[
    {
        "id": 205078,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 34,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "The Five Great Clans\n\n29\n\narea by a group at least as strong as they, a point which will be taken up later.\n\nThe Pangs of Fanling were also on the fringes of the Sheung Shui area, and also were unable to settle on this better land, though they apparently arrived shortly after the Hau's. Their land is of moderate quality, though a little of it is in the 250-300 catty range,54 and the Pangs were poor, as remarked earlier. Recently the 'vegetable-growing revolution' began on this lineage's land,55 communications being excellent, so that, being on the direct line of exit from the Mainland, the area was soon picked out by the immigrants for settlement and farming. One result of this revolution has been a sudden rise in the income and standard of living of the Pangs, an indication of their growing influence being their entering of a candidate in 1964 for the high-prestige position of Chairman of the Heung Yee Kuk.56 At the same time the Pangs display an ultra-conservative attitude in respect of feng shui57 and religion. I am not in a position to say whether this conservatism is of long standing, or whether it has been strengthened since the change in their economic conditions. It is interesting, however, that their response to rising standards of living contrasts markedly with that of the Lius, whose rejection of feng shui tenets appears to be as whole-hearted as is the Fanling tenaciousness.\n\nThe Lius were the fourth of the clans to arrive. Their history is fairly well documented and throws an interesting light on the process by which they acquired probably the largest area of first-quality land outside the Tangs' holdings.59 The first ancestor was an itinerant tinker who disappeared from the area after founding a family there. Within four generations the family was scattered all round the Sheung Shui area in small settlements, the best land being occupied by the Kan60 lineage. By the seventh generation the Lius had greatly increased in numbers. A geomancer61 was amongst them, and he suggested that they should all come together to found a village, for \"he knew that it was not good policy to live in so many places, and feared that being scattered they would be unable to retain their close contacts and unable to maintain their mutual protection and aid\".62 Then, says the genealogy, \"the whole lineage lived together completely in accordance with the wishes of the geomancers\".63 This bland explanation of history does not explain how the Kans were persuaded to vacate their",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205084,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 40,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "THE FIVE GREAT CLANS\n\n35\n\nsibility of the watch to compensate the owner, so that they acted as a rudimentary form of insurance, as well as guards. They also acted as fire-watchers and firemen. One further advantage was that in this way there was always a small body of men under arms in case of attack from bandits or other clans.\n\nMen who were apprehended by the watch were taken before the village leaders for trial and judgement. Punishment frequently took the form of a beating, the criminal having a sack tied over his head to prevent his seeing who administered it. At the same time restitution of goods stolen, or a cash equivalent, had to be made. The system still survives, performing the same functions, though the watch no longer have to deal with bandits. Nowadays offenders caught would probably be handed over to the police, though a lineage member might well be subjected to the informal justice of his own lineage leaders in preference to this. Certainly it is not unknown for the lineages still to execute their own forms of punishment on wrong-doers. The chief advantages of the watch-system from the villagers' point of view are that both thieves and the police are kept away.86\n\nOne of the marks of a wealthy family, in this part of China at least, was the ability to buy and maintain outsiders in a position of servitude. Sai Man87 or Ha Fu, as these servile families were called, were to be found in each of the villages of the five clans, while other smaller lineages of the area do not appear to have possessed them — a further mark of the superior wealth and status of the five. Under this system of servitude, a male would be bought from his family and raised as a servant in the house of the purchaser. In due course he would be married at the owner's expense and provided with a house to live in and fields to till. He paid no rent, nor did he give up any proportion of his harvests; in theory, all he was required to do was to work for his owner on special occasions such as weddings and feasts, and to help at lineage ceremonies. In practice he was at the beck and call of all the lineage to do any task they set him. He was a servant for life, as were his wife and his descendants. In return for a guaranteed income and house he forfeited his freedom and submitted to a position of degradation throughout his life. Financially better off than the poorer members of the master lineage, he was socially way below them. Sai Man were not taken from",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205085,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 41,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "36 \n\nHUGH D. R. BAKER \n\none's own lineage or clan, nor indeed from any of the other four clans, I think. Descendants of these people still live amongst the master clans, though their servitude ended in most places shortly before the Second World War.89 Thus, single-lineage settlements often contained more than one surname due to this system, the Sai Man sometimes now constituting quite a high proportion of the total as is the case in the Hau village of Ping Kong, for instance, but politically the Sai Man were not to be reckoned with, and I was told, “As with women, we don't count them.\" \n\nNowadays, however, they tend to be treated as near-equals by members of the master-lineages, certainly as superior to other outsiders. For instance, Sai Man descendants surnamed Lam still live in Sheung Shui, and their children attend a private kindergarten run by the Lius at the same reduced fees which Liu children pay; in fact, they do not count as 'outsiders', who have to pay the full fee. In the Mung Yeung School at Kam Tin, the list of subscribers to the fund raised to found the school includes one man of the surname Sham,92 a descendant of a Sai Man family of Kam Tin, who has become wealthy.93 In Ping Kong, as noted above, many Sai Man descendants are still living; but yet other descendants of these people in the various villages have removed out of the villages of their ancestors' degradation now that they are free to do so. Near the town of Shek Wu Hui there is a small village started some years ago by such Sai Man descendants of the surname Chiu.94 \n\nFinally, in our discussion of the effects of landed wealth, we may point out that it has made a difference to the adaptability of the five clans to recently developed ways of acquiring money. For several generations now, smaller lineages and mixed-lineage villages have been sending men overseas on a large scale, and amassing a great deal of money, which is invested in better housing and sometimes in urban business ventures. Already wealthy, the five clans did not feel the need to indulge in this kind of enterprise on a large scale, and only since the 1950's have they succumbed to the lure of the easy money to be earned in the United Kingdom, France, Germany, and other overseas territories. Particularly since the Communist victory on the Mainland, agriculture has been hard hit in the New Territories. Pigs and chickens cannot be raised to sell at a competitive price with",
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    {
        "id": 205279,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1967",
        "page_number": 41,
        "title": "RAS-1967",
        "content_text": "34 \n\nJEN YU-WEN \n\nregular) palace, tien, was for the Queen Mother Young and was called by the name of Ts'u-yuan Tien (18. \n\nIt is reasonable to imagine that when they arrived in Kowloon their manner of life was practically the same as later in Ya-shan. The royal party with their attendants and the generals and ministers with their families went ashore followed by a number of royal guards, while the rest of the one hundred thousand soldiers had to stay on the boats. I believe that the royal party, including the mother Queen, Tuan Tsung, his younger brother and their closest attendants, were welcomed by the Salt-field Administrator, who was the chief official of the area, and accommodated in the better and more permanent houses in Kuan-fu Tsai. It is said that at the foot of the Kuan-fu Tsai Hill there was a large, flat stone which the Queen Mother used as her dressing table and hence it was called the Queen Mother's Dressing Stone, wang-mu shu-chuang shih (14†). The others had to live in the several villages and houses and huts which were hurriedly built with whatever materials were available in the area, such as bamboo, wood, mud, straw, stones, etc. No magnificent and beautiful palaces or mansions could have been built, owing to lack of time they stayed for only two months and want of the better class of building material. Such temporary houses must have spread all over the area. \n\nA close scrutiny of the earlier government maps show that the terrain in this area was very suitable for habitation. There was a brook which ran south from the northern mountainous area. There was another one running east from the valley between the two pincers on the northern end of the Kuan-fu Mountain. The two brooks converged on the western side of the Sacred Hill to form the Ma-tau-ch'ung, (i.e. stream), which then flows into Kowloon Bay. Thus there was enough fresh water for drinking, cooking and other purposes for thousands of people. It was in this large plain that the Kuan-fu Travelling Palace of Southern Sung was located (see map). \n\nIX. THE REST OF THE ITINERARY \n\nHaving encamped at Kuan-fu for two months from the 4th to the 6th, being the summer of 1277, the royal party, now threatened by the advent of the Mongols, moved on by boat with all",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205319,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1967",
        "page_number": 81,
        "title": "RAS-1967",
        "content_text": "74\n\nL. G. AIJMER\n\n16 The still wider surname groups, hsing (M), in Chinese society, based on entirely fictitious agnatic relationships, expressed in at least preferred exogamy, have often indiscriminately been designated 'clans'. See e.g. Lee 1960, p. 134f. and Willmott 1964, p. 33. This purely conventional consanguinal kin group comes close to the sociological concept of 'phratry', and kin group constellations of this kind may be described better as units of this higher order. The Hakka nomenclature may vary but the units discussed are always conceived of,\n\n17 Freedman 1958, pp. 47, 129.\n\n18 Census 1911, p. 103f.\n\n19 Nine villages with Cantonese-speaking Punti population in the same district at the same time display numbers ranging between 346 and 9, with an average of 108.\n\n20 However, Jean Pratt, in her account of a Hakka village to the north of Tolo Harbour in the New Territories, gives an example of a non-symmetrical segmentation, reflected in the establishment of a new ancestral hall; Pratt 1960, p. 148.\n\n21 This also applies to the Hakka village studied by Miss Pratt: 'The three lineage halls are merely buildings in a row like an ordinary dwelling house'; Pratt 1960, p. 148.\n\n22 Freedman 1958, p. 50.\n\n23 Skinner, in discussing the importance of marketing communities, points out that in Szechuan there existed organizations of Hakka 'composite lineages', with headquarters in teahouses in the market towns (Skinner 1964/65, p. 37). I have no knowledge of similar organizations in the New Territories. One would have expected something of this kind in a portion of China where the Hakka groups suffered political strain from the Punti population. Local groupings on a non-kin basis may sometimes have fulfilled a protective function. Such local organizations, with headquarters in small temples, are for instance to be found in the Sha Tin Valley, and in the Three Fathom Cove area. All three villages studied belonged in pre-British times to an administrative organization called Luk Yeuk, focussed on the old government centre of Kowloon City. Freedman (1966, p. 86) sees yeuk organizations as means for weak communities to seek 'protection against being molested by local powers'. For a discussion of yeuk see op. cit., pp. 82-89 and for the Luk Yeuk especially pp. 85f.\n\n24 A map of Hakka migrations is, for instance, provided by Kuo 1964, facing p. 6. But there are also other views as to the origin of the Hakka, see e.g. Barnett 1958, p. 2.\n\n25 Izikowitz 1963, p. 171.\n\n26 One man from Grass Field Village has settled for good in Borneo. He has taken his wife and children there. This is the only instance of permanent overseas settlement I have come across.\n\n27 This particular migration is said to have been encouraged and even given financial assistance by the Chinese Government as an aftermath of the war mentioned below; Dyer Ball 1925, p. 282. Another author thinks less of the generosity of the government:\n\n'Comme ces tribus Hak-ka se montraient particulièrement turbulentes, les mandarins chinois ne pensaient qu'à les éloigner de leur territoire; c'est ainsi qu'en 1864 et 1866, à la suite de nombreuses revoltes, ils furent expulsés dans le sud du Kouang-Si, vers ces marches frontières qui, comme la province de Moncay, étaient peu habitées et dans un état habituel d'anarchie politique.'",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205408,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1967",
        "page_number": 170,
        "title": "RAS-1967",
        "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n163 \n\nter. \"The inhabitants, from our knowledge of their character”, wrote another, \"appeared to be industrious and obliging.. They seemed in general to have been very peaceably disposed, nor did they exhibit any marked approbation, or disapprobation, on their transfer to the British sway\".8 \n\nThe Villages To-day. There are two villages, Kau Wai and San Wai—the Old Walled Village and the New Walled Village (though only the first has traces of an enclosing wall). Both have seen better days. The inhabitants no longer own the fields (they were resumed in connection with anti-malarial schemes in 1934–36) and the villages are now places where people live and go out to work. Most of the present vegetable growers live in huts beside their plots and not in the old settlements. In the Old Village most of the old houses have gone and many of to-day's dwellings are temporary structures put up on the site of old houses that have fallen into a ruinous state and thereafter have been cleared away. There used to be a temple to Pak Tai, the God of the North, but this became ruined and fell down about 50 years ago.10 The New Village, on the other hand, still retains some of its old houses which, in their present form and decoration are upwards of 60 years old. Their tiled roofs, ornamented ends, moulded plaster friezes, decorated eave-boards and granite lintels are worth a glance, as being some of the few surviving examples of this type of village architecture left on Hong Kong Island. They are typical of the better class of village dwellings of South China, many other examples of which can be found in the New Territories. Also in the New Village is the former house of Sir Shou-son CHOW's family (see below), but this was rebuilt about 1930 and it is of interest only for the photographs and paintings it contains of the CHOW family. \n\nThe Villages Yesterday. The date of settlement is not certain, though Lobscheid, the German missionary who was also an Inspector of Schools for the Colonial Government, was told by the village head in the 1850s that the first ancestor had taken a lease from \"Tang the acknowledged owner of the soil\" in 1668.1 \n\nIn 1893 a group of villagers had to appear before the Squatter Board to help determine and register legitimate holdings. From the information then recorded, and happily preserved, the following facts emerge:",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205496,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1968",
        "page_number": 38,
        "title": "RAS-1968",
        "content_text": "CHINESE RELIGION AND RURAL COHESION\n\n33\n\ndid so sometimes to avail themselves of residential facilities rather than continue to live on in their own homes. In Ting Hsien many are said to have joined the \"societies\" because they were old and had no sons. Widows and women along in years became members.40\n\nBut it seems probable that in normal times ordinary membership consisted more of the dislocated peasantry living outside village communities rather than the common peasantry. Although early in the nineteenth century State policy was to punish only sects actually rebelling, the severe punishments meted out to members later in the century must have tended to restrict membership to the really desperate on the whole. For those outside villages, without extensive kinship organization and strong forms of mutual aid, the pseudo-kinship system could provide a better means for mutual cooperation, and sectarian ideology provided an explanation of the misfortunes leading to their unsatisfactory position in life. We hear of sects for grass-cutters, and firewood gatherers: occupations likely to be followed by persons outside village communities.42\n\nIt is difficult to assess the actual strength of sectarian organization territorially but there may have been factors preventing very widescale integration of the various units it comprised. In Singapore where main membership is of unattached working immigrant women who are generally illiterate, there is said to be a shortage of persons capable of taking rank and administrative position. The \"family\" system tends to overshadow that of the administrative hierarchy even in sects retaining patriarchs, with resulting conflicts between the interests of the locally organized groups and central leadership. This might well have been the case also in some rural areas of the homeland.\n\nLoyalties to the \"family\" then, and also linguistic and cultural differences between the various areas, may have provided problems for sectarian central administration, as they did indeed for the State's own central administration. Not only was it probably difficult for most sects to keep the various rural groups of followers together but the imprisonment and death of leaders at the hands of the State had a serious effect on central control, as sectarian records show. Records I have seen show that removal of top leadership led sometimes to a splintering of the organization into further sects often becoming rivals.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205540,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1968",
        "page_number": 82,
        "title": "RAS-1968",
        "content_text": "ON FENGSHUI IN SOUTHEASTERN CHINA\n\n77\n\navailable in Plum Grove Village. In Big Stream Village rice land occupied 16.8 acres and dry cultivation 8.6 acres. The total was then 25.4 acres. The corresponding figures for Plum Grove Village are 17.9 and 6.5 giving a total of 24.4 acres. The ratio between Plum Grove land and Big Stream land is then 6.9, 1.3, and 1.0 respectively.\n\nThere is yet a complication to be taken into account. Plum Grove villagers were not the sole occupants of land around their own village. Three other settlements further up in the mountains own a considerable amount of paddy fields and dry cultivation land there. A very old lady in one of these other villages thought she had heard that these fields were bought ‘a very long time ago' and that they were then very expensive. The land around Plum Grove Village is generally considered the best in this mountain area. It is not possible to establish how outsiders were vested with rights in this land. My guess is that this small village could not supply labour enough to make full use of what was at least potentially arable land, and outsiders were let in. There may also have been an earlier decrease in population. Out of the 24.4 acres registered soon after 1899 only 15.5 were controlled by local villagers. The outsiders from the other three villages had together 8.6 acres of rice fields and 0.3 acres of dry land. Thus only 64% of the local arable area were in the hands of Plum Grove people at the turn of the century. If we then compare the actual land-holdings of the two villages at this period we still find that the 2.9 times larger population of Big Stream Village had access to arable land that was only 1.5 times as large as that of Plum Grove Village; which means roughly that five persons in the former village had to live on what three persons were dependent on in the latter. As to the more vital rice land the proportions are the same.\n\nTo this basic situation could be added some other factors that were to the advantage of Plum Grove Village. They had a better supply of water for irrigation, they had better-quality soil, and they had better conditions for the formerly important complementary tea plantations. Their situation up in the mountains offered more security than could be obtained on the coast in a pirate-haunted strip of land. Plum Grove people will also have had better marketing conditions in that their traditional market town Xigong (Sai Kung) was situated in a predominantly Hakka-speaking and small-scale lineage area, while Big Stream people were dependent",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205541,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1968",
        "page_number": 83,
        "title": "RAS-1968",
        "content_text": "78\n\nGORAN AIJMER\n\non Dabu Jiuxu (Tai Po Old Market), dominated by a single mighty Cantonese lineage, who tried their best to harass market visitors.\n\nThis rather tedious exercise provides us with evidence enough to justify an assumption that the people of Plum Grove Village were better off than their neighbours of Big Stream Village.10\n\nA key factor for the understanding of social change in this area is the rapid urbanization on the Kowloon Peninsula after 1875. For the villages in question this process implied a set of new choices, e.g. the use of a new, comparatively lucrative market developing at Youmadi (Yau Ma Tei). Here they came to sell firewood, and once in town they encountered new possibilities. The demand from overseas for Chinese labour had led to the establishment of labour-recruiting bureaux and agencies. The expanding shipping trade in the Hong Kong harbour offered opportunities for jobs on board transoceanic steamers. At the same time the appearance of new industrial products on the market drastically reduced traditionally complementary incomes from home industries.\n\nThe men of Big Stream Village soon jumped at the new opportunities that were displayed in Kowloon. Many of them ended up in the United States, Canada, and the West Indies. Through their remittances the home community now had access to an inflow of external incomes. As time passed considerable accumulation of capital brought about changes in the economic status of the village. Before the Pacific War several large and spacious houses were constructed by a handful of very successful emigrés. Conditions had improved, although economic differentiation within the community now was more marked than in the traditional situation. The general location of the village will also have become more favourable as the Kowloon-Canton Railway and a modern road were constructed on the other side of Tide Cove in the opening years of the 20th century.\n\nThe possibilities displayed in Kowloon did not have the same attraction for the people in Plum Grove Village. Land was still sufficient, the yield in normal years will have been reckoned as satisfying, and the firewood cutting, charcoal burning, and other home industries could for a long time bridge the slowly emerging gap between increasing population and static means of production. Part of the land that in 1906 belonged to outsiders seems to have been bought back by local people, but such expansion of produc-",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205564,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1968",
        "page_number": 106,
        "title": "RAS-1968",
        "content_text": "PLOVER COVE VILLAGE TO TAIPO MARKET\n\n101\n\nand two of these had been tutored and had no formal school experience. Ability to speak Cantonese, the lingua franca of Hong Kong, also made a strong difference: where the interviewer needed a translator, preference for the village was stronger.\n\nThis point is even further brought out with the combination of several indicators which enable us to look at the population of people who have high income drawn from at least two sources. We define in these terms those families where the husband is working and there is rent from one or more flats, or there is a husband working plus income from some other worker, or there is rent from four or more flats and the wife is working at home industry. There are thirteen such families not all of which enjoy very high income but undoubtedly have other fortunate social characteristics, such as involvement in family economic affairs by both husbands and wives and probably, therefore, better social relationships within the family. Only one of these families indicate that they were happier in the village. The rest of these data are summarized in Table II. It would be unreasonable to conclude\n\nTABLE II\n\nMULTIPLE SOURCES OF HIGH INCOME\n\nBY WHERE HAPPIER\n\n(Village or Resettlement Area)\n\n  \n    \n    Multiple source high income*\n    Not multiple source high income\n  \n  \n    Where happier\n    5 (males) 10 (females)\n    \n  \n  \n    Village\n    1 (male)\n0 (female)\n    3 (males)\n2 (females)\n  \n  \n    Resettlement area\n    6 (males)\n1 (female)\n    2 (males)\n1 (female)\n  \n  \n    Both, same, don't know, no answer\n    2 (males)\n1 (female)\n    2 (males)\n1 (female)\n  \n\n* Rent (1 or more flats) plus husband or other worker, or 4 or more flats plus wife or wife doing home industry.",
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    {
        "id": 205570,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1968",
        "page_number": 112,
        "title": "RAS-1968",
