[ { "id": 204491, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 123, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "110\n\nM. W. WELCH\n\nbelow the original level of the surface before artillery practice began). They prove only that there were people who spent some time there. Although I chose the sites as good places to live, I have so far found no strata, no remains of fires, and no other signs of habitation.\n\nI have combed the adjacent, unshelled, non-eroded areas for true surface finds, and, despite many days of search, I have found none at all. Hence I have a theory that the artifacts came to be where I found them as a result of shell penetration and explosion. After being thrown into the air, they fell around the area of the impact. (I have several items that seem to prove the point: one is a small chert adze—chert is an amorphous, massive stone, closely allied to flint—found in two pieces, each on opposite sides of a rock that it must have hit as it fell and then separated. Another is a larger adze, two fragments of which were found about twenty feet apart, and shattered in a way that can only be accounted for by an explosion. There are also two matching potsherds discovered on opposite sides of a ridge of hardened kaolin about three yards apart). The shells used on this firing range, I am told, penetrate about four feet and the objects found could have been located anywhere between the surface and the deepest point of penetration.\n\nI have not, as I have already mentioned, found any strata or deposits anywhere. There are several reasons why this might be the case. The inhabitants of the island may have been nomadic and lived here only during certain seasons, coming by boat to cut wood (there is a theory that Hong Kong was well forested in those days), or to dig kaolin for shipment to centres of pottery manufacturing (the latter I think is the probable raison d'être of my sites). The actual settlements of this area may have been located mostly where we find the present inhabitants, on sites which have been lived on without interruption until modern times. This would explain the absence of strata, and, if it is correct, no strata will be found until it is possible to trench on the site of an existing village. I understand that such a project is planned for the future.\n\nBefore I describe some of the finds, I want to explain the basis on which I have classified them. Father D. J. Finn began his researches on Lamma Island and later on with Father R.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204766, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "58 \n\nK. M. A. BARNETT \n\nfrom the point of view of my present subject, the event which ushered in the new age is the capture of Canton in +878 by the Huang Chao146 rebels. Between this event and the re-incorporation of Canton's territory into China in +971, by which time the earliest Chinese had already a firm grip on what is now Hong Kong, the Liu76 family gave five emperors to the Nan Han99 Dynasty at Canton. This family was allied by marriage with the Cheng163 and Tuen families which successively at this period ruled the powerful kingdom of Nan Chao;100 with the Ma89 family which ruled the kingdom of Tsu1 and no doubt, if the evidence could be pieced together, with many other peoples. For we are told that the emperor Liu Chang78 had a Persian princess in his harem, and among the many Arab travellers who visited Canton there must be some who left a description of these flamboyant half-Chinese rulers, with their eighty or more palaces, the walls of which were encrusted with pearls, their bloodthirsty exuberance and, what shines even through the disapproving accounts of the Chinese historians, their courage and administrative skill. The name Po On3 revived by the Republic of China as the name for the district of which geographically, Hong Kong is a part, was adopted by the Canton rulers in obvious reference to the pearls for which this district was at that period famous. The statement in the San On Yuen Chi123 that the name comes from the hill called Po Shan north of Nam Tau8 city is the \"cart before the horse\". The pearls were fished in great numbers somewhere near Tolo Channel, probably in Double Haven where the name Chue Tong Wat162 survives as a bay on Kar O Island.\" They were then transported overland along the route marked by a chain of forts over the pass northeast of Tai Po Tau34 village, through Kau Lung Hang, over the present golf course and skirting the Pat Heung2 marshes to the present Ping Shan, and across the creek to the fort of Tuen Mun4 which I mentioned earlier in this paper. The route, I would have you observe, almost at every point passes one of the chief settlements of the Tang44 clan who are, I believe, together with all the old Cantonese-speaking clans of this territory, the descendants of the soldiers stationed here in the Nan Han Dynasty and its successors for the express purpose of guarding these precious pearls. They were as I have said encouraged, when too old to serve with their arms, to settle down", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204817, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "TOO \n\nV. R. BURKHARDT \n\nNot content with the normal camouflage to baffle their enemies certain butterflies actually mimic other species which, on account of the feeding habits of their larvae are unpalatable to their predators. It has been stated in entomological works that Danaus plexippus, the Milkweeds Butterfly, enjoys this immunity, but so far no one has offered proof. The Howling Bird, Megalaima virens, or Great Chinese barbet, is found in the Colony and occasionally is kept as a cage bird. It feeds on fruit, but prefers grasshoppers and insects if it can get them. A wasp, or hornet penetrating into its cage is certain to be snapped up, and swallowed after the sting has been knocked out on the perch. A specimen of Danaus genutia, allied to the aforementioned D. plexippus, was dropped in at the top of the Barbet's cage, and eagerly seized. The moment the body was crushed, however, it was dropped on the floor and the bird spent quite a time cleaning its beak to remove the taste.\n\nThe female praying mantis cannot be called nice in her feeding habits, as she includes even her husband on the menu, but she will not eat one of the Danaidae family and, if one falls into her claws she will release it unharmed if touched with a stick.\n\nThis immunity from whetting someone's appetite has been capitalised by one of the Nymphalidae, Hypolimnas misippus, a really remarkable insect. The male is black with a large white patch in the centre of each wing, surrounded by brilliant blue. The female does not resemble it in the least, but has taken for her model Danaus chrysippus whose marking and colouring she has closely adopted. The butterfly has a wide distribution, but is nowhere very common except in South Africa where D. chrysippus is also very abundant. The mimic varies in size as does the model, and adopts the same slow, lazy flight in its company where it is almost indistinguishable from the unpalatable species.\n\nOne of the local Papilios, the common P. polytes has two forms of females. The usual one encountered has the same markings as the male, but a dimorphic form is a very good copy of Papilio aristolochiae whose larva feeds on a poisonous creeper. The model here is shunned by birds its scarlet body giving warning of nastiness. Papilio polytes differs in having a grey body but there are carmine splashes bordering the white on the lower wings, which probably render it some, if not all, immunity from attack.\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205090, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "The Five Great Clans\n\n41\n\ninside their walled village, and the Hau installed cannon in three of their villages and bombarded Sheung Shui. At the same time one of their literati with contacts in Nam Tau,118 the district capital, arranged for the Imperial troops stationed there to be brought in on the side of the Hau Clan. The Lius got to hear of this, and used their contacts in the provincial capital to have the troops stopped. It is said that on being told of this Liu countermove the leader of the Hau \"spat out blood and died of rage\". The dispute was settled eventually by arbitration.\n\nVI\n\nI have tried to show that these five clans controlled the more important part of the area which is now the New Territories, and that they derived their power and wealth from the land. My field-work was concerned with only one of these five, and the information which I have given above was largely gathered as incidental to my own study. I feel that a worthwhile project would be a study of just such a group of clans, to find answers to such questions as: exactly how much power they did wield; how much they were able to disregard the central government and the provincial authorities; what connections they had with each other at what levels; how much they inter-married, and whether marriage patterns changed significantly according to the rise of disputes; exactly why certain clans allied with others; and how spheres of influence over smaller clans came about. There is the question also of the position of some of these clans as tax-lords120 acting as tax agents for the government how they obtained the privilege and how they used it. The study could be brought up to date with an enquiry into the way in which the power of the five clans is being lost as educational, economic, and governmental changes bring about a levelling of opportunity in the New Territories. Perhaps this brief introduction will serve to point out the need for such a study.