[
    {
        "id": 204515,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1962",
        "page_number": 147,
        "title": "RAS-1962",
        "content_text": "132\n\nMURRAY, Douglas P. NEWBIGGING, D. K.\n\nNG, Peter Y. L.\n\nNIXON, F. A., O.B.E, NOBLE, Herbert\n\nO'CONNELL, Miss S. E.\n\nPENNELL, W. V.\n\nPERESYPKIN, Oleg P.\n\nPICCIOTTO, Mrs. J. R. PRATT, Mark S.\n\nPRESCOTT, Jon A. RAE-SMITH, W. B. RICHARDS, G.\n\nRIDE, Dr. L. T., C.B.E. RIDE, Mrs. L. T.\n\nROFE, Fevzi Husein\n\nROOKE, Miss Barbara E. RUTTONJEE, Mrs. Anne RUTTONJEE, Hon. Dhun\n\nRYAN, The Rev. Father T. F.\n\nRYDINGS, H. A.\n\nSARGENT, G. E.\n\nSAUNDERS, J. A. H.\n\nSCHOYER, B. Preston SELLERS, David\n\nSHEPHARD, A. J.\n\nSHU, Dr. H. T. SHUI, Chientung\n\nSIDBURY, Henry SIDWA, Mrs. M. C. SIMPSON, R. F.\n\nSKELSON, Mrs. Margaret Clare\n\nSKELSON, Robert Ernest SMALL, C. J.\n\n41-B Granville Road, 1st floor, Kln.\n\nc/o Jardine, Waugh (Malaya) Ltd. P. O. Box 304, Kuala Lumpur, Federation of Malaya.\n\nDept. of History, Hong Kong University, H.K.\n\nRoom 42, Hong Kong Club, Hong Kong. Ying Wah College, Bute Street, Kowloon,\n\nc/o U.S. Consulate-General, 26 Garden Road, H.K.\n\nc/o S.C.M.P., Wyndham Street, Hong Kong, P. O. Box 1382, Hong Kong.\n\n46, Stubbs Road, Hong Kong.\n\nU.S. Consulate-General, Garden Road, H.K. Dept. of Architecture, H.K. University, H.K.\n\nc/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. The British Council, 2nd fl., Buckingham Bldg., Kln.\n\nThe Lodge, 1, University Drive, H.K. The Lodge, 1, University Drive, H.K.\n\n5, Tai Hang Road, Hong Kong.\n\n3-B 3, University Drive, Hong Kong.\n\n2, Conduit Road, Hong Kong.\n\n2, Conduit Road, Hong Kong.\n\nWah Yan College, 281, Queen's Road, E., H.K.\n\nThe Library, University of Hong Kong, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nHong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K.\n\nNew Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon,\n\nc/o Labour Department, 22 Ice House St., H.K.\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, Hong Kong.\n\nP. O. Box 1213, Hong Kong.\n\nChung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, New Territories.\n\nJardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. Hong Kong.\n\naddress not known yet.\n\nDept. of Education, H.K. University, H.K.\n\nc/o Hong Kong Club, H.K.\n\nc/o Hong Kong Club, H.K.\n\n34 Arundel Avenue, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada.",
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        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f",
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    {
        "id": 204804,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1964",
        "page_number": 107,
        "title": "RAS-1964",
        "content_text": "FENG CHAU\n\n95\n\nfrom his own or adjoining villages worked with him. The Shek Pik people were therefore closely connected with the sea despite the fact that their fields were extensive and well-watered. Elsewhere on Lantau, an old account book of the Hakka CHEUNG Kung Tak Tong at Pui O, which is dated 1897-99 (Kuang Hsu 23rd-24th years), shows that the Tong had a regular income from a fishing sampan.\n\n41 It has been shown that the Peng Chau shopkeepers always contributed to the temple repairs. A more illuminating instance of merchants' concern for the safety of local waters is to be found in the Tin Hau temple at Fan Lau on the south-west tip of Lantau, facing Macau and the mouth of the Delta, a remote area two hours' walk from Tai O Market. Here tablets survive from the Chia Ching and Hsien Feng periods (1796-1820 and 1851-61) and contain the names of many Tai O shops. One imagines that few of the donors would ever visit the temple, but they were obviously intent to ensure Tin Hau's benevolent care.\n\n42 Information received from CHEUNG Kai Chun of Ham Tin, Pui O, Lantau (born 1886). But this was not true everywhere. At Shek Pik several families of Tanka used the anchorage for at least fifty years. There was no remembered animosity during this time and these fishermen were allowed to cut grass and firewood without charge. However, they rarely strayed far from the beach and the two groups did not intermarry or have much to do with each other, except in casual contact at the main festivals and when villagers bought fish from them at the jetty, which was over a mile from the village. The fishermen would not go to the village to sell their catch.\n\n43 Information received from the present leaders of the WONG Wai Chak Tong ✯ of Cheung Chau.\n\n44 This statement is based on close knowledge of the Southern District of the New Territories and of the District land registers.\n\n45 Barbara E. Ward \"A Hong Kong Fishing Village”, Journal of Oriental Studies (University of Hong Kong) volume 1, no. 1 (January 1954) pp. 195-214, especially p. 211. See also note 42.\n\n46 See my Cheung Chau article for the Cheung Chau district associations before the British lease. At Tai O in the same period there appear to have been associations of Tung Kwun and San On origin, each with a club-house.\n\n47 The number is wrongly given as 28 in note 14 to the Cheung Chau article.\n\n48 A tablet in the Pak Tai temple at Cheung Chau dated January, February 1906 (a lucky day of the first month of spring of the thirty-second year of Kuang Hsü) shows that Peng Chau people also contributed to its repair.\n\n49 See the Cheung Chau article for this institution.\n\n50 The Kaifong of the Hong Kong region, and their like, are local institutions with a fairly long history. The Peng Chau Kaifong is quite likely to have an early date in relation to the age of the present settlement.",
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    {
        "id": 204900,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1965",
        "page_number": 8,
        "title": "RAS-1965",
        "content_text": "20th January \n\n9th March \n\n23rd March \n\n27th April \n\n9/10th May \n\n25th May \n\n22nd June \n\n2nd September \n\n27th October \n\nMr. J. L. Cranmer-Byng, M.C., M.A. \n\n\"The Macartney Embassy Through Chinese Eyes\". \n\nProfessor J. K. Fairbank \n\n\"The Western Response to China”, \n\nAnnual General Meeting \n\nProfessor F. S. Drake, O.B.E., B.A., B.D., \n\n\"The Jewish Colony at Kaifeng and its Relation to other Monotheistic Faiths in China”. \n\nSymposium on Social Organization of Villages in the New Territories, including visits to villages in the New Territories. \n\nMr. Michael Lau, B.A., PID.ED.(H.K.), M.A.(HARV.) \"The Fung Ping Shan Museum”. \n\nDr. Marjorie Topley, B.SC.(ECON.), PH.D. \"Some of China's Little Known Religious Sects, and Their Migration Overseas”. \n\nMr. Tom Harrisson, D.S.O., O.B.E., \n\n\"Living Cultures in the Niah Context of Prehistory\". \n\nPeter Scott, Esq., C.B.E., D.S.C. \n\n\"The Conservation of the World's Wild Life and Wilderness”. \n\n16th November Professor Chao Mei-pa, B.A. \n\n\"A Brief Sketch of Chinese Music\", with instrumental illustrations by Dr. C. K. Wong and folksongs by Barbara Fei, Winnie Wei and Lee Bing. \n\nOf particular interest was the enthusiasm and the spirit of inquiry that were exemplified in the Symposium held on 9th and 10th May on the Social Organization of Villages in the New Territories which was organized and conducted by Dr. Marjorie Topley and Mr. R. E. Lawry with the active participation of two anthropologists from the University of London and District Officers of the New Territories, whose work had brought them",
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    {
        "id": 204921,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1965",
        "page_number": 29,
        "title": "RAS-1965",
        "content_text": "T. HARRISSON\n\ntiny flakes, remain. It is planned to concentrate on continuing down to deeper levels when we resume field work later in 1964.\n\n2. West Mouth (b) rest of outer mouth-rich, undisturbed stone-age occupation in light area; stratified sequence from late neolithic down to full palaeolithic occupation; about 700 square feet completed.\n\n3. West Mouth, (c) inner, half dark section not in general early use as occupation, but dense late Stone Age cemetery, and up to early Iron. Eighty burials so far exposed; most treated and left in site for fuller physical study.\n\n4. Lobang Angin (“Wind Mouth\") - a shelf of c.400 square feet high on cliff edge, fully occupied before the late Stone Age and back into the palaeolithic; excavations, half-done so far, will be completed.\n\n5. Gan Kira (Traders Cave\") — a smaller rockshelf near sea level, evidently a neolithic trading camp, which includes an apparent murder incident and scattered sub-surface skeletons (some beheaded). Fully excavated down to limestone bedrock (fossil oysters, O.gigas).\n\n6. Lobang Tulang (“Caves of Bones\")-cliff grottos full of jar and other secondary burials, mainly of the early birds' nest trade with China period (?900 - 1200 A.D.); bronze and other finds; completed.\n\n7. Kain Hitam (\"the Painted Cave\")-a separate cave high in a limestone island, discovered by Barbara Harrisson in 1958; 200 feet of wall paintings above floor littered with \"death ships\" and an abundance of bone, beads, porcelain and stoneware sherds, etc. Evidently this was the centre of elaborate prehistoric funerary rites, related to those still extant in the Niah River (as filmed). C-14 dates on four \"death ships\" so far received give between 0 and 780 A.D.\n\nExcavated in 200×5 foot square blocks correlated to wall paintings. A small section was left for a check-study in 1965.\n\n8. Samti - a small rock shelter in an isolated corner of the Great Cave formation, which also held death ship remains.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 204923,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1965",
        "page_number": 31,
        "title": "RAS-1965",
        "content_text": "24\n\nT. HARRISSON\n\nand carved wood have also survived there. Some fifty rush mats and wrappings survived under late neolithic or early metal burials in the West Mouth of the Great Cave.\n\nPUBLICATIONS\n\nMany smaller caves have been studied; and many others are available for study - over fifty. But there is no point in constantly repeating work that is very costly. Rather we seek constantly to define and re-define the project, so as to add new data, modifying or widening ideas — in preference to multiplying the established points. So far, about fifty papers have been published on the Niah results in Asian Perspectives (annually), Archaeological Newsletter, Journal Royal Society of Arts (a general review to 1963), Man (three papers), Oriental Art (Oxford), Artibus Asiae (Switzerland), Bijdragen (Holland), and the Geographical Journal (Royal Geographical Society, London). The full background and a long series of technical reports are published in the last eight issues of the Sarawak Museum Journal (Kuching, Sarawak, East Malaysia). The S.M.J. papers include specific contributions from Dr. R. Brothwell of the British Museum, Miss J. Clutton-Brock of the Institute of Archaeology, Dr. Calvin Wells of the Norwich Museum, Dr. D. A. Hooijer of Leiden and Professor G. H. R. von Koenigswald of the University of Utrecht, Dr. W. S. Solheim of the University of Hawaii, Drs. R. Inger and Wayne King of Chicago, the Earl of Cranbrook and Miss Pat Aldridge (now Dr. P. Marshall) of the University of Hong Kong. While those who have made specialist studies on the spot, working in Kuching, include Lord Medway (both here and at the University of Malaya), Dr. Alastair Lamb (glass beads), Dr. Solheim with Mrs. Lindsay Wall (prehistoric earthenware), Mrs. E. Moore in association with Miss Mary Tregear at the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (Yueh and other early porcelains), Mr. Benedict Sandin and Mr. R. Nyandoh (links to cave and other Niah folklore), Mr. Geoffrey Barnes (burial rites), Mr. J. Revers (U.S. Peace Corps; topography), Professor N. Haile (geology; now of the University of Malaya), Mrs. Barbara Harrisson and her husband. Work of this sort involves multiple cooperation, as has already been well demonstrated by the University team from Hong Kong working on Lantau Island. In 1965-66 we hope to get additional outside help from Dr.",
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    {
        "id": 204945,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1965",
        "page_number": 53,
        "title": "RAS-1965",
        "content_text": "46\n\nTHE DIALECTS OF HONG KONG BOAT PEOPLE: KAU SAI1\n\nJOHN MCCOY\n\nI. Introduction.\n\nThis paper and the research preceding it were undertaken in an effort to solve a specific problem raised elsewhere concerning the origins of China's Boat PeopleLA. Many authors prefer the term Tanka and some distinguish these from Hoklo, Swatow, Cantonese and other boat-dwelling groups, but even if these basic linguistic distinctions are made we are not left with a Tanka which is a unique and homogeneous group. The Tanka, by their own admission and by such evidence as their speech, form subgroups which differ at least in minor features. The Hoklo and Swatow are easy to identify as separate linguistic entities, but probably they preserve variations within their own particular dialect groups. In order to eliminate what I consider to be misleading terminology, and to bring the terms closer to probabilities suggested by my present research, I will follow Miss Barbara Ward and use the term Boat People to refer to all those who permanently reside on boats and use these boats in water-based occupations. This term is occupational or cultural and includes groups which can be subdivided linguistically into Hoklo, Swatow, Cantonese, and possibly others. I will not make regular use of the term Tanka, partly because it is offensive to those to whom it is regularly applied, and partly because my data indicate that the group known as Tanka are at best merely a subgroup of the Cantonese-speaking Boat People.\n\nAdmittedly, final word on this terminology will require a number of studies of the type discussed here, and this is precisely the long-range research which I propose. If more of the Hong Kong Boat People are given the careful study which Miss Ward gave those in Kau Sai, it will be a much easier matter to solve some of the questions about their origins. With the hope that this research will be done in the future, I suggest a project designed to approach as many of the local Boat People as possible",
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    },
    {
        "id": 204963,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1965",
        "page_number": 71,
        "title": "RAS-1965",
        "content_text": "64\n\n6.\n\n7.\n\n8.\n\n9.\n\nJ. MCCOY (1958). A Course in Modern Linguistics. New York.\n\nWang, Li (1932). Une Prononciation Chinoise de Po-pei. Paris.\n\nand Ch'ien Sung-sheng (1949-50a), “Chu-chiang San-chiao-chou Fan-yin Tsung-lun\" (A General Discussion of Local Dialects in the Pearl River Delta), Ling-nan Hsüeh-pao (Lingnan Journal), Vol. 10, No. 2.\n\nand Ch'ien Sung-sheng (1949-50b). \"Tai-shan Fang-yin\" (The Toishan Dialect), Ling-nan Hsieh-pao (Lingnan Journal), Vol. 10, No. 2.\n\n10. Ward, Barbara E, (1954). \"A Hong Kong Fishing Village,\" Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol. 1, No. 1. Hong Kong.\n\n11. (1965). “Varieties of the Conscious Model, The Fishermen of South China,\" The Relevance of Models for Social Anthropology. London. From the Association of Social Anthropologists Monographs.\n\n12. Wong, S. L. (1963). Cantonese Conversation Grammar. Hong Kong.\n\n13. Yuan, Chia-hua, and others (1960), Han-yü-fang-yen Kai-yao (The Principal Features of Chinese Dialects). Peking.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205138,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 94,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM\n\n89\n\nbeen told by one eminent abbot that those Christians who are militantly anti-Buddhist and call the dharma \"nothing but lies\" will be reborn in hell and punished by Yen-lo Wang. Even persons sympathetic towards Buddhism do not escape censure. Dr. K. L. Reichelt, the Norwegian missionary, found much to admire, particularly in Pure Land devotion, and he incorporated Buddhist motifs - even the burning of incense in the altar arrangements of his Christian Mission to the Buddhists, first in Nanking and later in Hong Kong. The architect for its buildings in Hong Kong was no less a person than J. Prip-Møller, who designed it in the pattern of the Buddhist monasteries he had spent four years studying. There was a refectory, library, and a wandering monks hall, where pilgrims could stay in the usual manner. Gradually they were introduced to Christian doctrines and diverted with swimming, games, and language instruction. Many of them became converts, some even Christian pastors. The ingenuity of all this has seemed Machiavellian to some Chinese Buddhists. One abbot bitterly called it \"that place that specializes in destroying Buddhism.\"44\n\nChristian Converts to Buddhism\n\nThe humiliation that Chinese Buddhists had suffered vis-à-vis Christianity, when added to the humiliation they felt as Chinese vis-à-vis the West, made it very sweet for them to find that a few Western Christians had been converted to Buddhism. They gave a handsome welcome to B. L. Broughton, the vice president of the Maha Bodhi Society of London, who spent six weeks touring Chinese Buddhist institutions in 1933 and was the first Englishman to receive the bodhisattva ordination.45 They also welcomed Dwight Goddard from Santa Barbara, who came soon afterwards to get help with translations; M.W. Anthony, the first American to receive the bodhisattva ordination (on May 26, 1936); John Blofeld, who stayed at many monasteries in the late 1930's; and Miss Ananda Jennings, who went to study meditation at the Nan-hua Szu in 1949. Probably the most famous Christian convert was Trebitch-Lincoln, born Ignatz Trebitsch in 1879. The son of a rich Jewish grain dealer near Budapest, he received an orthodox education, but thereafter his curriculum vitae probably has no parallel in modern times:",
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    {
        "id": 205469,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1968",
        "page_number": 11,
        "title": "RAS-1968",
        "content_text": "5\n\n1 June\n\n19 June\n\nMiss Barbara E. Ward\n\n“Social and Economic Changes among the Boat People of Hong Kong.”\n\nMr. Alan L. Kagan\n\n44\n\nCantonese Puppet Theatre in Hong Kong\"\n\n4 September Dr. Patricia M. Marshall\n\n2 October\n\n\"The Meaning of Conservation and its Application in Hong Kong.\n\nProfessor L. B. Thrower\n\n\"The Flora of Hong Kong in its Geographical Setting.\n\n20 November Professor G. B. Harrison\n\n\"The Dutch Embassy to Peking 1794-95.\"\n\n18 December\n\nMr. G. B. Endacott\n\n\"The Old City Hall.\n\n**",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt",
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    {
        "id": 205634,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1968",
        "page_number": 176,
        "title": "RAS-1968",
        "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n171\n\nThe author's collection of photographs and other materials relating to his scholarly works is in fact famous, and now reposes in the Royal Library and the Royal Academy in Copenhagen. It is a pity, perhaps, that the many really excellent photographs from his collection appearing in this work could not have been reproduced on glossy rather than matt paper for the Hong Kong edition (since the book costs $250 anyway). But perhaps there were problems in doing so. This is still, certainly, a very elegant edition. It should add importantly to the libraries of individuals, and both public and private institutions, and it would be an excellent present to grace the coffee table of a civilized friend.\n\nHong Kong, 1968,\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\nSOCIAL ORGANIZATION: ESSAYS PRESENTED TO RAYMOND FIRTH, ed. Maurice Freedman, Frank Cass & Co., Ltd., 1967, pp vii 300. 75/-.\n\nCollections of essays by different specialists in a single field or in related fields of scholarship are becoming very popular, and rightly so. They enable a book to cover a wider range of topics and materials on a selected theme than would normally be possible if undertaken by a single author. This is particularly so today when knowledge in all fields becomes increasingly complex and inter-penetrating.\n\nThe thirteen essays in this book deal with matters of Social Anthropology. They are written in honour of Raymond Firth, one of the great contemporary British anthropologists and the authors, some now leading figures in their own specialities, have all studied or worked under him at some time. In order to illustrate Professor Firth's considerable variety of interests the topics discussed have been selected to cover a very wide range of subject matter, problem, and also region and type of society. The book thus gives the non-specialist reader a very good picture of the sort of questions anthropologists set out to study and answer.\n\nA particular interest of this book for members of the Branch lies in the two contributions on Chinese society. One is provided by the editor, Professor Maurice Freedman, the other by Miss Barbara Ward, and many members will be acquainted already with some of their work through lectures they gave the Society during field trips to Hong Kong in recent years.",
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    {
        "id": 206323,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1971",
        "page_number": 140,
        "title": "RAS-1971",
        "content_text": "134\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nof its history64. The Hong Kong government utilised a number of Chinese associations that had developed independently, gave official status to a few and drew them for the convenience of administration into its orbit. In doing so, to some degree it had to forego total control over the Chinese population and share such control with a small number of Chinese notables. Both benefited from the arrangement. This system has been called one of 'indirect rule' but I feel the phrase conceals more than it reveals, for a committee such as the District Watch could on occasion shape government policy. Government had to play along with a number of Chinese committees for without their support the regulation of the Chinese masses would have been at best an uncertain matter. The heaping of honours on a small number of Chinese notables was, surely, a recognition of the key part they played in promoting stability rather than prizes given for their alienation from Chinese society. Such prominent Chinese, as I have suggested, were as much watchdogs for the Chinese community, and especially the Chinese bourgeoisie, as barking dogs for the colonial government.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Lennox A. Mills, British Rule in Eastern Asia, London, Oxford University Press, 1942, p. 398.\n\n2 i.e., Sir Shouson Chow, Sir Robert Kotewall, Lo Man-kam, Dr. Li Shu-fan, and William Ngartsee Thomas Tam.\n\n3 S. F. Balfour states that Hong Kong Island was owned originally by the Tang (Têng) clan of the New Territories: 'Hong Kong Before the British', Tien Hsia Monthly, vol. xi, 1941, p. 464. A translation of a Chinese notice printed in the Friend of China, 24 July 1858, reads: Tung Wing-Fook-Tong (sic) of the Sun-on district, was formerly sole proprietor of the Island of Hong Kong, and of the hills and coast of the North Side of the Harbour under the general name of Tsin Shat-Choy.... Lately Tung Wing-Fook-Tong petitioned the Magistrate of Sun-on to examine Tung's claim to Tsin Shat-Choy and the Magistrate issued a proclamation declaring that Tung Wing-Fook-Tong is the real owner of the Property. The editor asseverated 'as to his having been a Lord of this Isle, as well as of Tsim-shat-choy, —in a word, we do not believe a word of it'. Barbara Ward writes of fishermen that for reasons probably mainly connected with their spatial mobility and the lack of land, these fishermen do not have a developed lineage system nor any real concept of one'. See Barbara Ward, 'Chinese Fishermen in Hong Kong: Their Post-peasant economy', in Maurice Freedman, ed., Social Organisation: Essays Presented to Raymond Firth, London, Frank Cass, 1967, p. 278.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g",
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    },
    {
        "id": 207245,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 13,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "5 films have been shown many times. This time—in June—we had a new film on the boat people of Hong Kong \"Dragons of the Sea\" made with Miss Barbara Ward, an anthropologist and also an old friend of our Society. We were invited together with many of the boat people and others in Hong Kong who had helped make the film a success. In July one of Mr. Brian Brake's films \"Borobadur, Cosmic Mountain” was reshown. Borobadur is one of the world's greatest Buddhist monuments, situated in central Java. Mr. Brake is well-known for his documentary art films. In September another of his films \"Ramayana” a major epic of the Far East was shown. Ramayana has culturally influenced Thailand, Cambodia, Indonesia and other parts of the East and has been represented many times in paintings, sculptures, dances and theatrical performances. In December films on Taiwan were shown in connexion with our excursion to Taiwan over the Christmas holidays led by Miss Werle. The Taiwan visit was a great success I understand (I never seem to be able to go on overseas trips myself owing to family commitments during the holiday seasons). Members visited Hualin, Taipei, the National Palace Museum and the Peking Opera School; various temples; and Tainan where a shadow puppet performance was seen. It was with great reluctance that we had to cancel our proposed visit to Borneo over the Easter holidays, owing to insufficient numbers. We realise, of course, that for many people this is not a “free” time and the possible lack of response was due to this fact.\n\nPUBLICATIONS\n\nSeveral of our talks for 1974 will be published in our coming 1974 journal, which will also include, apart from several original articles, two valuable reprints, one on the Tang Family of Kam Tin by the late Sung Hok-pang, and another on place names of Hong Kong and the New Territories by Mr. K. M. A. Barnett. Most of the items have already been passed to the printer and it is hoped the Journal will be ready for distribution by June this year. Also in press now, are the papers relating to the two symposia we held: Hong Kong, Chinese tradition and the Development of a Town; and The Flora of Hong Kong. Professor Lofts' symposium on the Fauna of Hong Kong is also in preparation.\n\nARTS CENTRE\n\nAs old members will recall, the Society is a constituent member of the Hong Kong Arts Centre. For new members our object is",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d",
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    },
    {
        "id": 207820,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1976",
        "page_number": 208,
        "title": "RAS-1976",
        "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963\n\nOther field workers, both British and American, are likely to follow them.\n\n4. My own work would have been impossible without the generous help of many officers of the New Territories Administration; I should like to thank them collectively, expressing my gratitude in particular to the District Officer Tai Po and his staff. I have also the pleasure of thanking many officers in other branches of the Government; among them my thanks go especially to Mr. K.M.A. Barnett, Mr. J.W. Hayes, Mr. K.W.J. Topley, and Mr. P.K.C. Tsui; I am in the debt of the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, the Department of Co-operative Development and Fisheries, various officers of the Courts, and the Colonial Secretariat Library. To my host in Tai Po, Mr. Tsang For-piu, I am specially obliged. I should like also to thank my colleague Dr. Marjorie Topley for much guidance and several teachers at the University of Hong Kong whom I had the privilege of consulting.\n\n5. In what is to follow I shall discuss the general background to social research in the New Territories, report on some of the problems I have myself looked into, and suggest what further work could be done (and how it might be done) to promote the interests of both scholarship and administration.\n\n6. Until the advent of the Communist regime in China the New Territories did not interest social scientists. (It can also be argued that they were of little interest to anybody outside the New Territories Administration). Chinese scholars could not be expected to concern themselves with territory under British rule, while scholars from the West were far too preoccupied with China to consider the claims of a stretch of the Chinese countryside which, from their point of view, was no more than the railway route into Kwangtung. And of course it must be remembered that the number of social scientists working on Chinese themes was, before the Second World War, extremely small. Since 1949 the New Territories have come increasingly to be appreciated as a field for research: they have been politically accessible and have had the advantage of offering for study perhaps the best living example (however much affected by British rule and modern changes) of traditional Chinese country life. So far three anthropologists have completed field studies in the New Territories: Miss Barbara E. Ward, from London, who was primarily concerned with Tanka fishermen in the Sai Kung area (and who will probably be revisiting the New Territories this",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208560,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 17,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "PRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1978\n\n(Covering the period March 21, 1978 — March 26, 1979)\n\nDuring the just completed, nineteenth, year of the resuscitated Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, your Council continued to organise a regular programme of lectures, local and overseas excursions; to publish a Journal; to continue with its work on our project for photographing and cataloguing old buildings in the urban area, expand our library collection, and to endeavour to expand membership. I have pleasure in reporting on these various activities and related matters tonight.\n\nLecture Programme\n\nLectures during the year have been given by a number of different specialists working both in Hong Kong and overseas, and we were fortunate in hearing from many of them on the most recent results of their research. The programme opened on April 11 with a talk by Miss Barbara Ward, an anthropologist who has made several field trips to Hong Kong and who spoke on social and cultural aspects of traditional Cantonese opera with special reference to the importance of opera to the fisherfolk of Hong Kong. Miss Ward is currently Reader in Sociology at the Chinese University and a long-standing member of this Society. We wish her luck with her future work and hope to hear more of her field work in the future.\n\nAlso in April we heard from Professor Peter Hodge, an active member of the Heritage Society, about the aims of that Society, and the problems surrounding conservation of buildings in Hong Kong; and in May we had two talks by anthropologists—the anthropologists were well represented this last year—the first by Dr. Hugh Baker, and the second Dr. James Watson. Dr. Baker is an old friend and addresser of our Society and was visiting from the School of Oriental and African Studies in London. He talked about problems of conflict and intermarriage in lineage villages of the New Territories, a subject on which he is currently working. Dr. James Watson, also of the School of Oriental and African Studies and again no stranger to the Society, talked about long-term effects of emigration on the Chinese lineage community of San Tin—the",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208818,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 275,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "248\n\nORDINARY LOCAL MEMBERS\n\nLUTZ, Mr. Hans F., 9B, 14th Floor, Broadway, Mei Foo Sun Chuen, KOWLOON.\n\nMA, Prof. Ho-Kei, 47 High West, 142 Pokfulam Road, HONG KONG.\n\nMA, Prof. Meng, M.B.E., Dept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nMACCABE, Mrs. S. J., Penthouse No. 2, Valverde, 11 May Road, HONG KONG.\n\nMACCALLUM, Mr. I., Jardine House, 12/F, HONG KONG.\n\nMACGREGOR, Mr. Keith, Cameraman, 4 Conduit Road, 3/F, HONG KONG.\n\nMACKENZIE, Mr. George S., Gibb Livingston & Co. Ltd., P.O. Box 55, HONG KONG.\n\nMAHLKE, Mr. William J., 23 South Bay Close, Apt. 13B, Repulse Bay, HONG KONG.\n\nMANN, Mr. H. D., 7A Paris Court, Realty Gardens, 41 Conduit Road, HONG KONG.\n\nMAO, Dr. Philip Wen-Chee, FRCS, 326-8 Tung Ying Building, 100 Nathan Road, KOWLOON.\n\nMARKEY, Mr. J. C., c/o Estates Office, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nMARTIN, Miss Barbara, 8C Cambridge Villa, 8-10 Chancery Lane, HONG KONG.\n\nMASON, Mr. A. K., Security Branch, Government Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, HONG KONG.\n\nMATHEW, Mr. David, c/o Jardine Matheson & Co. Ltd, World Trade Centre, HONG KONG.\n\nMATHEWS, Mr. J. F., c/o The Legal Department, Central Government Offices, HONG KONG.\n\nMCCULLY, Mrs. Arthur M., I-A Branksome, 3 Tregunter Path, HONG KONG.\n\nMCELNEY, Mr. Brian S., c/o Johnson Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank Building, HONG KONG.\n\nMCKINNON, Mr. J. W., New Zealand Commission, 34-14 Connaught Centre, HONG KONG.\n\nMCLEAN, Mrs. Robyn H., Public Records Office, 2 Murray Road, HONG KONG.\n\nMELTON, Mr. Michael W., c/o The International School, 6 South Bay Close, Repulse Bay, HONG KONG.\n\nMEANEY, Mr. E. Robert, 1901 Hutchison House, HONG KONG.\n\nMILLINGTON-BUCK, Mr. B. B., c/o Trident International Finance Ltd, 12th Floor, Connaught Centre, HONG KONG.\n\nMINERS, Dr. N. J., Dept. of Political Science, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nMINTER, Mr. C. J. W., Survey Research Hong Kong, 10/F Development House, 30/32 Queen's Road East, HONG KONG.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt",
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    {
        "id": 208822,
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        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 279,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "252\n\nORDINARY LOCAL MEMBERS\n\nTHOMAS, Mr. Reginald, Rose Villa, Lot 369, 12 Miles Tai Po Road, Tai Po, NEW TERRITORIES.\n\nTHOMAS, Mrs. S. E., Rose Villa, Lot 369, 12 Miles Tai Po Road, Tai Po, NEW TERRITORIES.\n\nTHOMSON, Mr. J. Marsh, Spencer Stuart & Associates, St. George's Building, 2 Ice House Street, HONG KONG.\n\nTISDALL, Mr. Brian, 7 Stanley Mound Road, Stanley, HONG KONG.\n\nTOCHRANE, Miss Vera, 410 The Hermitage, 75 Macdonnell Road, HONG KONG.\n\nTOH, Miss Esther, 1903 Hang Chong Building, 5 Queen's Road C., HONG KONG.\n\nTOMLIN, Mrs. Sarah, 12A Broadwood Road, 1/F, HONG KONG.\n\nTRETIAK, Prof. Daniel, Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nTSANG, Mr. Hin Sum, 11B Princess Margaret Road, 5/F, KOWLOON.\n\nTSO, Mrs. Priscilla, Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nTUCKER, Mrs. A., 21 Coombe Road, HONG KONG\n\nTURNER, Mr. H. David, Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nTWITCHETT, Miss Yvonne, c/o Island School, Bowen Road, HONG KONG\n\nTYLER, Mrs. M. R., P.O. Box 9423, HONG KONG.\n\nVEEVERS, Miss Kathleen Joyce. c/o Medical & Health Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, HONG KONG.\n\nVINE, Mr. P. A. L., Room 304, Chartered Bank Building, HONG KONG.\n\nVISICK, Mrs. Mary, Dept. of English, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nWALDEN, Mr. John, I The Homestead, The Peak, HONG KONG,\n\nWALKER, Mr. A. P., 4 Felix Villas, 61 Mount Davis Road, HONG KONG.\n\nWALKER, Ms. Prudence, 4 Felix Villas, 61 Mount Davis Road, HONG KONG.\n\nWALTERS, Dr. Richard P., 2C London Court, 41 Conduit Road, HONG KONG.\n\nWALTERS, Mrs. Sandra L., 2C London Court, 41 Conduit Road, HONG KONG.\n\nWARD, Miss Barbara E., New Asia College, Chinese University of H.K., Shatin, NEW TERRITORIES.\n\nWATERS, Mr. D. D., c/o Education Department, Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, HONG KONG.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt",
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    {