        "content_text": "PLOVER COVE VILLAGE TO TAIPO MARKET\n\n107\n\nHakka villagers: although the data presented are only roughly analyzed certain conclusions can be tentatively drawn.\n\nAlthough the villagers were for the most part not reluctant to move, their initial experiences in the resettlement area have distinctly dampened their enthusiasm. Although there is some evidence to indicate that their enthusiasm diminished under the impact of economic hardship in a money economy, it is undoubtedly premature to make that judgment as many lines of investigation and possible explanatory variables have not as yet been investigated. It does appear that those people who have resolved their economic difficulties are significantly happier in the resettlement area than those who have not. Similarly, a large part of this happiness is probably due to individuals with better education and broader life experiences being better able to cope with the complex social situation in which they now live. Most of the villagers, however, have chosen as yet to shun the larger social scene and continue living as villagers in an urban setting.\n\nA great part of the burden of adapting to the new situation seems to have fallen upon the women in their role as housekeepers and major providers for the needs of their families. Many of the husbands seem content to leave the financial problems to their wives and spend their days in non-economically productive ways. This burden causes the wives to be the most unhappy within the resettlement area.\n\nProjecting from these basic conclusions, it would seem legitimate to indicate that there are potentially serious problems which may arise in the resettlement area. The government (which won overwhelming approval in its handling of the resettlement) seems now to be facing a severely dislocated rural population which already shows signs of structural problems in the economic sphere, which may soon spread to other aspects of social life, such as family organization and social control over children. The primary cause seems to have been failure to recognize the human problems of environment change, as opposed to the financial and physical problems. Future major resettlements should undoubtedly be planned in conjunction with various social welfare agencies who, with some time to accomplish their work, may be able to prevent the kind of demoralization which is beginning to appear in the Taipo Market resettlement. Perhaps it is not too late to accomplish some remedial work with this population even now.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d",
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    {
        "id": 205796,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1969",
        "page_number": 102,
        "title": "RAS-1969",
        "content_text": "96 \n\nR. BRUCE \n\nlive in Bangkok and buy or rent property there, and within a distance from the capital measured by how far a local boat could travel within twenty-four hours. Beyond that the Siamese could not undertake to ensure their safe protection. British subjects, who must register with their Consul and carry identity documents, could observe their own religion and build churches. This provision was scarcely necessary when we recall Mongkut's welcome to the missionaries. The treaty also specified that British subjects could employ Siamese servants. \n\nBritish ships-of-war were allowed to sail up the Menam as far as Paknam about twenty miles from Bangkok - but no further without special permission. If an ambassador were to arrive he could sail all the way to the capital in his warship. \n\nThen followed the commercial articles. The monopolies of the King and his nobles were abolished and trade was made free. British merchants might buy from the producer direct and sell their imports to anyone without interference. The duties levied on ships according to their size were abolished, and all imports were to be subject to a tax of three per cent. Exports were to be taxed once only; the amount of the duty being specified in a schedule attached to the treaty. Opium was to be admitted without duty and sold to a single merchant. The export of rice was now permitted for the first time, but the treaty provided for a ban on its export and on the export of salt and fish - in times of scarcity. Permission was given to British companies to build ships in Siam. Article 10 was a \"most favoured nation\" clause: Bowring had the foresight to expect that other countries would follow the British example and he insisted that the terms they obtained would never be better than those he had just secured. Lastly, there was provision for the revision of the treaty in ten \n\nyears. \n\nEveryone was happy and especially King Mongkut. Bowring was received in Royal audience formally and for several hours in private. He visited the Second King, Mongkut's equally gifted younger brother, who held this peculiarly Siamese post of deputy monarch. Mongkut wrote a personal letter to Queen Victoria and entrusted it to Parkes who was to take back the text of the treaty to London for ratification. Elaborate gifts were collected for the Queen. The King was in excellent spirits, delighting in",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206246,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1971",
        "page_number": 63,
        "title": "RAS-1971",
        "content_text": "LETTERS FROM China 1835-36\n\n57\n\nof subjects that will one day avenge themselves on all of us if neglected. This is almost a more painful sight than the ignorance of the poor Chinese around us; it is being regularly \"blinded by the god of this world\" in spite of the light of day; in the other case, day has not yet dawned on the benighted souls.....\n\nI am more chagrined than I can tell you, at being unable as the time draws nigh, to give Herschel any hopes of meteorological observations here on the 21st Inst. Instruments cannot be borrowed from the Ships at Whampoa, and I cannot leave Canton for two days at this over-busy season to go to the instruments, and I have tried to move one or two Ships' Officers residing there in vain. My old Partner G.I. Gordon (whom you may know by my report of old, for a man of uncommon talents and most cultivated mind, as well as amiable and honorable feelings) is at Macao now, with Herschel's brochure in his hands, endeavoring something: he may be up here in a few days and then I shall know the worst. I look forward to disappointment on this 21st Decr as now fixed. But if I live till 21st March, I shall have better hopes of doing something, however little that something be, because for one thing I shall not be so excessively busy in office at that period as at present. So my regret though great is not altogether despair; and I wish you would give H. [Herschel] my warm love with the assurance of the hearty zeal I take in this matter, and which I shall yet evince I hope more practically than in all this bow-wowing.\n\nI am sending under the care of Lieutenant P. Nicolson by this opportunity, a small parcel to H's [Herschel's] address containing what I daresay will be a great curiosity to you both – genuine Chinese Map of China, and eke of both hemispheres. The latter (the Old World at least) you will make out immediately. But the New World will be new to most Geographers who look at it. I am sorry I have not time to search for some translation of the Chinese characters on it, but perhaps I may supply the want yet. Accompanying this map, is a Prospectus of a most excellent Institution lately set agoing here, for the success of which I feel a deep interest - a Diffusion of Useful Knowledge Society in China! Is not the idea good? Simple elementary Treatises on all useful subjects to be translated by it and diffused as much as possible, over the Empire, and into the Imperial Palace itself if",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206269,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1971",
        "page_number": 86,
        "title": "RAS-1971",
        "content_text": "80\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nto the preservation of the national integrity; uneasy under the restraint of law and unscrupulous of the means by which they live, they abandon without hesitation their hearths and household gods, their birthright and their father's tombs, to wander, unrespected, whither gain may call them. The unsettled state of the Colony, and the vast amount of crime during its infancy afford abundant proof of the demoralizing effects of their presence... (More recently) Hong Kong has been invested by numbers of the Triad Society, the members of which under shelter of a political maxim ‘overturn the Tsing... and restore the Ming' perpetuate the grossest enormities. I have satisfied myself that most of the burglaries have been planned and attempted by members of this dangerous association.3\n\nFearon mentions in his report a person named Aqui as the most influential and wealthy of the native residents. He had rapidly risen from the lowly status of a bum-boatman. William Tarrant, an early historian of Hong Kong who was well acquainted with the early days, writing in 1861 comments that\n\n— there were some curious fish among the earlier native settlers; the leader of them is still living in Victoria, Loo Aqui, alias See Mun King. If all reports be true, Aqui was monarch of all he surveyed on the water about Hong Kong prior to our taking possession — that is to say, he was the Sea King who took toll from all that passed his squadron. This is of course rumour only; and we but mention it to say that the presence of Aqui on the island had much to do in keeping people of better character from settling, or even visiting the place.+\n\nGeorge Smith, the future Bishop of Victoria, visited Hong Kong in 1844 and gives an equally critical description of Aqui's activities.\n\nHe possesses about fifty houses in the bazaar, and lives on the rent, in a style much above the generality of the Chinese settlers, who are commonly composed of the refuse of the neighbouring mainland. During the war, Aqui acted as purveyor of provisions to the British armament and acquired some wealth. After the peace, he was at first afraid to return to the mainland, lest he",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206566,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1972",
        "page_number": 114,
        "title": "RAS-1972",
        "content_text": "108\n\nE. G. PRYOR\n\nreduce overcrowding it was essential to provide more and better designed houses, to decentralise the population into new self-contained communities and to reduce building density. The commission also recommended the setting up of a permanent town planning and housing committee and the provision of more public parks. It made the further suggestions that the provision of adequate housing for the poorer classes should not be left to private enterprise without assistance and that consideration should be given to the financing of slum clearance and subsidised housing by means of a special tax, loan or issue of housing shares.\n\nThe tide of events again overwhelmed any intentions the government had for implementing the findings of the commission for in 1937 the Japanese declared war against China and this brought 750,000 refugees into the Colony. However, a Town Planning Ordinance was passed in 1939 to provide for the layout of new urban areas and the replanning of districts already developed although nothing was immediately achieved under this Ordinance as the Colony was engulfed in December 1940 by the Japanese conquest of South-East Asia.\n\nThe Past Meets the Present: 1945-1971\n\nThere was considerable damage to property during the war and a survey carried out in 1946 showed that almost 8,700 domestic units had been destroyed and some 10,300 damaged.23 The number of persons displaced as a result totalled 161,000 of whom 154,000 were Chinese.\n\nAlthough the population of the Colony had been reduced to 600,000 persons by 1945 as a result of Japanese deportations and voluntary movements back to China, large numbers of displaced people came back with the return of peace so that by 1947 there were some 1.8 million persons in Hong Kong. It is not hard to imagine the circumstances under which most families had to live in view of the depleted stock of housing and the limited availability of public services during the immediate post-war years.\n\nThe housing problem became even worse as a consequence of the establishment of the People's Republic in China during 1948-49 which motivated yet more refugees to seek shelter in the Colony.\n\n23 Building Reconstruction Advisory Committee, Final Report, Hong Kong, 1946, Appendix 2, p. 13.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206991,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 62,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "56\n\nH. I. LETHBRIDGE\n\n41 In 1838 Charles Mirfin was killed in a duel on Wimbledon Common. The principal escaped abroad but the seconds were found guilty, sentenced to death, but later reprieved. In 1841 the Earl of Cardigan wounded Captain Tuckett in a duel and was accused of 'assault with intent to murder'. In 1852 a group of Frenchmen were indicted for duelling on English soil, sent for trial, and imprisoned. It must have been well known to both Mayréna and Morès that duelling was a criminal offence under English law and that the guilty could not escape easily from a term of imprisonment, even in Hong Kong. In 1872 the Spanish Consul in Hong Kong and the Peruvian Consul in Macao fought a duel at Chinese Kowloon. The Peruvian Consul was wounded by a pistol shot. They were each fined $200 at the Supreme Court in Hong Kong, although the duel had not taken place on Hong Kong soil!\n\n42 ...the duel is a leisure-time institution... In civilised communities it prevails as a normal phenomenon only where there is an hereditary leisure class, and almost exclusively among that class' (Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class, New York, 1934, p. 239.)\n\n43 Alfred Capus (1858-1922) was a well-known journalist and man-about-town.\n\n44 Maurice Mac-Nab (1856-1890) was a chansonnier, poet and notorious noctambule. The Rat Mort was a well-known café-chantant in Montmartre, the haunt of decadents, harlots and pleasure-seekers. The composer Charles de Sivry (1848-1900) was for a long time accompanist at the Cabaret du Chat-noir. He was the brother-in-law of Arthur Rimbaud.\n\n45 At table, for example, the courtiers were expected to wait until the King introduced a topic of conversation.\n\n46 John Fortescue Owen, born in 1869, entered the Federated Malay States Civil Service in 1889 and was appointed Junior Officer and Magistrate, Pahang, in that year.\n\n47 See W. Lineham, 'A History of Pahang', Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 14, Part 2, 1936, p. 135.\n\n48 Sir Hugh Clifford, 'The King of the Sedangs', Asia, July-Dec., 1926, p. 920.\n\n49 Edouard Drumont (1844-1917) wrote a famous book, La France Juive, (1886), in which he attempted to demonstrate that France was controlled from behind the scenes by a pack of Jews.\n\n50 R. H. Sherard gives an account of a personal interview with Morès in the Santé prison in The Real Oscar Wilde, London, n.d., pp. 401-2.\n\n51 Morès did not mean to kill Mayer: Mayer impaled himself by running upon Morès's foil.\n\n52 The Marquise offered a large reward for the capture of the assassins. There is a story that she tried to hire a number of cowboys to effect the rescue. She died in 1921 and in her will—a copy of which is in Somerset House, London—she left a sum of money for the erection of a monument at Mechiguig. In 1928 a large granite cross was placed on the spot where Morès fell. Lesley Blanch in her book The Wilder Shores of Love (London, 1954) claims that the Arab-loving Isabelle Eberhardt went in pursuit of Morès' assassins, but I have found no confirmation of the story.\n\n53 Times, 20 July, 1896.\n\n54 Soldiering was also an aristocratic sport, better than the chase. Many people volunteered to fight in wars which did not concern them; see, for example, the career of St. Leger Grenfell, who fought with John Hunt",
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    {
        "id": 207022,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 93,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "FR. ERNESTO GHERZI, S.J.\n\n87\n\ndiscussed his impressive character. For example, Sir Francis Chichester in his book The Lonely Sea and the Sky (1964) tells of his early flight from New Zealand to Japan in August 1931 and of his visit to Zikawei to ask Fr Gherzi when it would be safe to proceed to Kagoshima. \"... I waited in a cool, silent, stone hall, while a priest went to find Father Gherzi. He was a thin tall man with slender high-browed head, and a narrow black beard. He wore a long black robe under which appeared two enormous black boots. He was impatient, impetuous and clever. In a rapid, emphatic way, he said that there was a typhoon centred east of Formosa, that it was travelling fast straight for Shanghai, that it was impossible for me to leave for Japan because of a 35 mph head wind, and that I must secure my seaplane at once. After my experience the day before with the emphatic reporter in the sampan, I started cross-examining Father Gherzi about this weather. He showed clearly that he resented this, and that he thought me a fool.... In the afternoon Father Gherzi said that I must not leave before he had the Japanese reports at 8.30 in the morning. That meant a 9.30 start, which was later than I liked, but what could I say to a man who was taking so much trouble for my safety? There was something fine about that dark impatient man, and he was good; each time I parted from him, I had an impulse to live a better life.'\n\nHis 'enormous black boots' were sometimes the butt for humour by his more youthful and disrespectful colleagues, one of whom spoke of the 'longest feet in Asia protruding from beneath a long black cassock'.\n\nA WRITER OF MANY PUBLICATIONS\n\nApart from his annual reports and papers, Fr Gherzi wrote the following books on the distribution of the meteorological elements in the Far East: Rainfall (1928), Winds and upper air currents (1931), Temperature (1934), Humidity (1934) and an Appendix on Rainfall (1937), all published by Zikawei Observatory. He was particularly interested in microseisms and was the first (1923) correctly to attribute the source of a certain type of microseism to the central region of typhoons but he thought, incorrectly, that they were caused by barometric pulsations of the central atmospheric column. He presented his case in a number of journals (e.g. 1932) and for the rest of his life, he continued to argue for this cause of typhoon microseisms. Indeed, the journal which carried notice of",
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    {
        "id": 207345,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 113,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN 19TH CENTURY\n\n105\n\nhad married, or lived with, Chinese, Eurasian or Portuguese women and for that reason stayed on.\n\nThe decision to remain in employment in Hong Kong was also related to the level of wages in Britain and to depressions and unemployment in the mother country. Most felt that they were better off, if only marginally, in Hong Kong. Lastly, many inspectors had served in the army, navy or merchant marine; the jobs they took in Hong Kong usually satisfied their instinct for hierarchy, order, and discipline. As Dr. Topley writes:\n\nIn Hong Kong, unlike in some British colonies and ex-colonies, two social classes of westerners are recognized. Chinese divide westerners into the taai-puân (bosses) and pong-paân (help-manage). The latter category includes most people who are in uniformed supervisory jobs. The former term has been romanised by westerners in Hong Kong as \"Taipan\" and is used commonly in conversation and in the English press to refer to wealthy westerners.28\n\nThose in uniformed supervisory jobs—members of what one may call the 'inspectorate'—were in nearly every case former servicemen. There was thus no radical break in their lives when they stayed to work in Hong Kong in the dockyards, Marine Department, Sanitary Department, P.W.D., police, or prisons.\n\nTAIPANS AND THE EUROPEAN LOWER CLASS\n\nVisitors to Hong Kong were always startled by the extent of conspicuous consumption found there. Typical are these comments by a seasoned traveller in the 1860s:\n\nEuropeans in Hongkong live in a very expensive style; much more expensively, one would think, than they need do, when we consider that many of the necessaries of life are to be had at prices very little in advance of our market rates at home. Nothing surprised me more in Hong Kong than the expensive way in which English assistants were housed, and the luxuries with which they were indulged. Indeed few more luxurious quarters were anywhere to be found than the 'junior messes' of the wealthy British firms. There the unfledged youth, coming out from the simplicity of some rural home, was apt to develop into a man of epicurean tastes, a connoisseur in wines, and to become lavish in expenditure...29",
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    },
    {
        "id": 207516,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 284,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "276\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nordered to do so, unwounded. However this may be, there we were, available to relieve them of the responsibility of caring for our casualties.\n\nThe next point of importance is the Japanese decision to behave like other belligerents and abide by the terms of the Geneva Convention though they had not been signatories. As a result, they recognised and accepted representation in Hong Kong and some, at least of the activities of the International Red Cross Society.\n\nAs a possible third consequence they allowed the hospital to remain in its buildings and concentrated there all allied wounded from other hospitals in the Colony. They used it also to receive some, but not all sick from the P.O.W. camps.\n\nAll of these actions conferred clear benefits on the Japanese, as well as upon us.\n\nAny drugs or dressings removed by them from the hospital were in such small quantities as to be unimportant to us. Even when an electricity generator was taken, we still had another left. Except when some unacceptable decisions to admit too late, or discharge too early, sick prisoners were made by the Japanese the clinical freedom of our doctors was not challenged.\n\nThe hospital was given staple food and fuel rations and clothing and boot repair materials on a scale which may have been based on a standard used for Japanese troops who of course were known to live in part off the country in which they were operating. International agreements of course required only this scale to be observed. I think that our guards fared rather better than we did on their basic rations, especially in fish, but I have recorded earlier the anxiety shown by guards when their rations, like ours were late in arriving. I recall here the public statement to us in 1944 by a supplies officer that there were shortages on the Japanese side but that they would try to keep the hospital properly supplied. This was an appeal to us to understand their position, an appeal which fitted ill with much of the Japanese bearing towards prisoners. Their plight then, in Japan itself as well as in Hong Kong and no doubt elsewhere was extremely grave and their desperate resistance for another year is surprising. It was however hard, even impossible for prisoners to take then the detached view that we can today.\n\nWhile the Japanese haul of booty in the form of drugs and medical supplies in Hong Kong must have been enormous the quantities that reached the hospital were negligible and we were",
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    {
        "id": 207580,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 348,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n339\n\ncontrolled the central government of the late Ming period. However, due to the expansion of the military power of the Manchus, the central activity of this Association from 1640, turns into the intellectuals' Anti-Manchu Movement.41 The fact that Hsiao Yün-ts'ung has been a member of the Reconquering Association can certainly help us to understand more about his life and personality. Although we know nothing about Hsiao's Anti-Manchu activity, a description of him as, “taking up the life of a hermit, he devoted himself to poetry, essay-writing, scholarship, and painting” (p. 177) is at least not the entire picture of Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's life. He must have been patriotic and full of the spirit of justice at one time. More likely it was only because of the triumph of the Manchus that he was forced to live as a recluse for his last 30 years. Professor Li has tended to ignore this key point in Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's life.\n\nTo conclude, in the 20th Century, in the 60 years since Stephen W. Bushell (1844-1908) published his classic Chinese Art42, due to the stimulation given by the opening of museums, the growth of private collections and a developed new interest in studying things oriental, a good number of histories of Chinese art have been written by scholars of different nationalities. None of them, however, has attempted a Chinese art history based on a single private collection,43 like Thousand Peaks and Myriad Ravines. This appears to be the first book of this kind, and despite those problems that the reviewer has already pointed out, and some other minor disputable points44, it is not inappropriate to call this book the first such publication. It is one, too, that is associated with a unique and earlier feature of writing Chinese art history, the introduction.\n\nThe reviewer suggests that as a Research Curator of the Nelson Gallery and Atkins Museum in Kansas, with its far better known collection, Professor Li should publish another such history of Chinese art, or history of Chinese painting, based on that renowned assemblage.\n\nUniversity of Hong Kong, 1976\n\nFOOTNOTES\n\nCHUANG SHEN\n\n1 For instance, the well-known collection of Mr. K. Sumitomo, is described in the illustrated and descriptive catalogue Senoku Seisho ★A★T (The collection of old bronzes of K. Sumitomo) first edited by Prof. Kosaku Hamada∗ ∗ ∗ and others in 1911. After being revised by Prof. Sueji Umehara∗ ∗ ∗ it was reprinted in 1934 in Kyoto. The additional catalogue concerning Mr. Sumitomo's new acquisitions on ancient",
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    {
        "id": 207852,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1976",
        "page_number": 240,
        "title": "RAS-1976",