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205989, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "64\n\nCOLONEL V. R. BURKHARDT\n\nThe main points of Walker's report are that its location was the Happy Valley—now entirely built up—and that the plant on which the insect fed was Buddleia asiatica. Its flight resembled that of one of the Hesperiidae, and that it fed vibrating the wings all the time, with its long tails elevated and quivering. The earliest date he recorded it was on 15th February, 1892, and a fine series was taken on 12th March. In 1893 it was scarce, and did not appear before 2nd April.\n\nNothing is said about the larval stages, or the food plant, but Steven Corbet in his Butterflies of the Malay Peninsula, mentioning an allied species Leptocircus meges, states that its larva has been found in Hong Kong on Illigera cordata: in general appearance it is like a Papilio larva, being dark greenish-brown at first, and then changing to dark apple green. The pupa is attached to the upper surface of a leaf of the food plant.\n\nSince 1950 very few collectors in Hong Kong appear to have captured Lamproptera curius and only two instances have been brought to my notice prior to 1957. Lt. Col. J. Eliot took one female near Sai Kung on 2nd May, 1953, and another was secured by the wife of a member of the University staff.\n\nAll butterflies have their cycles of abundance and scarcity, though their incidence has yet to be determined, and 1957 was evidently a peak year for Lamproptera curius. Two collectors, Messrs. R. A. U. Todd and J. Hackney, on 9th June, found the insect swarming in a gully in the centre of the New Territories. Their description of the flight, like dragonflies, tallies with the observations of Commander Walker. The insects were feeding on wild buddleia, and rested between flights with spread wings on fern. Abundant larvae were also noted, but were not taken as they were thought to belong to one of the commoner Papilionidae. On a later visit on 6th July Mr. Todd brought in seven larvae in various stages, with an ample supply of the food plant. This is Illigera platyandra (Dunn) a tough vine with triple pointed leaves growing at intervals of about four inches. The larvae ranged in length from 9 mm to the full fed at 26 mm, which pupated on the following day.\n\nIn the early stages the larva is black over the thorax narrowing above the prolegs, and broadening out again over the tail. The", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206122, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 202, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nMAP OF THE SUN-ON DISTRICT\n\n195\n\nParties are referred to the M. S. circulated. The intention is to have it engraved in London, provided a sufficient number of copies to pay the expense of publication are subscribed for. It is proposed to charge $5 per copy, and it is estimated that it will require a subscription list of 120 copies to liquidate the outlay of engraving, &c. Any surplus which may be left will be devoted to Missionary purposes.\n\nThe scope of this Map embraces an area of about Forty Five miles from North to South, and of about Sixty miles from East to West; that is to say, the District of Sun-on, whereof Nam-tao, is the departmental town. It is within the district of Sun-on that Hongkong and its dependencies stood prior to their cession, and the whole Coast line for many miles adjacent is under the jurisdiction of the Mandarin at Nam-tao.\n\nThe Map is the result of four years' labor, and is made entirely from the personal observations of the author. The dangers, the difficulties, and the hardships which the work has involved, have been very great. The district is excessively mountainous and as ocular demonstration had exclusively in all cases to be relied on, by reason of the worthlessness of native information, the fatigue attending travel has been no light matter. The villagers entertain the idea that their mountains contain auriferous deposits, and are very jealous of foreigners examining them. The consequence is that there is much difficulty in procuring the services of guides and still more difficulty in obtaining correct information on any point. In fact, the idea above alluded to proves a strong incentive to the conveyance of false information, and excites resistance to the progress of the traveller, besides creating great personal danger.\n\nUnder these circumstances, this Map has been produced, and it has been suggested to the author that it is a pity the result of so much labor, danger, and difficulty, should in these days of progress, be concealed from the world. Science, Religion, and Commerce are now allied in the vast work of the dissemination of knowledge and of Western Civilisation, and it cannot be doubted that Geography is the pioneer of the movement.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206157, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 237, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "230\n\nSERSALE, Miss S. M.\n\nSHANNON, Capt. J. M.\n\nSHEPHARD, A. J.\n\nSHING, David -\n\nSHOEMAKER, J. F.\n\nSHU, Dr. H. T.\n\n+\n\nSIEGEL, H. W. -\n\nSINFIELD, G. H. C. -\n\nSKELSON, Mrs. R. E.\n\nSLEVIN, B. F.\n\nSMALL, Dr. D. H.\n\nSMITH, L.*\n\nSMYTH, Miss L.\n\nSO, Dr. Chak-lam\n\nSPANKIE, D. R. A.\n\nSPERRY, H. M.*\n\nSPOONER, M. G.\n\n+\n\nSTANLEY, Major H. F. -\n\nSTANTON, W. T.*\n\nSTEVENS, Major K. G.*\n\nSTEWART, Miss E. M.\n\nSTOKES, J.\n\nSTONE, G. S.\n\nL\n\n11-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K.\n\nc/o M.O.D. Chinese Language School, Lyemun Barracks, B.F.P.O.1, H.K.\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\nFlorida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K.\n\n73 Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon.\n\n70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K.\n\nc/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K.\n\nApt. No. 406, 1061 Don Mills Road, Don Mills, Ontario, Canada.\n\nA3 Magazine Heights, 17 Magazine Gap Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K.\n\nc/o Messrs. Glyn Mills & Co., Kirkland House, Whitehall, London, S.W.1, England.\n\nFlat 10-B, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Physiotherapy Dept., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nc/o Economic Survey Section, British Trade Commission, Room 704 Shell House, H.K.\n\nAllied Bank International, St. George's Building, 10th Floor, H.K.\n\nc/o The Registry, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nc/o H.K. Tourist Association, Realty Building, H.K.\n\nDina House, Duddell Street, H.K.\n\nG. Sy Hq. FARELF, Singapore.\n\nP\n\nFlat 4, 180 Argyle Street, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Queen's College, Causeway Bay, H.K.\n\nFlat 1, \"Ravencourt\", 24 Mount Austin Rd., H.K.\n\n*Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206449, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 266, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "240 \n\nSALMON, Mrs. P. A. - \n\nSAUNDERS, J. A. H. \n\nSCHNEIDER, H. \n\nSCHWARZ, Miss M. D.* \n\nSCOTT, J. M. \n\nSELLERS, David S. \n\nSELLETT, G.* \n\nSERSALE, Miss S. M. \n\nSHANNON, Capt. J. M. - \n\nSHEPHARD, A. J. \n\nSHING, David \n\nSHOEMAKER, J. F. \n\nSHU, Dr. H. T. \n\nSIEGEL, H. W. \n\n+ \n\nSINFIELD, G. H. C.* \n\nSJOHOLM, Gunnar A. \n\n- \n\nP \n\nSKELSON, Mrs. R. E. \n\nSLEVIN, B. F. \n\n· \n\nSMITH, L.* \n\nSMYTH, Miss L. \n\nSO, Dr. Chak-lam \n\n- \n\nSOO, Dr. Hoy-Mun \n\nSPERRY, H. M.* \n\nSPOONER, M. G. - \n\nT \n\n■ \n\n· \n\n+ \n\n40 Plantation Road, The Peak, H.K. \n\nc/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. \n\nc/o Jebsen & Co., P.O. Box 97, H.K. \n\nc/o Mrs. R. L. Smyth, 1635 Green Street, San Francisco, California, U.S.A. \n\nc/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. \n\nc/o H.K. Govt. Office, 54 Pall Mall, London, S.W.1. England. \n\n\"Pinecrest\", N.K.I.L. 3543, Tai Po Road, Kowloon \n\n11-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. \n\nB-4, Garden Mansions, Repulse Bay, H.K. \n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. \n\nFlorida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K. \n\n73 Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon \n\n70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. \n\nc/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K. \n\nUnknown. \n\nTao Fong Shan Christian Institute, Shatin, N.T. \n\nA3 Magazine Heights, 17 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. \n\nc/o Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. \n\nFlat 10-B, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K. \n\nUnknown \n\nc/o Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. \n\n249, Jalan Pekeliling, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. \n\nAllied Bank International, St. George's Building, 10th Floor, H.K. \n\nc/o The Registry, University of Hong Kong, H.K. \n\n* Life Member \n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207125, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 196, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "190\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nUNUSUAL TREES IN HONG KONG\n\nCinnamomum cassia Blume: Cassia-Bark Tree (Chinese Cassia)\n\nThis tree is a South China species, but does not occur naturally in Hong Kong, nor commonly anywhere in Kwangtung Province with which the New Territories adjoin. Its distribution is confined to Kwangsi Province and the west of Kwangtung Province, where it is grown commercially on a considerable scale, providing the raw material for the well-known commercial product “cassia bark”.