[
    {
        "id": 205212,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 168,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "162 \n\nNOTES AND QUERIES \n\nwith a Mexican name, was also brought to the Old World by the Spaniards. All of these plants crossed the Atlantic in Spanish bottoms and were then carried round the coasts of Africa and Asia to South China by the Portuguese. In the same way the sugar-cane, the banana and the yam were established in Brazil by the Portuguese and the cassava was introduced into West Africa where it has become the source of one of the staple foods of several countries.\n\nThe sweet potato, of course, presents special problems since there is reason to believe that it may have reached Polynesia in early times as an importation from the Americas. Nevertheless, it is not a native of the vast expanse of islands dotting the Pacific and it is much less likely that it came to China by that route than from the West,\n\nThe \"kind of melon\" of which the author speaks is known today in the Macanese dialect of the Hong Kong Portuguese as bobra Guiné (Guinea pumpkin). This word appears in Chinese characters (romanised as mó-pá-lá kin-ní by Mr. Luis Gomes in his Portuguese translation) in the Ao Men Chi Lüeh,? published towards the middle of the eighteenth century. The Chinese gloss has faan-kwa. It is likely then that this plant was introduced into China from West Africa or Guinea, to use the old name, and that the prefix faan cannot link this plant in any way with the Pacific area.\n\nThe rambutan (nephelium lappaceum), related to the lychee, is a Malayan tree and has a Malay name derived from rambut (hair), because of the hairy coat with which it is covered. This coat is of a reddish hue which no doubt explains the first element of its Malayan Cantonese name hung-mo-tán. The other elements are obviously phonetic renderings of the Malay word. This tree and its fruit were probably introduced to China by the Portuguese.\n\nAs a last comment on the element faan, are the faan-kwai not more often Westerners than people from the Pacific?\n\nOn the peanut, which, as Mr. Barnett says, bears no indication of foreign origin in its name, it appears to me that this plant may have been introduced to South-East Asia by the Portuguese. The botanists seem to agree that it is a native of Brazil and the Spanish chroniclers of the Indies describe it as a food-crop in Hispaniola",
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        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811",
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    {
        "id": 208946,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 108,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "76\n\nJOHN VILLIERS\n\nJapanese junks owned or commanded by Portuguese interlopers. Much of their cargo consisted of supplies such as wheat-flour, salted meat and fish, but also woven silk, screens, cutlery, arms and armour, and lacquer ware. Some of the supplies were used to furnish the ships sailing to Mexico. Payment was made by the Spaniards in silver rials and the Japanese traders took back raw Chinese silk, gold, deerskins, brazil-wood, palmwine, Spanish wine, glass and other European curiosities as well as old Chinese pottery and porcelain found in graves in the Philippines and used by connoisseurs of the tea ceremony.28\n\nThe Macaonese felt themselves threatened by this trade between Manila, China and Japan—particularly the re-export of Chinese silk from Manila—but they were of course keen to continue trading with Manila themselves. Portuguese ships, sometimes sailing from India via Macau, would come every year to Manila with African slaves, Indian cottons, spices, amber, ivory, precious stones, toys and curiosities from India, Persian and Turkish carpets, gilded furniture made in Macau and \"other commodities of great curiosity and perfection\".29\n\nIn 1624 the Viceroy rejected the petition of the Senado of Macau that the Manila voyages be officially sanctioned but the Macau-Manila trade in silk was sufficiently profitable to both sides for it to survive all bans. It remained in Portuguese hands and there were in consequence some who advocated Macau transferring its allegiance from Portugal to Spain.30 In 1625 the Spanish founded a settlement which they called La Santissima Trindad at Keelung on the northern tip of Taiwan, partly as a counterweight to the Dutch settlement of Fort Zeelandia established in Taiwan the previous year and partly as an entrepot for the Chinese silk trade which they hoped might eventually supersede Macau. The Governor of the Philippines, D. Fernando de Silva, stated in 1626 that the Dutch had already diverted much of the carrying trade in silk to Fort Zeelandia. \"This damage is clearly seen\", he wrote, \"from the fact that the fifty Chinese ships which have come to these islands have brought less than forty piculs of silk, whereas the enemy have 900 excluding the textiles and, if it were not for what has been brought from Macau the ships from Nueva España would have nothing to carry\". The short-lived Spanish attempt to lessen Manila's dependence on Macau ended with the fall of La Santissima Trindad to the Dutch in 1642.