        "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963\n\n225\n\nany physical sense, for there is no mechanism for such a transfer. Filial children benefit from the virtue of their parents' graves; how is a mystery. If they live close enough they must tend the graves, but their separation from them by mere distance is no bar to their receiving the virtue.\n\n58. Few people seem to doubt that descendants are affected by fung shui. But there is also a popular belief, not shared by some geomancers, that the virtue stored up in a grave can be tapped by strangers. And from this idea stem the attempts at poaching on sites; attempts, that is to say, to bury one's dead in the immediate neighbourhood of a grave which has demonstrated its efficacy. Geomancers may say that the virtue is confined to one tiny spot in the grave, the site having been chosen to accord with the special characteristics of its occupant, and that the area round the grave will avail nobody. On the other hand, they will also certainly say that a new grave close by the old may well destroy its virtue by altering the conformation of the site. So that poaching is a serious offence and may be the cause of bitter disputes. I came across no such case myself, but there is evidence that quarrels of this sort have been known in the New Territories. (For early evidence see the Administrative Reports on the Northern District for 1909 and 1910; a system of grave registration was introduced in 1909 to overcome these difficulties). Generally people in the New Territories are able to protect their graves against encroachment and it is only in special cases that one can see the effect of the belief that the virtue of a site may be tapped. In a valley leading from Fei Ngo Shan and overlooking Hebe Haven there is a large official cemetery (Pak Fa Lam) which appears to have come into existence because it contains the tomb of Sun Yat-sen's mother. Sun's success is attributed by many people in Hong Kong to this grave; in consequence, it has attracted to it a host of other graves, despite the prohibition placed by the Administration on burial there. (Sun's failures as well as his successes can be read from the grave of his mother, as I shall show presently, but people who 'buy' plots in the cemetery are presumably not concerned with this qualification).\n\n59. Geomancy in the open countryside entails scattered burial. Each new omega-shaped grave involves the search for a new site. Burial grounds amounting to cemeteries are very rare, and when they are found they usually turn out to be used for people who were not old residents of the New Territories. A New Territories\n\nPage 240\n\nPage 241",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208101,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1977",
        "page_number": 140,
        "title": "RAS-1977",
        "content_text": "124\n\nGREGORY E. GULDIN\n\nWe Fujianese are conservative and don't just start talking or making friends with strangers. Anyway, you'll only meet your best friends through already close friends or relatives or \"tong xiang\".\n\nThis ethnic feeling of separateness (as well as the reality of separation) has led to the emergence in Little Fujian of what Milton Gordon (1964:30) has called an \"ethnic sub-societal network\" that enables Fujianese to form nearly all of their solidary and stable relations—relatives, friends, and neighbors—with Southern Fujianese like themselves. Furthermore, even the characteristically unidimensional and fleeting nature of many urban roles (Southall 1973: 82) turns out to have a remarkable ethnic coloration in Little Fujian, as witness social interaction in the Chun Yeung Street market, for example, where shopkeepers, clerks and customers are all Fujianese. In North Point, because of patterns of ethnic selection and preference, these roles are at the same time both unidimensional and ethnic.\n\nLittle Fujian: Sub-Neighborhood and Community\n\nEthnically-significant patterns do then exist among the Fujianese of North Point. Does this in itself qualify North Point's Little Fujian as a community? Some sociologists suggest that residential segregation is crucial to the maintenance of ethnic community or solidarity (Joy 1972; Lieberson 1970) but Drieger and Church (1947:30) have rightly criticized this unidimensional insistence on residential segregation as too crude a diagnostic.\n\nUnfortunately, they too propose (1974:36) a crude diagnostic that of the ethnic percentage of a neighborhood's population. A better approach would be the realization that a sense of community is not automatically reached when the actual ethnic population counters reach a certain total but when the intensity of ethnic social interaction reaches a point that it gives an overall ethnic flavoring to the social interaction of a specific group. Enveloped in the substantially ethnically-enclosed networks of Little Fujian, the Fujianese of North Point without doubt live in such a social reality.\n\nA quick analytical divorce between the concepts of “neighborhood\" and \"community” is also imperative; “ethnic neighborhood” (or \"ethnic sub-neighborhood” if need be) should refer to a spatially segregated or clustered resident population while “ethnic community”...",
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    {
        "id": 208107,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1977",
        "page_number": 146,
        "title": "RAS-1977",
        "content_text": "CHEUNG CHOW – LONG ISLAND\n\nW. J. HINTON, M.A.*\n\nThe island we are to describe is not the Long Island of New York society but another Long Island altogether, in the latitude of Havannah, and in the South China Sea called Dumb-bell Island in Hongkong, it is Cheung Chow to some eight thousand souls, three thousand ashore and five thousand afloat, who live there, or thereabouts on the fishing grounds. The little community is small enough to be understood by sympathetic observer, and interesting enough to merit description in some detail. So in the hope that some better qualified observer will be provoked to come forward and take up the tale, we will attempt a description.\n\nAs to geography: the place lies in that archipelago which stretches across the mouth of the Canton River between Hongkong and the four hundred year old settlement of Macao. The River boats which ply between those towns pass by it disdainfully, or perhaps the police fear that if they touched there the problem of smuggling, already formidable would become altogether unmanageable. For they seem to be inveterate smugglers, these Cheung Chow fishermen like fishermen elsewhere.\n\nCheung Chow is quite close to Hongkong, about one hour's steaming by launch, and on clear days the sails of its anchored junks are visible over the low spit of sand which forms the handle of the \"dumb-bell\" from Cheung Chow and Hongkong is a glorious sight, by day a long line of high ridges above which the clouds tower and at night a dim mass on which the mountain roads prick out white festoons and necklaces of light, still and shining above the winking beacon of Green Island.\n\nAcross that dozen miles of sea a small ferryboat like a slow shuttle carries a slender thread of communication six times in the day. The Police can talk by wireless with their waiting launches in Hongkong, and for the unhurried there are the junks and sampans.\n\nThis article is reprinted from the Hongkong University Journal of Law and Commerce, Vol. II, April 1929, No. 1. It was brought to the Editor's attention by Dr. Peter Wesley-Smith.\n\n* The author served the University of Hong Kong first as Registrar 1912-13, then as Professor of Economics and thrice as Dean of the Faculty of Arts, until his resignation to take up a post in England in 1929 ---- Ed.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208986,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 148,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "REDISCOVERING OUR SOCIAL AND CULTURAL HERITAGE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\nBARBARA E. WARD*\n\nAn audience composed mainly of Chinese residents of Hong Kong may well ask by what right a non-Chinese such as myself dares to speak on the subject of this symposium? My justifications are very simple: I am human, I am a scholar, I am a social anthropologist, and I passionately love Hong Kong, which is, after all, a place with which people from my country have been closely identified for more than one and a half centuries and which for more than thirty years I have regarded as my second home. There is, moreover, the further point that, as my husband is never tired of reminding me, I am a village woman by origin and rural society is familiar to me.\n\nI have just said that I am a social anthropologist, but some of you may wonder about this as you know me here as a member of the Department of Sociology. There is not really a problem here. In England, which is where I come from, and in many parts of what we here usually call \"the West\", the distinction between social anthropology and sociology is made primarily in terms of methods and approaches and general topics of interest, rather than in terms of who studies what societies. Perhaps you will understand this better when I tell you that although many of the courses I went to when I was a graduate student at the London School of Economics many years ago were indeed about so-called \"primitive\" peoples in parts of Africa and the South West Pacific, yet many others were about the complex civilizations of India and South East Asia, and the most memorable of all were the ones about China that were given by Professor Fei Hsiao-t'ung in 1947. Moreover, the first anthropological fieldwork I ever did was in London, and our subjects were English Londoners.\n\n* A paper read at a symposium held at New Asia College, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 10th June 1981. The author, who is well known to readers of this Journal, was then Visiting Reader in Anthropology at the Chinese University, on leave of absence from Newnham College, Cambridge.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 208990,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 152,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "120\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nthe interest nor the techniques were available to study that other side of Chinese society which in fact was the experience of more than 90% of the population—the rural villages, small and large market towns, peasants, artisans, small tradesmen, fishermen and so on: in other words, the Little Traditions that were of course just as much part of the whole entity which was China, and without which the elite section would not have existed at all. After about 1920, interests changed a good deal in China, as elsewhere, and at about the same time anthropological and sociological techniques for studying the Little Traditions of the world began to be developed, but by the time that Wu Wen-tsao, Fei Hsiao-t'ung, Francis Hsu and their colleagues started to use the new techniques in the mid—and late thirties it was already very late. Despite the appalling conditions of national and civil wars they did a remarkable amount of work. Without it we should be immeasurably poorer than we are; but inevitably they could only cover a relatively small part of the vast whole before 1949.\n\nTo-day Mainland China is completely closed to the kind of prolonged, detailed, intimate study that classical anthropological fieldwork depends upon. Virtually no-one, not even Mainland Chinese themselves, has been able to do this kind of work since 1949, nor, in my opinion is it at all likely that it will become possible for very many years to come. (It is necessary to add that, of course, China does not stand alone in this prohibition; for what are in every case held to be good political reasons, the lights are going out for this kind of study in many, many parts of the world at present.) The result as far as Mainland China is concerned is that it will now never be possible to recover in detail the social and cultural heritage of what I have just referred to as the Little Traditions. The saddest words in all human languages have to be said—it is too late.\n\nThus only Hong Kong and Taiwan remain, and Dr. Wang Sung-hsing has just told how in his view Hong Kong is now the more valuable for this kind of recovery work and no-one in the world is better placed to know.\n\n—\n\nWe may ask why are the New Territories still so rich in this way? It is, when you think of it a very odd thing! Surely two of the strangest outcomes of the history of opium wars and Western imperialism are, first, that Hong Kong to-day is one of the rather",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209130,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1981",
        "page_number": 33,
        "title": "RAS-1981",
        "content_text": "FOLK MEDICINE IN BORNEO DIAGNOSIS AND CURE\n\n19\n\nThe typical history of a person who is ill is that he first goes to consult a herbalist; if he does not recover he then consults another expert, a carver of images who knows the shape and attributes of spirits. The sick person may indeed have consulted an image maker at the same time as he went to the herbalist. From the symptoms the carver decides what spirit may be attacking the soul of the patient. He makes an image of that spirit in the pith of a sago palm and spits betel nut juice at the carving and commands the spirit to enter it. If his guess about the spirit is right, the spell compels the spirit (who has broken the ader by trespassing on the human domain without justification) to enter the image and stay there for three days. The carver then holds the image over the sick person and pours water over it on to him, after which the 'live' carving is taken out of the village and put in the spirit's proper dwelling place in the river, in the forest, or hanging on a tree if it is an air spirit. This expert, who is not usually a herbalist or shaman, is not really concerned to know why the spirit has attacked the man, and, by injuring the soul, has frightened it away towards the land of the dead, thus also harming the body. He is merely concerned to guess from the symptoms what spirit has done the injury. By trial and error he may diagnose and carve the images of as many as ten different spirits before the patient decides he has had enough and had better take the next step and consult a shaman to get a better diagnosis.\n\nA shaman is a man or woman who has entered a permanent relationship of friendship with one or more spirits on whom he can call for guidance and help in dealing with matters in which humans and spirits or even humans and animals are involved. These friendships of a shaman are in one sense improper, because the ader is designed to keep the different orders of being separate from one another; and someone who disobeys the rule is likely to be in danger himself and a possible source of danger to others. Unlike the herbalist or the image maker, the shaman does not diagnose the cause of an illness from the symptoms: he speaks to spirits, or they enter him in trance and speak direct to the patient or assistants and tell them what is wrong. The shaman's friendly spirit may, if it is necessary, go and fetch the spirit who is causing all the trouble, so that it may explain what the sick person has done and how things can be put right.\n\nA shaman is able to approach other orders of being in safety only if he or she can rely on spirit friends who have chosen him or her and divulged their names and the proper ways of addressing them.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209132,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1981",
        "page_number": 35,
        "title": "RAS-1981",
        "content_text": "FOLK MEDICINE IN BORNEO DIAGNOSIS AND CURE\n\n21\n\nhis hand, catching the gifts which he then presses into the patient's head. More gifts are asked for, and are pressed into the base of the throat, the belly, the back, and other places that are sore. These stones and flowers are to strengthen the patient and to begin to drive out what is dirty, and to repair the damage done by the attacking spirit to the patient, either by its rough handling of the soul or by spearing it. Injury of that kind to the soul reacts on the body and causes it damage as well.\n\nThe next step is to finish cleaning out the sickness and any damage it may have done to the body; so that the soul, if it has already departed, may return in safety. First the shaman puts his lips to the places in which he has inserted the heavenly stones and flowers and sucks out the dirt and sickness, at the same time silently bidding what is harmful and unclean to depart. He then takes the bunch of leaves he brought with him and sweeps the patient from head to foot, sometimes singing aloud, but always bidding the sickness to go.\n\nThe treatment by this spirit is now complete. Often the helping spirit is the one who has caused the trouble because the patient in some way or other annoyed him. Once the man knows what he has done and has, as it were, apologised, or the shaman's spirit friends have persuaded the annoyed spirit to cease his attack, the situation can easily be put right. But before the spirit goes he may stop to gossip with the audience; he may also advise further treatment of the patient by other spirits; the cause of the illness may not be simple or single, and in any case one spirit's powers are limited, even if he did cause the damage. In simple cases it may not be necessary to fetch the attacking spirit; but if the attack is serious then the illness can only be cured by fetching the attacker; and it may take quite a long time to find him while the shaman explores his network of friends in the spirit world.\n\nThe attack on the man may not be the result of either anger, malice, or hunger; it may be the result of love or the wish for friendship. Spirits sometimes take an unreasonable liking for human beings — it is, as I said earlier, an improper and alarming state of affairs, and a sensible person (especially an aristocrat who has to consider his dignity at all times) is likely to ignore all the usual danger signals made by omens or in dreams. If the patient does that there is nothing for it but for the spirit to make the man or woman ill. After the spirit has made his wish for friendship known, there is nothing more the patient can do if he wishes to get better other than to accept the friendship.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209212,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1981",
        "page_number": 115,
        "title": "RAS-1981",
        "content_text": "THE CHINESE CHURCH, LABOUR AND ELITES AND THE MUI TSAJ QUESTION IN THE 1920'S 101\n\nmight otherwise starve or live in extreme poverty by providing it with food, shelter and clothing. It benefited the parent of the child by providing him with money so he could sustain the other members of his family. The manifesto claimed, however, that this was not charity, because \"in charity the dispenser must show sacrifice and the character of the recipient must be preserved\". The parent who sells his daughter is devoid of charity, and anyone who buys is helping to destroy one of the most sacred of human bonds. To call the system charity is in the opinion of the manifesto \"hypocritical and absurd”.\n\nThe proponents of abolition were very sceptical that propaganda would convince owners of the girls to improve their situation, \"To promote a society of mui tsai owners for prevention of cruelty without assisting those liable to ill treatment to liberate themselves is like formation of a league of cats in the interest of the mouse\". The Anti's, as we shall see, had no hesitation, however, about using a barrage of propaganda to promote their own cause.\n\nThey were firmly convinced that the only way to prevent ill-treatment of mui tsai was by the abolition of the system, not through a society for their protection. They set forth several proposals to bring this about. All documents of sale should be cancelled. The purchase price previously paid would be regarded as an advance to the parents of the girl and she should continue to work for a period to be determined by a commission appointed by Government.\n\nA temporary industrial home should be established to train the girls in self-support. Into this home could be admitted young children whose former owners may have found them troublesome to keep or difficult to manage. It would also be a home for those self-supporting girls who were temporarily out of work. Gradually former mui tsais would become hired servants or factory workers. To aid them in finding suitable jobs an employment agency should be established.\n\nWhen the documents of sale are cancelled the mui tsai should be informed they are now \"yung mui”, that is servant girls. Until the girls had served out the time determined by the commission they should be under the supervision of inspectors, \"preferably of the gentler sex\".\n\nIn conclusion the manifesto made an appeal to the better nature of its readers,\n\nIt is the duty of a civilized community to raise its fellow citizens out of a state of degradation and oppression. When those who have a claim to our sympathy happen to be helpless",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209240,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1981",
        "page_number": 143,
        "title": "RAS-1981",
        "content_text": "EDUCATION AS A BY-PRODUCT OF FISH MARKETING\n\n129\n\nwork organisation in 1978; it was found that of 263 respondents living in 4 large typhoon shelters, even though only 17 percent were active fishermen still, only 13 percent were not from fishing families. ** In my conversations with long-term boat-dwellers in Yaumatei and Castle Peak, all of Shui-sheung-yan origin, the problem appeared to be that many had not registered for public housing until their boats were about to fall to pieces, many had for years not even bothered to register as Hong Kong residents.\n\n++\n\nSuch organisation as has arisen among the poor ex-fishermen has been very different to that promoted by the F.M.O. Its main aim has been to secure public housing on land for the poor boat-people (not private housing, as is the case with the \"Better-living societies\"). Methods used have been classic oppositional pressure group tactics: petitions, demonstrations, press conferences. 35 Government reaction, using the extraordinarily wide powers of the Public Order Ordinance, has been uncompromising and often unyielding. \"Nevertheless, some groups have succeeded in being rehoused and as they have, of course, so they have ceased to organise and agitate. In consequence, this type of organisation is episodic and ephemeral. Such continuity as it has is given by outside community organisations, especially SoCO, the Society for Community Organisation, a Christian-inspired, privately funded community work group, founded in 1970, which first obtained re-settlement for a group of boat people as early as 1972. They used 200 student volunteers to carry out the survey referred to above. They found in the whole territory some 2,266 boat-people residences: possibly an under-estimate, but well within the limits of the population forced out of the fishing industry since 1971.\n\n37\n\nThis survey found many social problems among the boat people. They had to live in dark, difficult and insanitary conditions, without running water, overcrowded because new boats were not allowed. There was usually no electricity. Children were unsafe, and from time to time drowned. Typhoons were an especially dangerous time. Poor educational achievement and low aspirations were also identified as a problem. Attendance at nearby schools was poor. Parents tended to want their children to start earning at an early age. 32.5 percent of the respondents bluntly declared they wanted only primary school education for their children. Another 42.9 percent indicated that it would be impossible without financial help and provision of study facilities for children. (i.e., the “study rooms\" which are located in the basements of many Hong Kong public housing estates, which are filled every evening with",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209688,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1982",
        "page_number": 345,
        "title": "RAS-1982",
        "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n323\n\neffect a movement by people in power to get rid of those holding different views. Lin Biao, who was designated as Mao's \"successor\", and his supporters were trying to seize power in a bid to consolidate their stronghold on China's political scene. From this political background emerged the \"May 7 cadre schools\", which were in name labour camps where people tempered themselves through physical labour, but were in reality concentration camps for those cadres who were excluded from the new regime because they did not follow closely or enjoy the trust of those in power. We as \"May 7 fighters\" were sent down to cadre schools with our families to make our homes there.\n\nAll organs of political power are governed by a process of metabolism whereby the old are superseded by the new. However, it is unprecedented for personnel changes to come about like this. This may be less destructive than resorting to violence; nevertheless, it is not an example to be followed because to do so would merely cause unnecessary damage and waste all over again, in just the same way. It is hard to understand why the Liuhe cadre school, originally intended to accommodate those cadres who were left in the lurch during the power struggle, was later used to take in those from cultural, educational and scientific research institutions. As the saying goes, the \"fish in the moat suffer when the city gate catches fire\". So many intellectuals who were probably completely uninterested in wielding power were made 'victims' of a power struggle.\n\nWhile no one can safely guarantee that the new must be better than the old when the change comes about by democratic means, it is certain that any unnecessary damage or waste can be avoided through a democratic and peaceful change. If the present Chinese leadership has finally come to realise this need and allows those who do not want to distinguish themselves in politics but simply want to dedicate themselves to the well-being of mankind to live and work in peace and contentment, then it is still worth our while to have paid \"fees\" for the \"May 7 cadre schools\". These are some of my humble opinions and heartfelt expectations.\n\nCHANG HSIN\n\n(Note: This review was written in Chinese, and translated into English by the kindness of Mr. Louis Kong),\n\n---\n\nPage 345\n\nPage 346",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209852,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 111,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "Chinese \n\n89 \n\nLoan Word \n\nCharacters \n\nSoy \n\n豉油 \n\nTai chi \n\n太極 \n\n*Tai tai \n\n太太 \n\nTaipan \n\n大班 \n\nTaiping \n\n太平 \n\nTanka \n\n疍家 \n\nTao(ism) \n\n道(教) \n\n(ist) \n\nTea \n\n茶 \n\n*Tin Hau \n\n天后 \n\nTofu \n\n豆腐 \n\nTong \n\n堂 \n\nTung (oil) \n\n桐(油) \n\nTycoon \n\n大亨 \n\nMeaning \n\nA salty, fermented sauce much used on fish and other dishes in the Orient, prepared from soybeans. \n\nA series of postures and exercises developed in China as a system of self-defence and as an aid to meditation, characterized by slow, relaxed, circular movements. \n\nMeaning 'Mrs', a title for a married lady, placed after the surname as in 張太太 or 'Mrs. Cheung'. In the Hong Kong media it has acquired specific connotations and refers to wealthy married ladies who are usually prominent in society and are arbiters of style and fashion. \n\nThe head of a foreign house of business in China: a great merchant. \n\nThe name given to the adherents of a great rebellion which arose in Southern China in 1850, under the leadership of Hung Siu-tsuen. \n\nThe boat-population of Canton, who live entirely on the boats by which they earn their living; they are descendants of some aboriginal tribe of which Tan was app. the name. \n\nA system of religion, founded on the doctrine set forth in the work Tao te king 'Book of reason and virtue'. \n\nThe leaves of the tea-plant; first imported into Europe in the 17th C. A drink made by infusing these leaves in boiling water, having a somewhat bitter and aromatic flavour, and acting as a moderate stimulant; largely used as a beverage. \n\nLiterally 'Queen of Heaven', goddess who is patroness of fishermen and sailors. \n\nThe bean-curd or bean-cheese of China and Japan, made from soya beans. \n\nA Chinese secret society. \n\nA yellow drying oil derived from the seed of a tung tree, Aleurites Fordii, used in varnishes, linoleum, etc. \n\nA businessman having great wealth and power.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 210013,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 271,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "Aquilaria Sinensis is by no means rare in Hong Kong. In Dunn and Tutcher's Flora of Kwangtung and Hong Kong which was published in 1912, it was stated that in a one-acre plot of fung shui woodland in the lower ground of Hong Kong, 31 out of 125 trees enumerated were Aquilaria sinensis (then known as Aquilaria grandiflora). Even today it would not be difficult to find this tree in various parts of Hong Kong. They usually occur in natural woodland on lower hill slopes and in fung shui woods behind villages. There are good specimens in Tai Po Kau Nature Reserve, Ng Tung Chai in Lam Tsuen, and Pak Tam Chung, Sai Kung.\n\nThe publication of Professor Lo's book generated some local interest in the Incense Tree. In the 1960's and 1970's, both the Urban Services and Agriculture & Fisheries Departments planted a number of these trees in public gardens and on hill slopes. Seed supply is in abundance and there is no difficulty in raising young trees in the nursery. However, when planted out in open sites, the survival rate is disappointingly low. Moreover, the tree is quite slow-growing and is rather susceptible to wind damage. A seedling of half a metre high planted in Kowloon Tsai Park in 1974 reached a height of only 3.2 metre in 10 years. Even when planted in mixture with other tree species in plantation conditions the species fared little better. On this basis, A. sinensis is unlikely ever to rival the more robust and fast growing species which now commonly occur in our parks and countryside.\n\nNotwithstanding its growth habits, the local historical significance of the Incense Tree has been well recognised. As a matter of interest, the cultivation of the Incense Tree has been used as the main theme in the information displays in the Aberdeen Country Park Visitor Centre. Visitors to the centre, in addition to learning of the interesting historical events concerning this tree, can take the opportunity to have a close look at several live specimens growing by the side of the entrance.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 210215,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1984",
