[
    {
        "id": 209425,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1982",
        "page_number": 82,
        "title": "RAS-1982",
        "content_text": "60\n\nJ. H. HAAN\n\n11 NCH 17.3.1866, 24.3.1866.\n\n12 Final LR 1869 in e.g. Feetham, I, p. 68-83.\n\n1* NOH 29.5.1852, 5.6.1852.\n\n** NCH 13.4.1861.\n\n16 NCH 29.6.1861,\n\n18\n\n10 NCH 5.4.1862; cf also NCH 5.12.1863 and 25.6.1864.\n\n17 In Hertslet: \"Treaties between Great Britain and China and Foreign Powers\", 1908, Volume II, p. 686-687.\n\n19 Cf. NCH 13.4.1861.\n\n10 Cf R. Bendix: \"The extension of citizenship to the lower classes\" in R. Bendix (Ed.): “State and Society\", 1973, p. 251; also Guido de Ruggiero: \"The history of European Liberalism\", 1967 (Repr).\n\n20 NCH 11.11.1854.\n\n21 Ibid.\n\n** NCH 9.12.1854.\n\n** Cf. NCH 23.12.1865, 30.12.1865; Kotenev, p. 18-19.\n\n* NCH 22.4.1865.\n\n* NCH 17.3.1866; for the discussion about this affair cf. also Haan \"Shanghai\" p. 95-100.\n\n24 NCH 17.3.1866.\n\n* NCH 5.7.1851.\n\n28 NCH 29.3.1852. **NCH 22.6.1861.\n\n30 NCH 27.8.1864,\n\n* Cf. J.H. Haan: \"De buitenlandse concessies en settlements in the 19e en 20e eeuwse China\" (\"Foreign concessions and settlements in 19th and 20th century China\"); unpublished manuscript, University of Amsterdam, 1972, Volume I, p. 47.\n\n** NCH 5.12.1863.\n\n34 NCH 28.11.1863.\n\n** NOH 24.3.1863.\n\n* Shanghai Almanac 1855.\n\n56 Johnstone, p. 56.\n\n27 NCH 5.7.1851.\n\n宫\n\n** NCH 29.6.1861.\n\n30 NCH 5.4.1862.\n\n* For a detailed account of membership of the MC 1849-1866 see Haan, \"Shanghai\", appendix II, reprinted as the appendix to this article.\n\n41 Cf Johnstone, p. 243-247.\n\n* For this and the following scheme of Feetham, Volume I, p. 112-130; Johnstone p. 227-242.\n\n** NCH 22.4.1865.\n\n** Cf NCH 10.3.1866.\n\n45\n\nPeople's Tribune (Shanghai), 16.3.1935, p. 358.\n\n** China Weekly Review 24.3.1934, p 119.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209900,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 159,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "BUSINESS IDEOLOGY OF CHINESE INDUSTRIALISTS IN HONG KONG*\n\nWONG SIU-LUN\n\nDEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY\n\nUNIVERSITY OF HONG KONG\n\nChinese business ideology is largely an uncharted field. (For the handful of studies that exist, see Ryan 1961: 13-36; King and Leung 1975: 33-50; Olsen 1972; Bergere 1968). The dearth of systematic studies is undoubtedly a reflection of the weakness of the Chinese bourgeoisie. The structural supremacy of the polity in Chinese society has drawn scholarly attention mainly to the ideas and thoughts of political actors. But this neglect of business ideology also exists in other societies in various degrees. As Reinhard Bendix has observed (1959: 615)\n\n'The whole development of industrialization has been accompanied by an intellectual rejection of [managerial] ideologies as unworthy of consideration.'\n\nThis rejection is apparently based on the assumption that the 'real' motives and orientations of the bourgeoisie are already known. Marx and Engel's eloquent indictment of the bourgeois mentality has such a finality that it seems superfluous to investigate further (1967: 82)\n\n'The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his \"natural superiors\", and has left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous \"cash payment\". It has drowned the most heavenly ecstasies of religious fervour, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of\n\n* The research for this study was supported by a research grant from the Harvard-Yenching Institute. This paper is an outgrowth of my D.Phil. thesis, and I wish to thank Professor J.C. Mitchell, my supervisor, for his guidance. An earlier version has been presented in the seminar on \"Hong Kong: Its People, Traditions and Culture\" organized by the Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong on 15th & 16th April, 1983.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209901,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 160,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "138\n\nphilistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation.'\n\nIf the quintessence of the bourgeoisie's conduct is 'naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation', then it follows that its words and utterances do not deserve serious attention. But I think this quintessence should not be simply assumed. Whether businessmen are more liable to distort ‘reality' so as to camouflage their self-interests than politicians or intellectuals is an empirical question to be verified. Advances in the sociological study of ideologies, mainly in the political realm, have led to the realization that the relationship between attitude and behaviour is highly complex. Idea and action are seldom completely divorced; neither are they simply translated from one to the other. There is now general agreement that attitudes entail behavioural consequences, and that an ideology can serve diverse functions. 'It is at once a method of self-reassurance, an instrument of persuasion, and a legitimacy of authority'. (Fox 1966: 372) Therefore, on a macroscopic level, business ideology 'may be considered a symptom of changing class relations and hence as a clue to an understanding of industrial societies'. (Bendix 1959: 615) On a microscopic level, a close scrutiny of this kind of ideology may yield a fuller understanding of the social role of industrialists.\n\nIn 1978, fieldwork was carried out among the Chinese entrepreneurs in the cotton spinning industry of Hong Kong. The theoretical problem guiding the research was the connection between industrial behaviour and ethnicity, and the business ideology of these industrialists was one of the areas under investigation. Hong Kong's cotton spinning industry had several important characteristics. Firstly, it was virtually a Shanghainese enclave. Thirty-two mills were in operation at the time of the study, and twenty-five of them had over half of the stock held by one or more owners who originated from the Lower Yangtze region of China. Secondly, all of the cotton spinning mills were at the apex of Hong Kong's industrial structure in terms of size. The biggest mill employed over 2,000 workers with a capacity of about 94,000 spindles in 1978. On average each mill had approximately 500 workers and 25,000 spindles. For Hong Kong's industry as a whole, over 90% of the factories employed less than",