        "id": 208853,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 15,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "# CONTENTS\n\nPage\n\nviii\n\nPresident's Report\n\nx\n\nTREASURER'S REPORT\n\nxvi\n\nLIBRARIAN'S REPORT\n\nxviii\n\nARTICLES :\n\n1\n\nChinese monasteries, temples, shrines and altars in Hong Kong and Macau - KEITH G. STEVENS\n\n34\n\nPersistence and preservation of Hakka culture in an urban situation : a preliminary study of the voluntary association of the Waichow Hakka in Hong Kong - JIANN HSIEH\n\n54\n\nThe Hong Kong riots of October 1884: evidence for Chinese nationalism? - Lewis M. CHERE\n\n66\n\nSilk and silver: Macau, Manila and Trade in the China seas in the sixteenth century - JOHN VILLIERS\n\n81\n\nFung Shui, an intrinsic way of environmental design, illustrated by the case of Kat Hing Wai in the New Territories of Hong Kong - David Lung\n\n93\n\nSymbolism of the new light - JULIAN F. PAS\n\n116\n\nRediscovering our social and cultural heritage in the New Territories - BARBARA E. Ward\n\n125\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES:\n\nA Hakka wedding in Hong Kong - VALERIE Garrett\n\n129\n\nChina and the Beholder - HOLMES WELCH\n\n133\n\nChinese religious involvement with Islam - KEITH STEVENS\n\n134\n\nMore about the Tung Lung fort - ANTHONY SIU\n\n136\n\nDistribution of temples on Lantau Island - ANTHONY SIU\n\n139\n\nThe Kowloon walled city - ANTHONY SIU\n\n141\n\nTuen Mun from Chinese historical records - ANTHONY SIU\n\n145\n\nIs Chun Fa Lok the old name for Tsing Yi — ANTHONY SIU\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt",
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    {
        "id": 208986,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 148,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "REDISCOVERING OUR SOCIAL AND CULTURAL HERITAGE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\nBARBARA E. WARD*\n\nAn audience composed mainly of Chinese residents of Hong Kong may well ask by what right a non-Chinese such as myself dares to speak on the subject of this symposium? My justifications are very simple: I am human, I am a scholar, I am a social anthropologist, and I passionately love Hong Kong, which is, after all, a place with which people from my country have been closely identified for more than one and a half centuries and which for more than thirty years I have regarded as my second home. There is, moreover, the further point that, as my husband is never tired of reminding me, I am a village woman by origin and rural society is familiar to me.\n\nI have just said that I am a social anthropologist, but some of you may wonder about this as you know me here as a member of the Department of Sociology. There is not really a problem here. In England, which is where I come from, and in many parts of what we here usually call \"the West\", the distinction between social anthropology and sociology is made primarily in terms of methods and approaches and general topics of interest, rather than in terms of who studies what societies. Perhaps you will understand this better when I tell you that although many of the courses I went to when I was a graduate student at the London School of Economics many years ago were indeed about so-called \"primitive\" peoples in parts of Africa and the South West Pacific, yet many others were about the complex civilizations of India and South East Asia, and the most memorable of all were the ones about China that were given by Professor Fei Hsiao-t'ung in 1947. Moreover, the first anthropological fieldwork I ever did was in London, and our subjects were English Londoners.\n\n* A paper read at a symposium held at New Asia College, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 10th June 1981. The author, who is well known to readers of this Journal, was then Visiting Reader in Anthropology at the Chinese University, on leave of absence from Newnham College, Cambridge.",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208988,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 150,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "118\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nuniverse in general and their own place in it. (3) One is always looking for the underlying principles or structures beneath these various aspects of social life, and attempting to compare them systematically with the underlying principles and structures of other societies.\n\nThe enumeration of these three points will allow you to see at once that a good social anthropological study is likely to put on record a very great deal more than almost any other kind of study, and although, of course, no single ethnographer ever really succeeds in writing about everything, as ideally he should, nevertheless he often does try, and in so far as he limits himself to one aspect or another of a society (as he always must when dealing with a complex situation) he remains aware that the rest is there and that it is important.\n\nThe result is that good ethnographies contain an enormous amount of information recorded in a systematic way. One thinks of Francis Hsü's Under the Ancestors' Shadow, for example, or Fei's study of Kaishienkung, or C. K. Yang's Chinese Village in Communist Transition. In short, the second point I am trying to make clear to you is that it is extremely lucky that the New Territories have been studied by social anthropologists because good social anthropologists usually include a great many more kinds of information in their studies than most other social scientists do. Thus, because quite a large number of social anthropologists have in fact worked here since 1950 the result is that it is probably true to say that we already know a great deal more about the New Territories than we ourselves actually realise.\n\nFor example, (taking the published books alone) we have a detailed anthropological study of clan and village organisation in Sheung Shui; we have an even more detailed study of clan and economic structure in Ping Shan, and the effects upon it of the nearness to the big port cities of Kowloon and Hong Kong; we have an interesting account of one part of the great and constant stream of overseas emigration from and return to the New Territories; we have important descriptive studies of the fishing communities in Castle Peak; a book on Sai Kung is about to be published in Hawaii, and part of a long-term study pre-New Town Shatin has recently appeared in Sweden and so on. In addition a number of other books are in the press or soon will be: one on the Ch'iu-\n\n!\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt",
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    {
        "id": 208990,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 152,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "120\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nthe interest nor the techniques were available to study that other side of Chinese society which in fact was the experience of more than 90% of the population—the rural villages, small and large market towns, peasants, artisans, small tradesmen, fishermen and so on: in other words, the Little Traditions that were of course just as much part of the whole entity which was China, and without which the elite section would not have existed at all. After about 1920, interests changed a good deal in China, as elsewhere, and at about the same time anthropological and sociological techniques for studying the Little Traditions of the world began to be developed, but by the time that Wu Wen-tsao, Fei Hsiao-t'ung, Francis Hsu and their colleagues started to use the new techniques in the mid—and late thirties it was already very late. Despite the appalling conditions of national and civil wars they did a remarkable amount of work. Without it we should be immeasurably poorer than we are; but inevitably they could only cover a relatively small part of the vast whole before 1949.\n\nTo-day Mainland China is completely closed to the kind of prolonged, detailed, intimate study that classical anthropological fieldwork depends upon. Virtually no-one, not even Mainland Chinese themselves, has been able to do this kind of work since 1949, nor, in my opinion is it at all likely that it will become possible for very many years to come. (It is necessary to add that, of course, China does not stand alone in this prohibition; for what are in every case held to be good political reasons, the lights are going out for this kind of study in many, many parts of the world at present.) The result as far as Mainland China is concerned is that it will now never be possible to recover in detail the social and cultural heritage of what I have just referred to as the Little Traditions. The saddest words in all human languages have to be said—it is too late.\n\nThus only Hong Kong and Taiwan remain, and Dr. Wang Sung-hsing has just told how in his view Hong Kong is now the more valuable for this kind of recovery work and no-one in the world is better placed to know.\n\n—\n\nWe may ask why are the New Territories still so rich in this way? It is, when you think of it a very odd thing! Surely two of the strangest outcomes of the history of opium wars and Western imperialism are, first, that Hong Kong to-day is one of the rather",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208992,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 154,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "122\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\ntraditional past, and at the same time we can watch the details of the processes of rapid social, economic, and cultural change that come with commercialization, emigration, immigration, and urbanization. All these things and many more are still here, alive, going on all round us, new. Thus social anthropology, like social history, has opportunities here which do not exist anywhere else. Here it is not yet quite too late.\n\nBut—and this is the final reason why the New Territories are so important to-day—even here it very soon will be too late. Even if the year 1997 was not looming so close, the New Towns are; and older people are dying, and younger people are emigrating (as they always have, but now because their wives and children go with them, usually with a greater desire to stay away). I guess we have about five more years—perhaps ten. That perhaps ten. That is why I am so excited when I hear of donations of money for New Territories research, why I am so thankful that Tam Yue-him and David Faure have launched their oral history project, and so delighted that administrators like James Hayes, and Chan Sui-jeung and Patrick Hase who are here to-night are in the positions they are in, and are not only willing but exceptionally able to advise and guide and take part—the British have a long tradition of scholar officials too!\n\nSo now I come to my fifth and final point, and back to our cultural heritage and the opportunities we still have to record it, and, if you will allow me, my own part in the enterprise. I said earlier that so much study has been done that we probably already know a great deal more than we know. In other words, one of the things that is most badly needed at this stage is for someone to go right through all the already existing material and try to put it together. The job is not a small one, for it must cover the whole mass of unpublished and documentary material as well as the published books and articles in several languages, but it would be immensely worthwhile.\n\nIt would have two main aims. The first, which might be called the academic aim, would be to discover exactly what our existing historical and sociological knowledge really is in order both to locate the gaps and to prevent overlapping wasteful reduplication of effort. Talks are already in progress on this important matter: you have heard about the oral history project; in my turn I am in touch with several established scholars both here and overseas, one",
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    {
        "id": 208994,
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        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 156,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "124\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nLast year the Pang clan village of Fanling held its great ta chiu. It happens once every ten years. The film you saw at the beginning was taken there, and many of the photographs on display too. I was lucky enough to be able to spend nearly all the days of the ta chiu in Fanling. To my surprise, I found myself constantly being greeted and spoken to in English -- not in Hong Kong English, but in the different local dialects of different geographical regions in the United Kingdom. The speakers ranged in age from 3 to 25 years. All were children of the restaurant emigration which has taken place since about 1953. With their parents, they had come back for the occasion. To this village of less than 3,000 inhabitants, more than 500 people had come back by air at great personal expense. Asked why they had spent so much money, the parents all gave the same reply: \"We want our children to know our customs and traditions\"; \"We want our children to know....\" A similar thing happened in Ho Chung in December, and this year the villages of the Lam Tsuen valley expect the same. These people understand about personal identity; they know the immense value of the intangible; and they can still experience their cultural heritage. But whether the future will allow them to continue to do so we cannot tell. Even if it does (which I think rather unlikely) there are already far, far larger numbers of young (and older) people in our towns who have no chance at all of experiencing the intangibles of their cultural heritage at first hand. The only way they can be given even a small part of what is, after all, their right to their own past is through the kind of work that historians and anthropologists have done and are still for a short time able to do in the New Territories.\n\nMost of you will not know that I am both the oldest and the pioneer social anthropologist in Hong Kong. It is a fact—now I suppose an historical fact—that I started the whole thing off, way back in 1950; and I have spent most of my academic life teaching, reading, researching, and writing about it. It is my hope and intention to continue this kind of work and, in cooperation with my historian friends, help to see it through to a triumphant conclusion sometime before the year 1990. That is why I accepted an invitation to come to the Chinese University, and, to answer the question I set at the beginning, that is also my justification for daring to speak to such an audience as this on the cultural heritage of the New Territories.",
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    {
        "id": 209112,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1981",
        "page_number": 15,
        "title": "RAS-1981",
        "content_text": "PRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1981\n\n1\n\nI am pleased to report, tonight, on your Society's activities over the last year: on our lectures, expeditions, publications and other projects, and on membership. I start with the lecture programme.\n\nLectures to the Society\n\nLectures during the year covered topics concerned with Chinese natural science, law, culture and society, and history, most of the material presented being based on original, sometime on-going, research, and the emphasis this time being on Hong Kong itself. We opened, however, with a film and short talk from Mrs. Peggy Craig on the culture and people of Rajasthan. This was in connexion with tours Mrs. Craig was arranging to Rajasthan later in the year. In May, a talk was given by Professor Ho Peng Yoke, who was a physicist at one time working with Joseph Needham on his Science and Civilization in China, and who had recently taken up the Chair in Chinese at the University of Hong Kong. He spoke on science and technology in ancient China.\n\nIn June Professor Allyn Rickett spoke on Chinese law and thought. Professor Rickett is in charge of Chinese Studies in the University of Pennsylvania and in the \"fifties had the dubious participant-observation experience of being caught up in the penal system of China when, while engaged in research, he was arrested and imprisoned for four years. Miss Barbara Ward, an old friend of the Society, spoke in November on the \"real\" boat people, the Tanka fisherfolk, whose way of life — literally on their boats as a floating population — is rapidly disappearing as they are becoming housed ashore. Also in November we welcomed Miss Betty Wei Peh T'i, whom many of you will know from her column \"Sweet and Sour\" in the South China Morning Post. Miss Wei, who had just completed her dissertation on Juan Yuan, Governor-General at Canton (1817-1826), spoke on her researches into his work.\n\nIn January Dr. Mary Turnbull, who has lectured to us several times, spoke on Clementi, one-time Governor of Hong Kong, and his relation to the Chinese revolution. Dr. Turnbull is with the History Department of Hong Kong University. In February Dr. John Young of the Extramural Department of Hong Kong University (Hong Kong U was well represented this year) gave us a second lecture. His topic was Sun Yat-sen.\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16",
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    {
        "id": 209237,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1981",
        "page_number": 140,
        "title": "RAS-1981",
        "content_text": "126\n\nTA ACTON\n\n+\n\nan oppressed and pariah people without social status.\n\n20\n\nIt must be emphasized that this picture of an ethnic group with a long history was not the image of a few scholars only. It was the socially constructed reality of pre-1939 China. Even though since the mid-1950s modern scholarship and the views of the officials most directly concerned, both in the People's Republic of China21 and in Hong Kong have demolished it as though it had never been, it lingers among ordinary people and even some British officials not directly concerned.\n\n22\n\n23\n\n26\n\nFrom the early 1950s one British social-anthropologist, Barbara Ward, has carried out recurrent field-work on a community of the kind that used to be called 'Tanka', on the little island of Kau Sai.29 She found that with minor exceptions they were ethnically Cantonese, with similar models of the world, marriage and death practices, and religious beliefs to other Han Chinese.24 Other scholars endorsed her view; even their language, apart from an enormous, specialised fishing vocabulary was said to be virtually the same as ordinary Cantonese. In fact, Hong Kong fishing people in the larger ports can tell each others' origins partly by the fact that they speak with different, local coastal accents - for example, a 'Yeung Kong' accent.;\n\n26\n\n27\n\nOfficial policy in Hong Kong also now sees the boat-people as an occupational, and not an ethnic group, whereas the British Government in Britain sees the Gypsies now as an ethnic and not an occupational group, both viewpoints having reversed themselves over the past thirty years.\n\n28\n\nIt should be emphasized, though, that these perceptions of ethnicity, whatever relation they may have to the form and organisation of education (and the vigour with which it is pursued), do not usually affect the content of special educational provision by the state, for either group. Both the curriculum and language remains that of the ordinary school, and the amount of exotic cultural material included is meagre. Despite some pioneering work by voluntary projects, the Gypsy dialects are not used in the West Midlands Local Authority projects, and \"Gypsy material\" is limited to commercially published books featuring Gypsies, and the occasional pasted cardboard caravan. Equally, in the F.MO. schools in Hong Kong, one might find general readers, with a carefully laudatory couple of pages on the brave fishermen, or, once or twice, beautiful collections of strange fish and other marine creatures in jars, that have been contributed by parents; but the main task was to give them the same education other Chinese children received.\n\n29",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209247,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1981",
        "page_number": 150,
        "title": "RAS-1981",
        "content_text": "136 \n\nT.A ACTON \n\nCantonese Shui-sheung-yan who have joined, and not the Hoklo, who have been \"resistant to the Gospel message.\" When I asked Philip Chan about the use of the term \"Tanka”, he answered, as did most Shui-sheung-yan, that the term was no longer used as it was offensive, because of the way ordinary Cantonese used it to oppress them. Nevertheless, in the sermon he preached the next day, referring to the knowledge of the sea his audience possessed, which land people could not understand, he spoke of \"We Tanka... or so to speak, Shui-sheung-yan.\" The whole sermon, over an hour and a quarter long, held his audience spell-bound with illustrations from storms at sea, fishing disasters and marine life, salting his speech with fisherman's talk (Shui-sheung-wa) so deep that the Malaysian student who had been put by my side and knew only standard Cantonese, was often completely baffled and unable to give me any interpretation. (Later, Philip Chan referred to Shui-sheung-wa as “a separate dialect”.) \n\nOf course, the content of this sermon can hardly have been completely unaffected by the knowledge that there was a sociologist in the congregation interested in the life of boat-people. Nonetheless, it is indicative of the way in which an ethnic and cultural solidarity has been maintained, an assertion of pride of origin, which provides a way of avoiding the schizophrenic need to assimilate wholly to ordinary Cantonese society and suppress one's own identity. \n\nAdaptation and Education \n\nAs Barbara Ward and other sociologists have indicated, the majority of boat people are able to assimilate into land-based Cantonese society, and do so fairly often. Members of the Fishermen's Recreation Clubs, the True Jesus Church, and perhaps to some extent the Hong Kong and Kowloon Fishermen's Association Ltd., find a middle way of adaptation that relieves them from the stark dilemma between the self-obliteration and the stasis of isolation. Nonetheless, one cannot speak of any general emergence of Shui-sheung-yan ethnic consciousness; the leaders of the three movements mentioned above, geographically separated at the three opposite corners of the territory, appeared absolutely unaware of each others' activities. When one asks Shui-sheung-yan the conventional Cantonese question about what kind of Chinese they are, (“Nei hai matye yan a ?\"), the most common answer remains a reference to their home village, or, at any rate, to that of their grandparents — “Ngo hai Tunglowaan-yan\" or \"Yeung Kong yan”, or “Ap Chau yan”, \n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209252,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1981",
        "page_number": 155,
        "title": "RAS-1981",
        "content_text": "EDUCATION AS A BY-PRODUCT OF FISH MARKETING\n\n141\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Inside front cover, programme of the F.M.O. schools Joint Graduation Ceremony, 1979. It is to be sung to the tune \"Walk, for the Night is coming\". This translation was by the writer and Mrs. Belinda Chiu-Bing Acton.\n\n2 F.M.O. Annual Report 1978-9, p. 7\n\n3 F.M.O. Schools Summer Camp Programme, 1980\n\n4 T. Acton, Gypsy Politics and Social Change, Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1974) pp. 170-1\n\n6 T. Acton 'Educating the children of herdsmen and fishermen' in China Now No. 89, April 1980\n\np. 28\n\n8 A.J.S. Lack, \"The Yaumatei Typhoon Shelter\" in the JHKBRAS (1973)\n\n7 F.M.O. Annual Report 1978-9, p.3\n\n• Ibid.\n\nBarbara E. Ward. \"Chinese Fishermen in Hong Kong: Their post-peasant economy\" in M. Freedman ed. Social Organisation: Essays presented to Raymond Firth, (London, 1967) pp. 271-2.\n\n10 Wu Yuey Len \"Life and Culture of the Shanam Boat People\" in the Nankai Social and Economic Quarterly, 9:4 (1937) pp. 837-46.\n\n12\n\n11 F.M.O. Annual Report 1978-9, p. 12 and Appendix 1.\n\nDick Worrall Gypsy Education Van Leer/Walsall Council for Community Relations (Walsall, 1979) ch 5,9.\n\n13 West Midlands Education Authorities Education Service for Travelling Children Gypsy Education in the West Midlands, (Wolverhampton, 1976) p. 25.\n\n14 F.M.O. Schools Joint Graduation Ceremony programme, 1979, p. 3.\n\n16 Romani, i.e. descended from a group that left India at the end of the first millennium AD, and has since spread over much of the world, retaining a sanskritic language, Romanes, often in a form creolised with the language of the host country.\n\n16 T. Acton, Gypsy Politics and Social Change, ch. 7,8,15,16,17.\n\n18\n\n17 T. Acton, \"The Ethnic Composition of British Romani Populations\" in Roma, Journal of the Indian Institute of Romani Studies, 4:4 (1979) p. 48.\n\n18\n\nS.F. Balfour \"Hong Kong before the British\" in the JHKBRAS 10 (1970) reprinted from the Tien Hsia Monthly, (Shanghai), vols. 11 & 12.\n\n19 Wu Yeuy Len, op.cit. and also \"The Boat people of Shanam\" in the Nankai Social and Economic Quarterly 9:3 (1936)\n\n20 Ho Ke-en, \"A Study of the Boat People\" in the Journal of Oriental Studies (1965) pp. 1-41.\n\n21 T. Acton \"The Dissolution of the Tanka image”, to be published in China",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209253,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1981",
        "page_number": 156,
        "title": "RAS-1981",
        "content_text": "142\n\nTA ACTON\n\n22 of J. Hayes \"The Hong Kong Region\" in JHKBRAS 14(1974) p. 111 and D. Akers-Jones, \"Boat People's Ceremonies observed at Island House\" in the JHKBRAS 15 (1975) pp. 300-303. This paper does not make overt ethnic judgments, but does have an odd ethnographic style: for example \"In the middle of all this there was a wedding ceremony, and I think the preceding activities were connected with it. But I was particularly struck by the frenzied, almost ecstatic and unseemly behaviour of the women.\"\n\n23 Barbara E. Ward, \"A Hong Kong Fishing Village\", in the Journal of Oriental Studies 1 (1955) p. 195\n\n24 Barbara E. Ward \"Varieties of the Conscious Model\" in M. Banton ed. The Relevance of Models for Social Anthropology. (Association of Social Anthropologists Monograph No. 1, London, 1965). p. 113, and \"Sociological Self-Awareness: Some uses of the Conscious Models” in Man, (1966) p. 201.\n\n26 H. Kani A General Survey of the Boat People in Hong Kong, (New Asia Research Institute, Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1967) p. 67, E. Anderson, \"The Boat People of South China\" in Anthropos 65 (1970) and “The Floating World of Castle Peak Bay\", University Microfilms International, Ann Arbor, Mich. 1978.\n\n26 E. Anderson \"The Ethnoichthyology of the Hong Kong Boat People” in his Essays on South China's Boat People\", Orient Cultural Service, Taipei, 1972, p. 39.\n\n27 J. McCoy, \"The Dialects of the Hong Kong Boat People: Kau Sai\" in the JHKBRAS 5 (1965) pp. 46-64. But note that this paper is based on work in only one village, does not take account of the well-known habit of respondents with both “high” and \"low\" versions of their own language to use the \"high\" version when speaking to outsiders. Note also the contradictory evidence in this paper at page 18.\n\n28 T. Acton, \"II ruolo della cultura tradizionale romani come contributo allo sviluppo dell'educazione moderna\" in Lacio Drom, Rivista Bimestrale di Studi Zingari 15:3 (1979) p. 20\n\n29 J. Gibbon ed. Viewpoint Hong Kong (Longman, Hong Kong, 1977) ch. 3 For example, on p. 19 of this book of English Language development exercises, we are asked \"Some people look down on the boat people. Why is this unfair?”\n\n30 F.M.O. document \"Duties and Responsibilities of Liaison Officers\", Para. 11 (3) iv.\n\n31 Ibid. Para III (6)\n\n32 W. Hahn Aberdeen Catching the Last Rays (Perennial Press, Hong Kong, 1974) pp. 193-4.\n\n33 D. Wood ed. Hong Kong 1980 (Government Information Services, Hong Kong. 1980) p. 59\n\n34 SOCO, A Survey of Boat People in Hong Kong (Hong Kong, 1978, in Chinese), p.3\n\n35 V. Wong \"Among the Sewage and Sampans of Yaumatei” in the South China Morning Post, 13 October 1979. pp. 10, 14. R. Daryanani \"Home for 5,000 is most polluted” in the South China Morning Post, 8 September, 1980, p. 19\n\n36 E. Elliott \"Ordinance not in public interest\" (Letter) in the South China Morning Post 11 August, 1980, p. 20.",
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    {
        "id": 209254,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1981",
        "page_number": 157,
        "title": "RAS-1981",
        "content_text": "EDUCATION AS A BY-PRODUCT OF FISH MARKETING\n\n143\n\nThe Society for Community Organisation (Hong Kong, 1976)\n\n37 SoCO pp. 1,9.\n\n38 SoCO, Survey pp. 6-9\n\n39 Ibid. p.15\n\n** R. Daryanani op. cit.\n\n41 Conversation with the secretary of the Hong Kong and Kowloon Fishermen's Association Ltd.\n\n42 Reports in South China Morning Post and the Star (Hong Kong) August 30, 1980.\n\n43 Words of Life (English Literature Evangelical Centre, International Assembly of the True Jesus Church, Singapore, 1976) p.3\n\n44 Ibid.\n\n46 Barbara E. Ward, \"Chinese Fishermen in Hong Kong”, p. 286.\n\n46 Reported in the Hong Kong Standard, July 19, 1979\n\n47 D. Grayson, \"West Midlands Travelling School\" in H. Steyne and D. Derrick eds. The Education of Travelling Children (Centre on Educational Disadvantage, Manchester, 1979)\n\n48 T. Acton \"Seven Wasted Years: Negotiations with the Department of Education and Science, 1970-77” in H. Steyne and D. Derrick eds, op.cit.\n\n49 T. Acton, Gypsy Politics and Social Change ch, 11-14.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt",
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    {
        "id": 209303,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "page_number": 206,
        "title": "RAS-1981",
        "content_text": "192\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nTRADITIONAL FUNERALS\n\nApart from the ta tsiu, the most significant ritual acts within the traditional New Territories village were those marking the death of an adult villager. The ritual of such funerals differed in detail from area to area, but seem to follow basically the same form everywhere. The traditional funeral was a matter of importance not only to the bereaved family but to the whole village. The ritual alternated between formal religious acts, led by Taoist priests, and village customs, led by the elderly men and women of the village.\n\nTraditional funerals are becoming rarer, rituals are being simplified to follow the pattern set by the modern style funerals in the City, and the willingness of villagers outside the circle of the immediately bereaved to assist in the rites is less automatic than in the past. There is, therefore, a need to record the funeral ritual used while there are still opportunities to witness it in operation. Miss Barbara Ward, and Dr. David Faure of the Chinese University together with the author of this note were privileged to record at length a recent traditional funeral in Tai Wai Village, Sha Tin; it is hoped that this record will be published in an appropriate form soon. In the meantime a brief indication of the ritual with some photographs, (plates 4-13) is published here as a general guide to the main features of a New Territories traditional Punti funeral. The photographs were taken by Mr. Liu Yun-sum, of Sheung Shui Village, the current First Vice-Chairman of the New Territories Heung Yee Kuk, in 1953, at the funeral of his father, Mr. Liu On-wai, and are published here with Mr. Liu Yun-sum's kind consent. Mr. Liu On-wai was the son and grandson of Ch'ing dynasty village headmen; he and his brother had been educated to the best standards available in Sheung Shui. His elder brother, indeed, became a Sau Ts'oi degree holder and taught in the village school. Mr. Liu On-wai himself went into trade, selling foot-stuffs and roast meats from a shop in Sheung Shui market; he was 76 years old at his death. The photographs, therefore, are of the funeral of a well-connected and moderately wealthy, but neither particularly rich nor powerful villager.\n\nThe funeral ritual began everywhere immediately on the death. Elders of the clan and village washed, dressed, and prepared the corpse, while the women of the bereaved family sang wailing songs. Friends and relatives stood around weeping during the dressing and preparation.",
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    {
        "id": 209350,
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        "document_key": "RAS-1982",
        "page_number": 8,
        "title": "RAS-1982",
        "content_text": "PRESIDENT'S REPORT: 1982-83\n\nTonight I have pleasure in reporting on the Society's activities during the year. I will also comment on some other events of the period which will be of interest to you as members.\n\nLectures, Film Shows, and Tours\n\nDuring the year our lectures as usual covered a wide range of topics relating to our area, and were delivered by specialists based in Hong Kong and visiting from overseas. There were two film shows, and one local and one overseas tour.\n\nOur programme opened in March with a slide presentation of early photographs of Hong Kong with commentary given by Mr. Ian Diamond, Government Archivist, and entitled \"Hong Kong in Victoria's time.\" In April Mrs. Rajeshwari Ghose, a specialist in the history and sociology of religion in India, spoke on the functions of the Hindu temple. We also showed two films made by Mr. Hugh Gibb, the well-known local film maker. The films, both made in collaboration with social anthropologists, were \"Dragons on the Sea\" which depicted the life of the traditional floating population of Hong Kong; and “Dajiu” which showed the Taoist rites of renewal of this name, that take place every ten years in the New Territories village of Ha Tsuen and its dependent group of hamlets. The first film was made with Miss Barbara Ward, and the second with Dr. Hugh Baker. We were pleased to welcome many members of the public to these films which were very well received and gained us some new members.\n\nIn May Dr. Peter Wesley-Smith of Hong Kong University's Law Department spoke on Francis Taylor Pigot, Chief Justice in the early part of this century; Mrs. Peggy Craig, a well-known organizer of highly original tours of India showed films she had taken on two tours in which members participated: the Pushkar Camel safari and \"Meet the Maharajas\"; and Frank Iklé Professor of History at the University of New Mexico spoke on the role of women in Japan.\n\nIn June Mr. Melvin Thatcher of the Genealogical Society of Utah spoke on the Chinese genealogies his society had acquired from public collections, and in July Dr. David Faure of the\n\nVill",
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    {
        "id": 209355,
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        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1982",
        "page_number": 12,
        "title": "RAS-1982",
        "content_text": "It is with much regret that I record that among the deaths of members this year are some of our oldest friends. One, Mr. Holmes Welch, was a founding member of the Society and Member of Council during our first four years. He came to Hong Kong with the American Consulate General after academic studies in Sinology and publication of a highly original work on Taoism: The Parting of the Way. In Hong Kong his interest in Chinese religion and philosophy, and the organization of religious institutions, continued, and he gave one of the very first lectures to the Society, published in our first Journal, “Buddhist organization in Hong Kong”. Later he left the Consulate but remained in Hong Kong to continue field research into Chinese Buddhism, working with refugee monks. In the late sixties he published several volumes on contemporary Buddhism in China. After returning to the United States he continued his sinological studies and whenever I met him at conferences on religion he always asked after the progress of the Society.\n\nAnother of our recently deceased friends was Mr. John Romer, Curator of Mammals at Hong Kong's Zoological and Botanic Gardens, Hon. Research Fellow in the Department of Zoology, University of Hong Kong, and Senior Pest Control Officer of the Hong Kong Government until he retired. He has contributed on several occasions to the Notes and Queries section of our Journal.\n\nIt was also with great shock that we learnt of the death, in January this year, of Barbara Ward, whose last talk to the Society was given only just over a year ago. Barbara was the first anthropologist to conduct field-work in Hong Kong. Coming out in 1950 she picked as her field a very challenging group about which very little was known from direct contact: the Cantonese Tanka, or sui seung yan “people upon the water” as they preferred to be known, that is, the floating population of fisherfolk. She showed how the traditional Chinese institutions and culture in which they participated were modified by their very way of life: ancestor worship is different when you do not live on the land, the role of father in a family is different too when he is also captain of a boat. Barbara's later studies in Hong Kong, to where she frequently returned, included Cantonese opera and its role in\n\nxii\n\nPage 12\n\n \n\nPage 12 \n\nPage 12 \n\nxii \n\nPage 12 \n\nPage 12",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1982",
