhua Fuzhi (the prefectural gazetteer of Jinhua), volume no. 22 in the subsection \"xian shi\" (on fairies).\n\n13\n\nGe Hong was a native of Jurong in Danyang (present day Jiangsu province). His career included service as assistant to prime minister Sima Rui, and as counsellor and military staff officer. He was honoured by the state for his services in the suppression of the peasant revolt led by Shi Bing. However, he was also very interested in Taoist alchemy. He was a grandson, on the fraternal line, of the famous necromancer and alchemist Ge Xuan (164-244), and from a disciple of Ge Xuan's, he learned the art of refining cinnabar. When word spread that cinnabar sand had been found in Jiaozhi (the ancient name for part of Guangdong and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211063, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 124, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "99\n\nREFERENCES\n\nAllen, Barbara, and William L. Montell\n\n1981 From Memory to History: Using Oral Sources in Local Historical Research. Nashville: The American Association For State and Local History.\n\nChin, Margaret, et al.\n\n1977 Religion and Organization: A Study of the Temple of Wong Tai Sin. Department of Sociology, Hong Kong University.\n\nDay, Clarence Burton\n\n1969 Chinese Peasant Cults. (2nd edition) Taipei: Ch'eng Wen Publishing Co.\n\nHayes, James\n\n1966 \"Chinese Temples in the Local Setting\". In Some Traditional Chinese Ideas and Conceptions in Hong Kong Social Life Today, pp. 86-95. Hong Kong: The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.\n\nLang, Graeme, and Lars Ragvald\n\n1988 \"Upward Mobility of a Refugee God: Hong Kong's Huang Daxian”. Stockholm Journal of East Asian Studies. vol. 1, 54-87.\n\nLoomis, C. Grant\n\n1948 White Magic: An Introduction to the Folklore of Christian Legend. Cambridge, Mass.: The Mediaeval Academy of America.\n\nOgura, Manabu\n\n1980 Drifted Deities in the Noto Peninsula. In Studies in Japanese Folklore, ed. Richard M. Dorson, pp. 133-44. New York: Arno Press.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211069, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "105\n\nALPHABETICAL LIST OF PERSONS BURIED IN THE PROTESTANT CEMETERY, MAKATI, RIZAL\n\nTO BE TRANSFERRED TO MANILA MEMORIAL PARK\n\n \n Date of death\n Name\n Date of death\n Name\n \n \n 12.6.1944\n AARON, Margaret Tyre\n \n ADAMS, Henry\n \n \n Not known\n AEROBE (baby)\n 26.4.1886\n AHR-LEGER, Suzanne\n \n \n 5.10.1919\n AITKEN, Charles H W\n 2.3.1921\n AITKEN, Mary Louise\n \n \n 29.10.1952\n ALFON, Jose\n 21.4.1919\n ALKAN, Camille\n \n \n 3.10.1915\n ALLEN, George\n 15.4.1906\n ALLINSON, James\n \n \n 20.5.1918\n AMER, Basserody\n 14.11.1904\n AMOLOCHITIS, John\n \n \n 30.6.1962\n ANDERSON, James\n 20.11.1936\n ANDERSON, William\n \n \n 6.4.1908\n Roberts\n \n ANDREWS, James\n \n \n 27.1.1894\n ANDREWS, Richard\n 31.8.1900\n Montgomerie Henry\n \n \n \n ARMSTRONG, George\n 12.11.1920\n ATKINSON, Dorothy\n \n \n 20.6.1925\n AULE, John\n 30.9.1889\n AYLETT, William\n \n \n 20.8.1880\n BAALK, Emil Ch. M\n 13.8.1878\n BACKHOUSE, C\n \n \n 18.3.1903\n BAEL, Joe\n 25.9.1919\n BAENZIGER, Gustav Adolph\n \n \n 27.10.1899\n BALLEY, George\n 3.9.1909\n BARKAS, Gabriel\n \n \n 25.4.1938\n BARNES (still-born)\n 25.1.1923\n BARNETT, Edward\n \n \n 8.5.1936\n BARR, Robert\n 24.1.1926\n BARRIOS, Raphael Plaza\n \n \n 28.4.1960\n BATCHELLOR, John\n 8.1920\n BAUEN, G William\n \n \n Not known\n BENZIE, John M\n 12.5.1925\n BERGACKER, Johanna Maria\n \n \n 3.10.1963\n BERNARD, Son of M L\n 8.7.1881\n BERNSTEIN, Simon\n \n \n 13.3.1900\n BETZ, Max\n 11.9.1882\n BIERMANN, Fritz\n \n \n 12.1903\n BINDER, Heinrich\n 22.8.1892\n BIRD, Isaac J\n \n BLACK, John Gordon\n \n \n 22.2.1870\n BLANCO, Emilio Palomov\n 6.8.1964\n BOIE, Reinhold\n \n \n 14.9.1896\n BLAIR, William A\n \n BLOCH, Leon\n \n \n Not known\n BOLLWILL, DE\n 6.7.1887\n BOLTON, Edwin\n \n \n 10.12.1920\n BONIFACE, Mark Graham\n 15.1.1945\n BOUNTIFF, Eliza\n \n \n 13.11.1918\n BOWER, I H\n 19.3.1899\n BRAMHALL, J C\n \n \n 7.5.1868\n BRAMMER, Agnes\n 26.8.1902\n BARMMER, Heinrich\n \n \n 2.9.1898\n BRAMMER, Otto Franz Ernst Rudolf Hugo\n 15.9.1893\n BRAMMER, Pauline\n \n \n 8.10.1901\n BRAMMER, Richard\n 20.11.1900\n BRAMWELL, Geoffrey\n \n \n 17.1.1915\n BRAUN, Max Francis\n 12.4.1909\n BREMER, Adelisa\n \n \n 25.1.1962\n BREMER, Ann Marie\n 25.9.1961\n BREMER, Dennis\n \n \n 30.11.1941\n BRENNER, Issac\n 2.9.1915\n BRETTHAUER, G Luísa Gonzales de\n \n \n 6.1903\n BRIGENDIRE, Maria\n 10.1.1945\n BROUGH, Robert\n \n \n \n BRIDGE, Harry\n 27.12.1922\n BROOK, John Evans\n \n \n 24.2.1902\n BROWN, Bright\n 18.6.1921\n \n 16.12.1913", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211146, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 207, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "182\n\nfor support in opposing the appointment.\n\nHo A-mei's advice to his countrymen was: “All Chinese merchants, who have any regard for themselves, should refuse to assist in the consummation of an act that is wrong. Let them be peaceful and law-abiding, but with enough pride as Chinese to stand for what was their nation's due.”\n\nThe letter evoked critical comment from \"Brownie,\" who wrote the newspaper column, \"Fragrant Waters Murmur.\" He questioned Ho A-mei's motives.\n\nAccording to him, a consul had always been A-mei's \"pet scheme.” In fact, Brownie said he was sometimes facetiously called the \"Chinese Consul\" because of his close relations with Chinese officials. He sometimes acted for them in an unofficial capacity.\n\nBrownie thought these connections should have made Ho A-mei fully aware of “the devious ways of Chinese officialdom.” Certainly he could not really believe that a consul would benefit Chinese residents.\n\nAn editor, commenting on A-mei's letter, implied that its author had himself had an unhappy experience with Chinese mandarins. He pointedly asked: \"Were you, Mr. Ho A-mei, ever fined a large sum of money for your temerity in presenting a work or despatch of yours to the Viceroy and did you think it fair treatment?\"\n\nUnder the caption, “How rich Hongkong residents are squeezed,\" the China Mail published a chapter from a work entitled: Chips from the workshop of a self-sacrificing officer. It related the difficulties the Li Sing family encountered at the time of the Second Opium War, when the Chinese Government put pressure on members of the family to make large \"contributions” to the Ch'ing Government. At the time, the family was accused of collaboration with the British against the Chinese.\n\nThe example was interesting inasmuch as Ho A-mei had a long", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211147, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 208, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "183\n\nassociation with the Li family enterprises and at times had been their spokesman. Neither their experience, nor his own, deterred him from agitating for a consul.