\n\nBefore 1952, no cultivated C. cassia had been recorded in Hong Kong; however, in 1952 it was found that three cassia-bark trees were growing at three hermitages near Castle Peak Temple - one tree at each hermitage. These three trees, together with nursery stock derived from them, are the only living specimens so far known in Hong Kong.\n\nSince C. cassia is such a rare and unusual tree in Hong Kong, it is intriguing to note its significance in the gardens of the hermitages. How old are these trees and why were they brought to these hermitages? It was learned that they were grown from young seedlings brought from Kwangsi about twenty years ago, and that they were planted, not for commercial purposes but because of the cassia tree/hermit connection.\n\nHermits often consider themselves to be on a different plane from ordinary men and they like to keep something as a symbol of dignity in their company as a means of emphasising this. C. cassia is associated with the qualities of gentleness and sacredness, in the Chinese view, and these qualities form a source of inspiration and delight to the hermits. The presence of a cassia-bark tree in such a place is believed not only to enrich its grounds, but also to be symbolic of spiritual purification for those staying there. This is the reason why the cassia-bark tree has made such a dramatic entry into Hong Kong and why it is considered to be of such importance by the hermits.\n\nThe tree is easily confused with its two allied species, namely C. camphora and particularly C. burmanni both of which are found in Hong Kong. However, one can easily separate the camphor tree C. camphora from C. cassia by the bark which is rough on the former while that on C. cassia is smooth. The leaf shape is used to distinguish C. burmanni from C. cassia; on C. burmanni the leaf is pointed, while that on C. cassia is truncate.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207257, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 25, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "A HONG KONG SPIRIT-MEDIUM TEMPLE\n\n17\n\ncapable of influencing for good or ill the course of events on the earthly plane. To bridge the gap between supernatural whim and purpose communication is essential. Numerous methods have been devised for achieving that purpose, including some designed to enable man to determine in kind or quality the interaction between mortals and immortals, i.e. magic. Although seldom the most frequently employed or the most culturally approved, spirit-mediumship is a method of communication with the divine that is found in all of the world's major culture areas. A precise understanding of that particular phenomenon necessitates our distinguishing between it and a related but by no means identical phenomenon, that of mere \"spirit possession\".\n\nFirth offers a statement of the relationship as well as critical differences between each of the above states in the following:\n\nSpirit possession is a form of trance in which behavioral actions of a person are interpreted as evidence of a control of his behavior by a spirit normally external to him. Spirit-mediumship is normally a form of possession in which the person is conceived as serving as an intermediary between spirits and men. The accent here is on communication: the action and words of the medium must be translatable, which differentiates them from mere spirit possession or madness.1\n\nWhile in trance the medium's normal consciousness and ordinary behavioral patterns are seemingly suspended, thus anything that he may say or do in such a state is attributed by believers to the possessing deity. In this paper we shall not be concerned with the ontological validity of spirit possession and mediumship nor the psychological reality of the trance state. Our assumption is that spirit possession and mediumship constitute indisputable cultural realities when accepted by devotees and practitioners as an effective means of communication with deities.\n\nOne may argue that the historically dominant position of Christianity, a religious tradition favoring a more indirect, sacramental mode of divine communication has relegated mediumship in the West to a heterodox, peripheral position. In China, however, the fact that no particular religion allied with a singular method of divine communication was able to win lasting institutional dominance has allowed the persistence of a wider variety of religious techniques for bridging the gap between man and the spirits.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207392, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "152\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nWhen I started to write this account I intended to concentrate upon the experiences of staff and patients, and to restrict reference to myself to trying to cast a little light on situations which otherwise might seem obscure. My diary notes, though voluminous, were for the most part phrased in what I thought then discreet language in case they were discovered by the Japanese. I had a healthy respect for the Japanese capacity for dealing out punishment to anyone who failed to obey their orders to the letter. This discretion, allied to a tendency to refer in cryptic terms to events which filled my mind at the time but which have now faded from my memory, has left me with masses of statistics and information of a kind which I have found difficult to weave into a coherent story which will do justice to patients and staff. I have lost touch with nearly all my colleagues and friends whose own memories might have stimulated me, and in this account I am therefore relying far more on personal recollections and experiences to round off the story than I ever intended originally. I hope that those who shared these years with me will, if they read the story, forgive the change in emphasis which these considerations have made necessary. Looking back over my diaries now I am glad that I never had to explain some of the entries to the Japanese. I learned enough then to understand now that a quite truthful explanation of a simple description of an event might not be accepted. Practised interrogators were known to use methods against which the truth finds it hard to prevail. Fortunately I never had to submit to such an ordeal.\n\nThis then is the story of the British Military Hospital, Hong Kong. I did not see any prisoner of war camps until I lived in Sham Shui Po for a few days in March 1945 when conditions had, as they had also in the hospital, become much more stable. I am in no position to write the stories of the camps, and any references I may make to conditions there are based on hearsay only. Their medical and administrative problems were different from those we met in the hospital.\n\nAfter considering in a prelude the general situation in Hong Kong as I saw it, I refer briefly to the period of hostilities and then to the early months of captivity up to August 1942. I then deal in more detail with events from that date onwards fortified by the notes in my own diaries.\n\nThe story of the Army Medical Services in Hong Kong is contained in Volume 11 of the Official Medical History of the Second", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207403, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 171, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n163\n\nrapidly in the hospital but our nurses carried out full duty by day and by night though many had to draw on their reserves of courage to do so.\n\nIn Bowen Road the women nurses moved at once into the hospital building from their isolated mess and were joined by their colleagues from other hospitals who had suffered the murderous attacks on themselves, their patients and their doctors. It is not surprising that many of them were deeply apprehensive. They never suffered any overt attacks but in their crowded quarters in war-damaged wards they had to guard against many peeping toms among the Japanese guards. On duty they were objects of much curiosity to sentries who, in their rubber-soled boots would suddenly materialise silently out of the darkness of night with their bayonets fixed. Inquisitive Japanese officers would appear in the wards where many patients had limbs immobilised in various forms of apparatus. Those in Thomas splints suspended from Balkan beams were special objects of curiosity but when Japanese tried to touch the carefully balanced suspensions they were speedily moved on by our sisters. In particular the lady who would have hanged the Governor showed, as might be expected, no fear. The courage and fortitude of our nurses at this time are beyond all praise and their example was of the greatest importance in encouraging male staff and patients.