        "page_number": 183,
        "title": "RAS-1982",
        "content_text": "# SAI KUNG, THE MAKING OF THE DISTRICT AND ITS EXPERIENCE DURING\n\n# WORLD WAR II\n\n## DAVID FAURE'*'\n\n## ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS\n\nThis article records and analyses the findings of a research project into the oral sources available for the history of Sai Kung, conducted by members of the Oral History Project Team of the Centre for East Asian Studies of the Chinese University of Hong Kong.\n\nThanks are due to many people for the successful completion of this project. Mr. Colin Bosher, former District Officer, Sai Kung, suggested it in the first place, and Mr. S.J. Chan, the present District Officer, gave his advice and encouragement most generously. Professor Chen Ching-ho, former Director of the Institute of Chinese Studies, Chinese University of Hong Kong, took a most understanding attitude towards research on local history, and his kindness made possible not only this project, but also several other projects concerning the history of the New Territories.\n\nAt every stage, the staff of the Sai Kung District Office and members of the Sai Kung Rural Committee helped in many and varied ways. The kindness of Miss Carrie Tsang, Miss Joyce Nip, Mr. Lei Yun Shou, J.P., Mr. Chung P'oon, Chairman, Sai Kung Rural Committee, and Mr. William Wan, must be especially acknowledged. Between November 1980 and August 1981 many residents of Sai Kung and neighbouring districts kindly agreed to be interviewed by the research team and their student assistants. For the record, their names and the dates of these interviews are appended to this report.\n\nAs always, Dr. James Hayes and Dr. Patrick Hase offered kind and sound advice, and made available their own research notes for consultation. Father Sergio Ticozzi provided information on the history of the Roman Catholic Church in Sai Kung. Mr. K.M.A. Barnett generously gave us his time to discuss numerous issues that arose in the interviews.\n\nThanks are also due to the Sai Kung Rural Committee and the Chinese University of Hong Kong for providing financial support for this project, and to Mr. Deacon Chiu, whose generous donation to the University made its grant possible.\n\nThe research team included David Faure (co-ordinator), Lai-hung Kwan, Bernard H.K. Luk, Yue-him Tam, and Barbara E. Ward. At different times, the following students at the Chinese University assisted: Cheng Shui Kwan, Kwok Po Nei, Lam Loi, Lau Kwan Yau, Lee Lai Mui, Lui Shuk Yee, Ngo Yin Ling, Tang Chan Yiu, Tsui Lai Yi, and Wong Yue Leung. Miss Cheng Shui Kwan and Miss Lee Lai Mui worked on this project from the start to its completion, and their contribution to the project is immense.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209714,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1982",
        "page_number": 371,
        "title": "RAS-1982",
        "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n349\n\nit is necessary to emphasize this point anew. Secondly, with their likely (outward) bias against it, they did not bring out the importance of the popular religion for its own sake. They also missed its importance as a factor shaping local management. The popular religion emphasized the protection of the people against disease and harmful influences of all kinds, not only as individuals but as families and communities. Hugh Baker's own series Ancestral Images (SCMP Ltd. 1979, 1980 and 1981) and Joan Law and Barbara Ward's recent book on Chinese Festivals (South China Morning Post 1982) help to fill this gap. Thirdly, the daily life of ordinary people and its strong cultural base need to be added to the record. Fortunately, detail on these areas is now being recovered through recent field research conducted mainly from the Chinese University.\n\nThe interested reader could expand his studies beyond the gazetteer, with the help both of Dr. Baker's complementary text and the notes, and the additional material research workers continue to provide for later synthesis. Dr. Baker has touched on land (pp 44-45) and has filled out the account provided in the gazetteer about settlement, especially after the \"Evacuation of the Coast 1662-69\" (pp 26-28) but more information is now becoming available. On land and land-related matters, Edgar Wickberg, David Faure and Michael Palmer have work published or in preparation. For settlement details, the collected genealogies of the long settled families of the New Territories, large and small, are producing a wealth of new material. A new listing of local genealogies, mostly held in manuscript, with an explanation of their contribution to local history, is given in Anthony K. K. Siu's recent book Genealogies and Hong Kong's Local History (in Chinese) published privately by the Hin Chiu Institute in 1983. Mr. Siu has also pointed to the use that can be made of the other and older Chinese sources for the region. This kind of documentary research would greatly assist with identifying more of the (too large) number of village names which remain unidentified on maps 7 and 8 referred to above. The gazetteer's listing of temples can also be extended. It is certain from my field research and enquiries that more existed than are stated in the 1819 edition, and many more were added after that time.",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209716,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1982",
        "page_number": 373,
        "title": "RAS-1982",
        "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n351\n\nstudy of revolts, reforms and revolutions in the South East Asian region is of particular interest and relevance for the outside world. This is because the variety of its component races, religions and political systems, before and after the colonial period, are paralleled by the diversity of situations experienced in revolution, reform and revolt. They are as diverse in kind as the very varied social, cultural, economic, historical context will allow, whether in or outside the colonial period, whether the colonial power was French, British or Dutch, whether a communist party was present or not. They are also, they claim, made the more interesting through the variety of \"models,\" outside assistance and influences available to the leaders of its governments and insurgent movements alike.\n\nThe authors state that, out of the total of twelve articles, five study revolts, three reforms and four revolutions. Five of the nine new states are represented (Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Singapore and Vietnam), with the former colonies of French Indo-china making up three quarters. Two articles concern events before 1914, three take place between 1914 and 1945 and four after the Second World War, and three span several of these periods. Neither the early period of colonial penetration nor the contemporary scene have been neglected, though by choice the authors have generally not gone back beyond 1850.\n\nGenerally speaking, the essays illustrate the theme of the Introduction, and they do cover a most diverse and interesting set of events. This is a stimulating collection of essays which will certainly be of value to serious students of South East Asia. Also, they bear out the authors' claim that they have a wider relevance than the region in which they are set.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nChinese Festivals Joan Law and Barbara E. Ward, South China Morning Post, Hong Kong, 1982, 95pp, including Bibliography, Index. 85 Colour plates\n\nIt is surprising that no-one produced a book like this long ago. Of course, this superb volume is no less welcome for that. The book consists of a short introduction, followed by brief",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209718,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1982",
        "page_number": 375,
        "title": "RAS-1982",
        "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n353\n\nand learn more about them; equally, for those who know and love these vital and exciting rituals, the book will be certain to awaken nostalgia. If the book has the effect of drawing more people's attention to the traditional Chinese festivals and life still to be found all over Hong Kong, then it will have achieved Barbara Ward's aim; it is good to know that, in this her last book before her untimely death, her aim is so likely to be achieved.\n\nP. H. HASE\n\nPhonologie du Dialect Hakka de Sung Him Tong by Laurent Sagart [Editions Langages Croisés, published by l'Association des Recherches Interculturelles sur l'Expression Gestuelle et Orale]. Paris and Hong Kong 1982. pp.154.\n\nThis monograph is a study of the Hakka subdialect spoken in Sung Him Tong village in the New Territories of Hong Kong, and is Sagart's doctoral dissertation (thèse de 3ème cycle) done at the University of Paris under the direction of M. Alexis Rygaloff. This work presents in a manageable package most of the information about Sung Him Tong Hakka that one might want for an overview of this specific speech community.\n\nThe text includes a lexicon (listed by traditional categories such as natural phenomena, plants, animals, etc.); transcribed texts of oral materials; an exposition of syllable structure and types; a description of the phonology of the subdialect in both synchronic and diachronic frameworks; a comparative treatment of this subdialect with that of Meixian and other Hakka forms; and a bibliography of Hakka studies.\n\nThe format of Sagart's work is appropriately patterned after that of M. Hashimoto (The Hakka Dialect, Cambridge 1973) so that the two studies can combine to add a degree of uniformity to the published materials. This sort of systematization greatly simplifies the next stages of comparative work in Hakka research. If more field workers could generally agree on format and scope of dialect materials we could move with more confidence toward the goals of complete dialect surveys and more reliable reconstructions of the protodialects and proto-Chinese. Ultimately such materials will be necessary to give us the linguistic reconstructions to compare and contrast with the 'textual' reconstructions derived from the rime books and other written\n\nPage 375\n\nPage 376",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209760,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 19,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "OBITUARY\n\nBarbara E. Ward (1919-1983)\n\nMembers will be saddened to learn of Barbara E. Ward's death in 1983. Barbara was a gifted teacher of social anthropology and sociology in general and of Chinese society in particular. She will be remembered with respect and affection by the many students who learnt from her at the various universities in which she taught: London, Cornell, Cambridge, and the Chinese University of Hong Kong.\n\n3\n\nBarbara read history at Newnham College, Cambridge before the Second World War, gained a Diploma in Education at London University in 1942 and then taught in schools in England and West Africa until 1947. Like a number of other British social anthropologists of her generation, Barbara was led to the discipline by the experience of overseas service gained during and immediately after the war. Although she completed a thesis on the social organization of the Ewe-speaking peoples of southeast Ghana for a Master's degree at the London School of Economics in 1949 and later published some of her observations on social change in West Africa, Barbara became drawn to the study of Chinese society. The presence of enthusiastic Chinese scholars at the L.S.E., such as Tien Ju-k'ang, as well as the inherent attractiveness of a civilization which since the Enlightenment has had a special place in western social thought, were important factors underlying Barbara's growing interest in China. Much of her subsequent writing was based on field research carried out in Kau Sai, a New Territories community of boat-dwelling fishermen, between 1950 and 1953 and during a number of later visits. Barbara's essays on the boat people represent very substantial contributions to sinological anthropology, and through this work Barbara played a leading role in opening up the field of China to modern anthropology. Her friendships with the people of Kau Sai, many of whom appeared in an ethnographic film on the fishing community made by her and Hugh Gibb, were maintained for the rest of her life, and news of Barbara's death will have been received with much sorrow by her friends in Kau Sai as well as by many other residents of Hong Kong.\n\nxviii",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt",
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    {
        "id": 209761,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 20,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "In addition to her work on the Kau Sai fishing people, Barbara's writings during the 1950s and 1960s touched on a number of other aspects of Chinese society, including the structure and operations of Chinese small factories in Hong Kong and the organization of Hakka guilds in Borneo. Moreover, Barbara's data on Kau Sai were incorporated into her comparative study of the role of credit and loan facilities in peasant commercial production and also informed her essay on sex roles in southeast Asia—a valuable and perhaps underestimated introductory essay to the book, which she edited, on the impact of the changing public status of women upon the private domestic lives of both sexes in the various countries of southeast Asia. Barbara's writings on \"conscious models\" explored the problems of the manner in which the actual behaviour of the Kau Sai fishing people had been influenced by the traditional pattern of the classical Chinese family, the role of ideological models in promoting \"the uniquely long continuity and wide similarity of the Chinese socio-cultural system\" and, more generally, the relevance of Levi-Strauss' notion of conscious models to the analysis of the relationship between various local sub-cultures within Chinese society and the wider Chinese socio-cultural system. 8\n\nDuring the 1970s, Barbara became increasingly concerned with the social and cultural dimensions of opera in south China. Undoubtedly, Barbara's work on conscious models was an important factor in the development of this interest, for her first essay in this new area dealt with the role of opera as a disseminator of Chinese culture among the local communities of south China, such as that of Kau Sai. Sadly, Barbara died just at the time when her thoroughly-researched and well-written articles on popular Chinese drama were beginning to appear in print. Perhaps our greatest loss as a community of China scholars is that the potential of Barbara's endeavours in this area of Chinese social life can no longer be realised. Perhaps, too, the loss will be felt just as keenly by others whose concerns lie outside the China field. When Barbara chose Chinese opera as her topic for the Jane Ellen Harrison Memorial Lecture, which she gave at Newnham College in 1978, her lively presentation and thoughtful analysis of the symbolism of traditional Chinese theatre won the interest of a large non-specialist audience. It is hoped\n\nxix",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209762,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 21,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "that tentative plans to publish a collection of her initial papers on popular Chinese drama will come to fruition. Barbara's earlier essays, dealing with the boat people, conscious models and so on, are to be published in the near future by the Chinese University of Hong Kong Press under the title Through Other Eyes: Essays in understanding 'conscious models' mostly in Hong Kong.\n\nBarbara was a founding member of the British Sociologists of China Research Group and her dedicated and imaginative contributions to sinological anthropology will be sorely missed by the group.\n\n(This Obituary was produced by the British Sociologists of China Research Group and printed in the Bulletin of the British Association of Chinese Studies and is reprinted here with the permission of the President of the British Association of Chinese Studies).\n\nNOTES\n\nSocial Organization of the Ewe-speaking People, M.A. Thesis, Anthropology, University of London, 1965.\nSome observations on religious cults in Ashanti, Africa, 26 (1): 47-61 (1956).\nAt the time of her death Barbara was writing the introduction to a revised version of Tien's monograph, The Chinese of Sarawak: A Study of Social Structure, (London, 1953).\n\nA Hong Kong fishing village, Journal of Oriental Studies, 1 (1): 195-214 (1954); A Hong Kong fishing village, Geographical Magazine 31 (6): 300-03 (1958); Floating villagers: Chinese fishermen in Hong Kong, Man, 59 (article 62): 44-45 (1959); The surge to the towns, Unesco Courier, 9: 5-6 (Sept., 1964); Varieties of the conscious model: The fishermen of south China, in M. Banton (ed.) The Relevance of Models for Social Anthropology, (London, 1965); Sociological self-awareness: some uses of the conscious model, Man (N.S.) 1 (2): 201-15 (1966); Chinese fishermen in Hong Kong: their post-peasant economy, in M. Freedman (ed.) Social Organization—Essays Presented To Raymond Firth, (London, 1967); Temper tantrums in Kau Sai: some speculations upon their effects, in P. Mayer (ed.) Socialization: The Approach from Social Anthropology, (London, 1970); Women and technology in developing countries, Impact of Science on Society, 20 (1): 93-101 (1970).\n\nA small factory in Hong Kong: some aspects of its internal organization, in W. E. Willmott (ed.) Economic Organization in Chinese Society, (Stanford, 1972); A Hakka Kongsi in Borneo, Journal of Oriental Studies, 1 (2): 358-70 (1954). Note also Barbara's papers: Chinese secret societies, in N. Mackenzie (ed.) Secret Societies, (New York, 1967): The\n\nXX",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209763,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 22,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "integration of the child into a Chinese social world: a preliminary exploration of some non-literate village concepts, Psyche: Hong Kong Psychological Society Bulletin, 4: 7-17 (1980).\n\n• Cash or credit crops? an examination of some implications of peasant commercial production with special reference to the multiplicity of traders and middlemen, Economic Development and Cultural Change, 8 (2): 148-63 (1960). Reprinted in J. Potter, M. Diaz and G. Foster (eds.) Peasant Society: A Reader (Boston, 1967).\n\n7\n\n* Men, women and change: an essay in understanding social roles in south and south-east Asia, in B. E. Ward (ed). Women in New Asia, (Paris, 1963).\n\nLF\n\nVarieties of the conscious model: The fishermen of south China, in M. Banton (ed.) The Relevance of Models for Social Anthropology, (London, 1965); Sociological self-awareness: some uses of the conscious model, Man (N.S.) 1 (2): 201-15 (1966). Note also her forthcoming essay, Folk models, decision and change, in B. E. Ward, Through Other Eyes: essays in understanding conscious models mostly in Hong Kong, (Hong Kong 1985).\n\n\"Barbara's writings on opera include: Readers and audiences: an exploration of the spread of traditional Chinese culture, in R. Jain Text and Context: The Social Anthropology of Tradition (Philadelphia, 1977); Not merely players: art and ritual in traditional China, Man (N.S.) 14 (1): 18-39 (1979); The red boats of the Canton delta: a historical chapter in the sociology of Chinese regional drama, (paper read at a conference held in Taipei, 1980); Regional operas and their audiences: evidence from Hong Kong, in (editor unknown) Popular Culture in Late Imperial China, (Berkeley and Los Angeles, forthcoming, probably 1984); see also John Law and Barbara E. Ward, Chinese Festivals (Hong Kong, 1982).\n\nxxi",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210398,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 6,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "CONTENTS\n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT\n\nTREASURER'S REPORT\n\nLIBRARIAN'S REPORT\n\nARTICLES:\n\nvii\n\nxvi\n\nxviii\n\nTan Tse Tao: A Contemporary Chinese Faith-Healing Sect in Hong Kong — Bartholomew P.M. Tsui\n\n1\n\nNotes for a Visit to the Government Cemetery at Happy Valley Carl T. Smith.\n\n17\n\nKau Sai, an Unfinished Manuscript Barbara E. Ward\n\n27\n\nThe Cult of the Dead in Ancient Rome and Modern China: A Comparative Analysis — John Karl Evans .\n\n119\n\nFound in a Pennsylvania Attic 1903-1906 Wei Peh Ti\n\nLetters form China\n\n152\n\nA New Source for Chinese Trade to Japan in the Seventeenth Century Anthony Farrington\n\nBibliography of New Territories Historical Literature Peter Yeung..\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES:\n\nThe Decline of Tiu Chung as a Chinese New Year Flower\n\n187\n\n192\n\nK.C. Iu\n\n207\n\nThe Country Boy Who Died for Hong Kong D.D. Waters\n\n210\n\nA Republican Book of Receipts in United College Library - David Faure.\n\n216\n\nThe Nixon Scroll James Hayes\n\n217",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210439,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 46,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "KAU SAI, AN UNFINISHED MANUSCRIPT\n\nBARBARA E. WARD*\n\n27\n\n1. INTRODUCTION\n\nEvery traveller to Hong Kong remembers the junks. They swarm in the harbour: fishermen, cargo boats, pilot craft, countless small passenger sampans, wooden lighters clustering around the ocean-going ships like suckling pigs around their dams, Chinese boats of every shape and size. The men and women aboard them are the Boat People. Traditionally they were born, married, died on their boats. They went ashore permanently only after death, for it is unchancy to be buried at sea. In the British Crown Colony of Hong Kong today they number about 250,000. Their counterparts (perhaps two or three million) are spread all along the Pearl River and its branches, throughout the intricate network of navigable inland waterways in Kwangtung and Kwangsi, and all along the Chinese coast southeast from Fukien.\n\n2\n\n3\n\nWater dwelling is not unusual in China (or Japan, or, indeed, most of South East Asia) but the Boat People of Kwangtung and Kwangsi seem to have acquired a special notoriety from at least the Sung dynasty onwards. Known as Tanka, a name rightly resented by them as a term of derision and disrepute, they have been despised, placed at the bottom of local systems of social stratification, and often referred to as exemplars of loose sexual morality and other un-Chinese characteristics. They are still frequently explained away as being not really Chinese, or even not really human. I have heard well-educated landsmen expatiating upon their non-Han descent, their non-Chinese language, their utterly alien customs (which are often alleged to include matriliny), and the special biological distinction which gives them all six toes on each foot.\n\n* Barbara E. Ward passed away in 1982 before completing this manuscript, obviously an early draft for a full-length book. It is published here by kind permission of her husband, Dr. Stephen Morris, who has also supplied the plates. Miss Ward was, for many years, a member of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210440,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 47,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "28\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nEyes and ears alone would be enough to inform anyone who cared to notice that the Boat People (who very sensibly go barefoot when on board) have the usual complement of toes and speak Cantonese, albeit often with a broad accent and always with the specialised vocabulary necessary to their water-borne way of life. I have discussed these matters and the questions of non-Han descent and non-Chinese customs elsewhere. Very briefly my argument is that because both additions to and departures from the floating populations have been more or less continuous it is probable that the genetic endowment of the Boat People is neither more nor less “non-Han” than that of most of the other Cantonese-speaking inhabitants of South China. It is true that Boat People are usually easily recognisable; so are sailors everywhere. Browner complexions, rolling gait, small leg muscles and heavy shoulder development are readily explicable by a life lived mainly out-of-doors on boats which have to be poled and rowed, and working at fishing or shifting cargo. There are also certain peculiarities of dress and ceremonial, but, as this account of life in a Hong Kong fishing community will show, Tanka social structure and ideology are unequivocally Chinese.\n\n5\n\nRather less than half the Boat People in Hong Kong are fishermen. The rest are engaged in various forms of water carriage (both within the Colony and between it and neighbouring Chinese and Portuguese ports), and in providing services within the larger local anchorages — hawkers, sellers of water and ice, floating restaurants and so on and so forth. The most numerous of the carriers are the almost square Kam Shing Teng, the junk lighters which attend the ocean-going ships in the harbour or line the waterfront by day, and return to their accustomed anchorages in the typhoon shelters, where they traditionally moor in regular, named “streets” by night.\n\nThe 150,000 or so dwellers on the harbour junks are the most urbanised of Hong Kong's Boat People. They have close business, and sometimes marriage ties with firms of launch and lorry owners and many of them are members of one or other of the several transport associations which help to organise much of the business and social life of the waterfront for land and water people together. The fishermen, even those who live in the",
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        "id": 210442,
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        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 49,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "30\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nimportant centres by 1970.\n\nThe inshore fishermen were, and are, at once more numerous and more scattered. Certainly many of those who normally venture no more than about four miles from the coast at the furthest, do have their home bases alongside the deep-sea craft in the large, well-known fishing towns, but large numbers of them return to small traditional anchorages in the more than thirty fishing villages which are to be found on the coasts of the mainland and islands. The populations of these smaller fishing centres vary from a few dozens to a few thousands; the majority can be reckoned in hundreds.\n\nI first went to Hong Kong in the summer of 1950, less than a year after the victory of the Chinese People's Government in China. For obvious reasons it was not an appropriate time for a foreigner to undertake participant observation on boats that had constantly to traverse Chinese national waters and visit Chinese ports. Moreover, I am a bad sailor. These two considerations ruled out the deep-sea fishermen and the long distance carriers from the start. There remained two major categories of Boat People who usually stayed within British waters: the inshore fishermen and the people of the harbour.\n\nThe latter were, as I have indicated, an essentially urban population and exceedingly numerous; the former lived characteristically in the small floating settlements that fringed the rural areas. Because the basic field method to be used was participant observation, I chose for intensive study one such community of inshore fishermen. It lay, as it still lies, on one bank of a narrow strait between two small islands in the Port Shelter section of the eastern waters of the Colony. Its name was Kau Sai.\n\n2. KAU SAI: TOPOGRAPHY, LAND USE AND CHANGE\n\nThe inshore waters of Hong Kong are remarkably beautiful. In many ways reminiscent of the Western Isles, though without quite such a mountainous backdrop, the scenery combines the blue of the sea with the green of the hills in a particularly satisfying way. Drowned valleys give the mainland coasts their",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
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    {
        "id": 210444,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 51,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "32\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nThere was also an illicit still for making rice spirits, owned by the last mentioned. Beyond the village on the narrowest part of the strait were three stone sheds known as “fish huts”, and used by three separate fisher families for storing nets, fish baskets and other items of gear. Across the other side of the strait, on the second island, were a couple of concrete pits, used as tanks for dyeing sails and nets, and a wooden steaming vat. These were the property of the \"headman\".\n\nMost of Hong Kong's shoreline is steep and rocky. Kau Sai island is no exception. The village is built on one of the few stretches that offer a small ledge above high water mark. It is about thirty yards in width in most places. In front of the temple, south-eastwards from there, and at another point about half-a-mile beyond the northern end of the village, land has been reclaimed from the sea. The fishermen state that this process was started by their forebears. In 1950 the reclamations consisted of accumulations of large boulders carefully arranged to afford as flat a surface as possible. In front of the temple the reclaimed area formed a large semi-circular platform about fifty yards in diameter, raised about six or seven feet above the natural beach and contained by a sea wall, like a ha-ha. Both wall and platform had been sealed with concrete some time before the Japanese occupation. On the southern edge of the platform, near but just beyond the temple, lay the village well. The water, being somewhat brackish, was used mainly for washing. Sweet water was fetched by boat from a never-failing stream about a mile away to the north.\n\nFrom the temple southwards a little beyond the end of the village the reclamation had been filled in with beaten earth to make a broad path. Beyond that, flanking both sides of the strait, there were simply two wide stretches of carefully gathered boulders. These parts of the reclamation were still being added to. The same was true of the essentially similar boulder reclamation north of the village.\n\nThe existence of flat or flattish areas near the water's edge was a necessity for the fishermen who used them for net and fish drying, sail making, rope twisting and so on. Nets being at that",
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    {
        "id": 210446,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 53,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "34 \n\nBARBARA E. WARD \n\nBy 1970 there was only one set of sails left. The jetties, all the pathways and the large reclamation on the northern bank of the strait were of concrete. All but four of the grey stone and whitewashed houses had gone. Instead there were three wooden ones and thirteen others in bright, fresh, colour-washed concrete. The temple had been redecorated (its beautiful sea-green tiles replaced by asbestos dipped in an analine “emerald” dye), and above it, up a newly constructed concrete stairway, stood a modern, purpose-built school with three well-equipped classrooms, a special bungalow for the teachers and an enclosed basketball pitch levelled out of the hillside. There were no pig-sties, but a fine public latrine, piped running water, electric light and a public incinerator. \n\nSuch were some of the outward and visible signs of processes of change which were just beginning to accelerate when I first visited the village in 1950. Other changes less obvious on the surface were even more significant. Most striking of all was the fact that where twenty years before there had been seventeen families living ashore, all but two of them Hakka-speaking landsmen, there were now twenty-one families (not including the teachers) of which twenty were composed of ex-Boat People, speaking Cantonese. Yet the number of fishing junks was slightly larger than it had been. Kau Sai's population was more exclusively devoted to fishing than before, but many of the fishermen now owned houses ashore. \n\nThe new houses differed from the old ones not only in outward appearance and ownership but also in internal arrangement, furnishing and use. Built to the specifications of their owners they were basically hollow concrete cubes, with glazed, metal framed windows, and internal partitions made of wood. Each had a wooden front door, in the centre of the wall facing the street, leading directly into a kind of sitting room that ran the whole width of the building and covered about one-third of the depth from front to back. The rear portion was normally divided both vertically and horizontally to form two stories with compartments for sleeping and storage.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
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    {