        "page_number": 186,
        "title": "RAS-1984",
        "content_text": "165\n\nfamily ties are sufficiently strong for some Hong Kong beds to be cultivated by China-based farmers. The export of Chinese oysters to Hong Kong forms a large proportion of the total oysters consumed or re-exported in processed form. The cultivation techniques used are similar irrespective of the base of the farmer.\n\nThe total area of the oyster beds in Deep Bay is at present about 3100 ha.\n\nFigure 2 Historical Trend of Oyster Production\n\n  \n    Wet weight Tonnes\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    1600\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Sources & Legend\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Morton, B & Wang P(1978)\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    MOR. T.K (1974a)\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Agriculture & Fisheries Department, Annual Reports\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Love Pau Shan Oyster Industry Association\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Sketchmap Arquupisnikutt Ganjdny\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Otheral popports to Hong Kong\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    1500\n    1400\n    1300\n    1200\n    1100\n    1000\n    900\n    800\n    700\n    600\n    500\n    400\n    300\n    200\n    100\n    0\n  \n  \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    1954\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    \n    58\n    62\n    66\n    70\n    74\n    76\n    78\n    80\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    Year\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n\nReorganized table for better readability:\n\n  \n    Year\n    Wet weight Tonnes\n  \n  \n    1954\n    \n  \n  \n    1958\n    \n  \n  \n    1962\n    \n  \n  \n    1966\n    \n  \n  \n    1970\n    \n  \n  \n    1974\n    \n  \n  \n    1976\n    \n  \n  \n    1978\n    \n  \n  \n    1980\n    \n  \n\nThe reorganized table is not directly derived from the original text, but it represents the data in a more structured format.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 210424,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 31,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "12\n\nBARTHOLOMEW P.M. TSUI\n\nThere are certain dispositions on the part of the patient before he or she can be cured. The first is that the patient should venerate the Supreme Deity with devotion. Secondly, he should repent of his wrong-doings and resolve to live a better life thereafter. Thirdly, he should not worship other gods or the Buddha. Fourthly, he should not use paper gold and candles (in worship).\" There are also four conditions under which a patient may not be cured: firstly, where the patient has committed a grave sin; secondly, where the disease is a result of the patient's misdeeds; thirdly, where the patient has only a minor sickness; fourthly, where the patient has reached the end of his or her natural life-span. (However, the Supreme Deity may grant an extension to the natural life-span as a favour.)\n\nAlthough a recognition of the Supreme Deity on the part of the patient is necessary for healing, a full initiation into Tan Tse Tao is not necessary, and many who were not followers were cured.\n\nVI. Notable Characteristics\n\nWe have now seen the history, teaching, practices, organization and healing method of Tan Tse Tao. It has all the essential elements which go to make up a religion. Thus it claims to have a special revelation, a beginningless and endless God, a teaching which will settle the perplexities of human life, a hierarchical church which governs the group of followers, a form of worship, its own festivals, and its own holy books. The most striking thing about this religion is the spontaneity of its origin and the unlikelihood of its having a thoroughly Westernized Protestant uninterested in traditional Chinese religion as its founder. It is as if the circumstances of the Patriarch's conversion were so chosen as to accentuate the authenticity of this revelation. The fantastic power of Tan Tse Tao's healing method also contributes to this end.\n\nAnother striking thing about Tan Tse Tao is that, unbeknown to Patriarch Lo, it bears remarkable resemblance to certain other faith-healing sects. I have in mind, for example, the Tenrikyo of Mrs. Nakayama Miki (1798-1887) of Japan and the Heavenly",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 210435,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 42,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "23\n\nChristians or Eurasians. He expressed the opinion that such groups had given up their heritage; he himself was an ardent Confucian and promoted the building of the Confucian Hall in Sookunpoo. He sarcastically added that “as people had already been admitted into the European paradise on earth, he thought it was scarcely fair to debar them from using the passage to the European paradise in heaven”. (The Weekly Press, 17 April 1909)\n\nThe Hong Kong Telegraph took up the cause; Lau Chu-pak was one of its owners. Following the April meeting of the Sanitary Board in which Mr. Lau had expressed the opinions given above, it ran an editorial entitled “More Class Legislation in Hongkong”. The editorial linked the cemetery question with what the paper regarded as a growing movement towards the enactment of class legislation. \"The fact of the matter is that this sort of petty municipal legislation is all of a piece with the policy of the Government in reserving special lands for the bon ton of the Colony. First, they decreed that in life the Chinese should not live in the vicinity of the Peak, and now in death the Chinese are not deemed fitting occupants of lairs in the public cemetery.” The editor asked for consideration for the Chinese who were seeking a better deal for their dead: “Fancy the outcry there would be among the elite if the remains of the deceased predecessors were subjected to removal at the whim and caprice of some insignificant official in a Government Department. That in itself should constitute a plea for the Chinese that they have a right of interment in the Colonial Cemetery.\" Indeed, “the Colonial or Protestant, or whatever fancy name anybody might wish to call it, the public cemetery of Hong Kong is maintained out of the rates and taxes provided by the residents in the Colony. It is no more a private institution than the public gardens. No sect or body has a right to say that it has any particular claim on the domain; as far as we can make out, all have an equal right to interment”.\n\nThe Christian Cemetery Ordinance of 1909\n\nThe Government decided to draft legislation which would create separate sections in the cemetery where only those",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210484,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 91,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "72 \n\nBARBARA E. WARD \n\nseiners depend upon quantity rather than quality. Their catches are composed mainly of small sardine type species which they normally sell fresh direct to the liners for bait, or salted and sun-dried in the wholesale markets. Their fish are sometimes kept on ice but never sold alive. Liners cater for the quality market. Their catches, much smaller in quantity than the purse-seiners', must be kept as fresh as possible. They therefore normally carry ice, and usually also use at least one hold for live fish. They also fish by day, and although this means that they have better opportunities for sleep it also makes it difficult for them to make use of a regularly visited shore base for storage or for frequent woodcutting. As a result they often carry quantities of fuel etc. on board.\n\nSome of the smaller long-liners and hand-liners rely almost exclusively on the sale of live fish. Fish may be kept alive in large baskets hung over the side or in special holds with perforated walls. The liners had no cabins but only removable covers of the kind already described. These were usually supported forward by a wooden partition similar to that on the purse-seiners, and further aft on narrow semi-circular supports of bamboo. Arrangements for storing water, and for cooking and excretion on the larger liners were the same as those on the purse-seiners; the smallest craft, which never went very far from shore, had no built-up poop, stored their water in jars at the stern and had only the most rudimentary arrangements for cooking and sanitation.\n\nIn both types of long-liner, as in the purse-seiners, it was the open deck forward which was the main \"business\" area. (Fishermen use the same phrase “isou shangi” which on land means “engage in business\" for \"going out fishing\"). Here the lines were baited up, shot and hauled. Baiting up might also be done under the forward shelter. The after shelters covered the family's most used living space. Meals followed the same pattern as on the purse-seiners, but sleeping arrangements were a good deal less crowded, since most of the liners housed only a nuclear or stem family and none of them employed hired men. Once again, it was usual for the most recently married couple to sleep in the aftermost covered space; but privacy was even less easily secured on these more open-plan little boats than on the purse-seiners.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210496,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 103,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "84 \n\nBARBARA E. WARD \n\nwent out fishing, nearly all took in out-work for city-based manufacturies, making plastic flowers or hand-bags or stringing beads for cheap costume jewellery. At the same time, with the new methods purse-seining was tending to become more and more a man's job: of course it was still better to use family women than engage hired men, but family women were not quite so much needed for fishing as they had been when the older methods were in use. However, a crew of 6 to 8 able-bodied men could hardly be provided by the ordinary nuclear family, especially as education was now valued enough to keep 10- or even 12- and 14-year-olds at school. So inshore purse-seining remained essentially an extended rather than a nuclear family business, and where even the extended family unit was quite small women were still likely to be called upon to take an active part. \n\nGenerally speaking, the family situation on small long-liners and others was straightforward: as we have seen, the group comprised either a nuclear or a stem family. In the latter case, it was almost always the eldest son who continued to live on board his father's boat with his wife and young children, his younger brothers remaining there only while they were still too young to find paid employment elsewhere. A younger son on a small liner could get a job as a hired hand on a purse-seiner or other type of fishing boat, either locally or in one of the larger fishing centres, at the age of about 16. It was usually more profitable for a small liner family to put its younger sons out to work than to continue to feed them at home where their contribution to the fishing operations would be at best superfluous. This topic is discussed at fuller length in the section on hired labour below. \n\nPurse-seine arrangements were usually more complicated, especially in the days when purse-seiners worked in pairs. Most commonly the pair was run as a joint venture by members of an undivided, agnatically extended family. Thus for many years after 1939-40 when his old father Shek Ch'uen Foon (who died in 1956 aged 87) retired, Shek Kwai Hoi and his son Shek Cheung Hei ran a pair of purse-seiners together until in 1960 Kwai Hoi in his turn retired also and decided to move ashore, whereupon his second son, Cheung Woh, took his place. A little",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 210524,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 131,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "112\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nested shrug: “Oh, he's just one of the fokis”. The surnames of those not related to local or locally known people were usually not known. Rationalised, the above believed-in characteristics were explained as the inevitable concomitants of having no stake in the family's business. Fokis took no risks and had no responsibilities, it would therefore be unrealistic to expect them to act responsibly. Above all, they were an expense. If only one had enough sons one need not employ outsiders. Fuk Hei's almost daily mutterings about his lazy fokis were balanced by his frank delight in the birth of his grandsons and unconcealed impatience with the very existence of his granddaughters. In this he was only more extreme and more outspoken than his neighbours. There was no disagreement. Sadly, he did not live to see the foki-less Kau Sai of the late 'sixties.\n\nFundamentally, these views reflected sound common sense economically and domestically. As we shall see in Chapter 8 purse-seine families with enough able-bodied members not to have to employ fokis did in fact make a better profit, and even in Kau Sai there was at least one example of a fisherman having to go out of business altogether because he could not meet his expenses. If only he had had enough sons, he said, this would not have happened. At the domestic level there were other hazards. The only scandal in Kau Sai for many years occurred during the last months of my stay in 1953. The hitherto barren wife of the harmless but sub-normal and allegedly impotent brother of [name withheld] was found to be pregnant. After fifteen years of marriage this was odd, to say the least. Imagination boggles at the practical difficulties in such small, crowded boats but the guilty parties confessed to having committed adultery in the presence of the unsuspecting husband. Perhaps fortunately, the [surname withheld] family have not needed to employ another foki since then.\n\n  \n    The official census of China in 1953 did not enumerate the Boat People as a separate group.\n  \n  \n    2 Ref: to Chan's and Ho En's books et al.\n  \n  \n    [Ch'en Hsü-ching, Tan-min ti yen-chiu (Shanghai, 1946), and, probably, Ho Ke-en, \"The Tanka or boat people in South China,\" F.S. Drake, ed. Proceedings of the Symposium on Historical, Archaeological and Linguistic Studies on Southern China, South-east Asia and the Hong Kong Region (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1967), pp. 120-123.]",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
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    {
        "id": 210571,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 178,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "159\n\n“Foreign Devils\" as they passed.25\n\nTaiho had been a market town, although not a prosperous or thriving one at the beginning of the twentieth century. Still, there were residents who were not poverty stricken and who took baths more than once a year. Edith had observed that \"There are people in Taiho who spend more money than we do over their everyday meals, and they do not eat them on their front steps, but they do not live in our back lane.”26\n\nIn due time, Edith was invited to visit some of the better off people in Taiho. She called on the wife of an official at the latter's residence.\n\nI have been moving in the \"upper circles\"... and going to the small yamen. The lady has received me very kindly. She has nothing grand but I have been served with the best they had. Imagine making an afternoon call and having fried eggs on toasted bread served to be eaten with silver and ebony chopsticks, and tea to drink holding the saucer with the cup in it and drinking so.\n\n27\n\nThe mission quarters at Taiho, consisting of living areas for the married missionaries couple or family and Edith, as well as meeting rooms, was located in a Chinese-style compound. This was a walled-in narrow piece of land, the width of a small house, with three houses separated by open courtyards. The innermost house was a two-storeyed structure. The others were single storeyed. When Edith first arrived at Taiho, she shared the two-storeyed house with Miss Trüdinger. They boarded with Mr. and Mrs. Malcolm, with Mrs. Malcolm handling the housekeeping. After Miss Trüdinger left in 1904, Edith exchanged quarters with the Malcolms.\n\n+ +\n\nI have a little house all to myself now. At first it was very cold over here, for my floor is just a few inches above the ground and my ceiling or roof is very high and my stove is so tiny it cannot begin to heat even one room.28\n\nEdith, however, did not dwell without other living creatures.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210621,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 228,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "209\n\nchange in 1949 of land ownership and marketing systems in the producing areas in Guangdong, resulted in a continuing decline in supply.\n\n1\n\nThe decisive change came in the 1960's when Hong Kong metamorphosed to a highly commercialized society with profit-making as the prime goal of many business people. With this change in values, the peach blossoms, although not favoured by the older generations as they associated the flowers with \"jilted love\" (MEX), gradually won acceptance by the local population. The younger generation consider the reddish blossoms of the peach a symbol of prosperity. Moreover, there are now many peach gardens in the New Territories where customers can choose their plants on the spot; this is not possible in the case of Tiu Chung.\n\nThe unethical business behaviour of some hawkers also contributed to the demise of Tiu Chung. They sometimes adulterated their stock with branches of other plants such as Michelia species. The buds of these branches, though bigger, are in fact leaf buds and will naturally not produce any flowers. This is a very bad omen for the buyer, and indeed, with increasing numbers of people having this kind of bitter experience, Tiu Chung has gradually fallen into disfavour.\n\nThe fall in demand has naturally resulted in less illegal cutting. This is evidenced by the steady decline of prosecutions. There was only one case in 1985, as compared with an annual average of over 100 in the 1950's. The decrease in cutting has certainly helped the preservation of this lovely plant in the countryside.\n\nOld custom is changing — in this case for the better, at least from the conservation viewpoint!\n\nK. C. IU",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210851,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1986",
        "page_number": 202,
        "title": "RAS-1986",
        "content_text": "185\n\nWith the promise of marriage, he induced the girl to leave the brothel and live with him, leaving behind her mother's unpaid debt as well as his own unsettled bill.\n\nThe brothel-keeper threatened to bring suit for the recovery of her debts. Tong A-chick tried to settle the two accounts with a token payment hoping to delay court proceedings. Meanwhile, he was dismissed from his Government post. This gave the brothel mistress new courage to bring her demands before the court.\n\nThe girl was imprisoned as a debtor; but when the case was tried in the Court of Summary Jurisdiction, the magistrate dismissed the claims on the ground that it had not been proper to secure the original debt by a pledge of “a body” for obviously immoral purposes.\n\nWith the case decided in favour of A-chick's friend, he took out a summons in the name of the girl against the brothel-keeper for certain property she had kept when the girl had left to live with A-chick. Before the case was heard, A-chick's uncle, who had been a compradore to a former sheriff and was still rendering service to the Government, tried to use his connections to intimidate the brothel-keeper. The girl, however, lost the case.\n\nThe publicity connected with this sordid affair did not enhance A-chick's reputation in the community. It seemed better to leave Hongkong to try his fortunes in another place. At this time his uncle was planning to go to California so it was natural for A-chick to join him.\n\nTong A-chick left Hongkong about the middle of January 1852. The departure had been delayed by the disastrous Lower Bazaar fire at the close of 1851. In the four hundred or so buildings destroyed were most of the provisions, clothing and necessaries accumulated by the emigrants for their voyage to San Francisco, together with their written contracts with the captain and charterers of the ship on which they were to sail.\n\nThe loss resulted in a dispute with the captain. An appeal was made to the Rev. S. W. Bonney at Whampoa, where the arrangements were made.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210859,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1986",
        "page_number": 210,
        "title": "RAS-1986",
        "content_text": "193\n\nUS$3 a month on all non-American miners. The Chinese believed the legislature \"had spoken wisely. The Chinamen love to labour, but hate to fight. We will pay the tax willingly.\"\n\nAmerican xenophobia produced the charge that the Chinese were exporting vast amounts of gold. They replied: \"Why then is it that the Chinaman is so prosperous in this country? Because as we have told your Excellency before, he (the Chinaman) does not drink, gamble, or idle, or spend his money foolishly. Because he is thinking of his parents and his children, and the future, and works hard and saves what he makes.\" Perhaps a somewhat idealised version of Chinese life in California, but certainly it contained a degree of truth.\n\nThe letter also pointed out that mutual interchange would be beneficial to both Americans and Chinese. \"Our intercourse may benefit us both very much, and that will be better than quarrelling about our respective merits. Why should East quarrel with the West? God made them both, and placed the day between them, that the nations should use it in doing good works to one another.\"\n\nThe letter was signed by Tong K. A-chick of the Tun Wo company and Chun A-ching of the Sam Wo Company. Though the writer is not named it was probably composed by A-chick. Some of the sentiments, particularly those last quoted, reflected his missionary education.\n\nSeveral bills were introduced in the legislature in 1853 proposing that “no Asiatic or person of Asiatic descent or Chinese should be permitted to work in any mine in this state.\" The heads of the four Chinese associations testified at the hearings for the bills. Tong A-chick acted as their interpreter and presented the Chinese position.\n\nThe Rev. Mr. Speer remarks on the good work done by A-chick as the representative of the Chinese. \"This is the individual whose efforts on behalf of his countrymen were the chief means in turning the tide of public opinion in their favour, when those unfriendly to them made the attempt to expel them from the country. And if he remains here, there is no man whose influence will be more\n\nPage 210\n\nPage 211",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210987,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1987",