\n\nEarly in 1942 the Japanese set about concentrating British and allied wounded, except Indian troops, in Bowen Road. The Japanese had their own political reasons for segregating Indians. By 26 February the only other hospital serving British and allied troops was the small St. Teresa's Hospital in Kowloon which provided a few beds for men from the P.O.W. camps there. Eventually on 11 August 1942 St. Teresa's was closed and its few patients who still needed care were moved to Bowen Road. Thereafter no British or allied wounded remained in any other service or civil hospital or building which had been used as a hospital.\n\nThe Military Hospital, Bowen Road, thus fell into Japanese hands structurally damaged but functionally practically intact, fully equipped with beds, mattresses, blankets, sheets, normal hospital furniture and office equipment and ample surgical equipment, laboratory resources and good stocks of drugs and dressings and medical dietary necessities. Our stocks of ration fuel, coal and expendable materials which we could not replace were soon exhausted.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207404, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 172, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "164\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nted and after a few weeks we depended upon the Japanese for the supplies of these basic necessities.\n\nThough the Japanese had not signed the Geneva Convention 1929 they apparently notified to governments concerned their intention to abide by its provisions, and in 1942 recognised the position of the International Red Cross in Hong Kong. The first Red Cross inspection of Bowen Road took place in June 1942 before I began to keep my diaries and I have now no note of this.\n\nWe did not know it at the time but the Japanese obviously decided as an article of policy to leave our hospital with its own staff to look after allied sick and wounded prisoners of war. They decided the size of the staff, the number of patients who were to be admitted and sometimes who were to be discharged. They did not interfere with the treatment of our patients nor did they remove anything other than minor quantities of drugs and equipment from our stores.\n\nI have no means of judging accurately but my feeling is that the Japanese supplied us with food, fuel and small quantities of material for repairing clothes and boots, essentials such as soap etc., on what were probably the scales they used for their own troops. Perhaps the scales were those for their garrison troops rather than for fighting troops; I can recall that our Formosan guards were poorly dressed and I know shared our anxieties when rations were late arriving. Japanese fighting troops of course drew largely upon local resources for food etc., during their campaigns.\n\nIn the hospital we had Japanese-supplied electricity and water for nearly three years, and when these finally failed we had recourse to our own alternative sources of power and improvised water supplies. We had no periods of relief from our surroundings and were increasingly closely confined as the years passed. I draw attention now to these points since, and before I close this account, I shall try to assess how far the outcome of our story, happier than it might have been, depended upon the Japanese and how far it depended on the efforts of our own staff and patients, the Red Cross and our friends in Hong Kong.\n\nI had made few records of the food situation before August 1942 but we fared none too well for rations. Of course we had some stocks of our own and Lt. F.J. Campbell, the quartermaster and his staff made forays without Japanese leave on the ration dumps accumulated by us in the Colony before hostilities began. These", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207424, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 192, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "184\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nin September and December, and two each in October and November. In 1945 we had one intake in January, a tiny intake in February, one in March and two in June. I imagine that most of the tinned foods came from overseas. I learned later that two ship loads of Allied Red Cross stores had reached Hong Kong during the war having been transhipped to Japanese vessels.\n\nEffects of supplements upon the General Diet\n\nIn February 1943 I began to estimate and record the protein, fat and carbohydrate contents of the contributions from the three voluntary sources to the general diet. I started also to calculate the calorie values of our general diet, but the figures I arrived at were undoubtedly high partly due to the fact that I made no allowances for losses in preparation and cooking and partly due to assumptions I was forced to make when calculating the value of unknown varieties of flabby fish or lily roots or chrysanthemum leaves. I have not thought it worth while to burden readers with these calculations but making them occupied many hours of my time.\n\nFeeding the Patients\n\nI referred earlier to the problems of feeding patients suffering from acute infections and how these were tackled. In the case of the deficiency diseases some patients had turned against all food and went downhill in spite of everything that we could do for them. In these fatal cases the walls of the intestine had become as thin as a sheet of paper and were quite incapable of absorbing nourishment. Little that we could do therefore influenced the cases of these patients at all. Those among us who were able to eat a rice diet and who escaped major infections were indeed fortunate.\n\nOur system of feeding patients suffering from deficiency diseases and those in whom the acute stage of infection was passing was quite simple. Anything in the food store was available for them in as great quantities as they could take, the aim being of course to arrest the declining state of nourishment and to reverse this as soon as possible. This policy was undoubtedly the right one and certainly preserved many lives. It had less obviously good results in those with defects of vision and certain other neurological damage.\n\nPatients therefore had first call upon the extra food stuffs received from all sources. Reference to the tables showing food", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207470, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 238, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "230\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nlikely to follow neither I nor any of those present realised the straits to which the Japanese were being reduced by the Allied blockade.\n\nOn 1 April I had to give Saito a certificate in writing that no Japanese school children, soldiers or ordinary spectators had been allowed to come and look at us in the hospital, in fact that we had not been put on display for the curious to gape at. I had no difficulty in complying, for nothing of this kind had ever happened. My explicit clearance certificate was amended and returned by the Japanese and though their version was, I thought, less exculpatory than the original I was still able to sign it without reservation. On 20 June Watanabe told me that we must keep all our worn-out clothing including even the fandoshis and this was yet another indication of the deteriorating situation on the Japanese side.\n\nOn 1 July Saito brought a senior doctor to see our equipment in the operating theatres, the X-ray department, the laboratory, the physiotherapy and the ophthalmic departments, and they also looked at our disinfestor arrangements. A little later photographs of the operating rooms, the X-ray department and the laboratory were taken.\n\nOn 7 August Watanabe took away the remainder of the kit which Colonel Shackleton had left behind with us, seven boxes in all none being locked. On 10 September Saito again made a search and took more plain clothes. On 6 November a Japanese officer searched the operating theatres and X-ray department in the basement, knocking out some bricks in walls in the process. Directly after this search was completed Saito and Seino repeated the whole procedure.\n\nIn our small community I got news very quickly of any unusual happenings and one day late in the year I was told by our own people that two members of the gendarmerie, the Kempeitai, had arrived. I believe that they were identified by the Japanese guards and a notable stillness fell upon the hospital, guards and guarded alike. The former were clearly concerned to keep out of trouble while we knew enough about the reputation of the gendarmerie to keep quiet and avoid provocation. I was not summoned to accompany them nor were any of our local Japanese authorities but I observed two very powerfully built men whom it would have been unwise to provoke. They paid a few perfunctory visits to different parts of the hospital and then left. I never knew if this visit was any", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207483, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 251, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n243\n\nRed Cross X-ray films but by then we had no developer. We were very glad to receive from the Japanese some bars of coarse washing soap which we badly needed. We were also given 200 envelopes of tooth powder, some material for sewing and for boot repairs and some drugs including T.A.B. for inoculations.