\n\nAs an example of the dangers to Hongkong's security to be expected if a Chinese consul were resident, a correspondent, signing himself “Englishman,” recalled certain events in Ho A-mei's past.\n\nAt one time A-mei held the position of chief clerk in the office of the Registrar General. At that time sensitive information had come to the knowledge of the Chinese authorities in Canton,\n\nSuspicion was directed against the Registrar General's office. The Registrar, Mr. Cecil Clementi-Smith, in order to clear himself, had to make a formal deposition that he was not responsible for the information leak.\n\nShortly after, Ho A-mei resigned and went into the service of the Viceroy at Canton.\n\nThe impression the writer wished to convey was that A-mei was in some way responsible for certain confidential information getting to Canton. He, however, assured his reader, with the following: “I do not venture to assert that he abused the confidence placed in him, but did he ever succeed in tracing who it was that had this clandestine correspondence with the Canton authorities?”\n\nThe implication was that the Chinese in the employ of the Hongkong Government could not be trusted. If they were not trustworthy, even more dangerous to Hongkong's security would be the presence of Chinese officially employed by the Chinese Government.\n\nAll the alleged evils of Ch'ing officialdom would flourish in Hongkong under the diplomatic patronage of Great Britain.\n\nNeither the arguments for nor against the appointment of a Chinese Consul for Hongkong were ever tested by history, as there", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211219, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 280, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "255\n\non, principally by David Faure (on my left) and his colleagues at the Chinese University, and their students, in researching local history.\n\nI came to Hong Kong in 1956 to work for the Hong Kong Government. After a year at the Hong Kong University's language school, where our RAS member Mr. Francis Sham was my teacher (in the audience), I was sent to the New Territories as a District Officer. It was the custom, then and long before, to send new administrative officers to the New Territories, and the unfortunate villagers and local leaders had to put up with them. The only benefit they might have had out of it was that these youngsters had not had time to get set in their ways as civil servants. In many of them, a spark of interest in local life was kindled by what they saw around them. This was certainly the case with me.\n\nI immediately became fascinated with the communities of the Southern District, which at that time took in Sai Kung and the Clearwater Bay area in the eastern New Territories and the present Islands District on the west and south. It was a wonderful life. I had a Marine Department launch every now and again, and was able to go out and see places, all as part of the job. Many people before me had also enjoyed it. There was only one snag about the work when I was there. The Government had decided to build the Shek Pik Reservoir on Lantau Island, and I had a good deal of extra toil and trouble on that account. In particular, two villages had to be resettled. However, when you move villagers for development, you are in a position to learn quite a bit about them. I made an effort at the time and collected as much information as I could about these villages, but I simply did not know enough about Chinese rural society to know what more I might have got by different questioning. Anyway, the reservoir was my main preoccupation when I was District Officer South, a post I held for five years, with an overseas leave in between.\n\nWhen I went around this fascinating part of the New Territories, I saw the villages, the market towns and the resident boat people, all very much as they must have been at the end of the Ch'ing Dynasty, up to 1911. I am not exaggerating: that's what they seemed like at that time, owing to the lack of development.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211222, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 283, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "258\n\nsome of these things again, because we run into an awful lot of problems because of that sort of attitude.\n\nHow did I get involved in all this? Now and then I think that James framed the \"trap\" and I fell right into it. I was not interested in local history for a long time - I was never interested all the way through college and graduate school. When I got my job in the Chinese University, I lived in Tai Po Market. I remember there was this year when they had the shed for their village opera but I never went once. Although I passed by many times, it never occurred to me to go and see what was happening.\n\n—\n\nI had set my mind on writing about the rural economy of a couple of provinces in China from about 1870 onwards, and thought, \"Well, being here one should look at what happened in the New Territories, and see what you get in the field”. James showed me some of the inscriptions that he had collected, and there were a couple that were about tenancy disputes in the Ch'ing dynasty in the 18th Century. At the time this is only about five years ago these documents were rather rare, although in the last couple of years China has published a lot more of them. To have the actual dispute recorded in full, to have the text of the decision from the Magistrate, and to have all the details there, and to be able to find out from local enquiries who the people were who were involved in all these sort of things, was just too tempting. It was a trap that I suppose any historian would fall into! I was hoping that there would be more of these things in the New Territories, and knew that the only way to get to them was to go around the whole of the New Territories and look at every temple. So something had to be organised. My interest was totally selfish, I just wanted more inscriptions and land deeds and the like!\n\nAnyway, that's how it began. I got a couple of colleagues together and other people who were interested. We were lucky at the time, because Professor Ch'en Ching-ho was running the Institute of Chinese Studies in the Chinese University and was interested in local history. He had done similar work in Singapore. He gave us funds and we managed to employ some students, and that got the project started.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211233, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 294, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "269\n\nfortunate to get back to the New Territories, to the Tsuen Wan District, in 1975 and I stayed there until 1982. This was the time of the most tremendous, fast-paced, redevelopment programme I ever wish to be involved in. At the same time, it produced good opportunities for collecting documentary material, if it existed, because (again) we were moving old villages out of the way of development.