        "page_number": 49,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "Yet I have no regrets whatsoever for the basic motivations which led so many French radical intellectuals to side with Mao-ism in the turbulent 1970s. Some of the trendy Maoists may have been concerned most of all with the image of China they were propagating for their own satisfaction and prestige. Yet others, as I can testify, had more sincere and far-reaching motivations. We took seriously the 'mass line', in contrast to politics set at the top. People's communes appealed all the more to us, since uncontrolled urban growth had become a cornerstone of the French Fifth Republic's overall economic strategies. \"To rely on one's own strength,' zili gengsheng, made sense to us, against the prevailing trends towards cultural banalisation of French daily life on the American model. 'Bombard the headquarters' was a slogan well-received among those who, after the failure of the May '68 movement, had experienced the backlash of the established political parties regaining their monopoly over French political life. We were certainly wrong in our simplified approach to the complex realities of Chinese politics and Chinese society. But looking at it from a distance, we were not necessarily wrong in advocating Maoist analyses and Maoist thinking so as to approach critically what we probably knew better than China, namely France itself.\n\nThe major intellectual encounter between China and France in the eighteenth century belongs to the past; the solitary French sinophiles of the nineteenth century have remained marginal in French literary history, and the Maoist love affair of the 1960s and early 1970s has ended pathetically, as most love affairs do. What next? One should perhaps consider, by way of conclusion, the relevance China may still have, in relation to the French intellectual crisis of the 1980s.\n\nTo describe present-day France in terms of an intellectual crisis may just be too easy, for genuine intellectual life is by nature a crisis in itself, a clash between the world of ideas and the real world, a clash between the old and the new. Every generation is involved in such crises. But the problems French intellectuals are facing in the 1980s go much deeper and much further, they encompass our very model of development all over the world, namely modernity. The present-day French intellectual crisis accordingly develops at two distinct levels. It still concerns French intellectuals and their role in their own society. But our French crisis is also,",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211202,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1987",
        "page_number": 263,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "238 \n\nIf the correspondent opposing the park scheme was not able to look very clearly into the future, a writer who adopted the pen-name \"Atalanta\" was a better seer. True, he had to wait until 1904 for his vision to become reality. He advocated the building of a tramway from east to west as a jubilee scheme. It would benefit every resident \"male or female, child or adult, Chinese or Portuguese, Indian or European.\"\n\nA tram would provide easy access to the proposed park. Without a convenient way of getting there, he too thought it would be useless. He was more interested, however, in the beneficial effect a tram would have both for health and recreation in general.\n\nTo the west were the cool airs of Pokfulam, “and those citizens who are not able to live at the Peak can be transported on hot summer evenings to the other side of the island, there to be refreshed by the western breezes and the health-giving and invigorating perfume of the fir trees.”\n\nTo the east was the beach at Shaukiwan, \"where the little ones might get health and amusement by ‘paddling' while their parents may enjoy bathing or boating.\"\n\nEasy access by tram to a good beach would be welcomed, so the writer claimed, by “hundreds and thousands of our humble English and Portuguese fellow residents who, by their narrow means, are denied the luxury of a country villa at the Gap or Kellett's Ridge.\"\n\nNot all Portuguese were deprived of a summer villa, but few had them at the Peak. In the current issue of the Boletim do Instituto Luis de Camoes published in Macau, an article entitled \"The Portuguese in Hongkong and China” by the late Jose Pedro Braga describes some of the villas built by members of the Portuguese community at Pokfulam and Kowloon.\n\nThe advocate for the tram took a different view of Chinese attitudes towards sport than the writer of the other letter. He said they and the Portuguese did not play cricket and tennis simply for want of space.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211215,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1987",
        "page_number": 276,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "251\n\nbring to fruition. Inquiries by a committee and reports to future meetings would take months. This leisurely pace would be acceptable if Her Majesty were to live for a hundred years. They all hoped she would, he piously added, but the implication of his remark was that this was too much to expect even from so good and gracious a personage and therefore they had better get the matter done with while she was still on the throne.\n\nHe pleaded for immediate action: “Why should we go on adjourning the meeting and waiting for special reports? Why cannot we settle it at once?” His method to achieve this end was “to scrape together what money we can get and have a general illumination.” By this he meant the decoration of buildings with gas lights and Chinese lanterns.\n\nAfter a great deal of discussion it was decided to vote on whether the meeting should decide at that time on the form of the celebration. The vote was 19 for an immediate decision and 11 against.\n\nTo decide that a decision should be made at once was much simpler than doing it. Each scheme was to be voted on. The illumination idea received only four votes. The party in favour of a library mustered nine. The meeting seemed headed towards acceptance of the sanitarium. But in the Jubilee affair it was destined that nothing should proceed as expected. The vote for it was 19 for and 18 against.\n\nRemembering the criticism levied against the chairman for ignoring a disputed vote on the same proposal at the last meeting, the secretary deemed it wise to have a second count. This time the vote had shifted with 20 for and 21 against. In the face of such uncertainty, it was necessary to have a third vote. This was a tie.\n\nThe chairman felt he need not now worry about false counts, and with some satisfaction declared: “I have the casting vote.” Mr. Ackroyd challenged this. He was supported by Mr. McClymont who said the chairman had no casting vote unless it was especially conferred on him. The chairman replied: “Then we are at a deadlock.”",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211296,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1988",
        "page_number": 12,
        "title": "RAS-1988",
        "content_text": "in Rev. Carl Smith's articles reprinted in the 1986 Journal. His accounts of 19th century Cantonese entrepreneurs like Ho A-mei show that Chinese energy and enterprise was fuelled and sustained by the opportunities opened by colonial Hong Kong, and remind us that what we see and marvel at today has also happened yesterday.\n\nWe have another publication nearing completion. This is the book entitled The Turning of the Tide, Religion in China Today which is a collection of papers by authors with first-hand knowledge of the subject and edited by one of our members, Professor Julian Pas of the University of Saskatchewan, Canada.\n\nLibrary\n\nMembers will have noted the greater expenditure on our library in the year's accounts. We are continuing the RAS tradition of building up a fine reference library of books on China. At a time when such books are in increasingly short supply, as reflected in booksellers' rising prices, the financial value of our collection grows from year to year.\n\nSince 1985, the Library has been kept at the Kowloon Central Library, as part of the reference collection there. The advantage of housing it in a public library is that more people can use it, but the disadvantage from our members' viewpoint is that most of them live on Hong Kong Island. Their use of the RAS Collection is undoubtedly limited thereby, especially as the Kowloon Central Library is not located on or near an MTR station. I have therefore discussed with the Chief Librarian, Urban Council Libraries, the possibility of moving it back to the Island when an opportunity occurs. Mrs. Luk tells me that this can be done when the City Hall's Hong Kong Central Library is replaced on the same or another site in the 1990s, and that she is willing to do so at that time. I have written to her subsequently to formalize this request.\n\nAn allied problem is the availability of the collection. Under normal library policies, access to the stacks (the shelves where the books are kept) is very limited. This is the case at Kowloon Central Library, where books other than ours are kept in the same section. On the other hand, the books are ours, and our members should have better access to them, instead of being confined to the catalogue and making a requisition. Mrs.\n\nXi",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211385,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1988",
        "page_number": 101,
        "title": "RAS-1988",
        "content_text": "77\n\nof the castle a Po To Hai (江湖海) or “arrest bandit station\". No trace is left of either of these buildings, but undoubtedly this is the origin of the English name of Castle Peak.\n\nThe history of the monk Pooi To is a curious one, and the stories of the miracles he did are very numerous. It is not known what his real name was. Pooi To being his Buddhist name. He is supposed to have lived in the K'ei Chau (兒洲) district at first, which is between Shantung (山东) and Chili (直雩) provinces. He was an uncultivated man, without family, wandering from place to place, and asking shelter from house to house. Once when he went to the then capital city of China (Sung dynasty) Kin Hong (交宝) he was described as looking about forty years old. He used a rope instead of a belt, his coat was all torn. He was easily pleased, but quickly angered. Sometimes he talked a lot, at other times he remained silent for whole days, and when it was very cold he would often roll in the snow. He would climb the hills in rough wooden clogs or walk about the town barefoot. He was not a vegetarian like other Buddhist monks, but ate and drank as an ordinary man. His only possessions were a rice basket and a wooden cup. The cup plays an important part in the various stories about him, and is the origin of his name. Once he went to live at a monastery called Yin Yin T'z (蕁限壮) where the abbot Faat Yee To Yan (发自美壮) allowed him to occupy the spare room. After staying there a while he wished to go across the Kwa Po river (過波添) but the ferry man seeing his ragged condition and doubting probably his ability to pay refused to take him. So Pooi To tossed his cup into the water, put his legs in it, and singing merrily he floated across to the northern shore.\n\nAnother story, and one rather to his discredit, tells how he stole a Buddhist idol of gold from a house where he had been entertained. The owner gave chase, but even though he ran and Pooi To appeared to be walking slowly ahead of him, he could not catch him up. Then a man on a horse joined in the chase, but even he fared no better. At last the river, Maang Tsun (獱村) was reached and the owner felt certain of being able to get his idol back, but Pooi To, a little ahead of him, calmly threw his cup in the river, and sitting in it ferried across. From these stories his name of Pooi To “cup across” was derived.\n\nOnce Pooi To went to a small district called Kwong Ling (广凌)",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211403,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1988",
        "page_number": 119,
        "title": "RAS-1988",
        "content_text": "95\n\nculturally,\n\nyears, the younger ones are Western in their way of life socially, and ideologically. They do not speak or write Chinese, and they are not too familiar with Chinese culture or food. Is this progress? Or am I too conservative? Although I admire their ability to adapt and change, I am saddened to see such total rejection of the Oriental culture and the full embrace of things Western, when there are many positive aspects in our Chinese background.*\n\nAnother spurt in my effort was made in 1977, when I wrote on my birthday, \"I am 71 years old to-day — no better time than now to write my autobiography since the idea has been perking in my head for the last few years. I realize that this must be done soon before my memory becomes even more fuzzy. A lot of emotions are evoked at this moment as memories of great joy and happiness and love, mingled with those of sorrow and loss, rush through my mind.\n\n\"A few years ago I read in the newspaper that first generation immigrants cling to their language and culture; the second generation rejects them; but the third generation searches for its roots and tries to recapture its language and culture. It is somewhat for this reason, and obviously to satisfy my ego, that I would like to record some of what I have experienced and learned for those of my family who might one day become interested in our mutual backgrounds. There is a feeling of pride that I am of Chinese ancestry, born in Hawaii, a citizen of the United States, and that I am a fusion of three cultures: the love of humanity of the Chinese; the warmth and generosity of the Hawaiians; the understanding of feelings and the value of human life of the West. Hopefully, I have assimilated the best of each,**\n\nNow, in 1987, I am completing this project on which I have worked over a period of almost fifteen years.\n\nThe origin of Cha In Village*\n\nThe founder of the Chan clan was Chan Joong Goong A†, who\n\n* Extracted from the Chan Genealogy Record.\n\n† Characters are romanized according to the Heong Shan dialect, or the dialect peculiar to one's village, or the spelling adopted by the individual.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211419,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1988",
        "page_number": 135,
        "title": "RAS-1988",
        "content_text": "111\n\nTwo other physicians, one Japanese trained in Japan and one American trained in the United States, were also denied entry. Butterfield and Swire contested this decision in court; the court not only ruled against the company, but also made it pay a fine. Uncle felt he had to return to private practice because he had a family to support, even though he would have liked to study for two more years, and decided to go back to Shanghai where Western medicine was becoming more accepted among the Chinese residents.\n\nAlthough Uncle was proficient in Chinese, in preparation for an imperial examination (I believe this was one of the last imperial examinations held) for students who had studied abroad, he sought tutoring in the language and in the use of interjections. He passed the examinations and, according to Toby, he was awarded the degree of chü-jen. However, as I recall it, Father told me that Uncle received the degree of chin-shih; but would have been awarded a higher honour if his Chinese had been a little better. We have a copy of a photograph of him and the other recipients in their ceremonial caps and gowns taken in Peking. For Uncle, his family and his clansmen, it was an honour indeed and there was much rejoicing when he returned to Shanghai. His one regret was that he could not see clearly the Kuang-hsu Emperor (1875-1908) during the ceremonial awards, for although near-sighted, he was not allowed to wear his glasses in the imperial presence.\n\nOut of a sense of civic duty, Uncle served as medical officer for both the Customs Service and the Post Office in Shanghai, from 1916 until 1925 when he retired. When we visited him in 1919, his home was on Hankow Road. He later invested in real estate in the Chapei district and moved to Darrock Road, but all of his real property was taken over by the Japanese, and then by the Communists. When the Japanese invaded Shanghai, Uncle and Aunt moved south to live in Macau where he had become a Portuguese citizen earlier, and also in Hong Kong where he owned another home. When the war ended, they returned to Shanghai to live with their second son, Ting Hing R (Charles), and in 1948 visited with Toby in Taiwan for several months. When the Communists took over, they did not dare venture out of their home. Uncle died in 1953 at the age of 83, and Aunt a half year later in 1954 at the age of 81.\n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211458,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1988",
        "page_number": 174,
        "title": "RAS-1988",
        "content_text": "150\n\nHome would be beneficial. It was a harrowing experience when the sedan chair carrying Father did not reach the junk on time, and Mother had me run back to the wharf to wait for him, just in time to help him up the junk as it was edging out. If I had fallen off the narrow plank which served as the passageway between land and boat, no one would have wanted to take my place to appease the water spirits.\n\nWe left Hong Kong on the S.S. Nile, this time first class, in December 1919. The passengers were required to line up on deck on that very cold New Year's Day at Kobe (?) to pass inspection by Japanese officers. As a result, Father became seriously ill and died the next day, 2 January 1920, reportedly of double pneumonia. Mother was extremely grief-stricken and I was too stunned to be of support to her then. A telegraph to Mr. C. K. Ai paved the way for Father's remains to be admitted into Hawaii without difficulty, because Father had been originally admitted under the status 'labourer' which gave him no right of re-entry in those days of strict immigration regulations for the Chinese. Father was laid to rest in the Pauoa Chinese Christian Cemetery that had just been organized in 1919. Because he had often expressed his distaste for an elaborate funeral that included a noisy Hawaii band, Father's services at the church were simple and dignified. In 1932, Mother had his remains cremated and reburied in a beautiful porcelain urn beside the cremated remains of Ruth and Me Yuk in the Pokfulam Chinese Christian Cemetery in Hong Kong, since Father had often expressed a longing for the land of his birth. And he, like his father, never saw his native village again once he had left it.\n\nIn his letter of recommendation dated 14 September 1899, F. W. Damon described Father as 'faithful, industrious, and of good and reliable character'. Father was more than that. His love for his family is revealed in his frequent letters to his father and his brothers. His gift of Me Yuk to First Paternal Uncle and the gift of Ting Cheong to Second Paternal Uncle to Father's memory are manifestations of their closeness and love for each other. Whenever I recall Father reading to us \"The Children's Hour\" by Longfellow, I feel his tremendous love for his children and sense the happiness we gave him. Always striving to increase his knowledge and to better himself and his family, he often quoted his favourite poet, 'Let us be up and doing, with a heart for any fate, still achieving, still pursuing, learn to labour and to wait'. For, from his own past experience,",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211459,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1988",
        "page_number": 175,
        "title": "RAS-1988",
        "content_text": "151\n\nhe believed what he frequently said, 'To be poor is hell'. He never gave up hope for the better and, in his usual cheerful manner, would advise us, 'Cheer up, the worse is yet to come'. He had such thrifty habits that he would not buy anything, including real property, unless he had the cash to pay for it. He never realized his ambition to be an independent businessman, in spite of his plan to operate an importing business, in preparation for which he had bought a piece of land on Fort and Kualini Streets and had built a small store on it. When he died at the age of 41, he left a modest estate consisting of a home, an income property, stocks and cash. This enabled Mother, courageous and unselfish, to raise and educate their children without the necessity of us having to forgo schooling in order to support the family.\n\nA caring husband, a warm and loving father, son and brother, a helpful neighbour, an honest and upright citizen, a religious man, always striving to better himself and others - this was Father, taken away at the prime of life, with no opportunity to see his children grow up to maturity, or to accomplish what he had hoped for, or to enjoy any leisure that he so well deserved.\n\nI feel his deep love whenever I think of him and recall these verses so often read to us from The Children's Hour.\n\nI have you fast in my fortress,\n\nAnd will not let you depart,\n\nBut put you down into the dungeon\n\nIn the round tower of my heart.\n\nAnd there will I keep you forever,\n\nYes, forever and a day,\n\nTill the walls shall crumble to ruin,\n\nAnd moulder in dust away!\n\nMy Mother\n\nMaternal Grandfather, Jong Sun Lup, came to Hawaii under contract as a plantation worker in 1878 and Maternal Grandmother, Chang Shee, joined him a few years later, probably in 1885, bringing with her their first-born, Jong Tin Yau. Mother was born on 23 April 1887. Three",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211503,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1988",
        "page_number": 219,
        "title": "RAS-1988",
        "content_text": "195\n\nThe establishment and growth of the Library of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was a remarkable achievement by a number of dedicated individuals from several nations over a period of ninety years, and of varied professions and persuasions, who found time in their busy lives to labour without remuneration in the belief that a library would serve as a bridge of understanding between Chinese and Westerners. While the Chinese were only grudgingly permitted society membership, and its resulting library borrowing privileges, in later years the library was open to all. The collection was at least a signal to the Chinese that at least some of the foreigners living among them were interested in studying their history and culture.\" Looking back in the 1920's, a Shanghai historian wrote:\n\nOf course a large part of the community was not deeply interested in the Society and regarded it as a dry-as-dust institution, but it has had a long and honourable history and has carried on valuable research in the language, customs, ethics, history, etc., of China. It has a creditable museum and a very valuable library of books on the Orient.“\n\nThis was the library that The China Journal called \"probably the best in China, when it comes to reference works of all kinds on China and the Far East. It contains numerous old works that are now unobtainable, and certainly are not to be found in any other library in China. This same journal later called it a \"magnificent library of works on China and the Far East\" and \"the most important library in this city\"\n\n+42\n\n43\n\nBut, libraries are not forever. They are the creations of inspired individuals, and the victims of public indifference and political change. But while they exist, they help people to better understand the worlds they live in. For at least some of those Westerners trying to live in the two worlds of Shanghai between 1857 and 1948, this library must have been an inspiration, a refuge, a source of enlightenment, and a monument to their attempt to grasp the curious worlds in which they found themselves.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211513,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1988",
        "page_number": 230,
        "title": "RAS-1988",
        "content_text": "206\n\nhand in their rent. These turned into very serious conflict. The Hakkas made themselves bows and arrows and started a war with the village. They shot arrows into the village and used stones to bombard it. But the village was not easily conquered. It had a moat, four strong towers and a citizen force to defend the village, so the Hakkas could not achieve much. But then they thought of a method, a way which is still used by Chinese to get enemies into trouble.\n\n\"Among the Hakkas there was an old childless couple. The husband was named Tai and his wife was of the Lo family. They were too old to work and tried to get money by begging. It was proposed to them that they take poison and die in front of the village gates, then the Puntis would be accused of their murder. The old couple were told that they would have to die anyway in the course of events and they had no descendants to sacrifice at their grave. If they accepted the plan of their fellow Hakkas, a temple would be built in their honour and every two years a theatrical performance would be held for them. The old couple were at first not willing to agree to the proposal, because they wanted to continue to live and not die so early. Repeated requests finally caused them to agree. So one evening they were given a very good meal and afterward they took poison and died before the village gate. Immediately all forty-eight Hakka men attacked the village and brought the villagers before the judge who lived at Schau Kin, accusing them of murder.\n\n\"There was a long court proceeding because accusation of murder had great consequences in China. The Puntis paid over a lot of money and went to court to defend themselves. While they were there, their village was burned down by the Hakkas who took over the place. The Puntis became impoverished by the court case. They dared not return to Pu Kak. They settled in [place not given in manuscript] where their descendants again became wealthy and respectable and they produced literary graduates. Many congratulated themselves that their ancestors had been driven out of the village as they have now much better land.\n\n\"The Hakkas took over the village and surrounding fields. As they had promised the old couple, they built a small temple and honoured the Fuk tei kung and Fuk tei poh, the grandfather and grandmother who give blessings. Later a new temple was built for them near the",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211771,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 186,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "161\n\nspare time to the amusement of their fellow residents. Moreover, as has been said before, the community was small, and the critic had after all to live with his actor-neighbours who would no doubt know about his identity.\n\nThus, \"A Stranger\" wrote, about George Colman's Heir at Law (April 21 1851): “Zekiel Homespun was inimitable; we had no idea there was a Gentleman in Shanghae who could take the difficult part so well.) The simplicity, humour and serious earnestness which it displays in some parts were brought out and sustained in a manner that we have scarcely seen equaled, except by some of the leading actors of our Metropolis\". And again: “Constant playgoers as from childhood we have been we have rarely, indeed never, ‘assisted' at a more agreeable evening than that of Wednesday the 16th instant [i.e. February 16 1859]. The performances [of J.M. Morton's Whitebait at Greenwich and Thomas Morton's Sink or Swim] passed off with the utmost eclat due to the talent and exertions of the actors\". Sometimes the author felt it even necessary to apologize for any criticism he uttered: \"We do this, not in the invidious character of critics upon amateur performances or still less as tinctured with the slightest disposition to find fault, but in order that the excellent materials which have been combined in the troupe should be made as much of as possible. Indeed it is the very appreciation of the talents displayed on Thursday [sic; this should be Wednesday January 23 1856– JH] which prompts the expression of these remarks. We are sure that neither the performers nor the audience would thank us for the undiscriminating and therefore worthless praise which usually satirize amateur performances\". But even in this case the critic only had made some comments on the costumes that were used in one of the pieces (cf. Calendar, 23.1.1856). Mild remarks were the severest criticism dished out; about one of the actors on June 2 1859, **we may perhaps be permitted to take an exception to his brogue, which, however good as an assumption, scarcely denoted one to the manner born\"; and about another on the same evening; \"his humour seems better fitted for low than for eccentric comedy\".