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209933,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 192,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "170\n\nGlassburner, Bruce, and James Riedel. 1972. “Government in The Economy of Hong Kong\", Economic Record 48, No. 1: 58-75.\n\nHeilbroner, Robert Louis. 1964. \"The View From The Top: Reflections on a Changing Business Ideology\". In The Business Establishment, ed. by E.F. Cheit, New York, John Wiley and Sons, pp. 1-36.\n\nHirschmeier, Johannes. 1964. The Origins of Entrepreneurship in Meiji Japan. Cambridge, Harvard University Press.\n\nHo, Ping-ti. 1962. The Ladder of Success in Imperial China: Aspects of Social Mobility, 1368-1911. New York and London, Columbia University Press.\n\nHong Kong Cotton Spinners Association. 1973. \"Annual Reports of The General Committee\". Hong Kong, The Association, mimeographed.\n\nKing, Ambrose Y.C., and Davy H.K. Leung, 1975. \"The Chinese Touch in Small Industrial Organization\". Hong Kong, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Social Research Centre, occasional paper.\n\nLevy, Marion J., Jr. 1955. “Contrasting Factors in The Modernization of China and Japan\". In Economic Growth: Brazil, India, Japan, ed. by S. Kuznets, W.E. Moore, and J.J. Spengler, Durham, Duke University Press, pp. 496-536.\n\nMcClelland, David C. 1963. \"Motivational Patterns in Southeast Asia with Special Reference to the Chinese Case\". The Journal of Social Issues 19, No. 1: 6-19.\n\nMannheim, Karl. 1936. Ideology and Utopia. London, Routledge & Kegan Paul.\n\nMarx, Karl, and Friedrich Engels. (1888) 1967. The Communist Manifesto. Harmondsworth, Penguin Books.\n\nMayer, K. 1953. \"Business Enterprise: Traditional Symbol of Opportunity\". British Journal of Sociology 4, No. 2: 160-180.\n\nMiners, Norman, 1981. The Government and Politics of Hong Kong. Hong Kong, Oxford University Press.\n\nNichols, Theo. 1969. Ownership, Control, and Ideology: An Inquiry Into Certain Aspects of Modern Business Ideology. London, George Allen and Unwin.\n\nOksenberg, Michel. 1972. \"Management Practices in The Hong Kong Cotton Spinning and Weaving Industry.\" Paper read at seminar on Modern East Asia, Columbia University.\n\nOlson, Stephen M. 1972. \"The Inculcation of Economic Values in Taipei Business Families\". In Economic Organization in Chinese Society, ed. by William F. Willmott, Stanford, Stanford University Press, pp. 261-296.\n\nOwen, Nicholas C. 1971. \"Economic Policy in Hong Kong\". In Hong Kong: The Industrial Colony, ed. by Keith Hopkins, Hong Kong, Oxford University Press.\n\nPan, F.K. 1974. \"The Simple Truth of Management and Maintenance”, a lecture delivered on 21st June, Hong Kong.\n\nRyan, Edward, 1961. \"The Value System of a Chinese Community in Java\". Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University.\n\nSeider, Maynard S. 1974. \"American Big Business Ideology: A Content Analysis of Executive Speeches\". American Sociological Review 39, No. 6: 802-815.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213009,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1993",
        "page_number": 77,
        "title": "RAS-1993",
        "content_text": "56\n\nstandard was reported as rising with Chinese athletes having their hands in it. Elsewhere, others' reactions, say, crowd applause that was supposed to be ceremonial (to athletes marching out in opening ceremony) or to both playing teams or all winning athletes was highlighted as reactions to Chinese athletes or teams. In the soccer tournament (1986), it was said that if China could enter the last eight, competition would be more fierce. Other vivid BIRG could be found in descriptions such as a Japanese swimmer won because he was aware of Chinese success in previous events; Canada's women basketball team which played well against Brazil, had visited China before the tournament (8 August, 1984); scoring rate of football tournament was higher than that in World Cup having previously mentioned that a Chinese scorer was in the top scoring list (30 September, 1986).