\n\nWhen I was in the Southern District in the late 1950's, I was rather down-hearted, despite what is now being said about the exciting and encouraging documentary side of the Oral History Project, at the absence of certain types of material, especially land deeds. There really were not a lot of land deeds around from the late Ch'ing period, and I found it was just the same in Tsuen Wan 20 years later; not because of those 20 years of ongoing development but because there really were not many available. The reason for this was that the British Administration, having surveyed the land and set up its land courts, naturally requested villagers to bring in their evidence of title to their holdings. Thereafter it did not seem to have given them back. I have met old villagers who have been very vehement on the subject, and have also come across a few hints in official documents that indicate that at some time between 1905 and, say, the end of the Second World War, these retained documents disappeared. It is conceivable they may still turn up one day. When and if they do, they will be the most magnificent source of information on the economic and social background of the New Territories when set beside other documents.\n\nThat was one thing I wanted to mention, and reaffirm, from my Tsuen Wan days.\n\nAnother point is that I have always been very interested in genealogies; in other words, family records. Again, and until fairly recently, the \"mythology\" of scholarship—and I call it that deliberately—was that it was only gentry families and very large clans which kept such records, that these were usually kept in the form of printed books, that manuscript ones were not found very frequently, and that small families and small clans did not have any.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211239, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 300, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "275\n\n―\n\nabout a half-dozen villages that subsisted to a large extent on a single trade. One village had people who knew how to cut wood into planks; only one village in the whole of the Shatin area knew how to cut wood into planks. If you needed planks, you went and got a villager or pair of villagers from that village. They came to your village, cut up the planks and went back with a sack of rice. This sort of economy usually came from mountain villages without land but with a speciality. Masons represent another such trade. We know they existed, but we know very little about them or how such an economy worked.\n\nNext speaker: parts of China?\n\nWhat collecting work has been done on other\n\nJH - I can't speak for the Mainland, but a great deal of collecting work has been, and is being, done on Taiwan. We are fortunate, too, that on Taiwan as in north and central China, Japanese scholars during the Ch'ing period, and then right up to the 1940s, were doing a great deal of work on rural China. They were working in different areas, they didn't necessarily have the opportunities that we are having now, and they weren't seeking answers to the same questions. For instance, the village handbooks which seem to us to play such a major part in the transmission of management knowledge and techniques in our villages don't seem to be known to the Japanese researchers who worked in the north. I say this with some hesitation, but I have asked a good friend of mine who doesn't mind making enquiries if he would look in the main libraries in Tokyo; and so far he hasn't come up with anything, despite the enormous amount of work the Japanese did on China.\n\nPH - One of the most interesting things coming from the work that has been done in Hong Kong is that the traditional village life in the New Territories was radically different from that spelt out in the classic works on Chinese peasant life. The question that remains to be answered is, I suggest, ‘Is the Hong Kong traditional village life that we can see more typical, or are the classic studies more typical?' Or do you, in fact, have a whole range of situations over the whole of China of which none can be really classed as \"typical\", other than in the area from which they come?\n\nPage 300\n\nPage 301", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211242, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 303, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "278\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nTAM KUNG: HIS LEGEND AND WORSHIP\n\nOccasionally, one hears of the deity Tam Kung #2 as having originated in Kowloon. That mistake arises from confusing Kowloon (Chiu-lung 九龍) with Chiu-lung shan in Lin Kuei-shan 歸 county.\n\nTam Kung, named Tao, was a native of Kuei-shan (present Hui-tung) in the Yuan Dynasty. He cultivated his moral conduct at Chiu-lung shan. He was often seen in the mountains with a tiger carrying his things. He cured the sick when they approached him. He died and was revered as a deity. When drought came, people went to him to ask for rain, and often they were satisfied.\n\nIn the 6th year of Hsien-feng (1856), he was granted the title ‘Hsiang-chi 祥濟’ (“Assistance and Aid”) by the emperor.\n\nIn Hui-chou, two temples were erected to offer sacrifice to Tam Kung; one on Chiu-lung shan in Kuei-shan and the other in Hui-chou City. A pavilion was built at the place where he cultivated his moral conduct.\n\nOn my visit to the Chiu-lung shan in 1986, I saw both the temple, the Lung-feng tsu-miao 龍峰祖廟, and the pavilion, the T'an-kung te-tao-t'ing 譚公德道亭. A stone tablet now kept in the Hui-tung county museum, given the title, \"The repair of the T'an-kung Temple of Chiu-lung shan\" dated 4th year of Tao-kuang (1824), records that the original temple was built thousands of years ago, was repaired in the 40th year of Ch'ien-lung (1775), and then rebuilt and enlarged in the 4th year of Tao-Kuang (1824). The pavilion that I saw was rebuilt quite recently.\n\nIn Hong Kong, there are two Tam Kung temples. They were built in the late Ch'ing by people from Hui-chou. The Tam Kung Temple at Wongneichung was built in 1901. It was originally built on the hill slope near the present Hong Kong Sanatorium. A bell", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211243, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 304, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "279\n\ndated this year may be found at the Tam Kung Temple that is now located at Blue Pool Road. The other temple, in Shaukiwan, was built in 1905. There was once also a Tam Kung Temple in Tokwawan in Kowloon, but it was demolished to make way for a road, which has been named Tam Kung Road in remembrance of the temple.