\n\nIn January 1945 we had to render yet another list of patients suffering from serious visual defects, arranged by nationalities, and this list recorded a total of 65. No mail had come in for some time but some did arrive on 18 and 19 January, my latest letter from home being dated August 1944. Christmas and New Year messages were delivered to us from Red Cross Societies in many of the allied countries.\n\nThe month however was dominated by American air attacks on Hong Kong. By 8 January we had had 17 air alerts without a raid and on 15 January we had a two-hour raid. On 16 January occurred the most spectacular and effective of all our raids. It began about 8 a.m., went on till noon, was resumed during the afternoon and continued until dark. The all-clear was sounded at 9:30 p.m. During raids, all movement in the hospital was prohibited but we had to go out of doors to reach our kitchen and as the morning went on, I went out myself, as of course there was no interpreter about and by signs got the agreement of the guard to draw breakfast, which we eventually got about 11 a.m. It was 2 p.m. before we got dinner and not till after 6 o'clock was it possible to draw tea. All bearers of food had to hasten to get under cover with the greatest possible despatch.\n\nIn the hospital, Japanese standing orders were to keep all shutters closed during raids or run the risk of being shot at. My little bunk in a converted lavatory overlooked the harbour and it was not difficult to open a shutter far enough to get glimpses of what was going on. Three large Japanese cargo ships were anchored in the harbour and the American air attack was pressed by dive-bombing through very heavy fire in the most courageous fashion. At times the whole atmosphere seemed full of the sound of sustained gunfire and bomb explosions and the amount of ammunition used in the defence must have made a serious inroad on Japanese stocks. I did not see any aircraft brought down though there must have been casualties, but at the end of the day three cargo ships were badly listing and clearly unseaworthy for a long time to come. Fires were left burning in oil storage tanks on Stonecutters Island and elsewhere, and this day was to us a most impressive...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207486, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 254, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "246\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nAll of Mr. Campbell's records of receipts of Japanese rations were removed by Saito on 17 February in order, he said, that they could be examined by Japanese checkers. We never got them back.\n\nOn 19 March 24 lorry loads of beds (100) and mattresses and medical equipment left the hospital. On 21 March 109 patients with four doctors and 5 nursing orderlies were transferred to huts in Sham Shui Po leaving four officers and 56 staff with 15 so-called strong patients. I left with these on 23 March for Sham Shui Po. This was the only time I had been in a P.O.W. camp and by then the prisoners, like ourselves in the hospital, had become adjusted to the conditions. The hospital equipment had gone to the Central British School in Kowloon. We had stripped Bowen Road of every single article and structure we thought might be useful to us on our new site. In this, the Japanese seemed to encourage us.\n\nTHE REASONS FOR THE RETENTION OF\n\nTHE HOSPITAL IN 1942 AND ITS REMOVAL IN 1945\n\nIn the conditions following our surrender, it is not hard to understand the Japanese decision to leave a British Military hospital, which they found as a going concern, to care for Allied sick and wounded. Such a decision enabled them to conform with the provisions of the Geneva Convention, a political decision, while at the same time using an immediately practical alternative to involving their own medical services. Our hospital must have been a showpiece to their own inspecting officers and to the Red Cross representatives, both International and Japanese, and illustrated how they were conforming with the provisions of the Convention. They clearly succeeded in creating a good impression, as shown by the spontaneous remark to me of Mr. Engelbacher (I am not certain of the name) of the International Red Cross at the inspection on 21 December 1942 by Mr. Zindel and himself. He declared that we were better off than patients in a Japanese military hospital. This might have been true, but at that time, I was oppressed by the deaths of the last few months and the condition of large numbers of our patients, and I received the information with some coldness.\n\nThe arrangement under which we continued to occupy our own hospital must have provided quite serious administrative inconveniences for the Japanese. So far as I know, we provided the only concentration of British P.O.W. on the Island, though the Stanley Internment Camp, some miles away, held civilian internees and was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207515, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 283, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n275\n\nA direct assault on the Japanese homeland using conventional weapons was being prepared at the time the bombs were dropped. In spite of their reduced nutrition and lack of supplies of all kinds, there seems little doubt that an Allied invasion of Japan would have been bitterly resisted and would have proved very costly. The cost of the invasion of the sacred territory will now never be known. It seems quite possible that in the prevailing mood at that time, reprisals of all kinds might have been ordered to be taken upon any Allied personnel in Japanese hands. The execution of the airmen captured in the Doolittle air raid on Japan in 1942 comes to mind.\n\nI do not intend to examine the morality or the political implications of the use of the atomic bomb at all, nor the fact that two were dropped. Opinions on these matters will always differ. I confine myself here to what I see as the facts as they affected us. A Japanese-Chinese war in the neighbourhood of Hong Kong would have been prolonged; situations would certainly have arisen in which our safety would have been jeopardised, and at best, many of us might not have survived at all. The decision by President Truman to use the atomic bombs resulted in our release almost overnight. Seen in contrast with the other possibilities which might have been envisaged, this was a wonderful outcome.\n\nA VIEW IN PERSPECTIVE\n\nThirty years after the events and after making allowances for the discreet phrasing of my diaries and for the effects of the passage of time in scaling down the few peaks of elation and levelling up the much more numerous troughs of depression, I conclude that we, the staff and patients in the British Military Hospital, Hong Kong, fared better than many other prisoners in Japanese hands. The published accounts of others, most of them written nearer to the events than my present story and so perhaps more influenced by passion, are far too numerous and ring true. I am allowing myself now to speculate on the somewhat privileged position we enjoyed, privileged that is by the standards of those who were Japanese prisoners.\n\nFirstly, our unit fell into Japanese hands as a fully equipped and staffed hospital with a full complement of patients seriously wounded in action, and hence, perhaps, in the eyes of our captors, more worthy of consideration than men who had surrendered, even though", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207516, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 284, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "276\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nordered to do so, unwounded. However this may be, there we were, available to relieve them of the responsibility of caring for our casualties.\n\nThe next point of importance is the Japanese decision to behave like other belligerents and abide by the terms of the Geneva Convention though they had not been signatories. As a result, they recognised and accepted representation in Hong Kong and some, at least of the activities of the International Red Cross Society.\n\nAs a possible third consequence they allowed the hospital to remain in its buildings and concentrated there all allied wounded from other hospitals in the Colony. They used it also to receive some, but not all sick from the P.O.W. camps.\n\nAll of these actions conferred clear benefits on the Japanese, as well as upon us.