        "id": 210448,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 55,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "36 \n\nBARBARA E. WARD \n\nthan cubicles, were furnished with wooden beds, mosquito nets and chests for clothes and so on, while the \"cockloft” (gok tzae) upstairs was used for storage and might contain another sleeping cubicle (often used especially for the unmarried daughters of the house). The wooden partition facing the entrance in the front room downstairs was usually decorated with family photographs and carried also a small shelf with ritual paraphernalia and red paper hangings. In 1970 every house contained at least one radio (normally pouring forth a steady stream of Cantonese opera at full pitch) and an electric fan, all had electric light, most had an electric rice cooker or two, and two had refrigerators. \n\nIn 1950 no house had glazed windows, and most of the unceiled pitched tile roofs dripped muddy patches on the earthen floors on rainy days. The old houses covered a somewhat larger area than the present ones, and were taller. They were divided internally in a somewhat similar way, but were far less comfortably furnished. They were used differently, too. Women, children, and sometimes pigs, were the normal inhabitants. Pigs scavenged the paths by day, and were shut up in the pig-sties at night. Children went to school a little, played a little, helped their mothers. Women cared for pigs and babies, and cultivated sweet potatoes and occasionally ground-nuts on small patches of hillside, chopping and boiling the leaves for pig fodder. They also cut wood and grass for sale as fuel to the Boat People. They cooked, with wood and sometimes charcoal, in great flattish iron bowls set into stone-built stoves on the right-hand side of their front doors. They bought their rice and most other dry goods from one of the village shops, begged or took fish from the drying grounds, and ate (rather shamefacedly) their own sweet-potato leaves and tubers. The little money they made from the sale of fuel was augmented from the wages of their menfolk and the sale of pigs, which was also usually conducted by men. But husbands and sons came home only intermittently from their wage employment in Kowloon, stayed for a few days and then returned. The only permanent male residents on land were the senile and the very young, the shopkeepers and the old man who looked after the temple, where the school teacher also lodged during term time.14 \n\n13",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210450,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 57,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "38 \n\nBARBARA E. WARD \n\ngiven land, a new dwelling, a new pig-sty, free transport for himself, his family, livestock and all belongings, and an agreed sum of $50 per person per month to tide his family over the first six months until he could begin to get an income from his new land. It is important to stress that the negotiations, which were conducted by the District Office, were entirely correct, the enquiry meticulous and the terms most generous. Only the fishermen were left out of account. \n\nThe omission was, at the time, not unnatural. The stereotyped view of the Boat People as essentially mobile (“like gypsies” was a common English phrase) made it difficult even to imagine that some of them might be attached in any permanent sense to any particular place. It was assumed, too, that fishing could be carried on as well in one part of the water as another (or, if not, that it would be impossibly difficult with such a transitory population to determine who normally fished where) and that therefore only the land people of Kau Sai could be considered. \n\nThere were in fact two separate issues, affecting respectively two separable categories of fishermen. On the one hand were those who claimed that because firing practice interfered with their fishing operations and therefore reduced their income they were entitled to monetary compensation; on the other hand there were the others who did not want compensation but simply desired to be allowed to go on using Kau Sai as their permanent anchorage. The former group, mainly small long-liners and others engaged in day-time fishing, put in their claim to the District Office during the course of the negotiations with the land villagers. It was referred to the Fisheries Section of the Department of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, and investigated by its officers together with those of the Fish Marketing Organisation. Finally, a list of claimants was drawn up, and a once-for-all payment agreed and handed over. The organisation of this claim and its significance are discussed more fully below. \n\nThe second group of fishermen were mostly, but not all, night-time operators, purse-seiners, who normally spent the days at anchor in Kau Sai bay. At first, they seem to have shared (though for different reasons) the District Officer's assumption that the",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210452,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 59,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "40\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nearly stages of a boom in fishing which had been ushered in by a new system of marketing and was to be accompanied by the rapid mechanisation of the junks. This was a general movement affecting cargo carriers as well as fishing craft in China as well as Hong Kong. Connected closely with it was an upsurge in the demand for education (for legal running a mechanised boat requires a certificated coxswain-engineer) and a strong movement towards dwelling ashore. In a few years Kau Sai was to have its new school, and the first of the gay, new, colour-washed houses was being built. The removal of the Hakka land families had merely made it a little easier for the Cantonese Boat People of Kau Sai to find building sites and maintain their unity as a relatively homogeneous group.\n\n3. KAU SAI: THE RHYTHMS OF LIVING\n\nIn this chapter I continue the description of Kau Sai with a general account of the on-going framework of activities into which a fisherman is born and in which he spends most of his life. It is necessary first to complete the picture of the physical setting with a more detailed account of the lay-out of the anchorage.\n\nThe lay-out of the anchorage\n\nBetween 1950 and 1970 the water front changed. In 1950, the sea wall, running from the temple westward along the whole length of the village, was made of rough granite blocks and boulders. Only in front of the temple were these held in place by mortar. There were four jetties, built also of granite boulders. The largest, best finished and most used was almost directly in front of the main shop. A second somewhat smaller one lay about twenty-five yards west of this. The third and fourth, flanking these two, were rather small and tumbledown. By 1970 the entire water front had a concrete wall surmounted by a concrete pathway. In place of the two old central granite block jetties stood two new concrete piers. The more westerly of the two was now the major one, a smaller one replacing that in front of the shops. The site of the old eastern jetty near the temple was now occupied by a public latrine. The fourth, most westerly jetty",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210454,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 61,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "TEMPLE \n\nJerry -971\n\nParse W\n\nSKETCH PLAN of ANCHORAGE ~ 1952\n\nSEHER. SMALL LINER N\n\nVISITORS and offers VSTALLY e)\n\nTHIS SIBINCLUDING NO SURNAME MA THEK SHEK NA SHEKSE Suek SË Не Ho SHEK на Lo CHUNGE Lo Cuunta (hawker) CRUNG CHANG SHEK SHEK SHER SHEK MAIN JETTY SHE K SHER\n\nMA Summe MEDIUM LINEA ने other small lines when MA present To \"JUARANTINE\" Lo E MA Но ANCHORAGE CHAN SHEK CHAN LEE CHAN Lef CHING (shop) THER CHANKA)& ALLEN LEG SMALL JETTY\n\nBARBARA E. WARD 42",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210456,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 63,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "44\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nThe relatively sporadic presence of the liners and others is made clear in Table I. It is also reflected in the more marginal position of the majority of their boat stations in the diagram.\n\nThe beach at Kau Sai, which is stony, shelves fairly abruptly down from low water mark. One of the attractions of the anchorage was the resulting possibility of mooring close in. The nearer lines were easily within shouting distance of the water front, and access between junk and shore was simple. Nearer or farther, however, made very little difference. Indeed, the strict dichotomy which land-dwellers tend automatically to make between land and water seemed not to exist in the same way for these Boat People. Here in their own bay they were equally at home ashore or afloat. It was true that going from, say, the shops to the junks required two different kinds of propulsion (one, walking, provided by the legs, the other, yu-loh, by the arms), but there was little practical difference between them. Every junk family owned a sampan, and every six-year-old could yu-loh with ease and skill. The water passage was thus but an extension, as it were, of the land passage. A fisherman went down to his boat in the anchorage in just the same spirit as a landsman going along to his house in the street. At this level of thinking the junk was just another dwelling place.\n\nFishing Methods\n\nYet most of these same junks were also instruments of the chase. Their role as fishing boats took them away from the anchorage almost every day and closely conditioned the types of social and cultural interaction possible for those who lived on them. The analysis of this aspect of life in Kau Sai is the subject matter for the following chapters, but a preliminary sketch of fishing methods is necessary for a description of the rhythms of daily living.\n\nThe main types of fishing practised from Kau Sai were purse-seining, long-lining, gill-netting, trapping and hand-lining. In 1950 purse-seining and long-lining were normally specialist activities, gill-netting was very rare. Some long-liners switched at times to trapping, and almost all fishermen engaged from time to",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210458,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 65,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "46\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nbacking off. Though widespread in the inshore waters of Hong Kong, gill-netting was not much practised from Kau Sai before the 'sixties.\n\nPurse-seining is so called because the net (or seine) laid first as a circle around a shoal is then drawn in to a purse shape, in order to contain the fish, by means of a running line (called the purse-line) threaded through the bottom row of meshes. In 1950 purse-seining from Kau Sai was exclusively done by pairs of junks working together, almost invariably at night. Bright kerosene pressure lamps were used to attract the fish, usually being placed on a sampan for the purpose. The pair of purse-seiners then proceeded to encircle the sampan with the net, the junks moving first away from each other and then converging again on the other side of the sampan, the net, one end held fast in the bows of one junk, being paid out from the bows of the other as they went. The movement was slow and very quiet, propulsion being by the long sweeps (yu loh) alone. The net thus laid in a kind of circular wall around the sampan with its bright light, the workers on the two junks began to haul in on the purse-line with the result that the bottom was gradually gathered in while at the same time the net itself was being hauled on board. The sampan glided out over the top of the narrowing circle, the fish, flapping and leaping silver in the light, were scooped out with a hand-net, and the whole operation could then be repeated. Excluding the longer or shorter period during which the bright lights were simply set to attract a shoal, each operation took about thirty-five minutes. The drawing in of the purse-line was often accompanied by loud shouting, beating the surface of the water and the gunwales of the boat, and other noise to scare any fish that may be escaping back towards the net. The illegal and extremely dangerous use of dynamite to stun the fish was almost universal.\n\nIn the early days of mechanisation the fishermen argued that it would be impossible to carry out the actual operation of purse-seining under engine power. They claimed that the noise would frighten the fish away, and that the advantages of mechanisation were to be found only in the greater speed and safety in reaching fishing grounds and taking catches to market. By the early",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210460,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 67,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "48\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nmen to gamble much later than before. In 1950 there had been one battery-operated wireless, owned by the main shopkeeper, around which the small evening population used to gather for entertainment, particularly on Mondays and Fridays when programmes of Cantonese opera were broadcast live from the Po Hing or Ko Shing theatres, and the shop therefore remained open till midnight. In 1970 nearly all the families and many individuals had their own transistor radios.\n\nOn the purse-seiners there would be a rather exhilarating passage out to the chosen fishing ground, where the boats would stop, set their kerosene pressure lamps, and wait. If it was calm and there were fish about, some people might do a little hand-lining, but usually this was a time for sleeping until awakened by an alarm clock sometime before midnight. The time of actual fishing operations obviously depended on the presence or otherwise of fish, but often there would be two main spells around midnight and just before dawn, with sleep in between. Small children on board slept through the night, but even on the mechanised junks, a ten-year-old was already a useful hand. During the fishing periods, and especially at dawn, fish-collecting boats might call around to buy the catch, and a few small-liners might also come to buy bait for their next day's activities. As dawn was breaking, the night-time fishermen would be well on their way either to market first or directly back to the anchorage. After mechanisation, most purse-seiners were able to take their own fish to the wholesale markets and still get back to their bases well before noon.\n\nMeanwhile, the land dwellers and those remaining on boats at the anchorage had slept, but they too would wake at dawn, or just before. The first purse-seiners would arrive at an already busy village. The day-time fishermen would be getting ready to go out, waiting usually to buy bait from the returning night workers. Women on shore would be drawing water, hanging clothes out to dry, rousing children from sleep. In the days before the nylon revolution, the first object of a purse-seiner was to ensure that his net was properly dried. As each pair came in, the sampans were launched, the wet net, piled high in the bows of the net-junk, was bundled into one of them, and carried off at",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210462,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "page_number": 69,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "50\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nsun, and continuous weather watching.\n\nWomen assisted in most of these jobs, and in addition were responsible for all the interior boat (and house) cleaning, cooking, cutting and collecting fuel and fetching water and, of course, clothes making, washing and mending. The entire care of very young children also fell to them. Unless she was still unmarried and had efficient sisters-in-law or was old with efficient daughters-in-law, a boat woman had virtually no free time. (A third but unlikely possibility would be that she had no children). Those who moved ashore during the 'sixties found life much less exacting. Not going fishing they were neither so fatigued nor so pressed for time, and managing a family household ashore was far less physically uncomfortable and time consuming than on a small boat. The outwork for Hong Kong plastics factories on which the women of Kau Sai were making pin-money in the late 'sixties would not have been possible, even if it had been available, in the early 'fifties.\n\nMen had always a little more time for recreation. Gambling (at poker, Russian poker, or mah-jong), talking, listening to the radio, sleeping and playing with young children were their major pastimes. Sometimes they even went fishing, for fishing remained a sport as well as a source of livelihood. At times they would drift into the shops to buy cigarettes and snacks (sweets, cake, aerated water), and when they were working on any major job (sail-making, for example, in the old days, or drying especially large quantities of fish) there would be a mid-day luncheon perhaps cakes or biscuits bought from the shop, or maybe something special cooked on the boat and sent across to them to eat. Birthdays, too, were often marked in this way.\n\nBy about four o'clock the dried nets and fish were being gathered in, the purse-seiners would be preparing to go out again, the children wandering back or being collected by older brothers or fathers or uncles or cousins, the evening meal being prepared. Then after eating and washing once more the fishermen would be off for the next night's business. At sunset each evening as at sunrise each morning incense was burned for the ancestors and at the prow (where was located the water equivalent of the land-",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210464,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 71,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "52\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nSai, where the rise and fall of spring tides could be as much as 25 feet, was that it had such a place. It lay on the east side of the temple and was in fairly constant use during spring tides. Legs to support the junks were kept in the temple, as a rule, and freely used by all. The purpose of careening was, of course, to examine the boat's bottom, and remove the accumulation of marine growth. This was done by burning, with bundles of dried grass held on pitch forks, and scraping by hand. Any cracks in the hull were caulked, and the whole bottom then treated with tung oil. One of the innovations of the late 'fifties was the use of anti-fouling paint instead of tung oil. This, though more expensive, gave better protection and cut down the frequency of careening to about once in every two months.\n\nAnother regular task, performed at least once a month in the days of sail and before the introduction of nylon, was the dyeing of sails, sail cloth and nets. This process, intended as a preservative measure, involved a whole day's work for an entire crew, preceded by several days' preparation on the part of one or two members. The dye-stuff used was prepared by crushing and soaking a root known as shue-leung. This was then transferred to the dyeing tanks on the second island where nets and sailcloth were dipped, dried and dipped again two or three times before being steamed for several hours and finally spread out to dry. Dyeing had to start early in the morning. It required good weather and the payment of $4 dollars a day to the Hakka 'headman' who owned the tanks and steaming vat. With mechanisation and the nylon revolution regular dyeing sessions were no longer necessary, but sail cloth (used for awnings) and some pieces of netting still had to be dyed from time to time.\n\nSeasonal rhythms\n\nSeasonal rhythms naturally varied with the type of fishing. The long-liners' main season was during the first four months of the lunar calendar, the purse-seiners' in the sixth, seventh and eighth months. The main seasons were looked to for the extra profit that would go into boat building or repairs, buying new gear, marrying a son or daughter, or installing a new engine. For the rest of the year subsistence was about all that could be",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210466,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 73,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "54\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nwould engage a Taoist priest to come down to his junk and perform a ceremony known as Changing the Gods (woon shan). This, which involved spilling the blood of a domestic fowl, was believed to provide cleansing from pollution and open the way for good fortune.\n\nThe annual ritual cycle began with the New Year and proceeded almost immediately to the public festival for the 'birthday' of the local tutelary deity, Hung Shing Kung, on the 13th day of the 2nd lunar month. These two occasions were the ritual highlights of the year. Quickly in their wake came Ch'ing Ming, fixed by the Chinese solar calendar at a date corresponding with April 6th and falling therefore usually in the third lunar month. This was one of the two special occasions for the commemoration of a family's departed members. The third month saw also the festival to T'in Hau, the so-called Queen of Heaven, protectress of all seamen, celebrated biennially with Chinese opera at the neighbouring village of Lung Shuen Wan and annually in a large number of other places in the Colony.\n\nIn the fourth month there was a festival at the temple of T'am Kung in Shaukiwan to which a few Kau Sai people sometimes went to watch the plays, and on the fifth day of the fifth month the Dragon Boat festival. Kau Sai had once had a Dragon Boat of its own which, I was told, on one memorable occasion even came in first in the 'regatta' held in those days at Aberdeen and attended by H.E. the Governor. But that was back in the 'twenties. Later, Kau Sai people merely looked on at the Dragon Boat races held elsewhere, or sometimes 'fielded' a scratch 'team' for the fun of the thing at Sai Kung. All boat families also made offerings at the temple on the Double Fifth which was also widely used as a kind of dividing mark in the calendar: hired crew, for example, were usually engaged or laid off at New Year and the Dragon Boat festival.\n\nIn the sixth lunar month was held the festival for Koon Yam, 'Goddess of Mercy', observed in all her many temples but attended particularly by Kau Sai residents at the village of Pak Sha Wan, near Sai Kung. (The fact that this village was also the site of that Kau Sai New Village to which the landsmen were",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210468,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 75,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "56\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nThe New Year celebrations were in a class of their own. Essentially private, family performances they yet had a public aspect in that they included a jointly observed taboo upon junk movements. From noon on the 30th day of the 12th month until a selected auspicious day in the New Year the junks might not move from their moorings. On the selected lucky day and hour all junks made at least a token move to the accompaniment of a vast noise of firecrackers, after which the prohibition was lifted. Until then all water traffic had to be carried on by sampan alone,\n\nPersonal Rhythms: the Life Cycle\n\nIn addition to the daily, monthly, seasonal and annual routines that every member of a community experiences more or less at the same time, there are those other rhythmic patterns of social behaviour also experienced by all, but separately: these are the patterns of the life cycle. Birth (and birthdays), entry into adulthood, marriage, entry into parenthood, death, are the common human experiences that many people mark with special observances. Most of the life cycle rituals common among Cantonese in Hong Kong were also practised by the fishermen of Kau Sai, though some, notably weddings, had idiosyncratic features. Briefly, they comprised, a 'coming out' ceremony for babies who had completed the first month of life, a day which marked also the end of ritual pollution for the mother and her junk; a ceremony to mark the entry into adulthood which was held on the eve of the very much more elaborate ceremonies of marriage and more or less assimilated into them; and the rituals following death, which were identical with those of the landsmen with the one exception that the Kau Sai fishermen, like most traditional Boat People in Hong Kong, represented their dead not in tablets of the classical Chinese sort set up in ancestral halls but always in brightly coloured images which were housed in small shrines set into the port sides of their junks.\n\n4. THE RHYTHMS OF MOBILITY: KAU SAI IN ITS\n\n\"TERRITORY\"\n\nIn chapter 3 the emphasis was upon the temporal rhythms of\n\nPage 75\n\nPage 76",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210470,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 77,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "58\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nMarketing Organisation's depot in the local market town at the road head in Sai Kung, or even to the wholesale market at Shaukiwan on Hong Kong island.25 Here were opportunities for buying kerosene and diesel oil, fishing gear, foodstuffs, clothing materials, arranging to have a new boat built or raise a loan, having one's hair cut and shampooed,26 chatting with friends and business acquaintances in the tea houses, and so forth: opportunities which might or might not be taken up on any particular day but which were always available. Women went ashore in these places far less often than men, but they were certainly free to do so if they had occasion. Kau Sai-based children, rather shy in such large centres of population or restrained by anxious parents, tended to stay on board.\n\nIt is important to notice that these were at least potentially daily movements. Even under sail the voyage from Kau Sai to Sai Kung seldom took as long as two hours. With a fair wind Shaukiwan could be reached in three. Although by cutting these times to forty minutes and under two hours respectively mechanisation allowed visits to be more frequent, it did not initiate them. Many of the Kau Sai fishermen had contacts in Shaukiwan and Sai Kung that were of very long standing and spread far beyond the mere marketing of fish. It was interesting to observe that when with mechanisation the longer journeys to Aberdeen and Kowloon (and later Cheung Sha Wan) markets became possible, they remained largely ‘one-shot' voyages: the fish once sold the junks turned straight for home.\n\nIn the small liners the pattern of daily movement was somewhat different. Less dependent than the purse-seiners on the daily performance of shore-based tasks and requiring less space for the less frequent tasks they did have to do there, they were at the same time more dependent upon being able to sell their fish fresh. It was obviously convenient for them, therefore, to orient the economic/technological aspect of their lives first towards the places where they could sell their fish and only secondarily, if at all, towards a particular village anchorage. With a few exceptions the small liners claiming to be \"Kau Sai people\" were consistently much less regular in their attendance at Kau Sai's anchorage than the purse-seiners. The movements that took",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210472,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 79,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "60\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nusually returned to anchor at the festival anchorage (long-liners for the evening performances, purse-seiners for those in the afternoon), instead of going back to Kau Sai.\n\nThe other occasions for making offerings in Kau Sai's temple, like those for visiting a family's graves, were “private” affairs. That is, the rituals were performed by each family independently. There would be a homeward movement of all Kau Sai junks at these times, but there was neither coordination of ritual observances nor village-wide ritual significance. There were, however, two exceptions to this rule. The exorcism of the Hungry Ghosts, in the 7th month, and the General Thanksgiving, in the 12th, were communal occasions. For the former, ritual experts from Sai Kung were employed, their payment coming out of communal funds; but it was not necessary for all Kau Sai people to be present, and my records show no indication of particularly high attendances at the anchorage on these occasions. The General Thanksgiving (chow shan) was a different matter again. This was the only ceremony in the year at which sacrificial meat was shared out among the families, and everyone who counted himself a Kau Sai man came. None of these occasions drew outside visitors.\n\nSome of the celebrations connected with the life cycle and having, like the annual ceremonies, recreational and sociable as much as ritual aspects, took everyone from time to time to Sai Kung and Shaukiwan where the floating restaurants were. Not every boat family could afford a restaurant party for a new baby's \"coming out\", or a special birthday, but anyone who could afford it would try to hold one. Weddings in particular required that one's guests be feasted, and such parties and most of the ceremonials connected with them were always held on restaurant boats. Other occasional feasts would also be given there. For instance, the owner of a new junk usually received congratulatory gifts from his friends; in return, he would invite them to a dinner on one of the floating restaurants in Shaukiwan or, more usually, Sai Kung. Funerals, too, took place ashore. The proper accoutrements and officiants had to be brought from one or other of these two towns, but the actual burials were in quiet places on the coastal hills.\n\nI",
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        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 210474,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 81,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "62\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nvisited the village only at long intervals. Travelling to and fro they usually hitched a lift to Sai Kung from one of the fishermen, and then went by bus. Their wives, on the other hand, hardly ever left the village, except perhaps to see an opera performance at one of the neighbouring festivals listed above. The 'headman' and his brother normally followed a slightly different pattern. Their shop, a new departure opened shortly before the time of my arrival, required the permanent presence of one of them. The 'headman' had his fingers in a number of enterprises on the mainland, but returned frequently to Kau Sai to deal in pigs (his own and others') and to keep an eye on the illicit still which was his main source of income. He owned a small transport junk. (The other, and larger, shop was owned by an ex-fisherman, at that time permanently resident on shore but sharing fully in the fishermen's ritual and recreational movements). Hakka men being seldom present were not often included in fishermen's sociable gatherings; their social life was elsewhere. The ‘headman', and more especially his shopkeeper brother who was popular, who were present, were exceptions.\n\nAn overview of the various patterns of movement yields two obvious inferences which are as significant as they are self-evident. First, although mobile the fishermen were far from footloose. Not only did many of them (particularly the purse-seiners) return constantly to one particular base, namely Kau Sai, but their movements away from there also took place within a definitely circumscribed area. This comprised, in effect, the waters of Port Shelter and Rocky Harbour as far as Basalt Island, Bluff Island and the Ninepins, with an outlying channel to Shaukiwan or Hong Kong island (from which it was only a 10¢ or 20¢ tram or bus ride to all the bright lights of the city). Only occasionally and for limited purposes did Kau Sai-based boats go beyond the boundaries of this area. It included two market towns, Sai Kung and Shaukiwan, and a number of fishing villages the main ones being at Yim Tin Tsai, Lung Shuen Wan, Kiu Tsui, Pak Sha Wan, Pu To Au).\n\nWith the obvious difference that it contained more than one market and was within fairly easy reach of a great international centre of commerce and industry, this area was closely similar to",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210476,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 83,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "64\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\ncertain other \"species\" (deep sea liners or trawlers centred on Shaukiwan or Sai Kung for example) traversed and went beyond it.\n\nTwo further points should be noted here. First, unlike the concept “our bay”, mentioned below, which was a folk concept (\"conscious model\") frequently invoked by Kau Sai people themselves, the notion of the Port Shelter territory is my construct.29 Although recognizable by my informants when it was put to them, it was not a concept they normally operated with. Second, the territory was not a social group in the sense that those who lived within it ever acted corporately. “It was simply a mappable area whose boundaries marked the limits of ... most intense social interaction. Very few social or economic relationships led outside this territory\" (Ward 1963). This observation applies almost as much to the liners as to the purse-seiners, and with almost equal force to all the fishing villages in the territory.30\n\nThe second obvious inference from the analysis of the patterns of movement set out in this chapter is that they were closely connected with occupation, both as between different types of fishing practised and, because occupational specialisations other than fishing coincided with ethnic divisions, as between speakers of Hakka and Cantonese.\n\nIn general the purse-seiners were much more frequently at their moorings in Kau Sai than were the small-liners and other fishermen. Moreover, they were there by day. Their own statements about their place of domicile were supported by the facts of their actual patterns of movement: they were, as they claimed, unequivocally “Kau Sai people\".\n\nThe liners were more marginal. Before mechanisation they could be said to have been based rather within the territory as a whole than upon one particular anchorage; after mechanisation most of them anchored most frequently at the market town, Sai Kung. Yet in their own statements they, too, often claimed particular connexion with Kau Sai, and there were among them a number who were uniformly recognised by both purse-seiners",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210478,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 85,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "66\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nWhen to these differences are added marked linguistic and cultural distinctions, including stereotyped attitudes of mutual disdain, together with some direct clashes of interest, it becomes easy to understand how the Boat People regarded the loss of the landsmen in July 1952 as a distinct gain. They were openly delighted to lose the pigs (which they regarded, rightly, as exceedingly dirty) and the minor irritation of the landsmen's \"gleaning\" among the fish as they were drying in the sun. They were very little disturbed by the disappearance of the chance to buy fuel, for most of them had in any case usually followed the more economical practice of cutting their own. The shops, whose removal might have been inconvenient, remained for some time after the rest of the land population had departed. (Later there were to be opportunities for fishermen themselves to open replacements ashore). The closure of the school to which very few of them sent their children, and whose one poorly qualified teacher they did not trust, was not felt to be a loss (and the later provision of a modern building and new teachers was a very real gain). The seldom disinterested services of the Hakka ‘headman' they had long regarded with cynical acquiescence, and the chance to elect a new representative from among their own ranks was seen as a great opportunity. All in all, the fishermen saw their relationship with the local Hakka landspeople as one in which they themselves were more like hosts to parasites than equal partners in symbiosis. They were glad to be free of them.\n\nCertainly my observation at the time was that the fishermen were in no sense inconvenienced by the move. The subsequent improvements in their standards of living have in fact owed more to the increased incomes that came with mechanisation than to anything else, but it may perhaps be true that their move towards living ashore was facilitated by the fact that the landspeople had left their house sites vacant. The fishermen may also have been correct in their unshakable conviction that their interests were better served by a 'headman' who shared them and moved exactly in the same territorial and cultural spheres as themselves.\n\nBe that as it may (and these are all points to which we shall have to return) it should be clear from the diagrams alone that",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210480,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 87,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "68\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nthe owner and his family are housed in the stern (on the big junks in cabins under the poop deck), the hired men nearer the bow or below decks. On the smaller, inshore craft, such as those of Kau Sai, all accommodation is on deck, collapsible covers being available at night time and in poor weather.\n\nTraditional junks are usually first-rate sailing vessels, beautifully balanced and quickly answerable to the helm. They are built by professional junk builders (not Boat People), whose yards are to be found in all the major fishing towns. No line plans are used, the work being done simply by rule of thumb based on experience handed down from one generation to the next. The popular belief that hull forms and sail plans have remained the same since time immemorial is incorrect. There is ample evidence that modifications, sometimes influenced by western models, have continually been introduced. The end product of the Chinese era of sail is a highly efficient instrument. With mechanisation, additional modifications have been made; in Hong Kong, partly at the insistence of the technical officers of the Fisheries Department. In the late 'sixties the Department began to train some junk builders in the use of line plans and more modern methods of, for example, bending wood, but in the very large majority of junk yards traditional methods are still the only ones in use.\n\n36\n\nJunks are never built 'on spec', but always to the orders of particular fishermen, who discuss their requirements with the junk builder in great detail, spend much time supervising the materials and workmanship, and take part in the rituals connected with laying the keel and launching. Before mechanisation many successful owners used to sell their junks after a few years, in much the same way as motor owners turn in their cars. A poorer fisherman could thus acquire a second-hand boat in good condition while the seller went back to the junk yard for a new one. If he had been pleased with his previous purchase he would probably return to the same junk yard. Many fishermen do have long-standing relationships with junk builders in this way, but many others prefer to shop around. The lifetime of a junk varies a good deal according to the type of wood used, and also the workmanship, the type of fishing and the degree of care and",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210482,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 89,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "70\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nAll the fore part of the deck remains open. This is the working platform from which fishing operations are conducted, fish and nets both being stored just below. Usually this open deck is also used for storing things: lamps, sinkers, landing nets, fish tubs and baskets, coils of rope, often a sampan when not in use. The wooden partition immediately aft of the main mast has sliding doors on either side. At New Year these are decorated with new paper Door Gods, and often lucky couplets. The main function of the partition is to provide support for the forward end of the removable cover which can be spread between it and the roof of the wooden cabin further aft again. These covers are usually made of oiled cloth or canvas stretched over bamboo slats. They are easily rolled up or down on either side and can be removed altogether if necessary. Similar covers project beyond the cabin roof towards the poop. It is, of course, impossible to stand up under the covers, but the space is perfectly comfortable for sitting, with about a foot to spare overhead. To move from one part of the deck to another one must either step outside and walk along the gunwale or the catwalk, or crawl through the doors. The bamboo slats which are always on the inside of the covers are useful for hanging things from.