\n\nANTHONY K.K. SIU\n\nNOTES\n\nSee Hui-chou fu-chih 1881 edition, ch. 44.\n\nibid. ch. 12.\n\nTHE CANNON IN THE KOWLOON WALLED CITY\n\nTwo old muzzle-loading cannon, each about twelve feet long, can be found in front of No. 2, Lung Chun Road in the Kowloon Walled City. See Plates 24-25,\n\nThe inscriptions on both cannon are legible. They were cast in the same year under the same supervision. The inscriptions read as follows:-\n\nIn the mid-spring month of the 7th year of reign of Chia-ch’ing (1802) 嘉慶七年仲春月\n\n+\n\nL\n\nWu, Acting Governor of Kwangtung WM, Chueh-lo-chi, Assistant High Chancellor, and Viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwangsi2, Sun, Commander-in-chief of the Kwangtung (Marine) Forces ORIENT Zhang (?), Commissioner of Salt Transport of Kwangtung and Kwangsi\n\nsupervised the manufacture of this\n\n4000 catties cannon #4 TAG.\n\nThe other cannon bears the same inscription but weighs 5000 catties.\n\nDuring that time, the coastal area was infested by pirates. Viceroy Chueh-lo-chi ordered the casting of cannon for the fortification of the coast of Kwangtung. These two cannon must be", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211244, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 305, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "280\n\ntwo of those that were placed in this region for defence purposes, and installed at Kowloon Walled City when that was built in 1847.\n\nANTHONY K.K. SIU\n\n1 Wu T'u-li #, White Banner Manchu, Acting Governor of Kwangtung from the 5th year to the 7th year of Chia Ch'ing (1800-1802).\n\n1 Chüeh-lo-chi Ch'ing, White Banner Manchu, Viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwangsi from the 1st year to the 7th year of Chia-ch'ing (1796-1802).\n\n} Sun Ch'uan-mou, native of Fukien Province, Commander-in-chief of the Kwangtung (Marine) Forces from the 1st year to the 9th year of Chia-ch'ing (1796-1804).\n\n4\n\nFrom the inscription, the name of the Commissioner of Salt Transport of Kwangtung and Kwangsi is illegible. However, from historical record, the one who was in that post was Zhang Ch'uan, native of Chekiang Province.\n\nHONG KONG'S OWN BOAT PEOPLE\n\nIn April 1970, I went with one of my friends to visit his mother who lived on a boat in the Causeway Bay Typhoon Shelter. The friend was a boatman who crewed and looked after a pleasure boat for a European firm. He lived in a squatter hut in Chai Wan Cottage Resettlement Area.\n\nThe old lady belonged to the indigenous boat population of Hong Kong Island. She had been born on a boat moored off the old Dairy Farm pier inside the present typhoon shelter. This was in 1890. Her father had also been born there in a boat, and she thought this had been so for several generations: at least, this was the family's received information. Her husband had also been born on a boat in the area, and his father before him, and with the same family tradition of local identity.\n\nThis evidence is not conclusive, being based only on word of mouth within these two families of boat people. The grandparents might have come into the area upon the opening of the port in the 1840s. On the other hand, a pre-British origin would accord with many other cases known to me, in which Tanka boat people had attached themselves to small bays and local anchorages: by all accounts and certainly by their own traditions for generations, and perhaps even for centuries.\n\nT", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211252, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 313, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "288\n\nalways been so. [For the method of selecting managers at this shrine, see the account given in the article cited above].\n\nI asked about the drums used by the teams. It seems that horse hide is used for drums used for watch and ward, and for military use; but that cow hide is more usual for lion and other dance troupes, on account of its higher and sharper pitch.\n\nPeel Street\n\nThis shrine, unlike the one at Sheung Fung Lane which dates back to the nineteenth century, is of post-war origin. It comprises an altar under a canopy on one side of the steps which form this part of Peel Street, with a small management office in a temporary structure opposite. The shrine has only been at this location since the mid-1960s. It was first kept inside and then at the doorway of a house at 31 Elgin Street, before being put in the street outside that address in a small temple-like structure. It was moved here upon the demolition of the old house in Elgin Street.\n\nThe shrine serves a group of Hoklo persons originating from the Hoi Fung (海豐) area of north-east Kwangtung. Of the ten interested parties with whom I spoke in 1974, two came to Hong Kong in 1934, five arrived here in 1945-46, two in the 1950s and the last in 1962. The oldest was 65, and the youngest 37.\n\nThe altar is in the form of a black granite tablet inscribed with the characters #2£âZī. It is said to be old: the estimates ranged from \"several generations\" to \"100 years\" to \"200 years\". All agreed that it had been brought from a large temple known as the Pak Kung Miu (北帝廟) located in the small market town of To Tong Hui (陶塘墟) in Hoi Fung, just after the War. The town served as the market for between 30 to 40 surrounding villages, and in Ch'ing times the area was known as To Tong Yuek (陶塘約).\n\nThe shrine was established without authority, like many of its kind in the post-war period. The managers had to be persistent, and brave the disapproval of the Squatter Control Division of the Resettlement Department, whose duty it was to control the spread", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211256, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 317, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "292\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nPamela Atwell, British Mandarins and Chinese Reformers: the British Administration of Weihaiwei (1898-1930) and the Territory's Return to Chinese Rule, Hong Kong, Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 1985. 302 + xxiii pp. Appendices, Notes, Bibliography, Glossary (with Chinese characters), Index.\n\nThe year was 1898 and the sun was setting on the Ch'ing dynasty which had ruled the Chinese Empire since 1644. China's defeat by Japan in 1895 had revealed its weaknesses once more to the world. Foreign powers sought to take advantage of the vulnerability of the Ch'ing government to intensify their demands for territorial and economic concessions. The Powers rushed, or \"scrambled\", to attain their objectives before others could get to them first.