\n\nAny drugs or dressings removed by them from the hospital were in such small quantities as to be unimportant to us. Even when an electricity generator was taken, we still had another left. Except when some unacceptable decisions to admit too late, or discharge too early, sick prisoners were made by the Japanese the clinical freedom of our doctors was not challenged.\n\nThe hospital was given staple food and fuel rations and clothing and boot repair materials on a scale which may have been based on a standard used for Japanese troops who of course were known to live in part off the country in which they were operating. International agreements of course required only this scale to be observed. I think that our guards fared rather better than we did on their basic rations, especially in fish, but I have recorded earlier the anxiety shown by guards when their rations, like ours were late in arriving. I recall here the public statement to us in 1944 by a supplies officer that there were shortages on the Japanese side but that they would try to keep the hospital properly supplied. This was an appeal to us to understand their position, an appeal which fitted ill with much of the Japanese bearing towards prisoners. Their plight then, in Japan itself as well as in Hong Kong and no doubt elsewhere was extremely grave and their desperate resistance for another year is surprising. It was however hard, even impossible for prisoners to take then the detached view that we can today.\n\nWhile the Japanese haul of booty in the form of drugs and medical supplies in Hong Kong must have been enormous the quantities that reached the hospital were negligible and we were", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207803, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 191, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "176 \n\nA. D. BLUE \n\nChinese shipping in these years, and anti-Japanese boycotts led to the virtual disappearance of Japanese shipping for long periods. \n\nNot that these last few years were trouble-free for British ships. There were also anti-British boycotts, brushes with pirates, war lords, and lawless soldiers, and the famous 'Wanhsien Incident' of 1926 which has already been described. Then when Japan gained control of the Lower Yangtze at the end of 1937, the British presence on the Yangtze rapidly declined. Hankow became the capital before Nanking fell to the Japanese in December 1937, and Chungking succeeded Hankow before the latter fell in October 1938. As the Japanese moved up the river the British steamers moved ahead of them as far as possible, maintaining an increasingly restricted service, which by mid 1940 had been reduced to infrequent trips between Chungking and Wanhsien. During this period many Lower River steamers were abandoned. By mid 1940 the situation had become impossible, fuel was unobtainable, and the last few British officers were evacuated from Chungking by the new road to Kunming, then by the French railway to Haiphong, and finally by sea to Hong Kong. \n\nAt this time there were two Royal Navy gunboats still at Chungking, H.M. Ships Falcon and Gannet. The former remained to act as radio link for the British Embassy, while the latter was decommissioned and her crew sent to Hong Kong by the same route. \n\nSoon after this the Japanese occupied Indo-China, and the Haiphong-Kumming-Chungking lifeline was also denied China. The Chungking-Kunming road was then extended to Burma, and became China's most important route to the outside world, fulfilling the dreams of earlier generations of China traders. This was the famous Burma Road, sometimes identified with the whole 1,000 miles from Rangoon to Chungking, but more accurately with the 600 miles from Lashio (the railhead 130 miles above Mandalay) to Kunming. \n\nThus, after decades of neglect and oblivion, the Burma Road into China was restored to international importance. It was again disrupted when the Japanese conquered Burma in early 1943; but re-opened along a new western route when General Stilwell's American and Chinese forces built a road through North Burma to link Assam with the eastern section of the Burma Road. This route played a vital part in the Allied reconquest of Burma, Malaya, and Indo-China.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207834, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 222, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 207\n\npromote among themselves morality, education, social solidarity, and mutual aid. The plan seems to have enjoyed some vogue in the Ming dynasty, but the early Ch'ing rulers took over the term to give it a new meaning: 'hsiang-yüeh' became a public lecture system by means of which the masses were to be indoctrinated with the political ethics of Confucianism. Yet by the nineteenth century 'hsiang-yüeh' had once again undergone a transformation, a lecture system developing into a framework of state control to the point where 'hsiang-yüeh' was sometimes taken to be synonymous with 'pao-chia' and 'li-chia', the state organisations for security and taxation. On the other hand, a contrary process of evolution was also at work moving ‘hsiang-yüeh' back towards the kind of self-government which had been originally conceived under its name. It is on record that in places in Kwangtung the heads of 'hsiang-yüeh' assumed roles of local leadership in such a way as to take command of local affairs. In addition, 'hsiang-yüeh' were used as a setting for organising ‘regiment and drill corps' ('t'uan-lien') for local defence, and it is an interesting speculation that just as the 'ke yüeh hsiang-yung', the village braves of the several yeuk, rallied to the defence of Canton against the British in 1842, so we might find on closer inspection that some of the armed resistance to the first British in the New Territories was bound up with the Ts'at Yeuk and other yeuk-complexes. (There are of course many sources, both Western and Chinese, for the history of 'hsiang-yüeh'. The best and most convenient is Hsiao Kung-chuan, Rural China, Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century, Seattle, 1960, pp. 184, 205).\n\n28. My tentative view of the matter is that, while early Ch'ing policy may have popularised the term heung yeuk in the course of spreading the public lecture system, at the time we are concerned with, at least in our part of Kwangtung, yeuk were looked upon by the people who engaged in them as instruments of local control independent of state supervision. They might be used for treating with the state, as seems to have been the case especially with the three yeuk-complexes oriented to Kowloon City, and might have allied themselves with officialdom in the face of banditry or attack by outsiders, but they were far removed from being mere instruments of state control. Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, whose home was in an area of Kwangtung which may be regarded as being in many ways comparable to San On, laid stress on the heung yeuk as a basis for a high degree of local independence and self-government in his", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208007, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "BEHIND JAPANESE BARBED WIRE: STANLEY INTERNMENT CAMP, HONG KONG\n\n1942-1945\n\nGEOFFREY CHARLES EMERSON*\n\nOn Monday morning, December 8th 1941, a few minutes after 8 a.m. and a few hours after the attack on Pearl Harbor, bombs dropped on Kai Tak airport and the battle of Hong Kong had begun. 17 days later, on Christmas Day 1941, Hong Kong surrendered. At that time there were approximately 3000 non-Chinese civilians of the Allied powers in Hong Kong. Until early January 1942, these people were on the whole left alone, most of them remaining at home because it was very dangerous to go out due to the breakdown of law and order which occurred with the surrender on Christmas Day.\n\nOn 4th January 1942, a notice appeared in the Hongkong News (the only English-language newspaper published during the occupation) for all enemy nationals to assemble at Murray Parade Grounds (today the site of the Hilton Hotel). Many people, especially those on the Peak and in the University area, did not see this notice, but eventually about 1000 gathered at the Parade Grounds, and after registration they were marched through the centre of Hong Kong and interned in a number of hotel-brothels located on the waterfront (near the present Macau Ferry Pier).\n\nThe American journalist Joseph Alsop, who was one of those caught in Hong Kong in 1941, wrote the following in The Saturday Evening Post:\n\nAfter trudging a mile and a half, we turned abruptly into a narrow alley and were halted before the grilled door of an ancient, dilapidated and very dirty building. Painted on the peeling plaster was an announcement in Chinese that it was the Stag Hotel, offering comfortable rooms at cheap rates. In reality, it was a Chinese brothel of the third class.†\n\n* Text of a paper read at a meeting of the Society on 13 April 1977. Mr. Emerson, M.Phil. (Hong Kong) is Vice Principal of St. Paul's College, Hong Kong, and President of the Hong Kong History Society.\n\n†The Stag Hotel was situated in Queen's Road Central to the west of the Central Market.