\n\nWhile praising the victorious Chinese athletes, the press did not forget to modulate their tone a bit. Sometimes, in a report which depicted the gold-winning Chinese team, her rival having equal strength was emphasized (12 July, 1987). Inconsistency, inadequacy, need to learn from rivals were also drawbacks mentioned in reporting victorious events.\n\nAll the face-saving strategies mentioned earlier could be found in the sample. The most popular ones are meta-accounts and silence/negligence. And in the former, deferral is one frequent way of reporting Chinese failures or defeats. It could be either put at the end of a report (29 September, 1986; 29 August 1985), or put off to some later days. Reinstatement of intentions was also used time and again. When Chinese athletes or team could not win the gold medals, the press would state that silver or bronze medals were good enough for the present (women handball, 11 August, 1984; men's high jump, 13 August, 1984; athletic silver medallists, 16 July, 1987; fourth place in medal standing, 19 July 1987). Even if there were no medals to write about, the press would cite breaking national records as positive elements in the performance of Chinese representatives or even concluded that 'victory and failure were not to be so much concerned with' (loss in women's diving, 2 September, 1985).\n\nSometimes, the losses or defeats were not directly mentioned. Instead, passwords were expressed in the form of interviews with coaches of other teams (women basketball, 7 August, 1984), questions asked to readers and other authorities of how to improve the situation (table-tennis, 26 September, 1986). Only pity, and not lashes were accorded to the Chinese high-jumper, Zhu Jianhua when he lost in the Olympics 1984 and",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213917,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1996",
        "page_number": 269,
        "title": "RAS-1996",
        "content_text": "247\n\nTHE SEPULCHRAL URN\n\nOF MARTIM AFONSO DE MELO IN SANTARÉM\n\nBY RONALD BISHOP SMITH\n\nIt must be considered an amazing fact in these times, certainly it amazes me, that the city of Santarém which possesses the gravestone of Pedro Alvares Cabral, the discoverer of Brazil, which has long been an object of almost unending homage, also possesses the sepulchral urn of Martim Afonso de Melo, one of the discoverers of China, and no one in Santarém, or elsewhere, has sought to elucidate the curious fact.\n\nOn March 26th 1992 I attempted to locate this urn in what today is the suppressed church of the suppressed convent of São Francisco of Santarém and to read the inscription on it. Several times over the course of the years I attempted to enter the church but always found it closed. This time I found it open and walked in. I found the urn but in a much damaged condition and was able to read what remains of the inscription on it, which, however, is only about one half extant. The urn is embedded in the west wall of the capela of Santa Ana and the inscription can be easily read at eye level.\n\nCertainly I have not found anything new. Martim Afonso de Melo's urn was rediscovered during works in the church of São Francisco in the 1950s (unknown to me on March 26th 1992) after its whereabouts was unknown for many years, being hid for much time by a horse's trough (manjedoura) of the garrison of the Portuguese army formerly installed in the suppressed convent. What is new is the proof that I present that this sepulchral urn (already violated before the French invasions) is that of Martim Afonso de Melo, sometimes called Martim Afonso de Melo Coutinho, one of the discoverers of China. The proof which follows is brief, but to the point, and I believe sufficient.\n\nFernão Lopes de Castanheda, Historia do Descobrimento & Conquista da India pelos Portugueses (Livro V Capitulo Lxix, 1553 ed.) and João de Barros, Da Asia (Decade III Livro VII Capitulo I, 1563 ed.) state that Martim Afonso de Melo sailed from Portugal to",
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        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215408,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2001",
        "page_number": 185,
        "title": "RAS-2001",