\n\nIn one respect, the Powers had the support of Chinese officials, who, implementing traditional Chinese policy of using barbarians to control barbarians, sought to achieve a balance of power in China. By 1898, the Russians built a naval base at Port Arthur while the Germans established their presence over the province of Shantung. In April 1898, the Chinese government leased Weihaiwei to Britain. Weihaiwei, at the tip of the Kiaochow Peninsula in northern Shantung, was then occupied by the Japanese. It was hoped that, from this vantage, the British would be able to counter Russian and German strength in North China, and all of them would keep out the Japanese.\n\nThe British stayed at Weihaiwei until 1930, when it was returned to Chinese administration. During the interim, the Kaiser and the Tsar had collapsed and China had gone through the Boxers uprising, a series of reforms, a revolution that toppled the Ch'ing dynasty, a period of disunity and warlord rule, and, finally, the establishment of the National Government at Nanking led by Chiang Kai-shek in 1927. The rise of Chinese nationalism increased demand for rendition of all foreign concessions in China, including Weihaiwei.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211261, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 322, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "297\n\nthat guided the administration of the city of Canton during its four year occupation by the Allies, during which he laid the foundations of his knowledge of written and spoken Chinese, he joined the Chinese Maritime Customs at Ningpo. When that city was captured by the Taiping Army, he assisted the Sino-French \"Ever Triumphant Army\" to recapture it, and later commanded it in the operations that led to the recapture of Hangzhou, for which he received high rank and honours from the appreciative Ch'ing government. Contacts made during this time led to employment after the Rebellion, in and outside China, that lasted until his death in France in 1886. His principal achievement was the construction and administration of the Fuzhou Dockyard and its fleet of warships in the face of many difficulties. Ironically, they were destroyed by naval forces of his own nation during the hostilities of 1884-85 between France and China over Vietnam.\n\nGiquel was a rare bird for his times. Apart from his linguistic proficiency and administrative capacities, he was sympathetic towards China at a time when this was not common among his contemporaries. Moreover, he sought ever to combine his duties to his employers, the Chinese, with his loyalties towards his native land, a veritable tightrope which he conscientiously trod throughout his working life. As Dr. Leibo observes, \"A less committed individual might never have attempted such a balancing act”. (Transferring Technology, p. 5). He gave offence to many influential Frenchmen and to his government in 1872 by an article in the Revue des Deux Mondes in which he suggested that the French Concession at Shanghai should be merged with the International Settlement, and criticized French policy towards China in various aspects.\n\nWhy this should be so is hinted at by an English account which indicates how different Giquel must have been from most of his fellows. Even allowing for the fact that this is an English account, written at a time of strong rivalry between the two powers and by one side of an old and mutual antipathy, it speaks for itself:\n\nFrench officers are so quick to take offense (sic) — so quick to obtain satisfaction - so imperious, so impractical, and so totally uncommercial that they are viewed", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211309, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 25, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "PIRATES IN THE PEARL RIVER DELTA\n\nDIAN H. MURRAY*\n\nThis study of “Pirates in the Pearl River\" was a multiarchival research project whose goal was to piece together information on a group of Chinese non-elites who had hitherto escaped the attention of historians and to turn our attention seaward from the Chinese mainland in order to place our understanding of land-sea relations within a broader ecological context. The research drew upon documents written in Chinese, Vietnamese, French, Portuguese, Japanese and English and involved visits to archives in Washington, D.C.; Taipei, Taiwan; Beijing, China: Macao, Hong Kong; and London.\n\nAlmost at its outset my investigation revealed a significant growth of piracy within the Pearl River Delta and along the entire South China coast from Chekiang to Vietnam between 1796 and 1810. Within Kwangtung province alone a confederation of several thousand pirates and a fleet of 1,200 junks dominated delta and coast alike forcing all who set sail, regardless of whether they were merchantmen, fishermen, salt distributors or opium smugglers, to purchase passports for immunisation against attack.\n\nThe military prowess of the pirates was such that they successfully fought the Ch'ing government fleet, in the form of the Kwangtung provincial water force, to a standstill and involved themselves in both battles and negotiations with the Western foreigners then on the scene.\n\nYet, during 1810, at what seemed to be the height of their power, the pirates disappeared almost overnight from the sea. It then became my mission to understand both their rise and fall. Initially, I had intended to investigate the entire phenomenon and to account for all of the pirate activity along the southeast littoral. In the end, however, I discovered that just as there were economic macroregions within which life was lived on the continent, so, too, were there similar regions or 'water\n\n* Professor Murray, of the University of Notre Dame in Indiana, is author of Pirates of the South China Coast, 1790-1870 (Stanford University Press, 1987). This talk was delivered to the Society on August 1st, 1983.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211312, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 28, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "social, demographic and economic situation of the late Ch'ien-lung and Chia-ch'ing periods led to an intensification of petty piracy as more and more gangs came into being, but not to any transformation of the phenomenon to a large scale or higher level of organization.\n\nThus we must next ask whether the growth in piracy was owing to outside patronage or support as was often the case with piracy throughout the rest of the world. In the first instance, the answer is \"yes\", for the immediate growth of piracy in China can be traced to the Tayson Rebellion in Vietnam and the creation of a privateer fleet by the Quang Trung Emperor (Nguyen Quang Trung). As a result of Tayson patronage, pirates, no longer forced to spend all of their energy on survival, could turn their attention to organization which became larger, more complex, and more permanent.