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208019, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 58, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "42 \n\nG. C. EMERSON \n\nJanuary 5 \n\n21 \n\n24 \n\nFebruary \n\nAssembly at Murray Parade Grounds; internment in waterfront hotels \n\nMove to Stanley \n\n1st meeting of Temporary Committee \n\n1st meeting of British Communal Council \n\nJune 29 American repatriation on \"Asama Maru\" \n\n1st meeting of First British Community Council \n\n1st Allied air raid on Hong Kong 1st Red Cross parcels, from Britain \n\nAugust \n\nNovember \n\nFebruary April/May \n\n1st meeting of Second British Community Council Arrests of bankers & Dr. Selwyn-Clarke (Director of Medical Services) \n\n1st meeting of Third-British Community Council \n\nCanadians repatriated on \"Teia Maru\" \n\nExecutions of seven internees \n\nSeptember \n\nOctober \n\nJanuary \n\nFebruary \n\nSeptember \n\n2nd Red Cross parcels, from Canada \n\nMilitary took control: Civilian Internment Camp, H.K. became military Internment Camp, H.K. \n\nBritish Community Council dissolved; District Chairmen to run Camp \n\n1944 \n\nJanuary 16 Bombing of Bungalow C-14 internees killed \n\nMarch \n\nMay \n\nAugust \n\n15 \n\n3rd Red Cross parcels (part of Nov. 1942 shipment, from Britain) \n\nNews of Germany's surrender \n\nEmperor's broadcast in Tokyo \n\n16 Japanese informed Mr. Gimson of surrender \n\n30 Rear Admiral Harcourt arrived; flag-raising ceremony in Camp", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208405, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA [1933]\n\nINTRODUCTION\n\nC. MARTIN WILBUR*\n\nThe importance of the study of village government in China can hardly be too enthusiastically pressed. It deals, in the first place, with a phase of Chinese life which has in the past been largely overlooked by Sinologues. Western students have been too inclined to lay stress upon and to confine themselves to the political history of the Chinese, or to the monuments of Chinese culture, its art, philosophy and literature. As to how the people themselves lived there has apparently been little interest. To be sure, the central government of China has been carefully studied, and many admirable works on government institutions have appeared. But almost no study has been made by Westerners upon the government of the village, despite the fact that this is to a large degree the only real government for the vast majority of the people. Because the institution vitally affects the lives of the Chinese people, and because it is peculiarly their creation, it should be of great importance to the Sinologue.\n\nTo the general student of social institutions the subject should likewise be of great interest. It seems strange, indeed, that Sociology and its allied sciences have not demanded of Sinology more information upon the conditions of rural life in China, or have not themselves gone out to get it. If only to serve as a cultural measuring rod, as a basis for objective comparison with Western institutions, Chinese social phenomena should be of high value. Yet the Sociologist, no less than the Sinologue, has largely overlooked the rich and important phase of Chinese life which is here to be considered.\n\n*The author, C. Martin Wilbur, Professor Emeritus of Chinese History, Columbia University, was awarded his M.A. in the Faculty of Philosophy, Columbia University for this thesis in 1933. The work is still of value, and with the author's kind permission it is printed here, with the exception of the chapter on the historical development of village government (pp. 74-109 of the original typescript). No changes or additions have been made, nor any updating attempted. Hon. Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208580, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "10\n\nCHAN KIT-CHENG\n\nhad, according to Hopkins, urged Britain on more than one occasion to give up Hong Kong as a gesture of “good will”. To this suggestion Eden, who had originally objected to agreeing to the return of the New Territories on terms after the war in connection with the extraterritoriality negotiations with China but eventually bowed to the majority opinion of the Foreign Office, returned a cold shoulder.41\n\nBritain's attitude regarding Hong Kong steadily stiffened in the course of 1943. She talked less and less about returning the colony on terms. It was partly because pressure from China decreased markedly since the beginning of the year, presumably because she assumed the retrocession of Hong Kong as a matter of course judging from Britain's behaviour in the extraterritoriality negotiations and at the Institute of Pacific Relations' Conference. More significantly, perhaps, Britain became increasingly confident in her relations with the United States and China with the improvement in the European war situation. By the end of the year a final Allied victory in Europe was no longer seriously in doubt.42\n\nIt was under such circumstances that Stanley Hornbeck's visit to London, as a return gesture to Ashley Clarke's visit to Washington the previous year, took place in November 1943. Hornbeck spent much of his time in London on consultation with the Foreign Office and other offices concerned with Far Eastern affairs. At the final conference at which most interested British officials were present, Hornbeck, “entirely on his own responsibility”,43 remarked as follows: \"I felt that we had covered much ground and had explored a good many subjects, [but] there was one additional matter to which we perhaps might need, not at the moment but as the situation unfolded, to give thought. That matter was ... the future of Hong Kong.\" \"The effect was electrifying\", observed Hornbeck. He immediately regretted it: \"I had had no thought of injecting a discordant note. I felt at once that discretion in that context would be the better part of valour.”44\n\nHornbeck's regret came too late. That very evening the British arranged that he would, before his departure for home, call on Churchill the following morning. At the meeting Hornbeck received a long and emphatic lecture from the Prime Minister on Hong Kong: \"What about Hong Kong? I will tell you. [The rest retold in Hornbeck's words] He then described the acquisition by Great\n\n+ + + +", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208581, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE U.S. AND THE QUESTION OF HONG KONG 1941-45\n\n11\n\nBritain of Hong Kong, and the development by Great Britain of a great port which he felt had benefited the whole world. He said that it was British territory and he saw no good reason why it should cease to be such. He went on to say that perhaps some arrangement could be made with the Chinese whereby the question of sovereignty could be adjusted but the political control and administrative responsibility remain with Great Britain. He referred to public utterances of his own to the effect that he was not Prime Minister for the purpose of being a party to a liquidation of the British Empire. He said that he had convictions on that subject and that he was perfectly willing to say so frankly to anybody.\"45\n\nIt might well have been his own weak performance in London, among other things, which prompted Hornbeck early in January 1944 to urge the Secretary of State not to repeat Woodrow Wilson's mistake in being too much of a \"gentleman\". The American government must obtain from Britain agreement and cooperation in any reasonable course of action upon which the United States might choose to insist, especially in relation to colonial matters, before the defeat of Germany when Britain still depended on the Americans for their preservation.46\n\nThe Secretary's reaction to the advice is not known. But it appears from his memoirs that he was not in favour of coercion in dealing with the Anglo-American differences, and specifically with the question of Hong Kong.47 In any case, the Department of State had become less and less consulted by the President with regard to general war and foreign policies. The War and Navy Departments and the Treasury were far more important in the President's mind. On the personal level, moreover, Hull was certainly not one of Roosevelt's trusted few. Hull himself was conscious and sensitive of the truth: that FDR was his own Secretary of State.\"48 In fact, many of Roosevelt's utterances at the major Allied conferences, beginning with the Cairo Conference late in 1943, were made without prior reference to and consultation with the Department of State. Hull resigned late in 1944, frustrated and in poor health.\n\nDespite Roosevelt's well-known anti-imperialist and anti-colonial stand and his interest in Hong Kong, his behaviour regarding the future of the British colony was generally characterized by weakness and the lack of persistent and direct pressure on Britain. At the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208583, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE U.S. AND THE QUESTION OF HONG KONG 1941-45\n\n13\n\nTaking advantage of the changed American sentiments regarding China and the allied victory in Europe, Britain began an active propaganda programme to influence American public opinion concerning Britain's imperial and colonial attitudes and policies and the British Empire's contribution to the allied war effort. The British Information Services, an agency of the British government in New York, published numerous booklets for the purpose.