\n\nThe small wooden cabins are peculiar to the purse-seiners. Though they are not unknown on some of the smaller craft in other places, no other Kau Sai junks had such cabins, and I was always told that this was because the purse-seiners carried more people aboard and were more likely to hire non-family members as additional crew. In such cases, and indeed usually, the cabin was the sleeping place for unmarried girls. The cabins had sliding doors fore and aft. Some of them were fitted also with sliding windows at the sides. Inside most cabins on the port side was a small cupboard with doors which opened to reveal the family's ancestral shrine. Here, too, incense was offered every day.\n\nThe covered spaces fore and aft of the cabin were the main \"living rooms\". In summer meals were taken on the open deck forward, but in poor weather they were always eaten in the forward covered shelter, though women and very young children",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210484,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 91,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "72 \n\nBARBARA E. WARD \n\nseiners depend upon quantity rather than quality. Their catches are composed mainly of small sardine type species which they normally sell fresh direct to the liners for bait, or salted and sun-dried in the wholesale markets. Their fish are sometimes kept on ice but never sold alive. Liners cater for the quality market. Their catches, much smaller in quantity than the purse-seiners', must be kept as fresh as possible. They therefore normally carry ice, and usually also use at least one hold for live fish. They also fish by day, and although this means that they have better opportunities for sleep it also makes it difficult for them to make use of a regularly visited shore base for storage or for frequent woodcutting. As a result they often carry quantities of fuel etc. on board.\n\nSome of the smaller long-liners and hand-liners rely almost exclusively on the sale of live fish. Fish may be kept alive in large baskets hung over the side or in special holds with perforated walls. The liners had no cabins but only removable covers of the kind already described. These were usually supported forward by a wooden partition similar to that on the purse-seiners, and further aft on narrow semi-circular supports of bamboo. Arrangements for storing water, and for cooking and excretion on the larger liners were the same as those on the purse-seiners; the smallest craft, which never went very far from shore, had no built-up poop, stored their water in jars at the stern and had only the most rudimentary arrangements for cooking and sanitation.\n\nIn both types of long-liner, as in the purse-seiners, it was the open deck forward which was the main \"business\" area. (Fishermen use the same phrase “isou shangi” which on land means “engage in business\" for \"going out fishing\"). Here the lines were baited up, shot and hauled. Baiting up might also be done under the forward shelter. The after shelters covered the family's most used living space. Meals followed the same pattern as on the purse-seiners, but sleeping arrangements were a good deal less crowded, since most of the liners housed only a nuclear or stem family and none of them employed hired men. Once again, it was usual for the most recently married couple to sleep in the aftermost covered space; but privacy was even less easily secured on these more open-plan little boats than on the purse-seiners.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210486,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 93,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "74\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nfor stealing, was a lay-about on the streets of Sai Kung; the son in the other family had made good, found a husband for his sister, and a wife for himself whom he had installed with his mother in one of the newly built houses ashore in Kau Sai).\n\nNumbers of boats and persons on board\n\nBecause of the constant movement in and out of the anchorage, the number of boats actually present in Kau Sai fluctuated not only from day to day but also during the day. This makes it difficult to determine exactly which, in pragmatic terms, were \"really\" Kau Sai boats. The diagram on p. 42 above should not, therefore, be read as a definitive statement of the size of the boat population, but simply as a description of the pattern of the anchorage. The total of 43 boats depicted therein (of which 24 are purse-seiners, 14 liners of one kind or another, and 3 cargo-carrying boats) is both less than the \"ideal\" number of those claiming to belong to “our bay” in 1953 and 1970 when counts of this kind were made, and more than the average daily attendance recorded in the register I kept for 18 months in 1952-3. I have already hinted at the sociological aspects of this problem, which will be considered in detail in the chapters on village government and politics,3a for the analysis of which it is crucial. At the level of the practical day-to-day organisation of living on board the junks, however, it was of little or no significance. For our present purposes, it is enough to state that over the whole period under review, the maximum number of boats claiming Kau Sai as their base was a little above 60, the number normally present by day being about half that.\n\nOne point, however, does stand out: in all the counts made, the purse-seiners were in the majority. Thus, not only were they more regularly at home than the long-liners and others, they were also more numerous. Being more or less daily in the bay, most of them had also made a habit of storing certain things ashore. Bundles of firewood, whether bought or cut and bound by themselves, lined much of the waterfront; spare nets, baskets, tubs, drying mats, and so on used to be kept in small fish huts by those who were lucky enough to own them. Purse-seiners were also the first to build the new houses in Kau Sai and move parts",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 95,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "76\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nBesides, Shing Chui's father was an expert in sails and rigging. No one living in Kau Sai when I first went there in 1952 had ever made a sail without his advice, and he prided himself, in a deprecating way, upon his undoubted skill. Sail making, and the provision and stepping of the mast were done by the owners, not by the junk builders. For as long as any of my Kau Sai informants could remember, masts had been bought ready shaped from a timber merchant in Sai Kung or Shaukiwan, but sails were made by hand on the open terrace in front of the temple by the boat owner and his crew under the direction of Lo Kwai Faat. Canvas cloth, bamboo, and sewing yarn were acquired some time before, and the canvas dyed in the vats on the other island ready for making up. The actual making gave between eight and a dozen people about five hours' solid hard work. Mast and sails were then taken off to the junk yard where the new boat was being built, to be stepped and rigged immediately after the launch.\n\nEngines were (and are) a very different matter. Not only was the initial price out of all proportion to the cheapness of homemade sails, but the expenses of professional installation, tuning, and efficiency trials had also to be borne. It is doubtful, also, whether or not a junk constantly subject to engine vibration can last as long as a sailing vessel. Moreover, once an engine was installed, an owner was usually unwilling to sell the junk second-hand and might well decide to hang on to it even beyond the limit of safety. The economics of mechanisation will be discussed in detail in chapter 7.42 Here I am concerned primarily with the practical effects upon living conditions.\n\nIt has to be understood that the only engines legally permitted on fishing junks in Hong Kong are marine diesel engines. Because the fishermen's families live on board and do their cooking there, and because the anchorages are all close-packed and many of them densely crowded, petrol fuel was forbidden from the outset. Outboard motors were therefore out of the question even for the smallest fishing boats; they would in any case have been entirely inappropriate for the larger junks. Mechanisation of the small- and medium-sized inshore fishing craft thus had to wait upon the development and availability of",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 210490,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 97,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "78\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nand the development of radio weather forecasts directed specifically to the fishing fleets, brought at least a measure of security which was quite new.\n\nI have stated that Kau Sai bay was not safe in a typhoon. Under sail the journey to the nearest relatively safe place, Sai Kung, might take anything up to two-and-a-half or even three hours. Given the unpredictability of typhoons any master who did not take his boat, with his family on board, off to Sai Kung at the first intimation of a possibly threatening storm would have been failing in his manifest duty. Many fishing days and nights in the summer were lost in this way. But with an engine there was nowhere in the whole territory which was more than an hour's journey from a typhoon refuge, and the journey itself was not dependent upon the very winds one was hastening to avoid. One of the most vivid and lasting memories of windy days in the summer of 1952 in Kau Sai, the first summer in which the village had had a properly mechanised boat at the anchorage, is of old Chung Fuk Hei chugging about here, there and everywhere to round up the stragglers and tow them into safety. He was unfailingly generous in this self-imposed task, and several times made two or even three journeys back to Kau Sai to make sure that no one was left behind. The lesson that engines spelled safety was very quickly learnt.\n\nSafety when proceeding under power was, of course, also a matter of official concern. The prohibition of petrol engines as a safety measure has already been mentioned. With the introduction of small marine diesels the Hong Kong Government, through the Marine Department, devised a simplified form of license for coxswains and engineers in order to make it possible for inshore fishermen with only a few years' schooling to obtain essential minimum skills in navigation and engine maintenance. If this had not been done it would have been necessary for the owners of mechanised junks to employ men with the existing unnecessarily advanced qualifications. Since such men could command salaries well beyond the range of ordinary purse-seiners or small long-liners, the mechanisation of the inshore fishing fleets would never have taken place. At about the time that the first small marine engines made their appearance the",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 210492,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 99,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "80\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nexpected to be ruled out. Nevertheless this was not so. Each boat had its own unmistakable style. Nearly all were kept unbelievably clean, but some were a good deal tidier than others; some families had very few possessions, some a great many; some decorated the wooden partitions with family photographs, or took greater care to keep their New Year's decorations fresh and bright; some made a point of serving food from trays, others insisted upon keeping it piping hot by bringing the chatties on which it had been cooked to the meal, still others always kept a brightly coloured thermos flask of tea at hand for guests on their arrival. One family had a complete set of rattan cup and teapot holders woven by one of the women, another always used glass tumblers, and so on. They were small differences, but unmistakable and nearly always to be traced back to the women in whose charge matters of this kind mostly were, though some men had their own views and imposed them. The highest quality that was looked for in a woman was industriousness, and most did indeed work very hard. There were, however, a few sluts and, inevitably, some who were less skilled than others. The quality of life on a particular boat was probably most obviously apparent at meal times: the food itself, its presentation and cooking, the degree of participation of the different generations and sexes, all these were indications of the management skills of the women and the extent of their integration into their husband's families. No two boats were in fact exactly the same.\n\n6. THE ORGANISATION OF WORK: FAMILY AS CREW\n\nAll the fishing boats of Kau Sai are owner operated. In this they simply follow the traditional pattern of the fishing fleets of South China. Even in post-war industrial capitalist Hong Kong approximately 96 percent of the 8,000-odd fishing craft are run by the men who own them. If the non-traditional types of boat are excluded the figure rises to 98 percent. As far as inshore boats are concerned it remains at 100 percent. It is the general rule that father is captain, and family is crew.\n\nFamily as crew\n\nIt would certainly be incorrect to claim that status within (or",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 210494,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 101,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "82\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\naround 12 (range 6 to 12), compared with the small liner's 5. By 1970 the picture had changed not at all for the small-liners, but the purse-seiners were no longer working in pairs. Each operating purse-seiner crew now averaged about 9.5 members only (range 7 to 16).\n\nThe existence of very wide ranges of difference between different boats of the same type should suffice to draw attention to the fact that the averages given here are no more than arithmetical figures. It is especially important that this should be clearly understood in connection with the number of able-bodied crew members. Because these are essentially family crews, their actual numbers are intrinsically likely to vary quite widely, especially if, as here, all children upwards of 10 years old are included. The decision to include them is defended later in this chapter, but it does raise certain problems for economic analysis. In particular, also, it makes it imperative that the reader should beware of confusing either average or actual figures with any kind of optimal numbers. Some of these issues appear again in the section on boat's masters, below, and in Chapter 8.45\n\nNevertheless, certain implications for the kinds of family structure likely to be found on different types of fishing boat do follow from the broad average figures just given. It is clear that small long-liners required smaller working crews than purse-seiners. This made it possible for the small liners in Kau Sai to operate with smaller scale family groups on board. In fact, of the 17 small liners based on Kau Sai in 1953, 11 housed nuclear family units, 4 were occupied by stem families (i.e., father, mother, one married son and his wife, with or without the unmarried children of both couples) and 2 by families comprising two or more adult brothers with their wives and children.\n\nPerhaps surprisingly, nearly half the purse-seiners, regarded as single boats, also housed simple, nuclear families. There were 15 of these. Of the others, 14 contained extended 3 generation families comprising a man and his wife (wives) together with one or more married sons and their wives and children as well as their own unmarried children, and 8 were occupied by groups in which adult brothers, their wives and children were living",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 210496,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 103,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "84 \n\nBARBARA E. WARD \n\nwent out fishing, nearly all took in out-work for city-based manufacturies, making plastic flowers or hand-bags or stringing beads for cheap costume jewellery. At the same time, with the new methods purse-seining was tending to become more and more a man's job: of course it was still better to use family women than engage hired men, but family women were not quite so much needed for fishing as they had been when the older methods were in use. However, a crew of 6 to 8 able-bodied men could hardly be provided by the ordinary nuclear family, especially as education was now valued enough to keep 10- or even 12- and 14-year-olds at school. So inshore purse-seining remained essentially an extended rather than a nuclear family business, and where even the extended family unit was quite small women were still likely to be called upon to take an active part. \n\nGenerally speaking, the family situation on small long-liners and others was straightforward: as we have seen, the group comprised either a nuclear or a stem family. In the latter case, it was almost always the eldest son who continued to live on board his father's boat with his wife and young children, his younger brothers remaining there only while they were still too young to find paid employment elsewhere. A younger son on a small liner could get a job as a hired hand on a purse-seiner or other type of fishing boat, either locally or in one of the larger fishing centres, at the age of about 16. It was usually more profitable for a small liner family to put its younger sons out to work than to continue to feed them at home where their contribution to the fishing operations would be at best superfluous. This topic is discussed at fuller length in the section on hired labour below. \n\nPurse-seine arrangements were usually more complicated, especially in the days when purse-seiners worked in pairs. Most commonly the pair was run as a joint venture by members of an undivided, agnatically extended family. Thus for many years after 1939-40 when his old father Shek Ch'uen Foon (who died in 1956 aged 87) retired, Shek Kwai Hoi and his son Shek Cheung Hei ran a pair of purse-seiners together until in 1960 Kwai Hoi in his turn retired also and decided to move ashore, whereupon his second son, Cheung Woh, took his place. A little",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 210498,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 105,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "86\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nbitter quarrels had occurred, leading first to changes in the order of pairing, then to the de facto breaking away of one brother who left Kau Sai for a different anchorage, and finally in the early 'sixties to formal division de jure. By 1970 two of the brothers were dead, the sons of both of them working as hired men either on shore or on other junks, one brother had gone back to employment on an ocean-going ship, and two, including the shopkeeper, were living ashore. Only two were still fishermen, one a purse-seiner, working a single boat based upon Kau Sai, the other (who had never returned) running a quite separate (and successful) middle-sized long-lining business based upon Sai Kung. It was probably not accidental that the two who remained successfully at sea were those with the largest number of sons.\n\nBut this, together with other cases and similar matters connected with the composition, cyclical development, structure and viability of Kau Sai boat families, forms the subject matter of later chapters. Here I am concerned more with fishing crews who, in a sense, \"just happen\" to be composed mainly of members of the same family. In other words, the significance of crew membership for family structure is discussed later, it is the significance of family membership for crew structure that is the main theme of this chapter.\n\nBoats' Masters\n\nThe earlier phrase \"father is captain\" requires modification. Not only did senior authority on a boat sometimes rest with someone who was not \"father\", but also the term \"captain\" smacks too much of naval traditions to be entirely appropriate. Boats' masters in Kau Sai were essentially managers, in charge of fishing operations and matters ancillary to them, the marketing of fish, hiring and firing of employees, maintenance, repair and replacement of boats and gear, negotiation of loans, and so on and so forth. Decisions of all kinds rested with them, and although personality differences accounted for quite wide variations in the style with which they exercised their authority and the degree to which they kept control over every aspect of boat and household organisation in their own hands, there was seldom any doubt about the locus of that authority. Both locally\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 210500,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 107,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "88\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nthose who have passed the examinations for local certificates of competency (masters and engineers) which that Department issues. In order to avoid confusion I have substituted the word \"coxswain\" for \"master\" in this technical sense here. In some cases the coxswain is indeed the si t'au as well, but on most Kau Sai boats in the 'fifties and 'sixties this was not so. As we have already seen, local certificates of competency were introduced in 1950 to meet the needs of small-scale fishing craft then newly being mechanised. It has been the usual practice for the si t'au to send a junior member of his family to study for and sit the necessary examinations. In due course, as the older si t'au retired or died, their places might well be taken by successors who were qualified coxswains. To the best of my knowledge this had occurred on only 2 Kau Sai boats - one purse-seiner and one small long-liner by 1970.\n\nThe ways in which a master's authority operated in practice and the manner in which it was articulated into the developmental cycle and structure of Kau Sai families are discussed in the next and later chapters. Here it is necessary to consider first who the masters were. The following table [Table 1] presents the data on the ages of boats' masters in Kau Sai in 1953. The tendency to clustering in third and fourth decades, with a fairly sharp falling off in the fifth, is clearly noticeable:\n\nTable 1\n\nAges of boats' masters by type of craft. Kau Sai 1953\n\n  \n    \n    Under 20\n    20-29\n    30-39\n    40-49\n    50-59\n    Over 60\n  \n  \n    Purse seiners (single boats)\n    0\n    2\n    17\n    10\n    7\n    1\n  \n  \n    Small long-liners\n    0\n    1\n    3\n    8\n    N\n    1\n  \n  \n    \n    \n    37\n    1\n    15\n    \n    \n  \n  \n    (+ not known 2)\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    medium long-liners\n    0\n    0\n    0\n    0\n    1\n    0\n  \n  \n    hand liners and others\n    0\n    1\n    4\n    1\n    1\n    8\n  \n  \n    Totals\n    0\n    4\n    21\n    22\n    11\n    3\n  \n  \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    61\n  \n\ni",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 210502,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 109,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "90\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nrespectively. In each decade the male population is halved or almost halved. Row 2 in the same table makes it clear that the differences cannot be explained by an unusually larger number of hired men (many of whom may be presumed to have been temporary residents) in the preceding box.\n\nTable 2\n\nKau Sai Boat Population 1953: males by age group and incidence of masters and hired men, all types of fishing.\n\n  \n    9 years & under\n    10-19\n    20-29\n    30-39\n    40-49\n    50-59\n    Over 60\n    Totals\n  \n  \n    Total males, 1953\n    74\n    48\n    62\n    40\n    24\n    12\n    8\n    267\n  \n  \n    Some children not recorded, and excluding 2 long-liners\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Of Whom Hired men\n    0\n    2\n    20\n    2\n    3\n    0\n    1\n    28\n  \n  \n    All but 2 on purse-seiners\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Masters, boats\n    0\n    0\n    4\n    23\n    19\n    11\n    2\n    59\n  \n  \n    Excludes 2 long-liners ages not recorded\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Of Whom Masters, firms1\n    0\n    0\n    1\n    15\n    14\n    8\n    1\n    40\n  \n  \n    1i.e. Operating units working as a single business. In 1953 among purse-seiners this was normally a pair of boats; among liners and others a single boat. This row contains an element of double counting, masters of firms being also masters of boats.\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n\nIn the following table [Table 3], which should be read in conjunction with the last, the word eligible means 'with family status', that is, hired men are excluded. The element of double counting occurring in the last table is not repeated here, purse-seine masters being divided into those who were merely masters of single boats and those who were leaders of their pairs as well as masters of single boats. In practice, as we shall see, the degree of independence of the former varied quite widely.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 210504,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 111,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "92\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nIn Kau Sai in 1953 all the eligible men over 50 and all but two of the eligible men over 40 were masters or ex-masters of boats. One exception in the forties' age group was a sub-normal adult on a purse-seiner of whom more will be heard a little later, the other was the brother of the master in a somewhat unusual undivided small long-liner family. Excluding these two men, the total number over 40 eligible for mastership was 37, but as the total number of boats for which full data on age were recorded was 59 it follows that at least 22 masters had to be under 40. Owing to the retirement of several older men, the actual number was 27, of whom 4 were only in their twenties. In other words, any eligible man over 40 had an almost 100% chance of being a boat's master, and even for those aged 30 and upwards the chances were more than 50:50. I shall suggest in a later chapter that this objective situation, born of the demographic facts, may have had an important bearing on the subjective expectations of the younger men and the relationship between the generations.\n\n50\n\nIt is clear from Table 3 that there were quite important differences between the different kinds of fishermen in respect of the age, and, to some extent as we shall see, the familial status of their masters. The figures for hand liners and others are far too small to allow of any general conclusions, and in any case handlining and trapping in Kau Sai tended to be marginal forms of making a living, followed only by families who were too handicapped to do anything requiring more capital, more hands and physical strength or more skill. The long-liners, on the other hand, were not only more numerous (in 1953) but most of them had also experienced long-term economic viability. Among them the age pattern for mastership followed a clear normal curve, with its top in the forties (Table 3 Row 6). This age distribution is consistent with the fact that the majority of the long-liners' crews comprised nuclear families. In all but one of which \"father\" was indeed \"captain\". In all the four stem families recorded, too, the master was the senior father.53\n\nIt will be remembered that in 1953 Kau Sai's one medium long-liner housed a 3 generation extended family, in this resembling local purse-seiners rather than small liners. There, too, the master was the senior father (grandfather), a man in his",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 210506,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 113,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "94\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nman was the capable, reliable son of an energetic, rather \"bossy\" mother; the father was uncommonly bashful and diffident; though highly skilled as a long-liner and in the making of fish traps. He told me himself that he had wanted his son to relieve him of what he personally regarded as the ordeal of managing the business side of their fishing enterprise as soon as possible. His statement was backed by local gossip; it was said on all sides that Ma Tai Tak really was a peculiarly fearful man, his son, Shui Shing, on the other hand, was quite remarkably strong in character.\" The solution was generally acknowledged to be unusual but appropriate.\n\nTable 4 summarises the situation as regards boats' master-ships among the small long-liners in 1953 and 1970:\n\nTable 4\n\nSmall long-liners: boats' masters by family type, relationship and age, 1953 and 1970: Kau Sai.\n\n  \n    \n    20-29\n    30-39\n    40-49\n    50-59\n    Over 60\n    Total\n    20-29\n    30-39\n    40-49\n    50-59\n    Over 60\n  \n  \n    (1) Nuclear families\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    (a) father as master\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    1\n    0\n    0\n    0\n    0\n  \n  \n    (b) Son as master\n    0\n    2\n    3\n    1\n    2\n    8\n    1\n    0\n    0\n    0\n    0\n  \n  \n    (2) Stem families\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    (a) senior father as master\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    4\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    (b) married son as master\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    (3) Undivided brothers\n    0\n    0\n    0\n    0\n    0\n    0\n    1\n    0\n    2\n    0\n    0\n  \n  \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    1\n    5\n    \n    \n    2\n  \n  \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    1\n    5\n    \n    \n    2\n  \n\n* [This table, printed here as given in the manuscript, is obviously incomplete.]",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 210508,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 115,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "96\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\n(i.e. grandfather) was master (on the three others he had retired in favour of an eldest son); on 7 of the 8 with the families of undivided brothers on board the eldest brother was master. Similarly, if we consider instead, and rather more realistically, the 18 purse-seiner firms (pairs) as they existed in 1953, we find that in 2 of the 4 which comprised three generation extended families the senior father was master (in the other 2 he had retired), and in the 12 comprising undivided paternal units the elder brother was master. The two firms composed of two unrelated crews were in a somewhat different situation, discussed in Chapters 7 and 8 below. In 1970, again, a very similar picture emerges: the 7 three-generation extended family crews were each under the mastership of the senior father, or, where he had retired, his eldest married son except in one case described more fully a little later on; in all the 4 undivided fraternal units the masters were the eldest brothers present; the 1 nuclear family crew was under the mastership of father.\n\nThere is nothing unexpected in this recital, except perhaps the fact of going through it at all. Normatively, of course, in any Chinese population with its known cultural predilection for the moral rectitude of strict patriliny and the award of respect by seniority this is the result that would be expected. The lingering prejudice against the Boat People is such, however, that their social customs are still sometimes alleged to be non-Chinese. For this reason, if for no other, it is probably worth recording the above data in detail, and adding to them the further information that investigation throughout the Hong Kong fishing fleets reveals substantially the same facts: normally, as well as normatively, of all those (i.e. family members) who are eligible it is the senior married male who is boat's master.\n\nThe few cases which appear to run counter to this norm in Kau Sai find echoes also and in roughly the same proportion (that is somewhat under 10%) elsewhere in the fishing fleets and, what is more, on land. Being, like many other exceptions, explicable only within the terms of the rules they throw a good deal of light upon them. They were of two main types, one of which the pattern of retirement has already been touched upon more than once. There an eldest son takes over the",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210510,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 117,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "98\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\ningly and quite quickly into almost as complete a retirement as his own eighty-year-old father. For the next six or seven years he continued to live on board the second junk of the pair and take part in fishing operations, but everybody now called Cheung Hei si lau even though his father and grandfather were both still alive. He was 34.\n\nLo Shing Chui took over command of his family's pair of purse-seiners at an even earlier age. His father, Lo Kwai Fat, amiable but not very intelligent and, like Ma Tai Tak who retired when his son was barely 20, unhappy in contacts with the outside world, was only too pleased to withdraw as soon as possible. His younger brother Kwai Ch'ing, still in his thirties, still lived and worked in the same firm, undivided, and it might have been expected that (as in another Kau Sai pair at the same period) he would take over the mastership. So indeed he might, had he not been of such subnormal intelligence that he was obviously incapable. In cases of real incapacity, I was told, mere seniority is always overridden.\n\nrather less regular\n\nOne final case will illustrate another situation. In 1953 the two brothers Shek Hung Toh and Shek Hei Toh (they denied any relationship with the other Shek family just described) were running a pair of purse-seiners together. The elder, Hung Toh, aged 35, was si tau of the firm; the younger, Hei Toh, 29, master of the second junk. Their father had recently died, and their mother, aged 51, lived on Hei Toh's boat. Also living with them, on Hung Toh's boat, was their deceased father's elder brother, Shek Lin Hei, aged 63. This man had no managerial status. He was, like Lo Kwai Ch'ing above, simply another member of the crew, but unlike Kwai Ch'ing he was in no way incapacitated except, a little, by his age. On enquiry, I was told that Lin Hei and his now deceased brother had formally divided their family some ten or so years before, during the Japanese occupation (when poverty forced a number of divisions that might not otherwise have taken place). Unlike his brother, who had prospered, Lin Hei had suffered a run of very bad luck culminating in an accident in which his wife and all his children were drowned. After this, his brother had invited him to come and live on his boat, although, the family being divided there",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210512,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 119,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "BARBARA E. WARD\n\nobviously be impossible for people whose fishing vessels do double duty as family homes to take this extreme view, and women once on board it would be uneconomic not to make use of their labour.\n\nNevertheless a few notions of pollution do apply. During the period under review in Kau Sai, a menstruating woman was not supposed to board a boat (other than her own dwelling) on which there was a shrine, she should not draw water from a well, nor should she take part in shooting nets or lines. There was no prohibition upon her helping to draw the nets in, it being assumed that the part of the fishing operations which was subject to supernatural influence was by that stage over and done with. These taboos were merely the extensions to the fishing people's world of views on pollution shared also by the landspeople, and including such customs as the careful separation of men's from women's clothes during washing and drying, the rule that no female should step over a male, that no male should ever wash or bathe in water previously used by a female, and that no menstruating woman should take any part in religious ritual.