\n\nWhereas pirate gangs of the pre-Tayson era had consisted of a score of men and a couple of vessels, by 1796 associations of a hundred men, and a dozen junks were not uncommon. Hierarchies comprised of patron-client relationships extending two, and sometimes even three, layers gradually appeared, and asylum in Vietnam allowed pirate leaders extraordinary opportunities for getting acquainted and cooperating in joint ventures. In creating privateers, the Tayson legalized piracy and thus radically transformed the status of its underworld practitioners who were instantly elevated from \"scourges of the sea\" to sailors in the king's navy. The result was a significant escalation in the scale of piracy.\n\nHowever, the heyday of the Tayson was short and their dethronement in 1802 left the Chinese pirates bereft once more of either a base or patronage. No longer were their activities regarded as \"legitimate” in any sense of the word and never would they be so again, yet, patronage notwithstanding, the pirates had come under Tayson sponsorship nowhere close to what would ultimately become their maximum growth. Thus, the Tayson era can be viewed as a kind of transition phase which allowed petty pirates to take the first and most crucial step in their own transformation. Yet, the period of the pirates' greatest strength still lay ahead and it came, not while they were allied to the Vietnamese, but rather after they had been forced out on their own into a hostile world in which they were regarded as the proverbial \"enemies of all mankind”.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211314, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 30, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "6\n\nher the confederation grew until, at its height in 1809, it comprised between 50,000 and 70,000 individuals and the 1,200 junks referred to in the introduction.\n\nThe Confederation in action\n\nBy mid-1808 the military success of the confederation was such that the Ch'ing government's policy of sea war had been soundly defeated. The deaths of the Brigade-General of the Bocca Tigris, Lin Kuo-liang, and the Lieutenant-Colonel, Lin Fa, coupled with their losses of material resulted in the reduction of the provincial fleet by half and an even greater penetration of the Pearl River Delta by the pirates.\n\nLin Kuo-liang's replacement, Hsu T'ing-kuei, was defeated in July 1809. Although he managed to destroy most of the White Flag Fleet in the process, he himself was killed and he lost ten of the thirty-five mi-t'ing or rice carriers in his war fleet. The situation was now desperate as pirates were able to destroy government war junks faster than the dockyards could build them, and most of the provincial fleet's auxiliary salt and fishing vessels were out of commission as well.\n\nPirates were now able to bring their penetration of the Pearl River to new heights as Black Flag Fleet leader, Kuo P'o-tai, set out at once on a six-week foray into the inner passage that resulted in the deaths of 10,000 individuals. On August 11, 1809, he burned the customs house at Tzu-ni, ten miles from Canton and sent messengers to the Governor-General warning that if ransom was not forthcoming, the city would be attacked.\n\nAt the same time, the Red Flag Fleet leader, Chang Pao, worked the **outer passage** or main channel of the Pearl River and destroyed two forts near its mouth. At the Second Bar, he sent a fleet of Chinese war junks running, destroyed towns and villages all the way to Pan-yu and Nan-hai counties, and defeated the government's newly-constructed vessels at Sha-wan.\n\nForeigners, too, were alarmed at the strength and audacity of the pirates, who, on September 5, 1809, simultaneously detained the vessels of the Siamese tribute mission in the mouth of the Pearl River and sent\n\nPage 30\nPage 31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211315, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 31, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "7\n\nfive American schooners scurrying for safety under the guns of Macao.\n\nAs the threat escalated, British and Portuguese vied with one another in offering their suppression services to the government. Victory in this contest went to the Portuguese, who were commissioned to send a fleet of six men-of-war to cooperate with the Chinese water forces in blockading the harbour of the pirate headquarters off the northern shore of Lantao Island. The Governor-General travelled from Canton to watch the grand spectacle of the pirate finale, but to the surprise of all, the pirates were able to push aside the fire vessels that were unleashed against them and to sail away unscathed into the night.\n\nThe dismantling of the Confederation\n\nOn the heels of spectacular success came the equally sudden and rapid dismantling of the pirate confederation. We can only speculate, because documentary evidence does not make clear, what finally precipitated this action. It may well have been internal friction between the fleet leaders, because on December 11, 1809, there was a battle between the Red and Black Flag Fleets. Unexpectedly, the Black Flag Fleet came out on top, and its leader, Kuo P'o-tai, realising that he could no longer withstand pressure both from a hostile government and his former ally, used the three hundred captives seized from the Red Flag Fleet during the combat as his collateral of good faith in accepting an offer of amnesty from the Ch'ing government. On January 11, 1810, he and 5,500 of his men surrendered to the Ch'ing.\n\nIt was not long before Chang Pao followed suit. On February 21, his fleet gathered at the mouth of the Pearl River to receive the Governor-General from Canton. The ceremonies went smoothly, but the negotiations did not, and as a result, the pirates withdrew. However, their desire to surrender persisted, and in April, the women stepped to the fore as Cheng I Sao and a group of other pirate women and children made their way on shore to the Governor-General's yamen in Canton. They proved to be tough negotiators, and the surrender was finally accomplished a few days later on April 20, when 17,318 pirates surrendered 226 junks and a number of cannon.\n\nIn the dismantling of the confederation, we can see the weaknesses", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211316, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 32, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "00\n\nof organizations based solely on patron-client relationships, for there are definite limits as to how many levels a given hierarchy can extend to before the ties binding leader and follower dissolve completely. The pirates were also limited by their inability to extend their confederation laterally, for they were never able to link up meaningfully with the pirates Ts'ai Ch'ien and Chu Fen who operated along the adjoining coast in Fukien province. Finally, squabbles over spoils and women at the height of victory also seem to have turned the pirates inward against themselves.