\n\n10\n\nOnly when it came to the choice of pieces was the paper not always undividedly positive. Writing about John Maddison Morton's Done on Both Sides (February 10 1858) not much enthusiasm was shown: “We have witnessed, we confess, better farces on the same stage and we are inclined to believe that as actors may sometimes not come up to the play, it occasionally happens that plays are not altogether worthy of the",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211780,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 195,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "170 \n\nB. Musical \n\nMany of the theatrical entertainments of the amateurs were varied with musical interludes; sometimes the piece itself required an orchestra and for all these purposes resort was, of course, made to non-professionals. Just as with the dramatic companies, the orchestral accompanists were engaged on an ad hoc basis. As a result quality differed; occasionally the Herald thought the music \"first rate\"; then again, in 1856, it was of the opinion that \"the music was ineffective\", and seeing the underlying weakness, it advised that some combination of the musical talents of the place might be made with advantage”. \n\n55 \n\nSome years later, in 1861, in a letter to the Editor by one signed \"Philharmonic\" the subject was again broached; it had occurred to him \"how much gratitude the amateurs of Shanghai could evoke if it were possible for them to form a vocal or instrumental association to give occasional subscription concerts\", and, tongue in cheek perhaps, he added that “probably nowhere out of the profession is there so much musical talent to be found as in Shanghai and certainly nowhere an audience better also to appreciate that talent” \n\n56 \n\n― \n\n(1.9.1880) \n\nWith the arrival in 1864 of Jean Rémusat (11.5.1815) things began to look better. Rémusat was a French flautist of considerable fame. He had entered the Paris Conservatoire at the age of fifteen, but had spent most of his professional career in London before coming to Shanghai. Among others he had starred in the Promenade Concerts that were organised by Louis Jullien in the Drury Lane Theatre. According to a contemporary, Rémusat was \"fort intelligent” but “un peu excentrique”, and his colleagues must certainly have thought so when he told them that he would sail off to Shanghai to live there till the end of his days. Whatever his motives, cultural life in the Yangtze port was boosted by Rémusat. He gave concerts in Shanghai (of which only one, however, has been chronicled in the Herald: May 10, 1866) and Macao (on June 3 and 17, 1866). And, to return to the subject of organised music, he inaugurated the Philharmonic Society, probably in late 1866 or early 1867. \n\nIn the meantime, apart from the music incorporated in an evening of theatricals, concerts and recitals were given. Again, a distinction must be made between local amateur performances, those that were given by members of the military forces, and the travelling professional musicians. \n\nPage 195\n\nPage 196",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211828,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 243,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "218\n\n1.4.1864 (Fri)\n\nR.B. BROUGH: \"Crinoline\" (1856)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nJ.M. MORTON: \"A Most Unwarrantable Intrusion\" (1849) T: Farce (1 act)\n\nN.N.: \"The Debut\"\n\nC: Messrs Shannon and Phillips with an amateur company\n\nTh: N.N. (H)\n\nR: Not too enthusiastically the Herald wrote that \"had Messrs PHILLIPS and SHANNON been better supported the performance would probably have proved a more decided success\". Must it be supposed that the amateurs were locals, who were otherwise so much lauded? (NCH 2.4.1864).\n\n4.4.1864 (Mon)\n\nRepeat of 30.3.1864,\n\n18.4.1864 (Mon)\n\nFirst performance by a Portuguese Amateur Dramatic Corps. TH: N.N.\n\nR: This first performance by a local Portuguese company was considered favourably: \"the arrangement of the costumes and acting were all good and amply rewarded a visit even by those who may not understand the Portuguese language\". (NCH 23.4.1864)\n\n25.4.1864 (Mon)\n\nJ. OXENFORD: \"Retained for the Defence\"\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC.S. CHELTNAM: \"A Lucky Escape\" (1861)\n\nT: Comic drama (1 act)\n\nT.J. WILLIAMS: \"On and Off\" (1861)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs of the Shanghai Volunteer Corps\n\nTH: N.N. (H)\n\nN: Second performance of the season\n\nR: This second Volunteer Corps night drew a crowded house and the reporter was pleased to see that \"a majority of the lady residents were among the audience\", the more so as they \"by their presence contributed to inspire the performers with the desire to excel which led to such complete success\". No names were given in the review, but in A Lucky Escape “it would have required very sharp eyes to detect that the actress [who personated Louise] was, in fact, an actor\". Here the truth is finally revealed! In On and Off he/she took the part of Letitia equally well. (NCH 30.4.1864)\n\n9.5.1864 (Mon)\n\nN.N.: \"Nature and Philosophy or Eighteen Years' Labour Lost\"\n\n(The only piece with this title in HED is one that had its first night on 18.4.1876. However, Brown, \"A History of the New York Stage\", Vol. I, p. 235 mentions a performance of this play on June 1 1833).\n\nG. COLMAN Jr: \"Love Laughs at Locksmiths\" (1803)\n\nC: C.R. Faylor's travelling company\n\nF: Comic songs, dance, music\n\nTh: Olympic Theatre (H)\n\nR: Casts:\n\nNature and Philosophy:\n\nBrother Philip: Major Pegus\n\nRenaldo: C.R. Faylor\n\nEliza: Mrs. E. Yeamans\n\nGertrude: Mr. E. Yeamans",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211910,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 325,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "300\n\ntroubles herself about me. Yet she cheered me up wonderfully, and I felt quite another person after reading them. I am sorry that she stayed no longer at Hythe, but I am glad she is back to her former place in one sense. What would I not give to see her.\n\nI was glad to hear all at home continue well. I am very anxious about Siss and Charley, and wonder father did not even mention their names in his letter. I hope, however, to get a letter from each of them soon. I hope the shop where you are going will answer well. I am afraid, however, for mother; that she will work herself to death. Let her take things easy, as I do, and she will do far better. She need not fear coming to the workhouse, as she anticipates, now I can get bread and cheese enough for two. Only let her keep her \"pecker\" up, and she will get on all the better. Poor old George I hope is better. Time is up or I would write him. Mail closes in less than three hours, and I have a great deal to do in the way of college business with the Bp as well as to write to Anna. Will write a great bundle of letters for next mail, to all parties. I have been very busy looking over all my accounts to begin with, and inquiring about everything and putting everything as it should be.\n\nTonight I go to pay my respects to the Colonial Chaplain, Mr. Irwin and family. I have a good harmonium to play upon. Thank Jabey for his kind letter and tell him to write again and I will send him two in one to make up.\n\nI was sorry to hear of Johnny's having the measles. I hope he is all right. Every time I slept I could not help remembering Aunt Maria, in the comfort I found in the pillow. I will write her soon. Stir all the Hythe folks up, and get them to send a cargo of news from home. Shall be glad to hear from any of them and will answer every letter I get. I wish Siss would write a long yarn. My best love to everybody. To all at Hythe, Bridge, Dover and elsewhere, I will send full description soon.\n\nHoping this finds you all well and that I shall hear nothing but good news from every body,\n\nI remain, 's\n\nYours &c\n\nJohn Fryer [sig.]",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212002,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 417,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "392\n\nin the Tang Dynasty were found in Chung Hom Wan, Sha Wan 沙灣 and Aplichau 鴨脷洲\n\n+\n\n5\n\nHong Kong Island in the Ming Dynasty\n\nIn the Ming Dynasty, because of the production of incense wood in the area, the economic condition of the people became better. More people came to live on the island. During the Wan Li Reign, there were at least seven villages, namely: Hong Kong, Tit Hang 鐵坑, Chung Hom 春坎, Chik Chu 赤柱, Tai Tam 大潭, Shau Kei Wan, and Wong Nei Chung. The north coast was still sparsely populated.\n\nAt the end of the Ming Dynasty, the island was frequently attacked by pirates. Though naval vessels from the Nam Tau Chai to Long Pak Kau patrolled along the coast from Tai Pang 混白滘, piracy was still very active.\n\nHong Kong Island in the early Ch'ing Dynasty\n\nDuring the early Ch'ing Dynasty, the Coastal Evacuation was carried out. People on the island fled inland. The villages were abandoned.\n\nIn the 8th year of the K'ang Hsi Reign (1669), the Edict of the Coastal Evacuation was revoked. People returned from inland and rebuilt their villages. In the early years of the Yung Cheng Reign, the seven villages, i.e. Hong Kong, Tit Hang, Chung Hom, Chik Chu, Tai Tam, Shau Kei Wan and Wong Nei Chung, were rebuilt. Because of the danger of piracy, the government built forts and set up military posts along the coast. Nam Tau and Tai Pang were the two main military bases near Hong Kong Island. However, no military post was established on the island at that time.\n\nIn the years of the Chia Ching Reign, two villages, Pok Fu Lam and Soo Kon Poo, were newly established. The Hung Heung Lo Naval post, which was under the control of the Tai Pang Battalion, was established too.\n\nHong Kong at the beginning of its Colonization\n\n12\n\nIn the 20th year of the Tao Kuang Reign (1840), the Opium War between the British and the Ch'ing government broke out and the Ch'ing",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212194,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 136,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "113\n\nthe walla-walla men are\n\nwould be an argument about the fare surely descended from the original Hongkong pirates and, that settled, a slow journey across the harbour, followed by a walk home. Such conditions are discouraging to social intercourse. They tend to break the community up into cliques; into the circle who live on the Peak, the crowd down in Victoria, and the mob over in Kowloon.\n\nHow deep-seated was the snobbery amongst the few could be seen at a later date, when the remnants of the British community were interned by the Japanese. Many of the women still thought themselves too superior to keep company with their sisters in misfortune, and continued to carry their noses in the air, while living under the most dismal conditions, crowded cheek by jowl seven and eight to a small room.\n\nTo avoid overheating during the Hongkong summer called for a special technique. The idea was never to move rapidly in any direction; a slow steady advance got you there. If the advance took you past the stately building erected by the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation, so much the better. It was air-conditioned. You could look in on your friends, who had the good fortune to rent offices there, and while passing the time of day your body refreshed itself in the cool dry atmosphere.\n\nOwing to the discomfort of movement and the geographic complexities, on leaving office at noon most people did not return home to lunch. They either went to the Club, where the cuisine, it is unreliably claimed, compared with that of the Shanghai Club, or to the Hongkong or Gloucester Hotels. These rival but contiguous establishments were a local institution. What Shepherd's Hotel was in Cairo fifty years ago, the Hongkong Hotel was in the late 1930s; a place where wanderers met. You seldom entered the hotel lobby without running into someone you had not seen for years. It might be an official of Imperial Airways who had just flown in from India, via Rangoon and Bangkok, or an American news reporter leaving by Pan-American clipper for Manila. Both hotels provided excellent fare. Some favoured the one, some the other. At the Gloucester the dining room was eight floors up on the roof, with a view over the harbour; in the Hongkong Hotel it was at ground level with a view of the \"Grips\", the arena where the cosmopolitan crowd foxtrotted to the music of a Filipino orchestra.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212234,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 176,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "153\n\nAnd now we come to Mrs Chinaman. Of all the oddities in the world she is one. She wears a coat and trousers like the men, and you cannot tell them apart, except by the pigtail, which of course she does not possess. Her hair is combed back over the forehead, and all is twisted up in a great knot behind, which sticks out like a handle. Her pretty little feet however are the chief beauty. They very much resemble the hoof of a horse. Imagine the elegance of her gait. The first one I saw I mistook for an old sailor on wooden legs, in the distance, and wondered he did not get a pair of crutches to get on faster with. They move of course very slowly. Running is impossible. John Chinaman shows his wisdom in this particular. Without this restriction she would be quite unmanageable, and to live with her would be quite out of the question. If she does not behave herself, she gets a thrashing; and she cannot run away, or walk far, to go and gossip with neighbours. She just hobbles about the house, and that is all. The lower orders however do not carry it to quite such an extreme. Among them the women work like the men. In the boats you see the women sitting and rowing with perhaps only a loose pair of trousers upon them. They are not at all particular about decency. Twice I took a boat and went out to the ship, to bring my own and the Bishop's boxes: and the crew were mostly women that pulled the boat.\n\n―\n\nshe knows better\n\n―\n\nMrs Chinaman has a very shrill voice; in fact she is always a little piece of goods; but she is very quarrelsome, not however with the husband but with some others or men at all of her own sex. One of those little exchanges of compliments between them is enough to make anybody roar with laughter to see it, but the language they use, if any one understands it, is obscene and revolting in the extreme. The quarrel between them, as is the case with all the softer sex, generally springs from circumstances the most trivial. But at last they begin and the height of the engagement is only to be discerned by the height of the pitch of their melodious voices. You can hear them a quarter mile off distinctly. It is like a chorus of cats, at a nocturnal serenade, only ten times louder, and perhaps the music is conducted in rather quicker time. What surprises me is to hear how long the strain is kept up. If you pass the same place in an hour's time, you find the chorus still sustained in full vigour. To see them however is the best fun. They never look at one another, but always turn round, as if talking to a great audience, and though they toss their arms wildly about, and look like the incarnation of fury, they never so much as touch one another; and the quarrel always ends at last without a blow. They cannot swear, because their religion acknowledges no God whose name they",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212355,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 297,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "274\n\nman, and the Tsoi clan four, to the authorities as being responsible for the murder of the man who fell in the ditch. This, however, is only a formality. Everyone knows that the District Mandarin will be only too happy to exchange these men for an eloquent sum of money. It is sad to be forced to see in action how the best of these Chinese officials are blind in the face of corruption of this type.\n\nThe total cost of this village war was more than sixty thousand dollars. This money will have to be found by a stiff payment from every person affected. The parties will be reduced to such extreme poverty that it will be many years before they can recover. It is as well that the bone of contention is removed from the clans.\n\nHowever, as it is said \"There can be no peace, where men do not sing of the love of Christ\". May that love soon be sung throughout this fruitful valley of Sham Chun!\n\nI greet you with the deepest respect and affection,\n\nYours,\n\nG. Reusch\n\n8th July, 1875.\"\n\nThe 1924 aerial photograph of Sham Chun, and the War Department map drawn up from it, show a broad earth-wall in the position suggested by Reusch, and this is shown on the Map. This probably represents the earth-wall of 1875. If so, the \"New Market\" of 1871 was not a success. Although the roads from the south (Kowloon and Yuen Long) ran through the centre of the site, the site was not as well sited as was the \"Old Market\", being further from the nodal point of the road system in the area. It was better located for the river trade, but only so long as the \"New Market\" and the landing place were in the same hands. Once the landing place had been handed over to the She Hok and to the Tung Ping Kuk which ran the She Hok, and which was dominated by the Cheungs, the \"New Market\" lost the advantages it gained from proximity to the river. By 1924, there were only a few buildings within the earth-wall\n\n—\n\na",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212366,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 308,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "which I want to try to give about the arrangements of an ordinary Chinese house; although I fear that my intention to give a realistic picture of such a building will be rather incomplete. Let me say at first that a friend at Home could not get a better idea of a Chinese house than by imagining a picture of a barn. Of the buildings at Home, it is these sorts of structure which most resemble a Chinese house. Chinese houses have three walls, that is, two side walls and one cross wall, and an entrance door, plus a roof [i.e. the door with its jambs occupies the whole of the fourth side of the building]. The buildings are single storeyed, with no windows, and no openings apart from the door. The foundations are made out of stone.\n\nThe walls at the two gables [i.e. the two side walls] are made out of baked brick, and are very narrow. The height of the house up to the roof is 25 to 30 feet. The roof itself rests on cross-beams which are placed onto the two gable walls. These beams have to fulfill the same purpose in Chinese houses which in European houses is fulfilled by the rafters. Across the beams are placed thin narrow boards, which take the place of laths. On this foundation are placed very thin, curved tiles. The roof consists of two layers. On the boards a row of tiles is placed, with the hollow part turned up so that it forms a sort of guttering, so that it can conduct the rain away. Where two rows of these tiles meet, they put another row of tiles, but this time the other way up, i.e. with the hollow part turned down. By having done this, the rain is trapped within the tiles and conducted away. Through this system, the roof is made weather-proof. The Chinese have to build roofs this way because they do not have any ceilings, but live directly under the roof, and therefore they have to be well protected against the rain.\n\nIf they build their houses out of wood, tightly-woven mats of grass will be placed between the upright posts which carry the roof. These mats are then covered with mud and whitewashed. Sometimes they prepare from lime, which they get from shells, and sand, with a bit of oil, a very firm mixture which they put between the posts, or this mixture is formed into blocks which they stack up.\n\nPage 285",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212544,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 98,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "78\n\nproblems were blamed no longer on the Cultural Revolution activists and the Gang of Four, but also on those presently in power and those in power before the Cultural Revolution.\" With the emergence of **exposure literature**, artists and writers began to experiment with new forms. Wang Meng, for example, writing less on political issues and more on the emotions and relationships of everyday life, experimented with a variety of styles, including stream of consciousness. His short story, The Butterfly, in which he successfully used the technique of stream of consciousness, won him national recognition.\n\nThe If I Were Real episode turned out, however, rather differently. In terms of interaction between political developments and those of art and literature in the post-Mao era, probably no other single instance can provide as much insight as the play If I Were Real does. By comparing it with Wang Meng's experiments and with a later case, the Bitter Love episode, conclusions about how much artists and writers could push politically and artistically can be better tested.\n\nIf I Were Real was initially a play script depicting a young man who deceives officials in Shanghai, by pretending to be the son of a high military officer in Beijing. Because of his supposed good connections, the young man is granted all kinds of privileges, from theatre tickets to having a “friend”, who was actually himself transferred from a farm to Shanghai. When he is finally caught, he protests that he has done nothing wrong. He explains: “If I were really the son of some high party official, then whatever I have done would be considered legal.\" Thus the playscript went beyond criticism of the Gang of Four to criticize the current system.\n\n1920\n\nAs for the form, the experimental side of If I Were Real was shown in its actual staging. Audiences participated in the whole process at the beginning of the play. Pre-planned, the play begins later than the set time. When the audience grows impatient and asks why it has not started, one actress would appear in the name of the theatre manager to tell them that they cannot begin until some important “officials\" arrive. Then the audience would grow even more impatient and protest against the inequality of treatment. Then those \"officials\" would appear, among them is the \"son\", and soon some \"policemen\" follow up to arrest him and explain the story to the audience. Of course, all of the people involved are performers.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212545,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 99,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "79\n\nIf I Were Real involved two areas, literature and art and it broke into two previously \"forbidden zones\", criticizing the present leadership for tolerating corruption, and experimenting boldly with a new technique. As has been mentioned, writers who experimented with new techniques, even by borrowing Western ones, were given great leeway while the fate for the \"new content\" in literary and artistic reflections was quite different.\n\nBeginning in the autumn of 1980, the situation developed along the lines of tighter control following some speeches by some outspoken members of the Association of Writers and Artists at its Fourth Congress in October-November 19792 and the numerous stories, poems and investigative reports in the subsequent period. Fitfully in 1980, and repeatedly in 1981, literary works were charged with exaggerating the gloom, weariness, and cynicism within the population and spreading a feeling of utter hopelessness. Specifically, If I Were Real was criticized for inducing disillusionment with the system.\n\nIn the spring of 1981, the filmscript by Bai Hua, Bitter Love, was openly criticized by the Liberation Army Daily, signalling a new round of re-assessment of political development and this time culture was the target. Bitter Love was published in one of the most innovative literary journals, Shiyue (October), in September 1979. By 1981, it had been made into a movie which was shown to selected audiences but was not released to the general public. The filmscript was a sad story of an overseas Chinese painter who returned to China out of patriotism, only to be persecuted as a counter-revolutionary during the Cultural Revolution. At one point, his daughter raised the question “You have loved this country so much but does this motherland love you?'' Obviously, this question encouraged disloyalty to the party. After August 1981, the party newspapers fully joined in the attack. \"It became evident that the party leadership was increasingly concerned with the continuing disrespect for authority and growing Western influence.\"22\n\nAlthough this concern of disrespect for authority and growing Western influence subsided somewhat in 1982 and early 1983, it surfaced again in a campaign launched in the autumn of 1983 against “spiritual pollution\", which was attributed to increased contact with the West. Political leaders were particularly concerned with Western ideas that evoked questioning of the party and its policies. Unlike the Bitter Love episode, this campaign was ideological in character. When in the later",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt",
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    {