\n\nThis set of beliefs helps to explain also why so few boat women can swim, even though this disability leads quite frequently to death by drowning. Once past the age of 10, or a little more or less, the girls in Kau Sai gave up sea bathing, and unless they had become exceptionally good swimmers already they seemed to lose the knack. Most of the explanations I was given were in terms of proper female modesty. Certainly it was true that the girls' withdrawal from water play did take place at much the same time as the general separation of female from male play groups. Moreover all little girls, even when very small, always went swimming with all their clothes on. It does not follow that ideas of pollution played no part in local cultural explanations. On the contrary I was twice told specifically that the \"real\" (boon-loi, lit. original) reason for women not being able to swim was just this fear of uncleanness. On both occasions my informants were women, and they were careful to warn me that one did not talk about these matters in mixed company. One harbour boat woman explained the whole set of attitudes about the proper behaviour between the sexes by",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210514,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 121,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "102\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nIt should not be inferred from any of the foregoing that the potentially polluting nature of females in general and the actually polluting nature of menstruating and parturient females in particular was not considered to be of prime importance. The dangers were certainly felt to be completely real, the fears they engendered just as worrying to the women as the men. It so happened, however, that the prohibitions that were believed to ward the dangers off had little to do with the performance of work. Provided she observed the correct ritual taboos and did not take part in shooting lines or nets while in a state of impurity a woman's participation in fishing operations was not thought to be unlucky.65\n\nBoth in 1953 and 1970, when the full counts were made, the Boat population of Kau Sai was distributed almost equally between males and females.\n\nChildren and the elderly\n\nThe following information has been compiled from the full count made in 1953 and discussed in more detail in Chapter below [not included in manuscript]:-\n\n  \n    Type\n    Number\n    0-9\n    10-15\n    16-59\n    Over 60\n    Total\n  \n  \n    Purse-seiner\n    37\n    121\n    25\n    180\n    13\n    339\n  \n  \n    small long-liner\n    15\n    26\n    16\n    55\n    3\n    100\n  \n  \n    medium long-liner\n    3\n    \n    7\n    1\n    \n    11\n  \n  \n    hand-liners and others\n    8\n    8\n    3\n    17\n    1\n    29\n  \n  \n    Totals\n    61\n    158\n    44\n    259\n    18\n    479\n  \n\nThe divisions in this table have been made to accord with the common practice of including young people of 16 years and above in the economically active section of a population and excluding old people over 60. There was nothing very realistic about this division in Kau Sai, where boys and girls around 10...",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210516,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 123,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "104\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\npicked out in the above table had no special economic significance in the local scheme of things. Both entry into and retirement from full participation in economic activity were gradual processes, taking place within the ordinary context of family living. Generally speaking, the economic life cycle of a Kau Sai fisherman followed a smooth, uninterrupted curve, rather than a series of age-linked stages, as he gradually developed from babyhood to full participation and as gradually declined to old age and death. The arrival of schools and examinations has not so far altered this state of affairs.\n\nOne result, however, is that it is almost impossible to state with any accuracy who were or were not economically dependent. If we assume that all adults, however aged, and all children over 10 could and did contribute something to productivity, we are left with a total of 160 child dependents in 1953 (and in 1970): a little more than one fifth of the total Boat population. But even this estimate can be misleading, for girls of 6 and upwards help with domestic chores, and even younger ones (and boys too) can mind the babies -- sometimes for hours at a time.\n\nHired hands\n\nEvery boat's master in Kau Sai would have liked to manage his fishing business with family labour alone, but not all were able to do so. At no time during the 20 years 1950-1970 did any small long-liner have to engage hired hands, but as we have seen the medium long-liners and some of the purse-seiners were less fortunate.\n\nThe actual number of hired men employed fluctuated with the increase or decrease in the numbers of able-bodied family members. A death or the out-marriage of a daughter could entail the decision to employ a fookai (for-gay, lit: goods remember, used of any paid employee); a child's maturation or the in-marriage of a daughter-in-law could result in sacking one, and in each case the consequent economic disadvantage or advantage would add to or detract from the general feelings of pleasure or otherwise appropriate to the occasion. When my census was taken in 1953, the 1 medium long liner and 12 of the purse-seiners had hired",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210518,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 125,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "106\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nPurse-seining was a two-boat operation; the fokis' wages were calculated on the gross total takings of the pair of boats. Actual payment was, however, made by each boat master separately to the employees on his own junk out of the cash remaining after division with his partner and payment of other expenses. If for any reason a foki did not go to sea, then the proceeds for the period of his absence were not included in the total on which his share was calculated.\n\nIn general conversation and in answer to casual questioning, the share was always described as “4%” or “about 4%”. In fact, it was sometimes rather less than this, and I have examples ranging from 3.5% to 4%, the differences being explained to me in terms of competence and/or need. Thus, on Chung Fuk Hap's pair of purse-seiners in the first half of 1952, there were as many as 5 hired men and 1 hired woman. Three of the men received shares of 3.5% each, one received 3.8%, and one the full 4%. The three on 3.5% were all unmarried youths between 18 and 24 years of age. One of them was Fuk Hap's qualified coxswain-engineer nephew (brother's son). The 3.8% share went to a man a little older, and the 4% to a man nearly 40 years of age with two wives and several children, who was Fuk Hap's full brother and acting master of the second boat of the pair. The woman, who was the elderly mother of one of the 3.5% men, was given $15 a month and described as being “looked after” by Fuk Hap because she had nowhere else to live. On Ma Wing Toh's boats at the same period, there were 4 fokis, 2 on 4% and 2 on 3.8%. During the first six lunar months of 1953, Chung Fuk Hei's literate son, Fu Tak, kept full records of income and expenses, including all payments made to the 2 fokis his father employed at shares of 3.8% and 3.5% respectively; the amounts totalled $541.20 cts. and $373.95 cts.\n\nPublic opinion might react strongly to rumours of underpayment. Early in 1953, it was being said that Fuk Hap was treating one of his men unfairly by paying only 3.3%. The man concerned happened to be younger brother to the wife of one of Fuk Hap's own younger brothers, Fuk Shun, and, although it was the unfairness in general that aroused unfavourable comment, I do not know whether I should have heard so much about it had I...",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210520,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 127,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "108\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nintelligent and a willing worker. With about four years' village schooling as a boy in China behind him, he was better educated than most Kau Sai fishermen at the time. Nevertheless, he remained a foki, unmarried and without prospects. This was largely because he had no kinsmen of any kind, all having been lost to him during the Japanese occupation of Kwangtung and Hong Kong. By birth a land child, he had taken to work on fishing boats faute de mieux when he found himself alone in the world at the age of about 16. Now, a dozen or so years later, he was indistinguishably a boat man. His earnings were too small to make it possible for him to marry, unless someone else would put up the bride-price for him (a most unlikely occurrence, though not unknown), and although he could have saved enough to buy at least a sampan of his own, he preferred the freedom from responsibility of a hired man's life on his employer's boat, with all found and a chance to supplement his earnings every now and again.\n\nIn this, he but followed the pattern of all the other unmarried fokis: a married man liked to have his own boat, however small, or a woman alone might also own her sampan; unmarried men seldom, if ever, did so. Only 3 of the 31 fokis employed in Kau Sai in 1953 owned small boats of their own. All were married men over thirty years of age with more than one child. Two of these boats were small sampans, normally acting as houseboats for the man's wife and two or three young children, occasionally journeying to Sai Kung, where the boat population was much larger, or to one of the local Boat Peoples' festivals, when short-haul water transport was in demand to make a small income from ferrying passengers. The third boat, with a somewhat larger complement, including the owner's two adult brothers as well as his wife and children, acted as a hand liner catching smallish quantities of good-quality fish and selling them direct to local consumers or tea-houses in Sai Kung. Both the adult men on this boat were unmarried and had previously worked as fokis on other men's boats. They were prepared to do so again if their present experiment failed. Unfortunately, on my return to Kau Sai in 1959, I found they had moved away, and I have no further record of their story. The other 3 married fokis in Kau Sai in 1953 had their wives living with them on their employers' boats.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210522,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 129,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "110\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nfamilies to find employment elsewhere, put their own wives and children on sampans and hire themselves out as employees to their erstwhile peers. It is a pity that my records do not allow me to distinguish clearly between these two major categories of foki: those whose natal families had merely, as it were, loaned them out, and those who had had to turn to paid employment or starve. Among the former must be included youths like Chung Fuk Woh's son who deliberately ran away from home but nevertheless remained (albeit somewhat grudgingly) a recognised member of his natal family; among the latter, men like Leung Shui Hei alone in the world (whether accidentally or deliberately), and no longer linked into any kind of ongoing group of kinsmen. The elderly bachelor Ma Fung Shan, described below, was in a kind of intermediate position: originally a younger son put out to work on someone else's boat, he was by 1953 the sole surviving member of his father's family of procreation, split off by formal division more than twenty years before from the extended family group which his father's father's sons had at one time formed together. Ma Fung Shan had many local kinsmen, but no family to belong to. Unique in Kau Sai, there were many like him elsewhere.\n\nAs long as their natal families remained undivided and they themselves remained recognised members, fokis were expected not only to support themselves but also to send or take back remittances. A number of the younger fokis in Kau Sai did just that, returning home from time to time (particularly at Chinese New Year or the Dragon Boat Festival, but also on other holidays and sometimes during slack periods in the fishing seasons) with contributions to their natal families' funds, on which, of course, they still also had a claim. Such a young man was relatively well-off, in that even if he did not usually look forward to re-entering his natal family crew as a working member (and even this was not impossible when, as occasionally happened, business expanded or re-expanded and a larger crew was needed after all) he was still a member and could hope to be provided both with a bride and a share in the family's property when it was divided.\n\nIt is true that only 6 of the 26 male fokis in Kau Sai in 1953",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210524,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 131,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "112\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nested shrug: “Oh, he's just one of the fokis”. The surnames of those not related to local or locally known people were usually not known. Rationalised, the above believed-in characteristics were explained as the inevitable concomitants of having no stake in the family's business. Fokis took no risks and had no responsibilities, it would therefore be unrealistic to expect them to act responsibly. Above all, they were an expense. If only one had enough sons one need not employ outsiders. Fuk Hei's almost daily mutterings about his lazy fokis were balanced by his frank delight in the birth of his grandsons and unconcealed impatience with the very existence of his granddaughters. In this he was only more extreme and more outspoken than his neighbours. There was no disagreement. Sadly, he did not live to see the foki-less Kau Sai of the late 'sixties.\n\nFundamentally, these views reflected sound common sense economically and domestically. As we shall see in Chapter 8 purse-seine families with enough able-bodied members not to have to employ fokis did in fact make a better profit, and even in Kau Sai there was at least one example of a fisherman having to go out of business altogether because he could not meet his expenses. If only he had had enough sons, he said, this would not have happened. At the domestic level there were other hazards. The only scandal in Kau Sai for many years occurred during the last months of my stay in 1953. The hitherto barren wife of the harmless but sub-normal and allegedly impotent brother of [name withheld] was found to be pregnant. After fifteen years of marriage this was odd, to say the least. Imagination boggles at the practical difficulties in such small, crowded boats but the guilty parties confessed to having committed adultery in the presence of the unsuspecting husband. Perhaps fortunately, the [surname withheld] family have not needed to employ another foki since then.\n\n  \n    The official census of China in 1953 did not enumerate the Boat People as a separate group.\n  \n  \n    2 Ref: to Chan's and Ho En's books et al.\n  \n  \n    [Ch'en Hsü-ching, Tan-min ti yen-chiu (Shanghai, 1946), and, probably, Ho Ke-en, \"The Tanka or boat people in South China,\" F.S. Drake, ed. Proceedings of the Symposium on Historical, Archaeological and Linguistic Studies on Southern China, South-east Asia and the Hong Kong Region (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1967), pp. 120-123.]",
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    {
        "id": 210526,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 133,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "114\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\n22 All but one of Kau Sai's long-liners fall into the category Small long-liner. A small long-liner shoots his lines direct from his junk, which is on average about 30-35 feet in overall length. Bigger long-liners (classed as Medium or Large Long-liners) carry sampans for the shooting and hauling of lines. Baiting-up is always done on the mother ship. In 1950 the Large Long-liners based mainly on Shaukiwan were the aristocrats of the Hong Kong fishing fleets, wealthy men, employing large crews. Informants claimed that before the Japanese occupation two or three of these large boats had been based on Kau Sai anchorage. By 1970 shortages of labour had driven nearly all of them out of business. Kau Sai then boasted one Medium Long-liner.\n\nThe nylon line, which everywhere replaced the old ramie during the early 'sixties, was greatly appreciated for lightness, strength and quick drying, but it tangled easily and so made baiting-up an even more finicking job than before. 23 Note on this and role of F.M.O. (N.B.) and on numbers of pupils etc: 84 in 1970. [Note not written; for related information, see T.A. Acton, \"Education as a by-product of fish marketing,” JHKBRAS vol, 21 (1981) pp 120-143.]\n\n24 In 1969 a special typhoon shelter, with concrete break-waters, was constructed at Government expense at Yim Tin Tsai a well sheltered cove to the north of Kau Sai island.\n\n25 The Fish Marketing Organisation, a non-government trading organisation controlled by a Government Servant, the Director of Marketing, was established in 1945. The Director is empowered to control the landing, movement and wholesaling of all marine fish (except shellfish and marine fish 'alive and in water'). For further detail see Chapter V below. In 1950 controlled wholesale markets existed at Shaukiwan and Kennedy Town on Hong Kong Island, in Kowloon, and at Tai Po in the New Territories. The Kennedy Town market was transferred to Aberdeen in 1952 and the Kowloon market to Cheung Sha Wan in 1966. A fifth market was opened at Castle Peak in 1969. The Organisation also maintains collecting depots and/or other offices at Cheung Chau, Castle Peak, Tsun Wan, Sha Tau Kok and Sai Kung.\n\n26 A male recreation; women in 1950 always wore long hair, shampooing their own or each other's with... [note incomplete]\n\n27 On this and the whole question 'What is a real Kau Sai person? see below Chapters 5 and [p. 75]. [The following indicates how this question might have been answered: \"The non-kin groups to which he sees himself belonging are also few. First there is the village as a whole: Kau Sai. He may describe himself as a Kau Sai man, or refer, as he does very frequently, to 'our bay' as a membership unit. This includes all people for which Kau Sai bay is a permanent anchorage, or who have houses ashore there.\" \"Sociological self-awareness: some uses of the conscious models”, Man (1966), vol. 1, p. 203.]\n\n28 [G. William Skinner, \"Marketing and social structure in rural China, Part 1,” Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 63 (1964), pp. 21-50.]\n\n29 See also Ward 1967 and 1968. [Probably reference to articles cited in note 4.]\n\n30 One most important aspect of the territoriality of all the fishermen was their inescapable need for credit. See below pp.\n\n31 boon wan ge yan this expression which was used synonymously with \"Kau Sai\" was the more usual in colloquial speech.\n\n32 [The next paragraph in the manuscript summarizes the argument here: \"These",
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    {
        "id": 210528,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 135,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "116\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\n50 Two of these men were already married and with several children; each was master of a second boat in a purse-seine pair. The third, aged only 20, was the very recently bereaved son of a man who had died in an accident. This boy later took a paid job ashore in Sai Kung. The father of the fourth (aged 24) was still living with him on his junk. This case is described further in the text below.\n\n51 [The manuscript at this point allows almost three blank pages after this phrase: \"The data for 1970, compiled for me by\". The blank pages are followed by this paragraph: \"One major difference between the figures for 1953 and 1970 is the disappearance from the latter of the two-boat firm of purse-seiners. Concomitant with this, there has been a general diminution in the number of purse-seiners and some raising of the age of boats' mastership. We have already seen how it is linked also with mechanisation and the move ashore.\"]\n\n52 For example, the 20-year-old master and his mother mentioned above, and the blind man with a sick wife and one ten-year-old son were both hand liners.\n\n53 Cp. above Table 1. The discrepancy between the figures there and in Table 3 is due to the fact that the ages of the crews of 2 small liners were not recorded. Both housed nuclear families with father as master.\n\n54 Barnett's hypothesis (above p. 101) was formed on the basis of the Census in 1960. If improved living standards among the Boat People date (as I believe they do) from the acceptance of mechanisation, they would only begin to become generally apparent from about that date onwards.\n\n55 The economic arguments for and against division in such circumstances could be very evenly balanced. With mechanisation, it might well pay a group of brothers to stay together and convert to medium long-lining. See Chapters 8 and 9. For family division in general, see Chapter below.\n\n56 So much so, and so well authenticated by magical signs, that it was difficult to find him a bride. See below Chapter 9.\n\n57 Cp. D. above. [A table, similar to Table 4, probably intended.]\n\n58 See my forthcoming study of the Boat People of Hong Kong. [Not written.]\n\n59 Above, pp. [105-6].\n\n60 Above, pp. [96-7].\n\n61 The most poignant incident during my stay in Kau Sai concerned a young Sai Kung-based fisherman who left his wife and two tiny children on board their small junk while he went off in a sampan to set fish traps. On his return about an hour later, the junk was empty. Presumably the toddler had fallen overboard, and the distraught mother trying to reach him had toppled in herself, taking the baby, who was slung upon her back, with her.\n\n62 m gon ching: this term can be used with either ritual or secular connotations.\n\n63 Women were said to suffer more often from sea-sickness.\n\n64 To staunch the flow, they used sheets of locally made absorbent paper (iso chi, lit: coarse paper; the adjective can have the same double meaning as in English). This was tucked between the legs and held in place by the close-fitting underpants which were worn by both sexes and sometimes also by a waist cord. The paper was cheap, easily available, bulky, uncomfortable, and almost impossible to dispose of privately at sea. Once convinced that, contrary to their...\n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
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        "id": 210530,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 137,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "118\n\np'eng dei 平地\n\nshue-leung 薯莨\n\nshuen cheung 船長\n\nshuen chue 船主\n\nShui Shing Ye 水僊爺\n\nsi t'au 車頭\n\nsiu diu 小釣\n\nsoku 索署\n\nsuen 船\n\nsuen-tau-kung 船頭公\n\nsui 歲\n\ntai t'aut'eng 大頭艇\n\nteitze 地主\n\ntin shui 天水\n\ntin tei 天地\n\ntsim tau teng 尖頭糕\n\ntso chi 草紙\n\ntsou shangi 做生易\n\ntsuen cheung 村長\n\nuk cheung 尾長\n\nuk chue 屋主\n\nwoon shan 換神\n\nyu loh 搖櫓\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\n[All romanizations have been left as they appear in the manuscript, and these Chinese characters have been added.]",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
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        "id": 210642,
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        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 249,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "## 8. Drying fish \nBarbara E. Ward",
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    {
        "id": 210643,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 250,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "9. Dried fish being sorted into baskets, Kau Sai 1960. Barbara E. Ward",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
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    {
        "id": 210666,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1986",
        "page_number": 17,
        "title": "RAS-1986",
        "content_text": "HON. LIBRARIAN'S REPORT\n\nFOR THE YEAR 1986-1987\n\nThe Society Library has purchased many out-of-print items through Dr. J. Hayes' effort this year. Besides gifts from Dr. Hayes, the Library has received gifts from Mr. David Liu, Mrs. Valerie Garrett, and Mrs. M.L. Winkler. Mr. Walter Greenwood has also donated to the Library his article in manuscript entitled \"John Joseph Francis, citizen of Hong Kong: a biographical note\". The Council is considering including it in the next issue of our Journal. Nearly all the books in the last two years have been catalogued and shelved in the Kowloon Central Library. An additions list is available from the Hon. Librarian on request.\n\nThe Library has donated two items of its duplicates to the Chinese University of Hong Kong Library, and made an offer of permanent loan of McMullen Bills of Lading to the University of Hong Kong Libraries.\n\nRegarding the usage of the Society Library, Mrs. Barbara Luk, the Chief Librarian of the Urban Council Public Libraries wrote: \"As at 28.2.87, there were 18 requests for information, 17 of which were from members of the Society. A total of 37 books were consulted during the year.\" To maximize the use of the Library, Dr. Hayes has sent the Catalogue of the Library to about twenty librarians, with his covering letter giving a brief description of the Library. The Kowloon Central Library is planning to have an exhibition of books from our Collection in the coming September to make the general public more aware of the Library.\n\nThe Council is looking into the question of insurance for books in the Society Library.\n\nMarch 1987\n\nxvi\n\nPeter Yeung\n\nHon. Librarian",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211063,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1987",
        "page_number": 124,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "99\n\nREFERENCES\n\nAllen, Barbara, and William L. Montell\n\n1981 From Memory to History: Using Oral Sources in Local Historical Research. Nashville: The American Association For State and Local History.\n\nChin, Margaret, et al.\n\n1977 Religion and Organization: A Study of the Temple of Wong Tai Sin. Department of Sociology, Hong Kong University.\n\nDay, Clarence Burton\n\n1969 Chinese Peasant Cults. (2nd edition) Taipei: Ch'eng Wen Publishing Co.\n\nHayes, James\n\n1966 \"Chinese Temples in the Local Setting\". In Some Traditional Chinese Ideas and Conceptions in Hong Kong Social Life Today, pp. 86-95. Hong Kong: The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.\n\nLang, Graeme, and Lars Ragvald\n\n1988 \"Upward Mobility of a Refugee God: Hong Kong's Huang Daxian”. Stockholm Journal of East Asian Studies. vol. 1, 54-87.\n\nLoomis, C. Grant\n\n1948 White Magic: An Introduction to the Folklore of Christian Legend. Cambridge, Mass.: The Mediaeval Academy of America.\n\nOgura, Manabu\n\n1980 Drifted Deities in the Noto Peninsula. In Studies in Japanese Folklore, ed. Richard M. Dorson, pp. 133-44. New York: Arno Press.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211218,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1987",
        "page_number": 279,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "254\n\nTHE HONG KONG HISTORY PROJECT\n\nThis note is based on a taped recording of the meeting of the Society, 22 May 1984, when this subject was discussed by James Hayes, David Faure, and Patrick Hase, with questions and comments from the speakers and the floor.\n\nJames Hayes\n\nThis evening, we are going to hear about the \"Hong Kong History Project\". This aims at rescuing something of the social, economic, and political history of the communities of this area before 1841, and indeed right up to the eve of the modernization of the New Territories in the 1970s.\n\nThe late Maurice Freedman, who was Professor of Social Anthropology at the London School of Economics, and then at Oxford University before his death in 1975, said that until the 1950s, Hong Kong was almost totally neglected by all manner of social scientists. It was regarded as of no importance to scholarship, being viewed as \"no more than the railway route into Guangdong\". Thereafter, a few mainly overseas scholars, people who were mostly anthropologists engaged on researching doctoral dissertations, came now and then to Hong Kong. This continued, and is going on at the present time. Among the first of them was our member Barbara Ward — unfortunately for us, she died at the beginning of this year — who went to study the boat people of Kau Sai in 1952. She was followed by Hugh Baker and Bob Groves, who came in the early 1960s to work in Sheung Shui and Tai Po Market, and there were one or two others before that. They were the pioneers of the anthropological study of Hong Kong's past and present, and its social history, too. You will note that the researchers mainly came from outside. Neither Chinese nor European staff of the University of Hong Kong were interested in the subject, and it also took some time for people at the Chinese University established in the 1960s to become aware of local history.\n\nI want now to say something about my own interest in the subject, how it began, and its relevance for the efforts made later",
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    {
        "id": 211225,
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        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1987",
        "page_number": 286,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "261\n\nhistory have been struggling for a long time to get rid of some major preconceptions, but not always successfully. One of these is the theory that the Chinese countryside was controlled by the imperial bureaucracy and the gentry, and that the Confucian values inculcated by their education formed the basis of the most essential organisation in the clan or the lineage, through which social behaviour was directed and moulded.\n\nWell the issue is less apparent if you don't work in the field: but if you do walk about and have to ask your way around, it dawns on you that the chap who guides you through all these things is not just a pawn in the system, oppressed under some rigid rules controlled by some outside force. You get to see him as a free agent in his own right and to know something of his social, religious and economic behaviour. It was a mistake it started round the 1920's especially among Chinese sinologists to have put village religion into the category of superstition, and to conclude that because villagers were superstitious they were not worth studying. Consequently, modern Chinese history has very little to say about village religion, and there is much to learn on this subject, too.\n\nI was rather lucky with the Project because in 1980 two rather unexpected things happened. We had two requests to do some history writing: one from the Sai Kung District Board, and the other one from Sha Tin.\n\nIt was known in Sai Kung that the local villagers were involved in the resistance movement during World War II, and I was asked if I would be interested to write it up. The District Board would provide the funds. This seemed too good an opportunity for me to miss. I was very interested in what happened in the Second World War, and it was another chance to get behind the theory. Again, team work was needed. The late Barbara Ward, Bernard Luk and I worked along with our research students.\n\nI must stress that working on a historical project with research students and through interviews is a more demanding task than copying inscriptions, though I must not sound ungrateful because we had some very good student assistants on the project, in particular Lee Lai-mui and Wong Wing-ho. They were extremely fluent",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt",
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    {
        "id": 211230,
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        "document_key": "RAS-1987",
        "page_number": 291,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "266\n\nof life that would strike me as exceedingly fascinating and which as far as I could see remained unknown. The list of them can go on for hours if I was to express them: but, for instance, the tales that we heard about how buying and selling property was conducted, about the local weavers, about how irrigation and dams were mended, together with details of how villagers managed their affairs, the treatment of the sick, how houses were built, where you went to buy a boat, where you went to buy a bed, how you bought it, how you paid for it and what you did if all you had was rice and somebody demanded silver, and where you went to convert the one into the other. None of this, as far as I could see, had been recorded.\n\nConsequently, I threw myself in at the deep end, trying to record some of this, although I was grievously ill-prepared for it having no sinological background. It was merely that there was nobody else showing the slightest willingness to do it, except David who was up to his ears collecting inscriptions and books and doing his history projects. However, he had no time, and if I did not do it nobody was going to. I therefore came to the conclusion that it had better be done badly than not at all; for in another 10 years there won't be any chance of anyone doing it, well or ill, because the people will all be dead. And so, being there and being ready, I landed up with two jobs.\n\nThe first major interview that I attended was one done by David with the oldest senior villager in Shatin, the last villager in Shatin who could actually remember visiting the Magistracy in Kowloon City before the British came. He could just remember seeing in his youth the Chinese tax collectors coming to his village, and could recall being taken into the Magistracy by his great uncle who was a clerk there.\n\nAbout six months later this old man died. He was the father of a very senior district leader. My connection with him is very good, and so we were able to convince him that his father would not object to having the entire funeral proceedings taped, photographed and described from beginning to end. David, myself and Barbara Ward did this. About 400 photographs were taken by various people, about 4 hours of taping was done, and about 15",
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    {
        "id": 211247,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1987",
        "page_number": 308,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "283\n\nStudies among the Boat-People of Hong Kong\" between pages 3-101 of Barbara E. Ward's Through Other Eyes, Essays in Understanding 'Conscious Models' Mostly in Hong Kong (Hong Kong, The Chinese University Press, 1985). See also, especially, her \"Kau Sai, An Unfinished Manuscript” in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 25 (1985), pp. 27-118.\n\nFor information on groups of Tanka in some other traditional anchorages in Hong Kong and the New Territories, see my The Rural Communities of Hong Kong, Studies and Themes (Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1983), chapters 2 and 4 at pp. 34-37, 43-44, 61-62, 68-69 and associated notes, especially at pp. 246 and 254. Their numbers could be small. The anchorage at Shek Pik on Lantau Island had its own long-established Tanka fishermen. In 1957 there were six families there, all from the same clan, and according to the older men their fathers and grandfathers (at least) had been born there. This information was obtained directly from them.\n\nSince writing the above, I have also found a copy of my friend's birth certificate, given to me in connection with some application he wished me to support. Under the laws of Hong Kong, births have had to be registered since an ordinance on the subject was first passed in 1896. However, observation was probably less than the law required, especially in the remoter parts of the territory or among the floating population. I was pleasantly surprised, therefore, to find that his birth had been registered, and that the entry \"When and where born\" stated “17th June 1941 Boat No. 168\". The informant required by law was \"Tse Kwan Ying, Midwife, 43 Jardine Bazaar, 1st Floor\". The certificate, or rather the copy made in 1956, is illustrated at Plate 26.\n\nVISIT TO THE IWATAYA DEPARTMENT STORE, FUKUOKA, JAPAN\n\nOur visit to the main store of the Mitsukoshi department chain in Tokyo was described in Notes and Queries, JHKBRAS, 26 (1986), 270-271.",
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    {