\n\nConclusion\n\nIn returning to my earlier abandoned point about religion and ideology, this episode of piracy calls into question the widely-held notion that the primary motivation for large-scale collective action is necessarily ideological and that its goal is always rebellion.\n\nThere are indeed a few scattered remarks concerning the pirates' aspirations to \"overthrow the Ch'ing and restore the Ming\", but in all cases the authors or chroniclers of these remarks were foreigners, not Chinese. Moreover, the pirates' own document or \"articles of confederation\", drawn up in 1805, makes no mention of ideology or politics at all. Survival at sea, not overthrowing the dynasty, seems to have been their primary motivation.\n\nAlso, the dismantling of the confederation at the height of its power is incomprehensible if the anti-state rhetoric is taken at face value. In actual practice the pirates seem to have collaborated with states as much as fought against them, and we must keep in mind that it was as privateers or collaborators with the Tay-son state in Vietnam that the pirates got their first organisational help. Thereafter they were perfectly content to escort, for a fee, the government's salt fleets in Kwangtung and to work hand-in-glove with government officials who were in their pay.\n\nFinally, the pirates never gained a sufficient foothold on land to serve as a viable base for rebellion. At most they were capable of onshore raids in which they could hold onto a given city or town for a couple of days, but there was no attempt to establish more permanent garrisons. As a result they remained too isolated from society to be regarded as either serious rebels or social bandits. They were predators anxious to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211336, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 52, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "28\n\nformally took steps to organize and control the trade. Henceforth it was to be a government-sponsored operation supervised by the commission itself.\n\nIn October a prospectus was distributed advertising the new policy. It made specific efforts to differentiate the new programme from the previous illegal trade. According to the prospectus, the trade was to provide labour for the West Indies and work for the poor of China. It was not to be considered slavery. The rights of those recruited would be guaranteed by the British government and families were welcome to come along. In fact, in addition to promising education for dependents, the flyer outlined contracts of five years with pay set at four dollars a month. The contract could be broken after a year though four-fifths of the price of passage had to be repaid. As an additional incentive a twenty dollar advance was offered. Happily for those interested in recruiting coolies, Lao Ch'ung-kuang, the acting Governor-General who had replaced Po-Kuei, agreed to endorse the plan and to supply a mandarin to work with John Austin, the British recruitment official. By the late autumn the French had made similar arrangements.\n\n63\n\nEvery effort was made to disassociate the now official coolie recruitment from the previous illegal trade. Because the coolie ships had often sat off the coast near Whampoa full of men usually presumed to be prisoners, the new system established land-based recruitment houses in Canton. Parkes, the dominant commissioner, also worked with the local gentry and elders to gain their co-operation. And, as mentioned above, with the co-operation of the provincial officials, each emigration office, French and British, had Chinese officials assigned to work with it.\n\nThe allied commissioners were taking no chances with a potential uprising stemming from \"misunderstandings associated with the trade. Coolie inspectors were assigned to interview the recruited labourers. The inspectors had the right to interview the men at any time and, if necessary to close down the offending establishment. No corporal punishment was to be allowed. The inspectors were to be present whenever contracts were signed and inspection officers were required to visit the emigration houses daily.\n\n67", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211339, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 55, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "31\n\n1\n\nElgin to Clarendon, 9 Jan. 1858, Accounts and Papers, XXXIII 257) p. 140 and Bowring to Malmesbury, 15 April, 1859 Confidential Print, FO 405: 6. fol. 2, no. 1. It is often said that Martineau des Chesnez (see for example Hurd, The Arrow War, p. 125) spoke Chinese as well. This seems a confusion based on the fact that Chesnez spoke English and thus was helpful as a French-English linguist. See for example, Gros to Walewski, 13 January 1858, p.s. of the 14th, CP 23, fol. 41, AE.\n\n1\n\n5\n\nWade to Elgin, 10 March, 1858, Accounts and Papers, XXXIII 2571, (1859), p. 226.\n\nSee Steven A. Leibo, Transferring Technology to China: Prosper Giquel and the Self-strengthening Movement, (Berkeley, Institute of East Asian Studies, 1985), ch. 5.\n\nBourboulon to Walewski, 5 October, 1858, CP, vol. 22, fol. 177-178, AE plus Leibo Transferring Technology To China, ch. 1.\n\n7\n\nLaurence Oliphant, Narrative of the Earl of Elgin's Mission to China and Japan in the Years 1857, 58, '59 (London: William Blackwood and Sons, 1859), vol. I, 151.\n\n10\n\nGros to Walewski, 3 January, 1858, CP, vol. 23, fol. 8, AE.\n\nGros to Walewski, 3 January, 1858, CP vol. 23, fol. 8, AE.\n\nGros to Walewski, 8 January, 1858, CP vol. 23, AE.\n\nHurd, The Arrow War, p. 125.\n\nBowring to Labouchere, 16 April 1858, FO 17 296, des. 49, fol. 117-118, PRO. and Stanley F. Wright, Hart and the Chinese Customs (Belfast: Wm. Mullan and Sons, 1950), p. 176.\n\n13\n\nGros to Walewski, 8 February 1858, vol. 25, fol. 210, AE.\n\nLaurence Oliphant, Narrative of the Earl of Elgin's Mission to China and Japan,\n\nP. 155.\n\n15 Genouilly to Min. de la Marine, July 1, 1858, Dossier Individual Martineau des Chesnez, CC 7 2503, SHM.\n\nElgin to Malmesbury, 5 November, 1858, Accounts and Papers, XXXIII 2571, (1859), p. 413.\n\n17\n\nHsu, The Rise of Modern China 3 ed. p. 207.\n\n19 Trenqualye to Walewski, 28 April 1859, CCC Canton, vol. 2, fol. 112 and\n\nD'Abouville to Min. de la Marine, 2 May 1859, BB 4 763, fol. 106-7, AN.\n\n19\n\nLaurence Oliphant, Narrative of the Earl of Elgin's Mission to China and Japan, P. 155.\n\n20\n\nGros to Walewski, 8 January 1858, CP vol. 23, fol. 23, AE,\n\n21 Hurd, The Arrow War, p. 125.\n\n15\n\n21\n\nD'Abouville to Min. de la Marine, 12 December 1858, BB 4 763, fol. 20, AN.\n\n11 January 1858, Accounts and Papers, XXXIII 2571 (1859), incl. 2 in no. 83 fol. 149. PRO.\n\n24 Coupvent to Min. de la Marine, 20 June 1860, BB 4 787, fol. 11, AN,\n\n25\n\nHurd, The Arrow War, pp. 124-126.