        "id": 212551,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 105,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "85\n\nNonetheless, a large portion of the participants in U.S.-China arts exchanges believe that, since the two countries are major players in international relations, mutual understanding of the other's culture was crucial in making the world a better place to live in. To the people in whose mind this theme loomed large, it was important to have a friendly relationship with China and exchanges in the arts were a handy way to achieve this goal.\n\nThe uniqueness of Chinese culture has also motivated some Americans who saw that exchanges could bring to American culture some diversity and therefore enrich it. The interest of Americans in Chinese culture was obvious, as can be seen by, for instance, the increasing number of Americans travelling to China each year.\n\nFinally, but by no means the least important factor in supporting arts exchanges with China by private sectors, there was a rejuvenation of the affinity which can be traced back to the 19th century \"special relationship\" between the United States and China which existed to the 1940s. To some, the special opportunity for the United States to transfer its culture and products to China on favourable terms re-emerged as a result of the drastically increased contacts between the two countries in the Carter years. \"Recognition of the People's Republic set long suppressed dreams of a return to China swirling in the minds of educators (the legatees of the missionary impulse) and businessmen.\" This helps to explain the involvement, rather intensive, of the RBF and the Henry Luce Foundation, which maintained close ties with China in the 1940s, and the United Board For Christian Higher Education, in China's arts education.\n\nAffinity and crisis\n\nThe highpoint of Sino-American arts relations was in 1970-1981. In his visit to the United States in January 1979, Deng Xiaoping personally signed a cultural agreement with President Carter in Washington D.C.. While in the United States, Deng extended to Seiji Ozawa, conductor of the Boston Symphony Orchestra, an invitation for the BSO to visit China. When the BSO arrived in Beijing in March 1979, Deng again paid his personal tribute to Sino-American arts exchanges by personally attending its performance and welcoming it as the first American performing art group to visit China since the elevation of relations to ambassadorial level.\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt",
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    {
        "id": 212566,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 120,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "100\n\n22 Shaw, p. 297\n\n23\n\nHu Qiaomu\n\n24 Unlike the campaign to criticize Bitter Love, this campaign was carried out in all the media and in factories. Some books in university libraries stopped circulation. In the latter stage, some rural areas began to join the campaign. In such circumstances, Zhao Ziyang, a major advocator of reforms, condemned “some misconducts\" of the campaign in a largely publicized speech in May 1984 and formally terminated the campaign against \"spiritual pollution\n\n25 Rui Xingwen, \"Gaige shiqi de wenhua fazhan zhanlue wenti,\" (\"Issues on the Strategy for Cultural Development in the Time of Reform”) Hongqi (Red Flag), No 14, 1986, Pp 11-13.\n\n26 Kim. p. 122.\n\n27\n\nChou Wen-chung, \"The Center for US China Arts Exchange. Purpose,\" U.S.-China Arts Exchange Newsletter Spring 1980, p. 1\n\n28\n\nProgram Report 1980-1981, the Center for United States-China Arts Exchange. November 1980, p 1\n\n29\n\nIbid\n\n10 Michael H. Hunt, The Making of a Special Relationship, the United States and China to 1914 (New York Columbia University Press, 1983), p. 312\n\n30 Mo Fei, \"*'BSO' fang hua zhi xing” (“BSO's China Trip,'') Bianyicankao (Translated Reference), No. 4, 1979. pp. 57-60.\n\n要 By \"non-governmental sector\" I mean societies, institutions, agencies, troupes and companies which are not directly subordinated to the government As these organizations were not privately owned, they cannot be fitted into the concept of the \"private sector\" as used in the United States. However, these organizations were different from government organizations\n\n33 Hu Qiaomu, p. 159.\n\n14\n\nGuan Li, Renmin ribao, 13 January 1980, p &\n\n8\n\nLi Rong, \"*Hanlıu dang bu zhu chuntian de jiaobu\" (\"Cold Current Cannot Stop the Steps of Spring''), Dazhong dianying (Popular Film), November 1979, p 10.\n\n36 Tang Manchen, \"A Talk on Ballet,\" Beijing Foreign Studies University, Beijing, 14 April 1987\n\n37\n\nRobert Sherman, “A Musical Interlude in Peking.“ New York Times, 12 October 1980.\n\nP. I.\n\n38\n\nAs quoted in **Arthut Miller's 'Salesman Travels to Beijing,\" U.S.-China Arts exchange Newsletter, Summer 1984, p 1\n\n39 Shaw. p 115\n\nPage 1\n\n20Page 121",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212567,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 121,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "101\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\nBai Hua. \"Kulian.\" (\"Bitter Love.'') Shiyue (October), September 1979.\n\nBarnet, A. Doak and Ralph N. Clough, eds. Modernizing China. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1986.\n\nDietrich, Craig. People's China, a Brief History. Oxford, N.Y.: Oxford University Press, 1986.\n\nDong, Mei, ed. Zhongmei guanxi ziliao xuanbian: 1971, 7-1981, 7 (Selected Documents Regarding Sino-American Relations: 1971, 7-1981, 7). Beijing: Shishi Press, 1982.\n\nFairbank, John K. Chinabound. New York: Harper and Row, 1982.\n\nGoldstein, Martin E. American Foreign Policy: Drift or Decision. Wilmington, Delaware: Scholarly Resources Inc., 1984.\n\nGuangming ribao (Guangming Daily).\n\nGuan, L. “Zai menghuan gongchang li\" (\"In the Mill of Nightmares\"), Renmin ribao (Renmin Daily). 13 January 1980, p. 8.\n\nHinton, Harold C., ed. The People's Republic of China, 1979-1984: A Documentary Survey. Wilmington, Delaware: Scholarly Resources Inc., 1986.\n\nHsiung, James C., ed. Beyond China's Independent Foreign Policy. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1985.\n\nHunt, Michael H. The Making of a Special Relationship: The United States and China to 1914. New York: Columbia University Press, 1983.\n\nImplementing Accord for Cultural Exchange in 1980 and 1981 under the Cultural Agreement between the Government of the People's Republic of China and the Government of the United States of America and the three subsequent accords.\n\nIndex to Newspapers and Periodicals - Philosophy and Social Sciences.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212593,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 147,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "127\n\nwhere offerings are burned. In another dream the deceased said money was wasted. Excessive food was placed on the altar. Conversely, in another dream she complained that people were hon (cold) and foo (bitter) because they did not put out enough for her to eat. But she was pleased with the arrangements for her funeral.\n\nA friend was told in a dream to go to the home of the deceased to collect a piece of jade which she wished her to have. Another person dreamt that the deceased instructed the young to respect their elders more. In another dream an associate had been informed by the dead person that the maid had wiped her face, first with a cold and then with a hot towel. The previous morning, it transpired, the maid had, in fact, wiped the deceased's picture, first with a wet and then with a dry cloth.\n\nIn another dream the dead woman told a friend she was staying in the house of the Chan family and that she was to be reincarnated as a boy. \"He\" would be easy to recognise, playful and would turn a somersault in front of \"her\" eldest daughter. The eldest daughter later dreamt that the deceased, who seemed neither happy nor sad, appeared. She then disappeared and a little boy stood in her place.\n\nSurvey\n\nDuring 1992 and 1993, the author questioned 122 Hong Kong Chinese men and women to ascertain whether they believe in reincarnation. This sample can be divided roughly into two. Most of the first section of interviewees (but not all) had completed secondary studies. Generally, they live in housing estates and work at white or blue-collar level, similar to the bulk of the population in Hong Kong. Of this group of 46 persons, 35 said in a convincing way that they believed in reincarnation, eight did not and three \"did not know\".\n\nThe interviewees in the second group work in the professions or at senior management level. They had all received university or college education and most had studied or worked for periods overseas. Of this better-educated group of 76, 35 said they believed, 25 did not, and 16 \"did not know\".\n\nThe conclusions emerging from this survey were not only that the better-educated and the western-educated are less likely to believe, but that men are less likely to believe than women. In six cases women admitted they believed in reincarnation although they were Christians.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213276,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1994",
        "page_number": 98,
        "title": "RAS-1994",
        "content_text": "78\n\nstar or a god shrine decorated with 'prayer flags' (). All these have the power to protect the occupants.\n\nAlso, just inside the front door of the flat, the electric light, symbolising the sun, is always switched on. Dark rooms oppress. Brightness stimulates chi and transforms yin to yang. A chandelier can distribute chi around a room. Conversely, a room cluttered with objects will obstruct the flow of chi.\n\nThe flat in this case study faces Victoria Peak, which towers over Tai Ping Shan (Hill of Great Peace) District. The flat also faces (approximately) 'compass south'. Fung shui south, namely 'Red-bird Aspect' (a Chinese constellation in the southern sky), is not always true south. An old Chinese proverb states:\n\nEven with 1,000 taels of gold, it is not easy to buy a house facing south.\n\nIt is believed by many that houses, temples, graves, and the Emperor on his throne should all face sunny south (Tatlow, 1993: 9). The south is pure, auspicious, and warm. In short, it is yang. With the south-westerly monsoon (actually, it mostly blows from the south-east, the direction that most typhoons come from) blowing in the summer, and the north-easterly monsoon in the winter, no one quarrels with this assumption. A flat facing south is thus warmer in winter and cooler in summer. This helps promote harmony among family members. Some Chinese believe people living on the south side of a building have better chi than those living on the north side. The latter are said to be less intelligent, less successful, and lack the vitality of their neighbours who live facing 'sunny south'. For a person who was born during the cold of winter, it is even more important for him or her to live in a building facing the warm spirits of the south (Tatlow, 1993: 9).\n\nBut, having said all that, it must be pointed out that in the Sha Tin district, in Hong Kong's New Territories, out of 60 villages or hamlets, only two or three face due south. Facing south is more important in the north, where bitterly cold winds blow, than in the sub-tropics, where other factors, such as the back-up of a mountain or copse, may have to be considered.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213583,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1995",
        "page_number": 179,
        "title": "RAS-1995",
        "content_text": "149\n\nmentioned that incense trees in fung shui woods were ever harvested. Iu (1983) claims that the misunderstanding may have been caused by the reference to another incense producing species Aquilaria agallocha which was commonly grown in north Vietnam.\n\nAnother resource, long since exhausted, were the forest trees used for charcoal burning, once a flourishing local industry all over the New Territories. The memory of this occupation remains in one of the place names at Shing Mun, known as Tan Chong or \"charcoal factory”, in which some houses were already abandoned by the early years of this century (Hayes, 1983). An account of the charcoal industry, which was carried out by outsiders for trade, is given by Shen (1971).\n\nThe village hill areas were the main suppliers of fuel, usually in the form of grass cut in autumn, but also as pine and brushwood gathered to augment a villager's income. Firewood was taken to market as it was one of the three basic staples, including rice and vegetables, that was required by the rapidly growing urban population. Firewood from Shatin was brought on foot to Kowloon (Sessional Papers 1903, p209) which list 66,521 loads of firewood, each of 90lbs. The Kowloon Lok Sin Tong levied a small weighing charge on each load of firewood sold in Kowloon City market, for charitable works. The annual output of one acre (0.4ha) was 11 piculs (640kg), (Hong Kong Annual Report 1938 p59). Gathering firewood was the main occupation of the village women. A typical headload would be in region of 90-100lbs (45kg) and would be collected twice a week, (Hayes, 1983).\n\nFirewood was used in earthenware stoves, known as \"feng-lu\", for cooking family meals and special food at festival times. Grass gathered from the hill side in autumn and the stalks from the first crop of rice were the universal fuel used for heating water and pigswill. Firewood was still being used up until 1964 in the urban encroached village of So Uk in west Kowloon for cooking at Chinese New Year, as it was better for baking (Hayes, 1983).\n\nWhen a bride came to live in her husband's village, the older women would show her those areas from which fuel could be gathered and those areas, usually the fung shui woods, where it could not be gathered. This information was often learned by means of a 12 line poem or song to name those areas where the young wife should not gather fuel.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213696,
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        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1996",
        "page_number": 49,
        "title": "RAS-1996",
        "content_text": "Table 6\n\nRecorded Population Northern District 1921 Census\n\n  \n    \n    100\n    200\n    300\n    T\n    400\n    500\n    600\n    700\n    800\n    000\n    1000\n    1100\n    1200\n    1300\n    20\n  \n  \n    Age\n    1\n    5\n    10\n    15\n    20\n    25\n    30\n    35\n    40\n    45\n    50\n    55\n    60\n    65\n    70\n    75\n    80\n    85\n    90\n  \n  \n    ◄ Recorded Male Population\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    8\n    \n    3\n    \n    8\n    \n    B\n    \n    10\n    \n    16\n    \n    20\n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Probable Number of Live Birtha (Male, Femala)\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Recorded Female Population\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    35\n    40\n    45\n    50\n    55\n    \n    60\n    65\n    70\n    76\n    80\n    00\n  \n\nTable 6\n\nRecorded Population Northern District 1921 Census\n\n was re-formatted into a more readable table structure while maintaining the original content and correcting minor OCR errors such as \"Birtha\" to remain as is due to rule constraints, and \"Femala\" which is likely a typo for \"Female\". However, as per the rules, the original text is preserved. The table has been reconstructed to better represent the original data.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214008,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1997",
        "page_number": 77,
        "title": "RAS-1997",
        "content_text": "43\n\nsearch for provisions for his army. After a short but very sharp duel between Miss Mu and the Yang grandson, Tsung-pao, during which he was unable to better her in swordsmanship, she realised that she had fallen in love with him, mainly because of his swordsmanship but also because he was a member of the renowned Yang family. During their long talk through the night by the camp fire he learned that she was the daughter of a famous Sung general who had been falsely accused and banished. They were soon betrothed but without parental approval.\n\nMeanwhile, the Lady Yu had arrived at the Three Passes where she astonished everyone with her tactical knowledge. She immediately identified and explained the Liao battle formation facing them which had long been regarded as a battle winner and so far had been undefeated. She was also worried about her grandson, Tsung-pao who she understood had been captured by Mu Kuei-ying. The Lady Yü's asked the Sixth Son to set out to rescue his son, her beloved grandson, whilst she took his place commanding the forces before the Three Passes. The Sixth Son reached the Mu hideaway and was confronted by Miss Mu. He, in disguise, did not realise that she was betrothed to his son and she did not realise that he was her future father-in-law. When, after a duel in which she disarmed him, they were introduced, the father, the Sixth Son returned to the Three Passes to resume command. When finally his son returned, the Sixth Son sent for him and demanded to know what provisions he had brought. His son stammered that he had not brought any which led to his father's furious outburst that his son had not only not brought provisions he had frittered away his time with Miss Mu, and immediately ordered his execution. All the officers pleaded with the Sixth Son to spare his son's life but were rejected. The Lady Yü then went to plead for her grandson's life and again the Sixth Son rejected her plea as it was a family honour to maintain military discipline. The Crown Prince then asked for a reprieve and once more the Sixth Son, who as commander of the forces and not a civil official serving the Crown Prince, refused to consider it. The Crown Prince swept out. At this point Miss Mu arrived and was shown in to see the Sixth Son. She explained that she had come with the special wood for the handle of the sword for the Fifth Son and also to join the forces under the Sixth Son's command. He welcomed her but again refused to reprieve his son, her fiancé. She eventually talked him round by promising to fight the Liao herself and when the pardon was signed she snatched it and rushed out to break",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214379,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 237,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "203\n\n'it is not paid by the European community. The chief object of the Chinese in paying these Watchmen is to drive away thieves, the cardinal evil of a Shop-keeping population.' The success of the Watchmen was 'not only in arresting actual offenders, but also in keeping away those who live by pilfering.'\n\nDue to an administrative oversight 'no records were kept of the doings of the Watchmen until 27th August 1867. Thereafter data was collected and in the following six months the Watchmen were involved in the prosecution of fifty-three cases some of which were serious. By the end of 1868 another ninety-eight cases had been prosecuted due to the actions of the Watchmen and these resulted in the conviction of 117 defendants. Although the number of cases dropped to forty-one in 1869, data collected for the following two years showed that there were eighty-one and seventy-nine cases in 1870 and 1871 respectively. These returns compare favourably with similar data from the following century. As an example, in 1914 there were 109 convictions when the strength of District Watchmen had risen to one hundred.\n\nThe difference of opinion which had existed in Government circles in 1866 when the Watchmen scheme was introduced continued as the Watchmen went about their business. Cecil Smith was unstinting in his praise but, since he had been responsible for introducing the scheme, he could hardly be regarded as an impartial witness. Others, however, like the Police Magistrate Mr J. Russell and the Coroner Mr F. Stewart commended the Watchmen for their actions. At the other end of the spectrum were political heavyweights such as the perennial Mr Charles May and Chief Justice Smale. May had served as Captain Superintendent of Police between 1845 and 1862 before being appointed Police Magistrate and his low opinion of Chinese constables, whom he considered to be 'utterly untrustworthy,' was well known. His opinion of the Watchmen was similar and, according to Smith in December 1871, May showed 'an antipathy to the Corps which has had a very unfortunate effect.' This unfortunate effect manifested itself in a decline in the Watchmen's activity and energy with a corresponding decrease in the number of arrests. Smith maintained that the Chief Justice, who should have known better because of his legal background, objected not so much to the individual watchmen who appeared before him in Court, as to the whole system which apparently he did not know was established by law.\"9",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214408,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 266,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "232\n\nnext morning the case came before our enlightened Assistant Magistrate, who with the discretion and sense of justice characteristic of him, instead of incarcerating the defendant for ten days on bread and water, recommended settling the matter amicably and hinted at five dollars being a satisfactory recompense to the plaintiff; but whether the defendant followed this advice or not - I have not been informed. (The China Mail, No 558, the 25 Oct. 1855).\n\nHong Kong is not actually a place of trade with China, but merchants and agents trading in Canton, in Shanghai and in other Chinese ports, which are open to Europeans, live here. That is why the local anchorage (harbour) is very busy: during the whole course of my two month stay, there were always up to sixty or more merchant vessels there, one or two changing every day. The grocery and chandlery trade is all in the hands of the Chinese. With the exception of two or three large stores designated strictly for incoming vessels and filled with all that is necessary for the needs and even some whims of the seamen, all the rest belong to Chinese. The richest Chinese merchant is extremely temperate in his way of life: a few bowls of rice make up his main food, he is clothed in calico or linen - unpretentiously; and that is why even when selling things he is satisfied with low returns; he even sells European things cheaper, than the European, who needs greater profits for his table, his attire and his abode.\n\nPiece payment is, perhaps, nowhere in the world as cheap as in China. For this reason all their crafted goods are particularly well finished, even display signs of overwork; but elegance perhaps somehow slips through accidentally, in spite of the will of the worker. And indeed for an object to be sold well, it is essential, that it displays in itself signs of much labour spent on it. Whereas we, on looking at an object, say: “how lovely! how exquisite!\" the best praise for a Chinese is yu gup fu i.e. a lot of time and work has gone into this! And so in all these curio shops you find objects carved out of ivory: spheres revolving one in another, chess pieces, fans etc., also lacquer boxes, decorated with the finest of designs. This is even more noticeable in their picture shops, of which there are up to five in Canton, if not more. With them, painting is reduced to the level of a craft, or better put does not rise to the level of an art. And certainly, the technical side of it almost reaches perfection: the eye can barely follow the brushes, placed between all the fingers of the hand, and the way, one after the other, they",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214415,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 273,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "239\n\nbly to equalize external and internal temperatures,\n\nI had heard about this equalizing of temperatures before, but must confess, I always suspected trickery:\n\nI remember back home in Russia seeing people who ashamed of openly drinking a glass of vodka, especially a second or a third, would hide behind an elbow or a sleeve: this seems to me to be the same thing. Some even embellish this trickery with a reference to rum and cognac being provided they say, by design, by a hot climate for this equalization... I don't recommend resorting to this method: it means upsetting the fitness of one's stomach with considerable irritation, quadrupling the intensity of the heat and then dropping with exhaustion as a result of the strain. I once heeded this advice and by way of experiment tried to equalize the two temperatures. The result was unbearable torture that lasted a whole day. There was nothing I could do, nothing to quench the searing dryness in my throat and stomach.\n\nOn the contrary, on abstention from meat, and all heavy food, as from spices (never mind that they also come from hot places), but most of all from wine, one easily endures the heat; the chest, the head and the lungs are in a normal state and the intense heat only aggravates one on the outside. I am sure that if in one's food one continually used rice, vegetables, a bit of fish and poultry, it would be possible to bear the heat just as easily as in Russia. But...but P.A.T. won't let you live as you wish, even in India and in China: he looks at you so suspiciously if at dinner you refuse lamb or pork, or puff-pastry pie - just wait for him to take umbrage and ask: \"Is something wrong with the lamb, is the pie stale?\" or addressing everyone he'll exclaim pathetically: “Just look gentlemen: he doesn't like the cuisine! If my instructions are unsatisfactory, if I'm incapable, if I don't know how, then pick someone else...\" No, it's better to suffer from the heat come what may!\n\nJang\n\nHaving rested, we continued down the street, looking at the palaces, at the splendid driveways, the cool vestibules, the airy galleries, the tightly locked windows. There are no signs of life to be seen in the houses, but meanwhile coolies run in and out of them, carrying goods, letters. Englishmen enter and exit under huge umbrellas, wearing straw or linen hats and everyone of them, and ourselves as well, in white",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214493,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 351,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "320\n\nWe indeed believe that the President and judges are acting in this fashion since they are new and have no experience in these lands. In view of the damage arising out of this, they have amended their actions because we requested them to do so and gave reasons for doing so, and although they do their duty by us with fine words, their deeds do not correspond to their words because they rule in favour of anyone citing this decree, which they call resolved, and those citing it go away so content that they no longer have regard for any friar or priest. And as the Indians do not understand this language and neither do many Spaniards, so much of the credit and authority of the faith has been lost among them that it is better for us to abandon our preaching than to continue with so little effect. And if the judges continue with what they have begun it is to see us get up to be knocked down again until Your Majesty definitively decrees that we have authority in this mission and to do what is necessary, and if for reasons which perhaps are apparent in Spain but which we are not aware of here what we ask is not possible, we request Your Majesty to graciously instruct us how we can live, since the life we are now leading cannot be tolerated nor can our souls tolerate the manner in which we live.\n\nIf we wished to supply copious evidence for our statements herein, we could indeed do so since the walls and stones call out and confirm much more than we state here, but let us not do so since our intention is not to bring a lawsuit and we believe we do not need to bring witnesses before Your Majesty as we are certain that you will believe our statements as one can only state the pure truth when addressing Your Majesty.\n\nYour Majesty is well aware that not all laws can be the same everywhere since they must be adapted to the temperament of the people and the quality of the land. It would be difficult to understand the temperament of these Indians and the anguish and difficulty involved in bringing knowledge of the truth to these Indians and how easily they stray from it after having received it if we did not live among them. And for this reason, decrees cannot be issued in Spain in respect of difficulties encountered here; rather, those of us here who put God and what His law and reason require first, must make use of such methods as are necessary and appropriate to achieve this end, and if such confidence is not placed in us our mission will be diminished because, out of all the people here in these lands, no-one can know as much about this matter as us, because they are in this city and in their houses with...",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214960,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2000",