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        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209902,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 161,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "139\n\n50 workers and only 0.3% had 500 workers or more at that time. Lastly, these mills were among the most highly mechanized factories in Hong Kong. In the 1970's, the spindle to worker ratio in this industry had exceeded 40.\n\nMost of the data on the cotton spinners were obtained by face-to-face interviews. I attempted to interview two directors—the chief executive who held the title of chairman or managing director, and the director with the second largest share-holding as shown in the company records from each of the thirty-two mills. Forty interviews were completed and twenty-three mills were covered.\n\n'Forced choice' questionnaire items were used to assess the business attitudes of my respondents. Some of these items were developed by Nichols in his study of British businessmen (1969). I borrowed them for comparative purposes. As Nichols has restricted his attention to just one aspect of business ideology, namely the businessman's conception of social responsibility, I have added other items to cover a broader range of themes. This forced choice method differs from two other major approaches in the study of business ideology. The research of Bendix represents the historical, cross-cultural approach (1954; 1956; 1959). It is legitimate for him to eschew the use of questionnaires as he is primarily concerned with what Karl Mannheim calls the 'total conception of ideology' (1936: 49-53). He wants to assess the ethos of an entire age and society with special reference to the authority relationship between employers and workers. The stress is on the ideology about industrial activities, not the ideology of industrialists. He considers the ideas of theorists who were not businessmen themselves as he is concerned with broad ideological drifts, not individual or group beliefs. The second approach, which may be called an elitist approach (Sutton et al. 1956; Heilbroner, 1964; Christ, 1970; Seider, 1974), is closer to the forced choice method in that both are dealing with 'particular conceptions of ideology' or the attitudes of a specific sector in society. Beyond this similarity, however, the elitist approach has its focus on the public statements of prominent businessmen. The contents of the speeches or writings of the 'industrial statesmen' are analysed with various degrees of rigour. Such a focus has",
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        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209932,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 191,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "169\n\nNOTES\n\n1 The shortcoming of this approach is that it assumes the three statements in a particular area to be mutually exclusive and of roughly equal ideological distance to one another. It is better to ask the respondent to react to each statement and indicate his agreement or disagreement with it along a three-point or five-point scale. This can avoid the problem of unwarranted assumptions, and make possible the application of more sophisticated statistical techniques to extract information from the data. But for the sake of comparability, I follow Nichols' approach in the present study.\n\nNichols' sample includes 65 directors and senior managers in 15 private companies employing over 500 workers in 'Northern City'. These companies were engaged in various lines of manufacture: chemicals, heavy engineering, light engineering, pharmaceutical, flour milling and animal foodstuffs, distribution and allied business, and packaging. See Nichols 1969: 247-248.\n\n* I use an alphabet and a number to denote the respondents. The former indicates whether the respondent is a chairman/managing-director (A) or just one of the directors (B). The latter stands for a particular spinning mill.\n\nA 'can-I-have-more' incident occurred during the 1973 annual general meeting of Mill 16 in which a share-holder protested, to no avail, against what he regarded as meagre dividends after successive profitable years for the company. See South China Morning Post, 31st August, 1973.\n\nList of References\n\nBendix, Reinhard, 1954. \"Industrial Authority and Its Supporting Value System\". In Industrial Conflict, ed. by A. Kornhauser et al., New York, MacGraw-Hill, pp. 170-175.\n\nand Social\n\n1956. Work and Authority in Industry. New York, Wiley.\n\n1959. \"Industrialization, Ideologies, Structure”, American Sociological Review 24, No. 6: 613–623.\n\nBergere, Marie-Claire. 1968. \"The Role of The Bourgeoisie\". In China in Revolution: The First Phase 1900-1913, ed. by Mary Clabaugh Wright, New Haven, Yale University Press, pp. 229-295.\n\nChrist, Thomas. 1970. \"A Thematic Analysis of The American Business Creed\", Social Forces 49, No. 2: 239-245.\n\nChu, T'ung-tsu. 1957. \"Chinese Class Structure and Its Ideology\". In Chinese Thought & Institutions, ed. by John K. Fairbank, Chicago and London, The University of Chicago Press, pp. 235-250.\n\nEngland, Joe, and John Rear. 1975. Chinese Labour Under British Rule: A Critical Study of Labour Relations and Law in Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Oxford University Press.\n\nEspy, John L., 1974. \"Hong Kong Textile Ltd.\". In Managerial Policy, Strategy and Planning for Southeast Asia, ed. by L.C. Nehrt, G.S. Evans, and L. Li, Hong Kong, Chinese University of Hong Kong Press, pp. 273-282.\n\nFei, Hsiao-tung. 1946. \"Peasantry and Gentry: An Interpretation of Chinese Social Structure and Its Changes\", American Journal of Sociology LII, No. 1: 1-17.\n\nFox, Alan. 1966. “Managerial Ideology and Labour Relations\", British Journal of Industrial Relations 4, No. 3: 366-378,",
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        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v",
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    }
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