\n\n26 Laurence Oliphant, Narrative of the Earl of Elgin's Mission to China and Japan, P. 169", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211379, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "T'sing (i) dynasty, when the \"History of Sun On District (ïZ)\" was finally revised by the district magistrate Shuc Mau Koon (47), all written references to the place used the words Taai Po (X#). (See Note 1). But since that date Taai Po (iii) has been the generally accepted name, although Taai Po (4) meaning big wharf was occasionally written on account of a wharf having been built there.\n\nThe earliest known history of Taai Po refers to the finding of pearls in the sea nearby, in the fourth year of Hoi Yuen (72) A.D. 761 of Tong (WF) dynasty, and in the fifth month of that year. The method of collecting the pearls was crude, a man with a weighted rope was dropped over the side of a boat, and left until he was hauled up again at the discretion of those in charge of the boat. The loss of life was enormous, and after some time a high official of beneficent character named Yeung Paan Shan (PME) called attention to the fact, and the collecting was stopped.\n\nIt was started again, however, in the Naam Hon (M) dynasty when Kwangtung and Kwangsi became one kingdom, separated from the rest of China. In the sixth year of Taai Po (A) A.D. 964, the emperor changed the name of Taai Po to Mei Ch'uen To (I) beautiful stream town, raising it to the status of a military post and stationing 8,000 soldiers there to protect the pearl industry. Not only were pearls collected in great number, but tortoise shell of great value was obtained from Taai Po, and sent up to the capital Canton, then called Hing Wong Foo (EA) and used for decorating the emperor's palace there.\n\nIn A.D. 969 the Naam Hon dynasty came to an end, the palace with all its beautiful decorations was destroyed, and in the fourth year of Hoi Po (BH1%) A.D. 971 of Sung (*) dynasty the industry was again stopped. The soldiers who formerly guarded the pearls were turned into a form of police to protect the countryside and keep order.\n\nAt the end of the Sung dynasty when the Mongols came down from the North and the Yuen (6) dynasty began the emperor Chi Yuen (DC) in the seventeenth year of his reign, A.D. 1280, ordered the pearls to be collected again. In A.D. 1299, the third year of Taai Tak (A$) it was suggested by two men, Lau Tsun (3) and Ch'ing Lin (DE) to appoint more than seven hundred families of boatmen", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211384, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "76\n\nLEGENDS AND STORIES OF\n\nTHE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n[E\n\nTS'ING SHAAN UI OR CASTLE PEAK*\n\nSUNG HOK-P'ANG\n\nThe original name of Tsing Shaan was Yeung Haang Shaan (meaning \"Sheep or Goat Ditch Hill\", and nearby there is still a village called Yeung Siu Haang \"Sheep or Goat Little Ditch\", but later on the Peak was called simultaneously Shing Shaan “Saint Hill\", and T'uen Moon Shaan “Military Colonist Gate Hill\". The latter name was given because in olden times the Chinese Emperor sent soldiers there to cultivate the soil, and at the same time protect the countryside from the numerous pirates that infested the coast.\n\nIn A.D. 428 a certain monk named Pooi To became abbot of the monastery, and then the name of Pooi To Shaan was used.\n\nNearly five and a half centuries later, in the 12th year of Taai Po of Naam Hon dynasty, on the 18th day of the 2nd month (A.D. 969) the Emperor gave the hill the special name of Sui Ying Shaan \"Good omen hill\", and caused a stone tablet to be erected on which was carved the history of the monastery. This stone recorded that in the 11th year of K'in Woh A.D. 954 a military officer named Ch'an Ts'un had paid a stone mason to carve a figure of Pooi To which he put in a cave near the monastery, and which can still be seen. In the 4th year of Yuen Yau A.D. 1089 of Sung dynasty a general in Canton named Tseung Chi K'ei wrote an account of the hill, and put it on a stone tablet in place of the old one. This second one has now disappeared, but fortunately the account is in the \"History of the Sun On District\", and from it can be learnt that formerly there was a castle at the north of the hill, and to the west\n\n* The Hong Kong Naturalist July 1935.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211388, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "80\n\nto him roughly, Pooi To took the fish, and held it up admiringly. Then he tossed it back into the sea, and the fish swam away. Pooi To went on to another fisherman, who had a net. He again begged to be given a fish, but he was told go away. So Pooi To picked up two small stones and threw them into the net, and instantly two buffaloes appeared in the net, fighting with each other. Soon the net was torn to pieces, and the buffaloes slipped out of the net and disappeared, and when the astonished fisherman turned round to Pooi To, he had disappeared too.\n\nAfter this Pooi To went to the capital city, and stayed in the house of a rich man named Ch'an (陳), a native of Naam Chau (南州). Later 南州 stories reached Ch'an that there was another Pooi To in the city. Ch'an and his four sons could not believe it, but as the people who had told them persisted, Ch'an resolved to find out for himself. Leaving Pooi To in the house, he went with his sons into the town, and found, to his surprise, another monk exactly like Pooi To sitting there. Then Ch'an prepared a box of honey-ginger, which he gave to the new Pooi To, together with a knife to cut the ginger and a handkerchief dipped in fragrant water. The monk put the box on his lap, and started to eat the ginger, but however much he ate, the same amount remained in the box. So Ch'an decided that this man must indeed be Pooi To, and telling his two younger sons to remain with him, he went home again with the others. When they opened the door of their house they found Pooi To sitting there and on his lap was a box of honey ginger, a knife and a handkerchief dipped in fragrant water. He held out the knife to Ch'an saying, “This is not sharp enough to cut the ginger. Sharpen it,” While Ch'an was doing this, the two younger sons returned home, and reported that they had followed the monk in the city to the monastery of Ling Tsau (靈藏). Then Pooi To asked to be given two pieces of yellow paper, and he wrote some characters on the back of each. No one could understand the characters or even knew what language they were, and when Ch'an asked him what he was writing Pooi To gave no reply. He folded the papers together, and shortly afterwards disappeared.\n\nAbout that time a certain official or minister named Chue Ling K'ei (朱陵祺) was on his way down from Korea to China in a small vessel. He met a typhoon and the boat was tossed about the sea for nine days and then driven on to the shore of an island. The island consisted of a steep mountain, and here Chue and his companions wandered about", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 } ]