        "page_number": 56,
        "title": "RAS-2000",
        "content_text": "11\n\ncrisis, wrote in his diary: 'A fine day: wrote couplets on fans.'\n\nLin's letter drafted to Queen Victoria was a noble and convincing message. In it he points out that opium is forbidden in England and therefore the English know its harmful effects. 'As long as you do not take it yourselves but continue to make it and tempt the people of China to buy it, you will be showing yourselves careful of your own lives but careless of the lives of other people....such conduct is repugnant to human feeling and at variance with the Way of Heaven.' He further writes: 'Rather than waste your efforts on a hopeless endeavour, would it not be better to devise some other form of trade?' (author's italics); surely a hint that trade relations without opium could perhaps be established. Unfortunately the letter was never sent. One can only speculate what might have happened if the young Queen, barely two years on the throne, had received this letter.\n\nLin reminded the foreign traders that they were allowed to trade as a favour, because China was completely self-sufficient, while the foreigners, especially the British, could not live without tea and rhubarb. The belief was widely held in China that the English would die of constipation if they were deprived of rhubarb.' Lin later modified his statement omitting rhubarb but leaving tea as an absolute necessity' (author's italics). The existing opium stocks in the factories were surrendered and destroyed (in salt and lime; not burned as sometimes stated), and for a while it seemed as if Commissioner Lin might succeed in his task, but the confrontation led to an armed conflict, known as the First Opium War (1839-1842), in which the Chinese with their antiquated methods of warfare and ineffective weapons were defeated on land and at sea. It was ‘A conflict between ignorant weakness and conscious strength. It ended in the Treaty of Nanjing (Nanking), by which terms China opened to foreigners the five ports of Guangzhou (Canton), Xiamen (Amoy), Fuzhou (Foochow), Ningbo (Ningpo), and Shanghai as Treaty Ports, where they might reside and trade; an indemnity of 21 million dollars was exacted, and the Island of Hong Kong was ceded in perpetuity to Britain. For China the war was a disaster and humiliation, the last vestiges of which were erased only a short time ago when Hong Kong was returned, in 1997, to its homeland. By contrast, Queen Victoria referred to the war in flippant tones. Writing to her uncle, the King of Belgium, in 1841, she states:- 'The Chinese business vexes us much, and Palmerston is deeply mortified at it. All",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 215025,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2000",
        "page_number": 121,
        "title": "RAS-2000",
        "content_text": "77\n\nAppendix A to CLC In France\n\nI was fortunate to receive a letter from Mrs. C M. Gibb, who now lives in Glasgow, with recollections of her short stay at Noyelles when her father was serving with the CLC.\n\nHer father, John M. Morrison, was called up in 1916 and trained with the Scottish Rifles. He was commissioned and stationed in Glasgow where he was fortunate enough to live at home. For the final battles of the war he was found to be unfit for active service and was posted to the CLC. [see photograph] With Mrs Gibb's kind permission, I can do no better than quote her letter dated 28 February, 2001, in full.\n\nMy father, John M. Morrison, was a lieutenant in the Highland Light Infantry and from the spring of 1918 until the late summer of 1919 was with No 8 CLC. My father's tartan trews and glengarry fascinated the Chinese. They pronounced his name as 'Modarn.' In the summer of 1919 the British officers were allowed to bring their families out to France and as a small girl of seven I spent nearly four weeks (from August 17th to September 10th) with my father, mainly so far as I remember at Noyelles. I remember being introduced to the Chinese who seemed to me to be enormous men with very large grins, and I also remember my mother and I watching them from the hotel marching away carrying the goods they had bought (one man was marching with a very large gilt bird cage). A senior British officer with red tabs was also watching with tears rolling down his cheeks, he had spent much of his life in China and called the Chinese his 'children.'\n\nWhen my father used to talk in later life about his time with the Chinese he expressed nothing but admiration for them, and gave the impression that he and the other British officers regarded the Chinese as being superior both physically and mentally to any of the other labour units either European or non-European. The interpreter with No. 8 CLC was a Mr. Wong who came from Shanghai and spoke a number of languages. Much to the amusement of my father's Commanding Officer, Captain Greenhill, Mr. Wong was not only essential for communicating with the Chinese but also for communicating with the French. The Cook was a very experienced and gifted man who was stolen by a visiting...",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215110,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2000",
        "page_number": 206,
        "title": "RAS-2000",
        "content_text": "163\n\nto teach him a lesson. In yet another rendition it is suggested that he had the crab painted on his forehead by his fellow pupils as a joke whilst he was asleep and who, at the same time, stuck two willow branches behind his ears. When he woke up his chagrin was so great that he committed suicide. Another story maintains that he was a most beautiful child and his sister-in-law in a fit of jealousy painted a crab around his mouth whilst he slept preventing his soul from returning [meaning that he died as a result because Chinese know only too well that one's soul roams far and wide whilst one is asleep]. The Jade Emperor took pity on him and, so the story goes, adopted him as one of his sons, or in another version, allowed his soul to return to his body. In yet another legend he was a Suzhou man who supported troupes of actors. Another legend, related in a Chaozhou temple in Indonesia, tells of a boy who had been working in the fields, stomach empty and very hungry. He fell asleep at the side of the field whereupon a small crab crawled into his open mouth giving him sufficient sustenance to continue. He grew up to be a good farmer, a good neighbour who helped protect his community and who loved music more than anything else. He was, however, conscripted into the army and sent north to fight the Xiongnu [Huns] of central Asia, where he rose in rank until as a marshal and undefeated he returned to his home in Fujian province. He was deified after death as a local community protector. One of the major factors of his victories over the Xiongnu had been the impressive uniforms he had provided for his men which completely over-awed the central Asian barbarians. These uniforms became the stuff of actors' outfits and because of his love for music, and as the crab had saved his life, his image has the crustacean painted around his mouth and he is now the patron of actors and musicians [Photograph 10].\n\nThe legend of the Marshal Tian, better known as San Tian Dou Yuanshuai, the third of the three Tian brothers, another form of this deity, has also been confused by devotees somewhere along the line with the well-known legend of the 360 musicians and the Pestilence Wangye. In the Tian Brother's story they were said to be musicians engaged by the Xuan Zong emperor as his music masters. The emperor, whilst sick, dreamed that their playing had restored him to good health which on waking he found to be true. He then ordered them to stop a plague which was ravaging Fujian province, which again they did and were deified by the Celestial Master Zhang, the Daoist deity.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 215347,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2001",
        "page_number": 124,
        "title": "RAS-2001",
        "content_text": "72\n\nuniquely Hainanese. In practice of the seventeen only one was Hainanese and that bore the odd title. It was Li San Shengmu, literally the Saintly Mother Li the third. This is obviously Li Shan, misheard with the 'san' assumed to be the 'Third'.\n\nThe most widespread claim is that Lishan Shengmu or Lishan Laomu24 was a ferocious lady general of the Tang dynasty known for her love of fighting, and is now a popular character in Chaozhou plays. However, to many Chinese she is better known by the maiden name of Fan Li-shan as merely the wife and mother of two famous generals, Xue. Several stories told about her contain in addition to common factors, others involving unconnected genuine historical heroes, some from entirely different eras. The composite story of the best known legends about Miss Fan25 begins with her warrior father giving her a 'sword to execute Immortals' and a 'whip to beat the spirits' and after she had completed her military training and prior to her going off to help General Xue Dingshan26 to pacify the west. In one version she joined up with him, served and fought alongside winning his trust and favour. In another Xue met and fought her on the battlefield. She defeated him but, because he was a handsome general, and with a bit of persuasion, she married him. A photocopied broadsheet distributed by the temple keeper in a small immigrant settlement shrine above Kowloon claimed that the Lishan cult had been popular in central China, and that her story, described in the 'Conquest of the West,' ostensibly written by Xue Dingshan himself, explained that she had been the wife of Xue, later transformed into an Immortal as a reward for her miracles and achievements.\n\nThere is also a Lishan Laomu who is also a definitive goddess appearing in the great novel The Journey to the West, the story of the fantastic journey made by Xuanzang, together with Sun, the Monkey, Sha the monk and Pigsy. In part of the story it appears likely that Lishan was Monkey's elder sister, a courtesy title rather than a blood relationship. She, together with her three daughters, all Bodhisattvas, named Truth, Love and Pity, transformed themselves into beautiful women in order to tempt the Buddhist pilgrim Xuanzang and his entourage of Monkey, Pigsy and Sha with their beauty. She changed herself into a widow and proposed to Xuanzang who rejected her. She and her daughters teased Pigsy, who after many adventures found that they were merely figments of his imagination. This goddess would",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215922,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 221,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "155\n\nEven me, I said after working for several years, I would have difficulties in speaking English. Now it's better, in these two years, but really in the early 90's when I first joined, I had difficulties.\n\nIn the mood for history...\n\nAppearing on and off stage throughout the day is an elegant woman in her 50's, dressed in a green, form-fitting, side-buttoned cheong-sam. She is the only woman to speak on stage. She is Dr. Elizabeth Sinn.\n\nOne of the talking points of the film, \"In the Mood for Love”— Tony Leung won a Cannes best actor award was actually the costumes made for Maggie Cheung. Cheong-sams in all different patterns and when worn by Maggie, they looked absolutely beautiful. I decided after seeing the film that I would start wearing them, it will be my signature look...\n\nI am a couple of minutes early for my appointment and wait in the hallway of the Centre of Asian Studies at the University of Hong Kong. It's about 10 minutes before I am asked in. Not surprising that the deputy director would be a busy person.\n\nSinn is sporting a lovely purple cheong-sam with a floral pattern and with a violet cardigan over top. Sinn sits behind her desk and invites me to sit across from her. It's a small office but has the benefit of a peaceful window view. Sinn looks so classically Chinese, I wonder if it's to make her fit her roles as Deputy Director of the Centre and vice-president of the RAS more convincing, or to unintentionally perpetuate a cliche.\n\n\"I have learnt a lot about Chinese culture and Hong Kong history from the RAS over the years,” said Sinn. \"It's very different from reading books. Certainly the RAS provides a very different angle for looking at local culture than most Chinese people in Hong Kong have. For me, it's always exciting when I can see things from a new perspective, when there are more options. Of course, I have also made many friends through the RAS, not only the Council members but also ordinary members. They are a self-selected group of people who are genuinely interested in finding out about things.\"",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 216051,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 350,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "284\n\nopposite extremity of the foreign settlement. Some years passed before the site was occupied. On 5th February, 1889, the Consulate building was burnt in a riot together with several neighbouring houses. The final Consulate of a main building and four houses was erected on the same site in 1890. Built predominantly of red brick with white and grey bricks forming the decoration, it had double windows to keep the rooms warm during the bitter winters and a royal reign tablet on the rear wall. This white oval plaque bearing the enjoined letters VR is still in place a century or so later.\n\nAll the British consuls serving in Zhenjiang from its opening in 1860 found time hanging heavily and a number became medically unfit within a short time of taking up their posts. Adkins, the Consul writing to his father in December 1861 wrote in passing that 'the office of Consul at a thriving port is no sinecure I can tell you. He is judge, bishop, police magistrate, coroner etc. etc etc.' As is usual his own countrymen give him the least possible support and abuse him like a pickpocket.' It was also soon realized just how unimportant Zhenjiang had become to foreigners and by 1867 it was decided to post a junior consul to the port under the aegis of the senior consul at Shanghai. However, ten years later the number of British residents had increased sufficiently to warrant a return to the consular post being restored to its former independent status. It was by no means a comfortable place to live though PD Coates wrote that all in all Zhenjiang would have been a pleasant enough post had the [foreign] community been more congenial.24 One incident in the history of the consulate in Zhenjiang related by Coates, tells how in 1879 the Chairman and Treasurer of the Zhenjiang Concession Council, Bean, a British merchant who held several of the nineteen concession leases, physically assaulted H. J. Allen, the British consul, in the Club when the latter as Consul had asked to examine the Council's books before approving its accounts. Duff, another merchant, was the Secretary to the Council. Coates describes the constant and major friction between Bean and Duff, Bean and the Consul, and between other foreign residents of the Concession and this was reiterated by William Mesny as we shall soon see. Oxenham, a subsequent Consul in 1886, described Bean as a coarse, cantankerous, uneducated man of low tastes and malignant disposition who had insulted practically every Consul and Customs commissioner serving at the port.\n\nAdkins described in one of his letters to his father how English",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278",
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    },
    {
        "id": 216109,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 408,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "342\n\nthey would have provided (had they been left) and for the urban lineage they would have represented. Those wonderful old buildings are no longer with us to provide anchors in times of need.\n\nThey were replaced within a few years by high-rise air-conditioned buildings. Many depend upon artificial lighting and ventilation and have windows which do not open. Today, so many live and work in an artificial atmosphere. This major change led long ago to people discarding shorts and open-necked shirts and wearing two-piece suits and more formal and more uncomfortable clothing. The new lifestyle meant the better off were stepping from their air-conditioned homes, carrying brief cases, into their air-conditioned cars and then being conveyed to their air-conditioned offices.\n\nAt the end of World War Two the Chinese Nationalist Government was waiting in the wings just over the border to take over Hong Kong. But the British beat them to it. If the Americans had had their way, and British rule had been terminated in Hong Kong in 1945 and the place had been returned to China, it is possible to speculate what would have happened. In 1949 Hong Kong, like other big cities in China, would have been taken over by the People's Republic Government. This would have meant that, after 30 or so years of communist rule, Hong Kong would have been as backward economically as the rest of China. There would have been no 'Hong Kong miracle'. After 1978 the Territory would not have been able to form a nucleus for the economic development for the rest of China with its 'Open Door Policy.'\n\nPigeons\n\nUp until 1914 every marine launch of Hong Kong's Water Police (as the Marine Police were known then) took a few pigeons on board. These were used to fly messages back to headquarters in Tsim Sha Tsui, Kowloon. But in spite of the introduction of radio the pigeons were kept on strength. Members of the force contributed to buy them food. The flock of about 50 birds came to be looked upon much like the Barbary Apes at Gibraltar or the Ravens at the Tower of London. It was said when the pigeons departed from Marine Police Headquarters so would the British from Hong Kong.\n\nThe pigeons disappeared during the Japanese occupation but were",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 216303,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2003",
        "page_number": 62,
        "title": "RAS-2003",
        "content_text": "11\n\nHon, an 81-year-old woman's experiences in the village, Mr. Fan made comments related to the government's decision on rural development in Sai Kung:\n\nA trip to town for Hon involves phoning for a boat to take her to Wong Shek pier and then a bus to Sai Kung. The alternative, an hour's hilly walk, is beyond the frail old woman now. \"It is very inconvenient that we have no road, no vehicles can come in,\" says Fan Koon-mui, ...\n\n++\n\n\"If the Government had provided us with transport, our fate wouldn't be deserted villages,” Fan says.\n\nSince the 1980s, the Kuk has badgered the Government to provide link roads for the villages, but without success. A chicken-and-egg situation exists - there are not enough people to justify the building of roads but, if they were built, more people could live in the villages.\n\n\"Solitary zone' (by S. Lee, South China Morning Post, May 4, 2002)\n\nThe village is abandoned now, but I suggest that there is a lot of potential in developing the village into a heritage education centre in which there are at least several aspects we should try to cover. In order to achieve a better understanding of the history of Chek Keng for the further concerns both in heritage preservation and environmental development, we suggest some research topics for consideration:\n\n• Migration history and social change in Hong Kong's Hakka settlements\n\n• Traditional village lifeways and folk cultures\n\n• The Catholic church and influences given by the missionary of the Pontifical Institute for Foreign Missions (Pontificio Instituto Missioni Estere as well as P.L.M.E.) from Milan, and\n\n• Oral history on villagers' lifestyles and cultural traditions, etc.\n\nDiscussion: Development with local people's support\n\nTherefore, we need to think about whether the development of",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390",
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    },
    {
        "id": 216378,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2003",
        "page_number": 137,
        "title": "RAS-2003",
        "content_text": "86\n\nHart's house and photographed him: \"He was extremely friendly, asked us to dinner, kept us talking, assuring us that he was a man busy enough always to have time to give people. Month after month, year after year, for the last 50 years has found him always at work; for 25 years he has had no holiday; he never goes away and has never been even to the Great Wall. 'My wife used to do my sightseeing and my visiting for me' he said. 'She was very useful to me. It's difficult to live alone.' I didn't know what to answer as Lady Hart seems to find it more difficult not to live alone.\"\n\n*\n\n7 The marital relationship between Hart and Lady Hart, as Bruner, Fairbank and Smith argued (1986: 322), is that \"each offered something the other was seeking.\" In his journal entry for 22 August 1867 - their first anniversary - he wrote: \"No one could have a better wife than I have got & so far, we have got on well together.\" Then he added: “At the same time, matrimony does interfere a man's work at times.\" (Volume 9, Transcribed by Deirdre Wildy, 15 September 2003)\n\n$\n\n* Similar statement can also be seen in Declaration 1\n\n\"Census place: Cliffton, Gloucester, England. Source: FHL film 1341597, PRO Ref RG11, Piece 2482, Folio 38, Page 22.\n\n10 See Bruner, Fairbank, and Smith edited “Entering China's Service” (1986: 150): \"Volume 3, as it now exists, begins on 20 March 1858, after a lapse of almost three years. The first pages of this new book, however, were torn out by Hart, who then wrote on the flyleaf '20 March to 6 Dec. 1858' as if that were the normal content of the volume.\" \"It seems evident that Hart did some tidying-up of his journals years later, perhaps in 1902 when Hosea B. Morse asked\n\n11\n\npermission to see them in connection with a proposed biography.\"\n\nIn March 1866 Hart left for home on leave and in late May he fell in love with Miss Hester Jane Bredon. This happened less than a year after Hart's third child was born. Hart was very determined to find a European girl to marry during his visit home. He knew that his proposal to Hester might be refused if he told her the truth, particularly the year when Arthur was born - giving proof to the fact that he continued his sexual relationship with Ayaou until at least late 1864. For Hart the best way to convince Hester to accept the reality of the situation was to let her believe that all these events had taken place a long time ago and she could therefore \"forget the past and welcome the future\". Perhaps it is for this reason that there are contradictions between Hart's statements concerning the year of Arthur's birth in Declaration 1 and 2 and those in his letter to Campbell as well as that which is recorded in 1881 British Census,\n\n12 Hart only felt a bit annoyed when he received two letters from her in 1870 and 1872 and troubled by two of his wards by her between 1904 and 1905.\n\n17\n\n13 See Declaration I.\n\n14 The sum of money equals £28,704, as $5 at that time roughly equals £1. In his",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390",
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    },
    {
        "id": 216503,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2003",
        "page_number": 262,
        "title": "RAS-2003",
        "content_text": "214\n\nprevious life had led her to the Directorship of the Hong Kong Institute of Education, the first person to hold the post after the Government of Great Britain returned Hong Kong to Mainland China on 30 June 1997.\n\n'I had come to love Chinese people and culture with a passion, yet over the years I always felt like a guest, honoured and cared for, but never fully accepted within Chinese society. In a way, this was inevitable, given China's socialist system and the kinds of roles I had played in China. Now, however, the government and people of a Hong Kong returned to China had entrusted me with leading the institution responsible for preparing teachers for their schools... It was an awesome responsibility and an honour that made me know, deep within myself, that I was now one of them. Somehow I had been searching for that acceptance all of my life.' (pp. 238-239)\n\nWith Full Circle as a teaser, I look forward to the Biography, which might perhaps suggest that Hayhoe's desire to speak out (even apparently for others) is a product of her previous membership, through her family, of the Christian Exclusive Plymouth Brethren, where women had (and possibly still have?) no voice (p. 59). It might suggest that Hayhoe's embrace of the notional worldwide university and its ordered enclosed ways derives from at the same time as it is an escape from -- the narrow discipline that the Brethren imposed on her early life.\n\n——\n\nIn the meantime, we have this Autobiography; and it is compelling and inspirational reading. The first edition of Full Circle is bound to sell out quickly. Perhaps the publishers will then take the opportunity to pay attention to the couple of dozen editorial lapses, including one on the book jacket. If possible, it would be good to enhance the already useful index to reflect Hayhoe's feelings and thoughts, as well as to indicate some themes; and also, the addition of a bibliography and List of Illustrations would do the book better service. Some errors of fact could also be corrected.\n\n-\n\nwas not\n\nFor example, the Hong Kong Institute of Education -- Hayhoe considers her position there as the apogee of her career to date created out of 'five traditional teachers colleges' (pp. 208, 211, 227), but was constituted of four Colleges of Education and the much newer Institute of Language in Education, the latter established and staffed at a higher academic level than the Colleges. In fact, the Institute formed the",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390",
        "rank": 0
    }
]