        "content_text": "134\n\nthat bore an uncanny resemblance to retables. In fact, many look like stone altarpieces carved in high relief applied to the façades of churches. Although the phrase retable-façade is not actually found in contemporary sources, a number of accounts from the seventeenth century and later supported the findings of modern specialists by alluding to retables when describing some of these façades.\n\nThese rather puzzling structures had actually first appeared towards the end of the fifteenth century embellishing the front of several Late Gothic churches in Spain, and have apparently no counterpart in Europe or anywhere else. What is equally surprising is the fact that most of the artists who helped invent the type were not themselves Spanish. They often came from countries beyond the Pyrenees, such as Holland, Germany or France, and had been attracted to northern Spanish kingdoms by the patronage of kings, the church or the nobility. If they actually invented retable-façades is a mystery that has yet to be solved.\n\nRetable-façades come in all shapes and sizes. Stylistically they range from the Late Gothic to the Late Baroque and beyond. Artistically they go from the sublime to the prosaic. Some of the finest examples of the genre were created in Spanish Latin America and in Portugal, though, as mentioned, they are practically unknown in Brazil and other Portuguese colonies. In fact, Reynaldo dos Santos and R.C. Smith have argued that retable-façades in Portuguese architecture only occur due to Spanish influence.\n\n6\n\nSanta Maria A Grande\n\nOne of the masterpieces of this type of façade is that of the church of Santa Maria A Grande (St Mary Major), in Pontevedra, Galicia, in the Northwest coast of Spain (Fig. 2).\n\nI could equally well have chosen from amongst several works to demonstrate the more distinctive features of retable-façades. But I have selected Santa Maria A Grande because I believe it has unique features in common with the façade of St. Paul in Macao. To begin with, like St. Paul's, Santa Maria a Grande's fantastically ornate façade faces the river below from an imposing promontory.\n\nEqually relevant are the economic and cultural reasons that brought",
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        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215434,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2001",
        "page_number": 211,
        "title": "RAS-2001",
        "content_text": "160\n\nM. Hugo-Brunt, \"An Architectural Survey of the Jesuit Seminary Church of St. Paul's, Macao\", Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol. 1, No.2, July 1954, University of Hong Kong, pp.1-21. J.B. Bury, \"A Jesuit Façade in China\", The Architectural Review, VI. CXXIV, No. 743, London, Dec. 1958, pp. 412-3.\n\n\"Macao's St. Paul”, in Actas do III Colóquio Internacional de Estudos Luso-Brasileiros, II, Lisbon, 1960, pp. 30-6. A version of the latter, first delivered in 1957, is found in J.B. Bury, \"A Igreja de São Paulo”, Arquitectura e Arte no Brasil Colonial, São Paulo, 1991, pp. 154-61. With few exceptions Chinese gazetteers of the Ming and Ching Dynasties seem to have ignored the façade altogether.\n\n3 Guillen-Núñez, Cesar, \"Some observations on the architecture of the Jesuits in the Orient\", in St. Paul's Ruins. A Monument towards the Future, (bilingual Portuguese-English exh. catalogue, directed by F.A. Baptista Pereira), Lisbon-Macau, September-December, 1994, pp.49-53. Unfortunately, in this catalogue part of the original English text is corrupted by numerous typographical errors. There is however an excellent Portuguese translation, although a few lines of the original have been misinterpreted.\n\n+ For the dimensions of St. Paul's façade vid. Hugo-Brunt, op. cit., p. 9. plates 2-10, and plate 13.\n\n5 The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia, 1608-1667, Hakluyt Soc., London, 1919, III, Part I, pp. 162-3.\n\n6\n\nReynaldo dos Santos, Historia da Arte em Portugal, III, pp. 34-6. R.C. Smith, The Art of Portugal, p. 86.\n\nThe literature on Spanish and Portuguese retable-façades is extensive but often only found piecemeal in more general works on Spanish and Portuguese architecture. Two pioneering researchers were B. Bevan, History of Spanish Architecture, London, 1938, p. 135; and G. Kubler, in Kubler and Soria, Art and Architecture in Spain and Portugal and their American Dominions, 1500-1800, Penguin Books, 1959, p. 1. It should be noted that in the latter San Gregorio's façade is wrongly described as that of the chapel, rather than the College of San Gregorio.\n\nThe following is a selected sample of other important writing on these structures. A. Rodriguez G. de Ceballos, La Iglesia y el Convento de San Esteban de Salamanca, Salamanca, 1987. F.Checa, Pintura y Escultura del Renacimiento",
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