        "id": 211407,
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        "document_key": "RAS-1988",
        "page_number": 123,
        "title": "RAS-1988",
        "content_text": "Table 1: Genealogy of the Chan Family\n\nChan Tak Youg (Violet's great grandfather)\n\nChan Jok Jun\n\nGeorge, Harry, Henry\n\nChan Jok Chiu (b. 1845) m (1) Au (Violet's grandparents)\n\n(2) Leong\n\nYung Kam in Yim (First Paternal Aunt)\n\nGeorge Goon Hop (adopted) m (1) Auyoung\n\n(2) Liu\n\n  \n    Gladys Yung Hoy m Lan Kwai\n  \n  \n    Claudia in George Murphy\n    David, Michael\n  \n  \n    Calvin m Barbara\n    Jennifer, Jason, Jeffrey\n  \n  \n    Kwock Wah m Mona Lew\n    Paula, Donna, Marcha, David, Jonathan\n  \n  \n    Lorna (adopted) m\n    Lawrence, Paul, Yolanda, Twila-dawn, Keith, Robin\n  \n\nChan Ping Wing (First Paternal Uncle) m Ching (Concubine: \"Small Aunt\")\n\nChan Po Ling m (1) Auyoung\n\n(2) Kan (Concubine: Kam)\n\n  \n    Linda, Judy, Lillian, Robert, Chi Fai, Anthony, m Dorothy (5 daughters)\n  \n  \n    Rosita, m Robert Ting (1 child)\n  \n\nChan Ping I (Second Paternal Uncle) m Auyoung\n\nToby in Louise Dung\n\n  \n    Melody m Johnson Chen, Carol m John Lee, Sonja in Tai Min Wan, Jade m Eddy Lin, Lloyd m Deborah, Lena m Jeffrey Lu\n  \n\nHelen m Tong\n\nCharles (children)\n\nGeorgette m Lu Bing Leong (daughter) Moo Yun\n\nTing Cheong (2 sons, 2 daughters)\n\nMoo Sau\n\nChan Ping Yip m Jong (Violet's parents)\n\nRuth\n\nViolet m John Lew m\n\nMe Yuk\n\n  \n    Helen m (1) Edmund Tin Wai Tong\n  \n  \n    Edmund Yee Sing m (1) Susan Loui\n    Kevin\n  \n  \n    (2) Gertrude Kristiansen\n    Syrilyn, Clayton\n  \n  \n    (2) Tso-yu Fu\n    Lynnette Wen-chu\n  \n  \n    Russell m (1) Lila Kung\n    Dora m Tso-chien Shen\n  \n  \n    Eugene m Nancy Chun\n    Wendell, Celia\n  \n  \n    (2) Susan Carter\n    Russell\n  \n  \n    Gilbert m Christine Liao\n    Warren, Tabitha\n  \n\ndaughter m Leong Ting Bau (Second Paternal Aunt)\n\nYung Yik m Auyoung (Third Paternal Aunt)\n\nSuk Jun, m So (4 sons, 3 daughters)\n\nSuk Num, (3 daughters, 1 son), Suk Chiu, (2 sons, 2 daughters) Chan Ping Lim (d. 1903) (Fourth Paternal Uncle)\n\nChan Jok Sau\n\nL-6 sons (including Dai Mec, Ngit Chiu and Dai Geng)\n\nChan Jok Sui\n\nNgit Chiu (adopted) d 1924 in Honolulu\n\nChan Jok King\n\nJu Dai, Dai Geng (adopted)\n\n99",
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    {
        "id": 211429,
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        "page_number": 145,
        "title": "RAS-1988",
        "content_text": "121\n\nwhen my mother was living, he visited her now and then to bring her a piece of pastry or to help her with the yard and other chores. He wanted the younger generation to know the Chinese language and so worked tirelessly in establishing a Chinese language school in Makaha where he lived for many years.\n\nA summary of George's descendants: Claudia was married to George Murphy but they are now divorced. They had two children, David and Michael. Calvin, married to Barbara has three children: Jennifer, Jason and Jeffrey. Kwock Wah, married to Mona Lew, has five children: Paula, Donna, Marcha, David and Jonathan. Lorna has been married several times and has six children: Lawrence, Paul, Yolanda, Twila-dawn, Keith and Robin.\n\nAunt Yim was a good-looking woman, short and plump. When she visited us in Shekki in 1919, I accompanied her back to her home in the village via sedan-chair in order to meet Father's relatives and to have a look at his native village. On the way I saw Father's elderly teacher on the roadside. He did not strike me as a person who could have been so stern with my father. As I was nursing an infected toe and he was practicing herbal medicine, Aunt Yim sent her maid to him for a prescription and he gave me some pearl dust that proved effective. As a Chinese woman living in those days, Aunt Yim had little education, little social life, and little opportunity to enjoy the relationship of a husband who had to seek his livelihood far away in the United States. As the oldest in a large family, she held the respect of all her brothers and sisters who catered to her every wish.\n\nAfter several years of mental deterioration and nursing home care, George died on 2 November 1985.\n\nSecond Paternal Aunt Leong\n\nSecond Paternal Aunt was my father's favourite sister, and it was upon receiving word of her death that he made up his mind to take that ill-fated trip in 1919 to see the rest of his siblings. I understand she was a kind and caring sister to him. From a single photograph we have of her, Aunt Leong resembled Father in looks, having a rather angular face with somewhat prominent cheek bones. In theory, she had",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1988",
        "page_number": 197,
        "title": "RAS-1988",
        "content_text": "173\n\nZiegler's part and bad for my self-esteem.\n\nI studied English under Mrs. Roberts in my sophomore year and under Miss Floralyn Cadwell in my junior and senior years. When I entered the University of Hawaii four years later, Miss Cadwell was by that time married to an Irish-English gentleman, Mr. Lalia Conway, and was active in community dramatics. Now on the staff of the university, she had me again, this time concentrating on English composition. She was from an old Santa Barbara family who had journeyed to California by way of the Cape. There was a sweet and dreamlike quality about her. We became life-long friends. I owe much to these two English teachers in learning to appreciate English literature.\n\nGeometry was taught by Mr. Cole, a plain Quaker-like instructor. Somehow I did not seem to understand the relationship between points and lines so that I almost flunked the course. Later when I was pressured to teach that subject at True Light Middle School, I was surprised that the government supervisor considered me a good teacher. Perhaps my experience gave me an understanding of the difficulties confronting a student.\n\nMr. Cole is remembered not for the subject he taught, but as a thin, stern teacher, who seemed to be too friendly with Margaret M. Lam, a neighbour of ours. She sat in the seat in front of his desk where she would talk softly with him and would giggle from time to time, intriguing yet somehow annoying to me. Mrs. Wilson taught me first and second year algebra and Miss Wikander, history. I took a year of typing and have never regretted it. All in all I did quite well and the four years went by much too soon.\n\nBecause Mother was concerned that the Barbour Scholarship which Ruth received might not be renewed, I offered to go to work in case she needed some help in the future. Therefore, I took a business course at the Phillips Commercial School for a year and landed my first job as secretary to Judge William J. Robinson, to whom I was referred by Alice Ho Wong, the daughter of Ho Fan, an old family friend. Judge Robinson practised law in the Union Trust Building on Alakea Street, near King Street, and did a good deal of work for the trust company, which was incorporated by Portuguese business men. In the fall of 1928,",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212070,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 12,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "reference for those who wish to study this part of the world. For those who have not got the back issues I am sure you will find them of interest and you can obtain them by contacting the Assistant Secretary. In addition there may be some of you who have aspirations to publish their research work and if you think that it could be suitable for our Journal, I hope you will contact Dr. Hase. Long articles are of course welcome but even short notes about Hong Kong history or some other aspect which you think might be of interest are also very much appreciated.\n\nFinance\n\nThe Treasurer, Mr. Robert Nield, will give a detailed report shortly. You will notice that the finances are in reasonable shape, but the overall situation does need to be watched. The new annual subscription from 1st January 1991 is $250, as agreed at the last annual general meeting and it is hoped to keep this rate for another year.\n\nThe Library\n\nAs you will see from the report of Mr. Y.C. Wan, our Hon. Librarian, our Library collection has continued to increase through donations and purchases, mainly through the efforts of Dr. James Hayes. The Library, as many know, is kept at the Kowloon Central Library, as part of the reference collection there. Recently I had a meeting with the Chief Librarian, Urban Council Libraries, Mrs. Barbara Luk, and I am pleased to report that subject to unforeseen circumstances it is anticipated that sometime in 1992-1993 it will be possible to move it to the City Hall Central Library into a special collection room, part of which will be specifically set aside for the Royal Asiatic Society. This is indeed good news and I hope that by this time next year I will be able to report further progress. The Library is becoming a fine reference source of books on China and I do strongly urge you to make use of it: clearly a move to the City Hall area will make it that much easier for members to gain access.\n\nOther Matters\n\nAt the beginning of each Journal you will read these words \"The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the\n\nPage xi",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212251,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 193,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "170\n\nburning of the temporary theatre, and the sudden deaths of the troupe or community members, were believed to be the outcome of either a violation of the taboo, or a bad performance of the ritual. Besides such disasters, harm of a moderate degree can also occur. This might include the sickness of troupe employees, the loss of an actor's voice, the forgetting of one's part and the commitment of some impossible mistakes during a performance. It has also been a custom that local people should stay away from the performance hall or hide themselves at home before the completion of the White Tiger ritual.\n\nWithin the Cantonese operatic troupes which perform in modern Hong Kong, the taboo of shutting one's mouth and keeping quiet is still strictly observed by the two actors, three percussionists and two to three backstage workers who happen to be assigned by the troupe owner to participate in the preparation and performance of the ritual. Such troupe members often avoid laughing and talking from the moment they arrive at the theatre until the ritual is held, even in areas other than the stage. The two actors always stay away from their friends and colleagues and do not talk to each other. Other employees of the troupe try to hide themselves in the dressing compartments of the backstage, or leave the stage area.\n\nAnother tradition connected with the White Tiger ritual concerns the entrance and exit space located between the backdrop and the back wing curtain on both sides of the frontstage. These two areas are called fu dou mun (the tiger's gate of passage) and are referred to as the Tiger Gates in the present paper. It is uncertain whether the White Tiger ritual is related to the Tiger Gates but another taboo requires the employees to enter the frontstage area through the gate at stage left and leave through the one on the other side before the completion of the White Tiger ritual.\n\nAs pointed out by Barbara E. Ward in her paper \"Not Merely Players: Drama, Art and Ritual in Traditional China\", to avoid the breaking of the taboo by outsiders who do not know it, troupe members do not welcome any visits onstage before the ritual is held. However, the present writer has observed that some backstage workers of a younger age often fail to follow the taboos. Some of them said that they did not believe in these taboos and dismissed them as old-fashioned superstitions.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212257,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 199,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "176\n\n8.\n\ntwo actors resume their normal human identity at the conclusion of the ritual before they can step into the backstage.\n\nAt this moment, troupe members who stay onstage cry out loudly to signal the removal of the taboo which prohibits the opening of mouths. Joss papers are then burned as offerings to the spirits and deities. The whole White Tiger ritual lasts approximately from about three to five minutes.\n\nConclusion\n\nAs pointed out by both Tanaka Issei and Barbara E. Ward, there is an inseparable relationship between Chinese opera and religious rituals. The Offering to the White Tiger aptly illustrates how the performing conventions of Chinese opera are incorporated into the staging of an exorcistic act. On the other hand, as many scholars believe that Chinese opera grew out of religious roots, we might also say that the former adopted the conventions of the latter for dramatic expression.\n\nWhat is discussed in the present article relates to the White Tiger ritual and describes only some of the taboos and religious practices which are preserved in the tradition of Cantonese opera. As the present writer has pointed out in his other articles, other taboos and religious practices require troupe members to pay respect to the local deities upon their arrival at the place where they are hired to perform. Troupe members should also offer incense to the shrines of the profession's patron deities backstage, and place joss sticks at the edge of the frontstage to appease the spirits, ghosts and deities which will then protect them from falling off the stage. On the second day of the performance series, before the evening's play starts, joss papers should be burnt, as an offering to troupe members who have died. Moreover, as in many other Chinese regional operatic genres, whenever a troupe first arrives at a performing hall, even if it does not contain a \"new stage,\" the principal comic role actor has to write the Chinese characters dai ger (big fortune) on the wooden or bamboo pillar closest to the Tiger Gate at stage right, with a brush and using a type of red pigment made from a combination of oil and cinnabar, before the other actors can start their make-up. Such a ritual is known as hoi ber (to open a brush'').\n\nA traditional taboo prescribes that the strokes in the radicle hau ...",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212260,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 202,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "179\n\nthe profession as a means to solve problems related to the management of the troupe and the theatre. Eventually such management rules were overwhelmed by the profession's religious sentiments and transformed to become an essential part of the employees' religious beliefs.\n\nHsu Francis L.K. 1983\n\nREFERENCES CITED\n\nExorcising the Trouble Makers. Magic, Science and Culture, Westport: Greenwood Press.\n\nChiao, Chien\n\n1986\n\n\"Beating the Petty Person: A Ritual of Hong Kong Chinese\" (in Chinese), in New Asia Academic Bulletin (Volume VI): Special Issue on Anthropological Studies of China, Hong Kong: New Asia College, The Chinese University of Hong Kong.\n\nWard, Barbara E. 1979\n\n\"Not Merely Players: Drama, Art and Ritual in Traditional China,\" in Man, March 1979.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212703,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1992",
        "page_number": 12,
        "title": "RAS-1992",
        "content_text": "Chinese Painting & Caligraphy\n\nArmoured Cars in the Battle of Hong Kong\n\nTC Lại\n\nArren Leung\n\nInheritance and the Chinese Lineage\n\nHugh Baker\n\nFrom the Common Por\n\nJames Watson\n\nNo Environmental Myopia at Mai Po\n\nDick Irving &\n\nDavid Melville\n\nFeng Shut\n\nDavid Shru\n\nThe Woman as a Symbol in Judaeo-Christian\n\n& Hindu Buddhist Traditions\n\nCaroline Muar &\n\nRajeshwari Ghose\n\nGood lectures however can rarely be carried out unless there is a reasonable venue and the technical aspects are in place. Fortunately, as members will know we have an excellent relationship with the Urban Council which not only sponsors our talks, but provides us with a very well fitted out room, and I would like to record our sincere thanks for the council's unstinting co-operation.\n\nI would now like to turn to the second of our area of activities; the Journal and the Library. To produce an annual journal as we do is a very time-consuming business and throughout the history of the Society we have been particularly fortunate to have had a line of very distinguished editors, Professor Crammer-Byng, Professor James Lui, Dr. James Hayes, our immediate past president, Dr. David Faure, and one who has done it since 1982, Dr. Patrick Hase. We do owe a great deal to Patrick who assures me that the 1990 Journal will be out very shortly, (we are waiting for the final version of the 30th anniversary lecture given by Dr. Wang Gungwu) and the 1991 Journal will, it is hoped be out by the end of the year.\n\nLast year I reported to you that I hoped to be able to report more encouragingly on the move of the Library from its present location in the rather inaccessible Kowloon Central Library, to a special collection room in the reorganised City Hall Central Library. I am pleased to say that this is now likely to happen in the foreseeable future probably by the end of the year. This is something we have been working on for sometime and it is particularly gratifying that it is now becoming a reality: our thanks go to Mrs. Barbara Luk, Assistant Director Museums and\n\nX",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213188,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1994",
        "page_number": 10,
        "title": "RAS-1994",
        "content_text": "Visits:\n\nYin Tin Tsa, Sai Kung for annual Roman Catholic Church festival\n\n1994\n\n16 April\n\nPo For Island\n\n1 May\n\n16 July\n\n20 September\n\n21 September\n\n5 November\n\n26 November\n\n3 December\n\n10 December\n\nMa Po Marshes with shump supper (repeated in September)\n\nTai Hang Fire Dragon Dance\n\nMonkey God Festival at Sau Mau Ping\n\nSwire Institute of Marine Science, Cape D'Aguilar Tung Lung Island\n\nHK Zoological and Botanical Gardens\n\nExhibition of Contemporary Chinese Oil Paintings - Fung Ping Shan Museum, HK University\n\n17 December\n\nShing Mun Redoubt\n\n1995\n\n18 February\n\nSai Ying Pun Guided Walk\n\n4 March\n\nLei Yue Mun Headland\n\nVisits outside Hong Kong:\n\n1994\n\nOctober\n\n1995\n\nNorth Vietnam\n\nMarch\n\nTemples of South Taiwan\n\nOf course we must also thank all those who took time to lecture to us and let me read out a list of those\n\nLectures:\n\n1994\n\n15 April\n\nGreat Monuments of India. Dr. Shobita Punja\n\n13 May\n\n20 May\n\n17 June\n\nTurbans and Traders HK's Indian Communities Ms Barbara-Sue White\n\nTo the Farthest Port of the Rich East Salem's China Trade and the East India Marine Society Mr William Sargent\n\nPregnancy and Childbirth in Hong Kong Ms Diana Martin",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt",
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        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213344,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1994",
        "page_number": 166,
        "title": "RAS-1994",
        "content_text": "149\n\nSong dynasty were said to have set up a travelling palace in the vicinity as they passed through the Hong Kong region fleeing the Mongols.\n\nAnother characteristic of this group is that they relied on documentary sources such as dynastic histories, genealogies, local gazetteers and stone inscriptions, but had little use of non-text materials. They did, however, discover an enormous amount of valuable local historical material. In particular, Lo and Lin made important contributions through their systematic collection of genealogies and by expounding on their value in the study of local history. Equally significantly, as renowned mainstream historians, they played an important role in giving Hong Kong history a legitimate place in the wider field of Chinese historiography.\n\nSocial Scientists from the West and Japan\n\nAnother group of scholars working on Hong Kong, anthropologists and sociologists from the West and Japan, not only came from different parts of the world but very different intellectual traditions. Interested in Chinese society and yet no longer able to carry out in Mainland China the kind of prolonged, detailed and intimate field study they required, these scholars opted for Hong Kong's New Territories where much of traditional China still survived. The pioneer was Barbara Ward, an English social anthropologist trained at the London School of Economics, who arrived in 1950, much earlier than anyone else. Then in 1961 came Jack Potter from Berkeley to study economic developments in the village of Ping Shan. Two years later came Hugh Baker from London University to write his Ph.D. thesis, thus becoming the first of a long line of scholars to conduct extensive field work in Hong Kong addressing the issue of lineage which was seen as a key to understanding Chinese society. To carry out his research, Baker lived in the village of Sheung Shui, learnt the Cantonese dialect and generally immersed himself in the local community. The major outcome of his research is A Chinese Lineage Village: Sheung Shui. (London: Frank Cass & Co., Ltd., 1968).\n\nOthers to follow were E.N. Anderson, R.L. Moench, John Brim, and Graham and Elizabeth Johnson from the United States, L.G. Aymer from Sweden, Hiroaki Kani from Japan, Marjorie Topley, H. Nelson and R.G. Groves from the UK. In the 1970s they were joined by James Watson and later, Rubie Watson. Each focused on a particular village or group of people—staking out his or her turf, so to speak. Through their in-depth",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213351,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1994",
        "page_number": 173,
        "title": "RAS-1994",
        "content_text": "156\n\nintellectual and historical traditions. Thus they were able to push the study of Hong Kong history to new frontiers.\n\nThe Hong Kong History Project, Chinese University of Hong Kong\n\nResearch was pursued with great energy at the Chinese University, and a history project its members began in 1978 may be said to have marked a turning point in the development of the study of local history.\n\nAimed at saving whatever historical information that might still be found, the Project included Ng Lun Ngai-ha, Kwan Li-hung, David Faure, Bernard Luk, Tam Yu-yim and Barbara Ward, and teams of students. They began by gathering historical inscriptions in temples and ancestral halls, and then went on to interviewing villagers for what they remembered of the villages. Villagers were also asked to come forward with whatever documents they had. Soon, gathering documentary materials and interviewing became complementary. The research teams worked on one district at a time, first concentrating on Sha Tin and Sai Kung, then Lam Tsuen and in 1982, Tsuen Wan, though members would approach other villages in the New Territories whenever the opportunity arose. Their search yielded rich fruits because they cast their nets wide - they sought materials that earlier researchers had not considered relevant. Thus documents such as village regulations, land deeds and accounts, ritual and ceremonial texts, scholars' handbooks, textbooks and almanacs, clan records and so forth were gathered, and these were able to throw new light on important, and yet hitherto neglected, aspects of village life - daily life, farming and subsistence, sickness and death, family life, marketing, intervillage organizations, internal village organization, \n\n22\n\nThe project must have seemed like a massive raid by scholars into the New Territories, and its benefit to other scholars is incalculable. Many of the manuscripts and books were deposited in public libraries. Inscriptions copied were published in three volumes as Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong, now standard reference. The wealth in information supplied by these inscriptions is overwhelming, and Maurice Freedman noted that, together with land deeds, genealogies and other records, they formed the basic sources for an understanding of the New Territories. The exercise was all the more timely since, in face of Hong Kong's rapid development, it was possible that many of the inscriptions might have been lost had the project not been undertaken at that time. 24",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213355,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1994",
        "page_number": 177,
        "title": "RAS-1994",
        "content_text": "160\n\nPopularization of Local History: Publications for the General Reader\n\nBooks on local history for the general reader were rare before the 1970s. Of course, there had always been the popular histories, especially those in the forms of anecdotes. But these, appearing mainly in newspaper columns rather than in book form, were ephemeral and hard to come by. Then, the market saw a change; once a few books on local history sold well, others were quick to follow. The Chinese series known as Hong Kong Stories edited by a well-known journalist, Lu Yan, became particularly popular, with a total of 13 volumes appearing between 1979 and 1991. For a journalist, Lu Yan's work was well-researched and he contributed to the study by covering many new topics. His wide knowledge and serious approach must have partly accounted for the success of the series and his other books. Another non-academic writer of local history is Tim Ko, whose recent works on battle sites during the Battle of Hong Kong (written in Chinese but soon to appear in an enlarged, English version) and the Japanese occupation are based on solid research and, not surprisingly, are very well received.\n\nThe wide gap between the academic and the general reader was also bridged from the other end at about this time. In 1980, Barbara Ward lamented that the published works by academics were simply unavailable to the people who ought to read. \"What is the use,\" she asked, \"of discovering our cultural heritage without also making it available to its true heirs - the present and future generations of Hong Kong, and (dare I say it?) China and the world?\" Very perceptive indeed, and other academics were obviously thinking along the same lines, and redirecting their publishing strategies. Practising what she preached, she published Chinese Festivals in Hong Kong3 for the general reader in 1982. Hugh Baker seems to have shared her thoughts and his series Ancestral Images published in three volumes between 1979 and 1981 proved just as successful; another volume appeared in 1990.\n\nWhile Ward and Baker write in English, and cater to some extent mainly to the expatriates living in Hong Kong, or even for visitors, in the last few years, Chinese academics have also published their works in more popular forms. An excellent example is K.K. Siu. One of Hong Kong's most knowledgeable and prolific local historians, he used to publish his own very scholarly books himself, with no obvious attempt to market them. Then his strategy changed, and many of his previous works were",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213358,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1994",
        "page_number": 180,
        "title": "RAS-1994",
        "content_text": "163\n\nProblems\n\nSo far I have been dwelling mostly on the progress of the study of local history, but that is not to imply that there are no problems.\n\nThe truth is, there is still a lot of local history waiting to be done urgently. There are villages, streets, institutions, trades, interesting and significant personalities that are hardly documented. There are archives to be discovered, records to be catalogued and indexed, folk tales and personal accounts to be recorded. There are myths to be debunked. In face of rapid urbanization and large-scale emigration — and always, old people dying — we are losing materials at an alarming rate.\n\nUnlike most other places, Hong Kong's problem is not money. In fact, there is now ready money offered to fund research. The budget for the new Museum of History is HK$580 million (approx. US$74m) and for the Heritage Museum, HK$772 million (approx. US$98m), so there will be plenty to pay for research. Academics can, moreover, apply for funds from the University Grants Committee which seems to favour projects related to Hong Kong. The Hong Kong Jockey Club has been a consistent donor to projects related to heritage, and other local bodies such as District Boards have funded publications. In addition, there is the Wilson Heritage Trust Fund, named after the former governor Lord Wilson of Tillyorn and set up in 1992 to promote the preservation and conservation of Hong Kong's human heritage. To date, it has funded television programmes, conferences, student projects and a wide range of other activities.\n\nThe problem is not so much money as manpower. Some of the pioneers of local history such as Barbara Ward and Lo Hsiang-lin have passed away. A number of experienced scholars have retired and emigrated, or have left Hong Kong universities to teach elsewhere. In a way, this is not a total loss, for David Faure and Bernard Luk are actually taking Hong Kong studies to Oxford and Toronto where they now teach. But the fact is that they are not here and can no longer supervise the kind of fieldwork they did in the late 1970s and early 1980s.\n\nThe sudden surge in demand for researchers created by the rapid expansion of the Museums and the Antiquities and Monuments Office both highlights and aggravates the problem of manpower shortage. One obvious example is while the AMO has been granted a donation of\n\nPage 180\n\nPage 181",
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    {
        "id": 213361,
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        "document_key": "RAS-1994",
        "page_number": 183,
        "title": "RAS-1994",
        "content_text": "166\n\nHai Journal, no 12 | August 1981, pp 191-201)\n\n1\n\nLo Hsiang-lin, Hong Kong and Its External Communications Before 1842 The History of Hong Kong Prior to British Arrival (Hong Kong Institute of Chinese Culture, 1963)\n\nBarbara Ward, \"Rediscovering our social and cultural heritage\", Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, (JHKBRAS) 20, pp 116-124, p 124\n\nSee Jack Potter Capitalism and the Chinese Peasant. Social and Economic Change in a Hong Kong Village (Berkeley, Calif University of California Press, 1968) He contradicts the theory that the industry and commerce of the treaty ports were the principal reasons for the bankruptcy of the Chinese countryside by showing how in Ping Shan, the effects of capitalism were beneficial to peasants.\n\nJames Hayes, The Hong Kong Region 1850-1911. Institutions and Leadership in Town and Countryside (Hamden, Connecticut Archon Books, 1972), The Rural Communities of Hong Kong Studies and Themes (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1983), Tsuen Wan Growth of a New Town and Its People (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1993)\n\n7 For the special nature of the District Officer's duties, see Austin Coates, Myself a Mandarin Memoirs of a Special Magistrate (Hong Kong Heinemann, 1975)\n\nSelina Ching Chan, \"Tradition Inherited, Traditional Reinterpreted. A Chinese Lineage in the 1990s\", (Unpublished Ph D thesis, Oxford University, 1995)\n\nAlan Birch and Martin Cole, Captive Years the Occupation of Hong Kong 1941-45 (Hong Kong Heinemann, 1982) and Captive Christmas (Hong Kong. Heinemann, 1979)\n\n10 Most of the Rev Smith's work was published in articles in various, often obscure, journals, but more recently they have been collected in anthologies - Chinese Christians, Middlemen and the Church in Hong Kong (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1985) and A Sense of History Studies in the Social and Urban History of Hong Kong (Hong Kong Educational Publishing Co, 1995)\n\nSee especially, DJ Dwyer (ed) The Changing Face of Hong Kong. Proceedings of a Weekend Symposium of the Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch (Hong Kong. The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. 1971)\n\n12 Editorial, JHKBRAS, vol 7(1967)pp 1-3,p 2\n\n13 PH Hase and Elizabeth Sinn (eds) Beyond the Metropolis Villages in Hong Kong (Hong Kong Joint Publishing (HK) Ltd, 1995)\n\n14 Marjorie Topley, (comp) \"Anthropology and Sociology in Hong Kong Field Projects and Problems of Overseas Scholars\" Proceedings of a Symposium, February 8-9, 1969 (Hong Kong Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, 1969)\n\nSee Ian Diamond, \"The Paper Chase - Archives and the Public Records Office of Hong Kong\"",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213363,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1994",
        "page_number": 185,
        "title": "RAS-1994",
        "content_text": "168\n\n23\n\nNg Lun Ngai-ha, Village Education in Transition, JHKBRAS, vol 22 (1982) pp 252-70. David Faure, Sai Kung. The Making of the District and its Experience during World War II\", Ibid, pp 161-216\n\n26 David Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society. Lineage and Village in the Eastern New Territories, Hong Kong (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1986)\n\n27\n\nThis is most clearly expressed in Faure's latest work, Unity and Diversity Local Cultures and Identities in China, edited by Tao Tao Liu and David Faure, (Hong Kong University Press, 1996)\n\n28\n\nAmong these histories are Nigel Cameron, Power the Story of China Light (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1982), Austin Coates, A Mountain of Light the Story of the Hong Kong Electric Company (London Heinemann, 1977), Robin Hutcheon, Wharf the First Hundred Years (Hong Kong Wharf (Holding, 1986), Katherine Mattock, Hong Kong Practice Dr Anderson and Partners, the First Hundred Years (Hong Kong Dr Anderson and Partners, 1984), and of course Frank HH King's monumental history of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation in 4 volumes published by the Cambridge University Press\n\n29 It would be useful to examine the policies and thinking behind the establishment and expansion of these bodies but it is beyond the brief of this paper to do so. But the economic power which makes these possible is very obvious\n\n30\n\nFor a brief introduction to its work, see The Heritage of Hong Kong (Hong Kong Antiquities and Monuments Office, Recreation and Culture Branch, 1992), for an account of how the AMO was founded, see Elizabeth Sinn. Modernization without Tears Attempts at Cultural Conservation in Hong Kong, Seminar paper presented at the Symposium on Cultural Heritage and Modernization, Hong Kong Institution of the Promotion of Chinese Culture and Goethe Institute of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 29 September - 2 October, 1987\n\nWhen Mr Lu Yan (real name, Liang Tao, died, the author went to see his collection of materials which literally jammed his small flat, and was impressed by the rarity of some of the items Obviously an avid and passionate collector, his willingness to sacrifice the physical comfort of home for the love of research, is much to be admired\n\n32 Barbara E Ward, Social and Cultural Heritage in the New Territories, p 123\n\n11\n\nJoan Law and Barbara E Ward Festivals in Hong Kong (Hong Kong South China Morning Post, 1982, republished by Hong Kong Guidebook Company Ltd, 1993)\n\n14\n\nHugh DR Baker, Ancestral Images 3 volumes (Hong Kong South China Morning Post 1979-81) and Hong Kong Images. People and Animals (Hong Kong University Press 1990)\n\n15\n\nThese include Chen Qian, A Record of Things Seen and Heard in Hong Kong (in Chinese) (Hong Kong Zhongyuan, 1987); Liu Zesheng, Hong Kong Past and Present (in Chinese) (Guangzhou, 1988). He Hongching (ed) Hong Kong Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow (in Chinese) (Beijing, 1994)",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213403,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1994",
        "page_number": 225,
        "title": "RAS-1994",
        "content_text": "213\n\nThomson, David Patrick, Eric Liddell, The Making of An Athelete and the Training of a Missionary, 1971\n\nThomson, James Claude Jr. While China Faced West: American Reformers in Nationalist China 1928-1937, Cambridge (Mass). Harvard University Press, 1969\n\nThompson, Wardlaw R, Griffith John: the Story of Fifty Years in China, London 1908\n\nThurston, Miss Lawrence and Ruth M Chester, Gining College, New York: United Board for Christian Colleges in China, 1955\n\nTietjens, Eunice, Profiles From China, Sketches in Verse of People and Things Seen in the Interior, Chicago: Ralf Fletcher Seymour, 1917\n\nTimkovski, Egor Fedorovich, Travels of the Russian Mission Through Mongolia to China, and Residence in Pekin, in the Years 1820-1821, London: Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown and Green, 1827\n\nTipton, Laurence, Chinese Escapade, London: Macmillan, 1949\n\nTobar, Jerome S.I., Inscriptions pavées de K'ang-feng, Shanghai: Mission Catholique, 1912\n\nTodd, Oliver Julian, The China That I Knew, Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 1973\n\nTopping, Seymour, Journey Between Two Chinas, New York: Harper & Row, 1972\n\nTrawick, Emma Penton, China and Japan, Louisville, Kentucky: Morton, 1902\n\nTregear, Thomas Reloy, A Geography of China, London: University of London Press, 1965\n\nTuchman, Barbara, Notes from China, New York: Collier Books, 1972\n\nTurner, John Arthur, Kwang Tung, or Five Years in South China, London: Partridge, 1894 (Hong Kong Reprint: Oxford University Press)\n\nVarg, Paul A, Missionaries, Chinese, and Diplomats, the American Protestant Missionary Movement in China, 1890-1952, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1958\n\nWales, Nym (b.1897), My China Years, a Memoir by Helen Foster Snow, New York: Morrow, 1984\n\nWallace, L. Edhiel, Hua Nan College: the Women's College of South China, New York: United Board for Christian Colleges in China, 1956\n\nWalmsley, Lewis C, West China Union University, New York: United Board for Christian Higher Education in Asia, 1974\n\nWatson, Andrew, Living in China, New York: Littlefield, 1977\n\nPage 225\n\nPage 226",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213471,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1995",
        "page_number": 67,
        "title": "RAS-1995",
        "content_text": "34\n\n19 Balfour, op cit p 449\n\nReport, DCNT., 1959-60, para 45\n\nReport, DCNT, 1954-55, para 9\n\n\"stranger people\", the word used by the Hakkas to describe themselves (Reports, DCNT, 1959-60 para 46 and Balfour, op cit p 332)\n\n5 Balfour, op cit p 333\n\n54 ibid, and Barbara E. Ward's article \"A Hakka Kengsi in Borneo\" Journal of Oriental Studies, Hong Kong Univ Press, Vol 1, No 2, (July 1954) p. 359\n\nReport, DCNT. 1954-55, para 8\n\nReports, DCNT, 1959-60, para 46\n\nBalfour, op cit. p 464\n\n54 Balfour, op cit pp 460-463\n\nBalfour, op cit p 464\n\nibid\n\n62\n\nReports, DCNT, 1959-60, para 46\n\n6.1\n\nReports, DCNT, 1954-55, para 9\n\nReport, DCNT. 1954-55, para 8\n\nibid\n\n50\n\nReport, DCNT, 1955-56, para 8\n\nBalfour, op cit, p 446 (The notable exception is that the Hakka do not celebrate the Dragon Boat Festival)\n\nReport, DCNT 1954-55, para 8\n\nBalfour, op cit, p. 464",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213472,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1995",
        "page_number": 68,
        "title": "RAS-1995",
        "content_text": "35\n\nTU\n\n=\n\n\"Egg families\" or \"Egg people”— an expression used by the land-dwellers but never used by the Tanka to describe themselves as they regard it as derogatory (vide Barbara E Ward's article “A Hong Kong Fishing Village” Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol 1 No 1 (January 1954) p. 195, and Reports, DCNT, 1955-56, para 8, and 1959-60 para 48) They prefer instead to refer to themselves as \"Nam Hoi Yan” (= “people of the southern sea”) or \"Shui Sheung Yan\" (= \"water-borne people\") (Reports, DCNT, 1955-56 and 1959-60, loc cit)\n\n71 Report, DCNT, 1954-55 para 8\n\nTH\n\nReport, DCNT, 1955-56, para 8\n\nReport, DCNT, 1954-55, para 8\n\n24 Report, DCNT, 1954-55, para 9\n\nTA\n\n&\n\nT\n\nReport, DCNT, 1959-60, para 48\n\nop cit p 332\n\nReport, DCNT, 1955-56, para 8, vide Ward, loc cit\n\nTH Reports 1959-60, DCNT, para 46.\n\nTo Balfour states \"The word Hoklo is a dialect variation of Fukien and the Hoklo are the Fukienese fishing people of our region, but there is another term for them always used in literature, Man. We have already seen that the Tanka are considered a branch of the Man tribe. The word is very ancient and is used synonymously for \"barbarian\" or \"uncouth\". From the name alone you can judge that the Hoklo were once considered by the Chinese as barbarians\" (op cit p. 332)\n\nEXOD\n\nReport, DCNT, 1954-55, para 8\n\n* Report, DCNT, 1959-60, para 47\n\n* Report, DCNT, 1954-55. para 8.\n\nop cit p 336\n\n*For example, I have omitted the subjects of house-building and names, which appear in Wilson's Notes (vide footnote 35 supra)\n\n**That was the view taken by the late Mr. G.E. Strickland, Solicitor General of Hong Kong, and his view was endorsed by the 1948 Committee vide Committee Report, 1953, Appendix IX p 120 and Chap. II para 13. (Section 25 of the New Territories Regulation Ordinance, 1910 has now become Section 17 of the present Ordinance (Cap. 97) vide supra)",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213477,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1995",
        "page_number": 73,
        "title": "RAS-1995",
        "content_text": "40\n\n146 literally \"to fill up the bedchamber\" tea wife married when one of parties was previously widowed or divorced, to take the place of a \"kit tat\" wife\n\n147 vide infra\n\nWilson's Notes, e.g. Russell J's Report on Chinese (18th July 1883), Hong Kong Sessional Papers 1886-87, pp 187-189 (part of which is reprinted as Appendix 8 to Committee Report, 1953, at p 194), E Alabaster, Notes and Commentaries on Chinese Criminal Law, London, 1899, pp 168-170, Jamieson, op cit, p 13, and Van der Valk, op cit, pp 133-134\n\n1517\n\nvide Dyer Ball, op cit p 632 et seq\n\nReport on the New Territories 1899-1912, Appendix E (Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1912, at p 62)\n\n142\n\nWilson's Notes\n\nViz, CHOW CHAM vs YUET SEEM (1910) 5 HKLR 233, UN YAN SING AND OTHERS vs FONG LUN SAN (1913) 8 HKLR 89, CHAN KA LAM AND OTHERS vs CHEUNG CHUN KONG AND ANOTHER (1915) 10 HKLR 157, CHAN TU SANG vs TAM WAI SANG (1927) 22 HKLR 129 AND FAN NGOI NAM AND OTHERS vs ASIA CAFÉ (1929) 24 HKLR\n\nibid. (This subject is included since, as already noted, resort has occasionally been made in recent years to Chinese customary oaths in judicial proceedings, however, as long ago as 1912, the infallibility of this test was beginning to be doubted as the morality of the villager changed under foreign influence vide Report on the New Territories 1889-1912 para 87, Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1912, p 56)\n\nAs already indicated, the main source for this part has been the material collected by Mr W Duncan of the Co-operative Development and Fisheries Department. Burkhardt also describes the \"Boat People\", op cit Vol II p 177, as does Barbara E Ward in her article “A Hong Kong Fishing Village\" JOS Vol I No 1 (January 1954) p 195\n\nY\n\nvide 1961 Census figures supra and also the figures for the 1911 census which were respectively - Land Population 94,246, Floating Population 9,855 (Report on the New Territories 1899-1912, para 6 Hong Kong Sessional Papers 1912, p 43)\n\n15% ibid para 53 at p 53\n\n157 For a description of a Boat People's Wedding see Burkhardt, op cit, vol 1 p 80",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt",
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        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213998,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1997",
        "page_number": 67,
        "title": "RAS-1997",
        "content_text": "33\n\n\"Lee, loc cit, and Keith Stevens, Chinese Gods. The Unseen World of Spirits and Demons,\n\nCollins and Brown (UK 1997), p. 63\n\n14\n\n77\n\nThe Lu Shong Kung Temple adjoins the Man Mo Temple in Hollywood Road, on Hong Kong Island. Walt Kwong is the second god on the right as you enter. He has two attendants.\n\nBarbara E. Ward and Joan Law, Chinese Festivals in Hong Kong, Guidebook Co. Ltd (Hong Kong, 1993), pp. 75 and 92)\n\nThe Author went to the Lu Pan Temple on Lu Pan's birthday, in 1997. In spite of rain, a large number of contractors and building trade workers came to pay their respects, including some scaffolders. There were also two television teams, one of which interviewed the author.\n\nDan Waters, \"In the Steps of Lu Pan: Reminiscences of Building in Hong Kong\", The Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 29, 1989 (1991), pp. 1-7",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214158,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 16,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "Sidney Cowell who, separately, and of their own volition, circulated details of the RASHKB by mail. As a result, more new members were recruited.\n\nPublications\n\nWith the publishing of RASHKB Journal Volume 37 recently, we have now caught up after, not so long ago, being several volumes in arrears. Work continues on the new index. We are also grateful to Agnes Lee and Joseph Chan, at the City Hall, where our RAS Library is on permanent loan to the Urban Council,\n\nFor an organisation like ours, communications are obviously important, and some members have informed us that they look forward regularly to the arrival of our bi-monthly Newsletter. For the drafting and circulation of this we are largely indebted to Sarah Parnell, our capable Assistant Secretary, who is also making noteworthy efforts to sell more of our Journals and other publications, both in Hong Kong and overseas.\n\nMeanwhile the publication of In the Heart of the Metropolis, about Yau Ma Tei, edited by Dr Patrick Hase, to which several of our Branch members have contributed, has been delayed by the publisher. We are hoping it will be out before too many months. We are grateful to Patrick and to everyone who has helped, and to members of the Cathay Camera Club, and especially to Ian Masterton the photography co-ordinator.\n\nWhile on the subject of publications a number of our members have published books, papers or articles, in their own capacity, during the past year on subjects related to the work of the RAS. We congratulate them all. They include Valery Garrett, Edward Stokes, Jason Wordie, May Holdsworth and Barbara Baker. There could be others.\n\nActivities\n\nDuring the year under review 14 lectures, 6 Hong Kong visits, and two excursions to the China Mainland and one to Macau were conducted. A wide range of topics was covered as may be seen from Appendices A and B of this Report. In it lecturers are named and I take this opportunity to thank them here, together with group leaders of\n\nXV.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214178,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 36,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH HON. LIBRARIAN'S REPORT FOR THE YEAR 1998/1999\n\nAs of 1 March 1999, the library collection had increased to 3,704 volumes. A total of 275 volumes were added during the year. Donations of books were received from Mrs. Barbara Baker, the estate of the late Mr. Christopher D'Almada, Mrs. Valery Garrett, Dr. James Hayes, Peter and Rosemary Lee, Mr. John MacKenzie, and Ms. Margaret Moore.\n\nThe addition of several collections to the RAS Library is worth mentioning. Mrs. Valery Garrett managed to obtain some nineteen old and valuable books from the Hong Kong Club, with the help of Mr. John MacKenzie, for HK$20 each. Two big boxes of Arts of Asia magazines dating from 1972 - 1993 were donated from the estate of the late Mr. Christopher D'Almada. Mr. Geoffrey Roper recommended three fascinating books relating to the Ningbo visit: The Five Sacred Mountains and Sacred Buddhist Lands compiled by the Hong Kong China Tourism Press, and Pilgrims and Sacred Sites in China edited by Susan Naquin and Chun-fang Yu. Peter and Rosemary Lee also donated four videos: Minorities of Guizhou and To the Roof of the World via the Backdoor, to the RAS Library.\n\nThe digital project of mounting RAS journal content pages and full-text articles on the HKU Libraries Web server for wider access was discussed and decided not to be feasible. There was major concern on copyright. Consent of each author in writing is required prior to mounting his/her article on the Web and it is difficult to trace them all. Easy access to full-text articles on the Web may also result in the reduction of sales and a subsequent decrease in revenue from sales of the Journal.\n\nThe latest news on the opening of the new Hong Kong Central Library at Moreton Terrace in Causeway Bay is that the City Hall Reference Library will be relocated to the Central Reference Library around the end of 2000. To provide more convenient access to the RAS Collection, there is consideration that the Collection, as with other special collections, will be searchable via the on-line catalogue as a separate subset.\n\nXXXV",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214593,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1999",
        "page_number": 8,
        "title": "RAS-1999",
        "content_text": "CONTENTS\n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT ............................................................... xi\n\nFRIENDS OF THE RASHKB (UK) REPORT ............................... xxii\n\nHON. AUDITOR'S REPORT ......................................................... xxv\n\nHON. LIBRARIAN'S REPORT ...................................................... xxxiv\n\nARTICLES\n\nP.H. Hase - Beside the Yamen: Nga Tsin Wai Village ................ 1\n\nD.D. Waters - Safeguarding One's Fortunes: The Importance of Tun Fu ............................................................... 83\n\nLawrence Lai Wai Chung - The Battle of Hong Kong: A Note on the Literature and the Effectiveness of the Defence ............................................................... 115\n\nP.J. Aston - Decoded Version of Squadron Leader Donald Hill's Wartime Diary Maintained Whilst in Captivity in Hong Kong: \n\n(a) Translation of \"Russels Mathematical Tables\" ................ 137\n\n(b) A Decoded Diary Reveals a War Time Story .................... 157\n\nNicholas Tapp - The Barbara Ward Memorial Lecture Post - Colonial Anthropology: Local Identities and Virtual Nationality in the Hong Kong-China Region ...... 165\n\nJames Hayes - The Characteristics of Chinese Religion: Mainly Taken from 19th Century Writings, but yet Relevant for Contemporary Hong Kong ............................... 195\n\nJames Hayes - \"That Singular and Hitherto Almost Unknown Country: Opinions on China, the Chinese, and the \"Opium War\" among British Naval and Military Officers who Served During Hostilities There ............................... 211\n\nvii",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214606,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1999",
        "page_number": 21,
        "title": "RAS-1999",
        "content_text": "Appendix One\n\nActivities - Talks\n\nDate 1999\n\n23 April: Writing a History of Hong Kong, Challenges and Rewards, by Frank Welsh.\n\n7 May: In Search of the Gods: An Anecdotal Miscellany of Memories, by Keith Stevens.\n\n28 May: Korean Palaces, by Dr James Hayes\n\n25 June: The Social History of the Jewish Community in Hong Kong 1842-1949, by Dr Caroline Pluss.\n\n27 August: A Bird's Eye View of Hong Kong, by Dr David Melville.\n\n10 September: Should Geographers Take Feng Shui Seriously? by Dr Elizabeth Teather and Eddie Chow, followed by dinner at the Mariners' Club.\n\n22 October: Voices of Macau Stones, by Jason Wordie.\n\n26 November: Speak English, Will Travel, by Drs Gillian and Verner Bickley.\n\n29 November: August Borget in China and Macau, by Barbara Giordana.\n\n10 December: The Yaumatei Book Project, by Drs Patrick Hase and James Hayes, followed by dinner at the Foreign Correspondents' Club.\n\n2000\n\n21 January: My Century, by Anthony Lawrence.\n\n3 March: Hong Kong's Countryside-Conservation for the New Territories Lowlands, by Edward Stokes,\n\nXX",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214725,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1999",
        "page_number": 140,
        "title": "RAS-1999",
        "content_text": "104\n\nShum Tin Ho\n\nC. 1996, 'Kam Tin: the \"Treasure\" in the Cradle', Heritage Hong Kong. Treasure our Heritage Benefit Our Future. Vol. 1, Government Antiquities and Monuments Office\n\nSouth China Morning Post\n\n2000, August 4, 8 'Diversions.'\n\nStevens, Keith\n\n1997, Chinese Gods: The Unseen World of Spirits and Demons, Collins and Brown\n\nStrauch, Judith\n\n1983, ‘A Tun Fu Ceremony in Tai Po District, 1981: Ritual as a Demarcator of Community' JHKBRAS, vol. 20 (1980)\n\nWalters, Derek\n\n1988, Feng Shui, Perfect Placing for your Happiness and Prosperity, Asiapac.\n\nWard, Barbara E. and Joan Law\n\n1993, Chinese Festivals in Hong Kong, The Guidebook Company Ltd, Hong Kong\n\nWaters, Dan\n\n1996, 'Chinese Funerals: a Case Study', JHKBRAS, vol. 31 (1991)\n\n1997, ‘Foreigners and Fung Shui”, JHKBRAS, vol. 34 (1994)\n\nWatson, James L\n\n1987, 'From the Common Pot: Feasting with Equals in Chinese Society,' Anthropos 82\n\nYu, Kai Peter\n\n1999, May 28, ‘484 Teenagers Caught in Hostess-club Vice Raids', South China Morning Post\n\nKey\n\nJHKBRAS = Journal, Hong Kong Branch Royal Asiatic Society",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214785,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1999",
        "page_number": 200,
        "title": "RAS-1999",
        "content_text": "165\n\nPOST-COLONIAL ANTHROPOLOGY:\n\nLOCAL IDENTITIES AND VIRTUAL NATIONALITY IN THE HONG KONG-CHINA REGION\n\nNICHOLAS TAPP\n\nI’d like to start with a bow in the direction of Barbara Ward, who I’ve always regretted just missing being supervised by.1 Barbara Ward pioneered local anthropological studies of Hong Kong, in the sense that she lived here, she worked here, and she undertook intensive field-work among the fishing and other communities of Hong Kong. Many here were her friends, and many will remember her. But what was the importance of her work, to Hong Kong, and to anthropologists today?\n\nAnthropology used to be thought of as the intensive study of small-scale ‘traditional’ communities. Since the days when Maine (1971) foregrounded the importance of territory by tracing the transition from blood to soil as the basis of social evolution and Morgan (1877) talked of the transition from kinship to territory, anthropologists have specialised in localities, local situations and local identities, and their relations to even more primary kinship groupings. And certainly Barbara Ward’s work contributed to this aspect of traditional anthropology. But at the same time, and really since the beginnings of modern anthropology with Malinowski’s (1945) work on colonialism, anthropologists have also sought to understand the encounters between different cultures; culture-contact, social change and the modernization process.2 So there has been a constant struggle to depict the local communities, whom anthropologists so intensively studied, in terms of wider social, cultural, political or economic frameworks. Here Barbara Ward’s work was critical in the Hong Kong context, for she showed us the fishing people, so often thought of as a community apart, feeling and representing themselves as members of a much wider, ‘Chinese’ society, of which they felt very much a part (Ward 1965).3 The idea of a merely local community, then, somewhere between the family and a society, had to be revised, restructured, to take account of this sense of belonging to a far wider, more dispersed, social category associated with a nation-state.4\n\nAnother great contributor to studies of Hong Kong has been Professor James Watson, and his own work can be seen as having taken",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214808,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1999",
        "page_number": 223,
        "title": "RAS-1999",
        "content_text": "188\n\npaper given at the London China Seminar, The School of Oriental and African Studies, London, 18 February 1999, on the theme of 'Consumption with Chinese characteristics' (to appear in The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology.)\n\n1996 'Confucian Ethics and Constructions of the Past: An Enquiry into Comparative Morality', Proceedings of the 6th. International Conference on Thai Studies, 14-17 October 1996. Chiangmai. Chiangmai University,\n\n1989 Sovereignty and Rebellion: the White Hmong of Northern Thailand. Oxford, New York, Kuala Lumpur. Oxford University Press.\n\n1982 'The Relevance of Telephone Directories to a Lineage-Based Society', Journal of the Siam Society, 70.\n\nTax, Sol, Laven Eiseley et al. (ed.) 1953 An Appraisal of Anthropology Today. Chicago. Chicago University Press.\n\nTonnies, Ferdinand 1887 (1957) Community and Society. New York. Harper.\n\nTrevor-Roper, Hugh 1983 'The Invention of Tradition : The Highland Tradition of Scotland', The Invention of Tradition, ed. Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger. Cambridge. Cambridge University Press.\n\nVertovec, Steven and Robin Cohen (ed.) 1999 Migrations, Diasporas and Transnationalism. Cheltenham. Elgar Press.\n\nWang Gungwu 1994 'Foreword' to Reluctant Exiles? Migration from Hong Kong and the Overseas Chinese, ed. R. Skeldon. Armonk, N.Y; M.E. Sharpe.\n\nWang, Ling Chi and Wang Gungwu (ed.) 1998 The Chinese Diaspora : Selected Essays (Vol.1). Singapore. Times Academic Press.\n\nWard, Barbara 1985 Through Other Eyes - Essays in Understanding 'Conscious Models' - Mostly in Hong Kong (ed. Tien Ju-Kang). Hong Kong; The Chinese University of Hong Kong.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214907,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2000",
        "page_number": 3,
        "title": "RAS-2000",
        "content_text": "ADDENDUM\n\nNicholas Tapp's 2000 Barbara Ward Lecture reproduced in Vol. 39 of the Journal was inadequately sourced. It was as follows: The Barbara Ward Memorial Lecture, given annually to the Hong Kong Anthropological Society on 17 October 2000, at the Museum of History, Kowloon.\n\nERRATA\n\nTHE BATTLE OF HONG KONG, Vol. 39\n\np. 115, second para.: 'just clause' in the second last sentence should read 'just cause.'\n\np. 117, last para.: the word 'the' before 'Grasett's contribution' should be omitted.\n\np. 118, second line of the quotation from Stokes: ‘again Germany' should read 'against Germany.'\n\nThere are a few endnote reference numbers which have been rendered in text rather than superscript: note 11 (Before Bell' on p. 121) note 21 on p. 127\n\nThe reference to 'Keniti' in the second last para. of p. 128 should read 'Takagi Keniti.'\n\nTHE CHARACTERISTICS OF CHINESE RELIGION, Vol. 39\n\nIn Note 13, the book in question, Moral Tenets and Customs in China is by Dr. L. Wieger, with texts in Chinese translated and annotated by L. Davrout, S.J.\n\nIn note 14, the word 'Refs' should be omitted.\n\nIn note 19, Professor Soothill's book is entitled A Mission in China (Edinburgh and London, Oliphant, Anderson and Ferrier, 1907). In note 24, read 'Moule' for 'Moulem.'\n\nii",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214908,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2000",
        "page_number": 4,
        "title": "RAS-2000",
        "content_text": "FROM THE HON. EDITOR\n\nThe publication of the fortieth Volume of the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (and my tenth contribution) seems to merit a special mention by your Hon. Editor as, of course, it marks the fortieth anniversary of the rebirth of the Society. You \"saw\" the fortieth anniversary conference (in 2000), now read the book!\n\nAs you know, Council's instructions are for about 200 pages (Don't give 'em too much!) but I've strayed beyond that by about 50 per cent. Perhaps I can be forgiven, given the propitiousness of the occasion.\n\nOnce again, I've striven for variety and, as you will see, the contributors are both old and new. The distinguished Solomon Bard has come out of retirement to pen Tea and Opium, a wholly dispassionate look at a controversial subject. Brian Fawcett's The Chinese Labour Corps in France, 1917-1921 represents an enormous investment in time and I should imagine he knows France quite well now. The redoubtable Keith Stevens has contributed two articles including the long-awaited (for me) The Celestial Ministry of Time, a veritable Tour de force.\n\nReaders of Volume 38 - 66 our Y2K issue will recall the photograph of Tai Sui, the Goddess of Time, on the dust jacket, and so kindly provided by Jennifer Welch. What was not revealed at the time was that Keith Stevens and Jennifer Welch were writing The Celestial Ministry of Time and has lots of photographs of Tai Sui including the magnificent one of Jai Zi which adorns the dust jacket of this issue. I wanted it for Volume 38 but, understandably, Keith and Jennifer held out on me.\n\nOtherwise, the unflagging Dan Waters has almost single-handedly provided the Notes and Queries section but with most interesting contributions from Barbara Park and our man in Bondi Beach, James Hayes. Barbara has given us a perceptive glimpse of The Peak in \"the good old days.\" James keeps editors on their toes (\"Dear Peter, please find attached the fifteenth amendment to my article.\"). Jack Lao's 1954 photograph of the Harbour will bring back memories for many.\n\nI came into contact with Teresa Kowalska in Poland, and her exquisite...\n\nWhen I was researching the piece on A Many Splendoured Thing,\n\niii",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214915,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2000",
        "page_number": 11,
        "title": "RAS-2000",
        "content_text": "CONTENTS\n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT ............................................................ XIV\n\nFRIENDS OF THE HKBRAS (UK) REPORT .......................... xxvii\n\nHON. AUDITOR'S REPORT ....................................................... xxx\n\nHON. LIBRARIAN'S REPORT ................................................... xlii\n\nARTICLES\n\nSolomon Bard - Tea and Opium ............................................... 1\n\nTeresa Kowalska - Tea, Ivory and Ebony: Tracing Colonial Threads in the Inseparable Life and Literature of Han Suyin ........ 21\n\nBrian C. Fawcett - The Chinese Labour Corps in France, 1917-1921 ............................................................... 33\n\nKeith Stevens and Jennifer Welch - The Celestial Ministry of Time ............................................................... 113\n\nKeith Stevens - Images on Popular Religion Altars of the Heroes Involved in the Suppression of the An Lushan Rebellion (AD 755-763) ........................................................ 155\n\nDan Waters - The Two Obelisks at Tai Tam ....................... 185\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nKeith Stevens - Patron Deity of Prostitutes: Zhu Bajie ........ 195\n\nBarbara Park - A Walk along Harlech and Lugard Roads ...... 197\n\nDan Waters - Designatory Letters after an RAS Member's Name ............................................................... 205\n\nDan Waters - Photographs from the HKBRAS Photographic Exhibition held in January 2001 at the City University ........ 207",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214917,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2000",
        "page_number": 13,
        "title": "RAS-2000",
        "content_text": "CONTRIBUTORS\n\nSolomon Bard, O.B.E., E.D., is a long-time, well-known resident of Hong Kong and amongst his many other accomplishments is a musician, archaeologist and historian. His published works include the following: In Search of the Past: A Guide to the Antiquities of Hong Kong (Urban Council, Hong Kong, 1988); Traders of Hong Kong: Some Foreign Merchant Houses, 1841-1899 (Urban Council, Hong Kong, 1993); and Garrison Memorials in Hong Kong: Some Graves and Monuments at Happy Valley (Antiquities and Monuments Office, Hong Kong, Occasional Paper No. 4, 1997).\n\nBrian C. Fawcett, was born in the Far East where his father served with the Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corporation. He also joined the bank and served from 1961 to 1978, being based in Hong Kong from 1971 to 1978. During that time he was also a volunteer with the Royal Hong Kong Auxiliary Air Force, now the Government Flying Services. He is a life member of HKBRAS.\n\nPeter Halliday, M.A., Ph.D., is an Assistant Commissioner with the Hong Kong Police Force and is in charge of the Information Systems Wing. He has been the Hon. Editor of the HKBRAS Journal since 1993 (peterhalliday@police.gov.hk).\n\nJames Hayes, Ph.D., D.Litt. (Hon.), is a Past-president of HKBRAS. He is a noted scholar and Hong Kong historian, and has written several books, the most recent being Friends and Teachers: Hong Kong and its People, 1953-87. He has contributed prolifically to the Journal (mouseh1@bigpond.com).\n\nTeresa Kowalska, Ph.D., is a professor of physical chemistry at the Silesian University, Katowice, Poland. She has a distinguished academic record in her chosen field and publishes widely. Her interest in and admiration of, the writer Han Suyin is an extracurricular pursuit (kowalska@uranos.cto.us.edu.pl).\n\nJack Lao Mou Chi, is a retired Assistant Commissioner of Labour of the Hong Kong Government and a member of HKBRAS.\n\nBarbara Park, is a landscape designer and a long-time member of HKBRAS.\n\nxii",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215143,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2000",
        "page_number": 239,
        "title": "RAS-2000",
        "content_text": "197\n\nA WALK ALONG HARLECH AND LUGARD ROADS, THE PEAK, AUGUST, 201\n\nBARBARA PARK\n\nThe Hindustan Gentians, Bottlebrush Ginger and Buttercup Orchids are in flower near Lugard Road as I write. They hide in the shadows, avoiding discovery by all but the eagle-eyed (including the author). What a delight is this road, providing shade, flora, fauna and views to please all but the truly jaded!\n\nThe road was completed in 1924, and the photographs below provided by Mr. Doug Franklin, are much appreciated. Doug lived at No. 34 Lugard Road, during the time his father was Editor of the South China Morning Post, which I believe was in the 1950s.\n\nPhotograph No. 3 shows Doug's house, and readers will be astonished to see the barrenness of the slopes thereabouts, which are now very heavily wooded. It appears from this photograph that Mr. Franklin Senior planted the Livistona Chinensis palms which now majestically grace the property.\n\nThe oldest house on the road is No.27, built in 1911, which previously housed the Swire Mess. This is a grand two-storey dwelling, much restored by the late Mr. Bob Lusher, in which the staircase from the old Hong Kong Club stands proudly. Younger are Nos. 28, 32 and 34, all built around the early 1930s. No. 28 was built by Mr. Lennox Godfrey Bird, senior partner of the architectural practice of Palmer and Turner (still a prominent firm to this day) as his own residence. No. 32 (Dragon Lodge) has had very mixed fortunes over the years, and I am assured by a former resident that the ghosts are very much in residence, and have caused her some distress.\n\nNo. 30, the apartment house known as Hirst Mansions, was built by the General Electric Company of the U.K., post-war, to provide accommodation for its senior staff, the last of whom, Mr. Alastair Murray, left Hong Kong during the 1980s.\n\nNo. 25, built as a colonial mansion, and formerly owned by Dr. H. Wen, has been abandoned, and presumably will be demolished, a sad fate for such a beautiful dwelling. The same fate appears about to befall",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215541,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2001",
        "page_number": 318,
        "title": "RAS-2001",
        "content_text": "268\n\n38 Fortune, Robert (1935). THREE YEARS' WANDERINGS IN THE NORTHERN PROVINCES OF CHINA. Shanghai: The University Press, p. 22 (footnote),\n\n39 Inscriptions found at the entrance of the cemetery. However, in Barbara-Sue White's TURBANS AND TRADERS: HONG KONG'S INDIAN COMMUNITIES (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1994), p. 17, the year stated is 1854.\n\n40 Information provided by the Rev. Carl T. Smith.\n\n41 \"The cemetery can be found in an 1863 map, see Hal Empson, p. 132.\n\n42 Smith: A SENSE OF HISTORY, p. 401\n\n43 Ibid, p. 402.\n\n44 A HAND-BOOK TO HONGKONG BEING A POPULAR GUIDE TO THE VARIOUS PLACES OF INTEREST IN THE COLONY, FOR THE USE OF TOURISTS (1893). Hong Kong: Kelly & Walsh, p. 94.\n\n45 杜瑞樂 (Joel Thoraval)著(張寧譯)(2002):《葬禮與祈禱的安排:香港回教信託基金總會歷史概貌》(1850-1985),載陳慎慶編:《諸神嘉年華:香港宗教研究》(Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, p. 392.\n\n46 Empson, p. 132. The cemetery is also shown in another 1866 map in the same book, see p. 49.\n\n47 Information provided by the Rev. Carl T. Smith. Details regarding the founding of this cemetery are not known as yet. In a 1863 map, at the site of the subsequent Muslim cemetery, an area marked as 'Indian soldier' can be found, which might be an early burial ground for Indian soldiers, but details regarding its founding is not known, see Empson, p. 133.\n\n48 The graves in this cemetery were removed to Cape Collinson Catholic Cemetery, around late 1980s and early 1990s, according to Father Louis Ha, long after the Bethanie had been purchased by the University of Hong Kong in the early 1960s,\n\n49 \"For the breakdowns of population figures, see Blue Books or HKGG of the corresponding years.\n\n50 The figure included that of 'British Kowloon,' i.e., the area south of old boundary",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215550,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2001",
        "page_number": 327,
        "title": "RAS-2001",
        "content_text": "277\n\nNotice 1071 of 19 November 1948.\n\n8 This cemetery might have been in existence for quite some time, perhaps even from the late 19th century. In Barbara-Sue White, pp. 60-61, it is stated that 'Part of the agreement with the government in the 19th century was that Muslims would prepare the original Ho Man Tin area for burials, and so Muslim soldiers gathered every Sunday, their only day off, and cleared the provided land...'. However, further reference regarding the agreement is not known at the moment.\n\n139 HKGG Notice 401 of 27 June 1930.\n\n140 HKGG Notice 496 of 7th August 1931.\n\n141 Sung Him Tong was founded in 1903 by some converts of the Basel Mission.\n\n142 HKGG Notice 511 of 14 August 1931. The origin of this cemetery is given in 彭樂三(1932), 香港新界龍躍頭崇謙堂村誌, pp.29-32.\n\n143 HKGG Notice 716 of 23rd October 1931.\n\n144 Information provided by the Rev. Carl T. Smith. The origin of this cemetery is not known yet.\n\n145 HKGG Notice 2 of 8 January 1932.\n\n146 The description of this new cemetery is also applicable to the Stanley Military Cemetery, however, there is no grave between 1870 and 1941 found in the latter; the site of this Stanley New Cemetery is not known yet.\n\n147 HKGG Notice 269 of 8th April 1938.\n\n148 HKGG Notice 784 of 8th December 1933.\n\n149 Kap Shek Mi was an old name for Shek Kip Mei.\n\n150 HKGG Notice 799 of 15th December 1933.\n\n151 The cemetery was located in an area between the present Pak Tin Estate and the Shek Kip Mei Park. It is marked 'closed' and is shown in a map (Map B) enclosed in the REPORT ON THE RIOTS IN KOWLOON AND TSUEN WAN, OCTOBER",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215646,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2001",
        "page_number": 423,
        "title": "RAS-2001",
        "content_text": "375\n\nANOTHER DONATION TO THE\n\nHONG KONG BRANCH OF THE ROYAL\n\nASIATIC SOCIETY\n\nDAN WATERS\n\nOur Branch possesses a number of archives and artefacts, including photographs. Details of these are given in an article by Dan Waters entitled, Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society: Possessions on Permanent Loan to other Institutions (JHKBRAS, Vol. 37, 1998, p. 177). In addition, 515 books and a number of items were kindly donated to our Branch by the late Arnold Graham. Please see Arnold Graham 1905-1996 by Dan Waters (JHKBRAS, Vol. 38, 1998-99, p.305),\n\nIn order to build up our collection, in February 2001, HKBRAS member Barbara Park suggested I write to Douglas Franklin who lives in Brisbane, Australia. Mr Franklin was very helpful and replied that he had some photographs in good condition and that he would be pleased to donate some to HKBRAS. We are extremely grateful to him for this donation.\n\nThe late Frederick Percy Franklin (father of Douglas Franklin who made the donation) emigrated from Bournemouth, England, to Sydney, Australia, in 1912. He joined the Australian army in 1915 and served in France. He first came to Hong Kong in 1922, when he was appointed Manager of the Hong Kong Telegraph. This was the daily afternoon paper published by the South China Morning Post.\n\nAs the Japanese approached the Colony all able-bodied British subjects were required to register for essential services. Frederick Franklin joined a British Royal Engineers unit. He was wounded on Christmas Day 1941, the day Hong Kong fell. His wife, two daughters and son, Douglas - who was 14 at the time - were evacuated on British Government orders to Sydney in August 1940, together with 3,000 women and children.\n\nWhen Hong Kong fell Frederick Franklin was captured and spent the whole of the war in the Argyle Street Prisoner of War Camp. After the war he returned to the South China Morning Post offices, then in",
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