$7\n\nHong Kong naturally figured prominently in these publications. In the booklet entitled \"Britain and Japan\", for instance, it is thus stated: \"When the Island of Hong Kong was ceded to Britain one hundred years ago, it was almost uninhabited. Since then Britain has built on that island the beautiful city of Victoria. By 1941 Hong Kong had a population of 1,650,000, mostly Chinese; it was a trading center and a port for commercial shipping which had enriched the communities all around it. Students from China came to the University of Hong Kong to get degrees in Medicine, Engineering, Science and Arts, which were recognized in Britain as fully reaching British standards. During the long troubles of China, the island of Hong Kong, and the city of Victoria, became a refuge for hundreds of thousands of distressed Chinese.\" The message was clear: if the British colony of Hong Kong had been beneficial to Britain, it also had been as much so, if not more, to China.\n\nMeanwhile, events were leading to the last stages of the Pacific War. In September 1944 the Americans and the British reached a clear understanding which laid down the general principle that in the British Far Eastern territories which were in the American command, the policies to be followed on the liberation of those territories should be laid down by the British government and accepted by the American force commander.58 Late in February 1945 the State-War-Navy Coordinating Committee, instituted in December the previous year for the purpose of coordinating the Department of State and the War and Navy Departments, directed that its Subcommittee for the Far East maintain, as a general guide for its activities, a master list of Pacific-Far Eastern problems, arranged in appropriate order of priority. Also, before initiating action on any one of such problems the subcommittee should submit in each case to the main committee a detailed recommendation showing “(1) a statement of the problem (2) the agency or agencies to be charged with initiation of the basic documents involved, and (3) the method of processing and coordination thereof, including", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208589, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE U.S. AND THE QUESTION OF HONG KONG 1941-45\n\n19\n\nK'ai-shek's Visit to India, February 1942\", The Australian Journal of History and Political Science, XXI, no. 2 (1975), pp. 52-61, in which the American attitude is discussed.\n\n40 Memorandum by Hopkins, 15 March 1943, in FRUS, the British Commonwealth, Eastern Europe, the Far East, 1943, III, p. 17.\n\n41 Sherwood, op. cit., p. 719, and H. C. Allen, Great Britain and the United States (London, 1954), p. 828.\n\n42 For a summary of the allied military situation at the end of 1943, see J. M. Burns, Roosevelt: the Lion and the Fox (New York, 1956), p. 464. **Hornbeck to Ashley Clarke, 16 December 1943(?), in Hornbeck Papers, box 469.\n\n44 Hornbeck's autobiography, op. cit.\n\n46 Hornbeck's memorandum, 15 November, on his conversation with Churchill, Hornbeck Papers, box 468.\n\n10\n\n16 Hornbeck to Hull, 3 January 1944; also see Hornbeck's memorandum, 3 December 1943, Hornbeck Papers, box 181.\n\n47 C. Hull, The Memoirs of Cordell Hull (New York, 1948), II, p. 1599, 4 Hornbeck's autobiography, op. cit., and J. Bishop, FDR's Last Year (New York, 1974), p. 40.\n\n**E. Roosevelt, As He Saw It (New York, 1946), pp. 163-4, 203-4, 249-50; J. T. Flynn, The Roosevelt Myth (New York, 1948), p. 349; Hull, op. cit., II, p. 1596; and T. H. White (ed.), The Stilwell Papers (New York, 1976), p. 252. Stilwell was summoned to the conference to discuss China.\n\n50 See SWNCC III, secret, 17 April 1945, in ABC 014 Japan (13 April 44) see 32, National Archives.\n\n01 See minutes of the meeting in FRUS, The Conferences at Malta and Yalta, 1945 (Washington, 1955), p. 769. Also F. L. Loewenheim (ed.), Roosevelt and Churchill: Their Secret Wartime Correspondence (New York, 1975), p. 656.\n\n52 FRUS, ibid., pp. 664-5, 676.\n\n53\n\n58 Thorne, op. cit., p. 549.\n\n54 Tung, op. cit., p. 61.\n\n55 Bishop, op. cit., p. 95.\n\n56 Division of Public Liaison and Office of Public Information, Department of State, \"Fortnightly Survey of American Opinion on International Affairs\", Survey no. 13, confidential, 18 October, Survey no. 14, confidential, 6 November, and Survey no. 15, confidential, 20 November 1944.\n\n57 Examples of these booklets are: \"The British Commonwealth and Empire\" (May 1944), and \"Britain and Japan\" (June 1944).\n\n**See paragraph six of the Chapter of the Combined Civil Affairs Committee at Washington, FO371/46251.\n\n**SWNCC 111, 17 April 1945, op. cit.\n\nSWNCC 111, 17 April 1945, ibid.\n\n61 SWNCC 111/2, top secret, 14 June 1945, in ABC 014 Japan (13 April 44) see 32.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209501, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 158, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "136\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nOf the forty-eight Chinese sent to Europe in 1876 by the Foochow Arsenal in order to acquire knowledge of modern shipbuilding and allied skills, the majority went to Britain. Another party came in 1881 to study naval and military science and technology. Increasingly, numbers of privately-supported students started to arrive to further their education. In 1916, there were over 300 Chinese students in Britain, of whom approximately a quarter were financed by the Chinese Government and the rest private students. Favoured disciplines were medicine, law, and economics; engineering, mining, and chemistry were also popular. At the older British universities, Chinese students were no longer absent or rare but formed a normal component of the student population, together with Indians and Africans. They were still 'exotics' in the 1920s but their presence in small packets in various university towns must have convinced some that the gap between the races was not unbridgeable, that each had many points in common. Moreover, they spoke English (some imperfectly), but not pidgin English, the lingua franca of the coolie class. The changing composition of the Chinese population in Britain must have influenced, one surmises, English attitudes to Chinese, have weakened stereotypes to some degree, although this process of normalisation was to take several decades before it made a significant impact, in the post-1945 period.4\n\nMiao Chung-yi was neither a student in Britain nor did that country become his domicile; but he may be selected as representative of the student or educated class. Hong Kong Chinese, and Chinese from the former British possessions in South-East Asia, tended to study in Britain; those from Shanghai and especially northern China, where there were many America-supported universities and institutions, were likely to go to the United States (as Miao did). The number of Chinese studying abroad has grown greatly since the 1920s; the trend, until recent times, has been ever upward. According to Ng Kwee Choo, in 1968 there were about 45,000 overseas Chinese in Britain, of whom 30,000 (mainly from the New Territories) were immigrant workers, and the rest 15,000 mostly students or nurses, etc. (these figures do not include British-born Chinese; so the figure given by Ng greatly underestimates the number of people recognizably Chinese in Britain).50", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209584, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 241, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "219\n\nby their spotless virtues\". A claim that must have raised a few eyebrows.\n\nWhile the actresses were available, there seemed some doubt about the actors. Lord Saltoun, Commander of the Forces, noted on the 25 November 1842 that the Theatre was to open on Wednesday, \"But who are to be the actors, I have no idea. I believe some amateurs from the navy”.\n\nOnce opened, the life of the Theatre was short. Mr. Dutronquoy departed from Hong Kong quite suddenly on the 17th of December. It was alleged that he had to close his Hotel and Theatre under orders from the authorities and pay a fine of $500. This was denied by his agent who stated that the reason for the closure was because Mr. Dutronquoy had “received personal violence added to insult and abuse the preceding evening\". One wonders if the \"spotless virtues\" of the actresses may have been the cause of his troubles.\n\nThe next notice of dramatics is in December 1844 when a proposal to form a company of amateurs under the patronage of the Governor was announced. It was expressly stated that the authorities regarded the project as a \"protection against vice”. Little action took place, however, until the winter of 1845-46 when a group had been organized, a venue secured, and five bills put on between December and June at Aqui's Theatre in the Lower Bazaar.\n\nThis theatre had been erected some few months previous to the amateurs' first performance there. It was intended for Chinese entertainment, but, being available, it was used by the Hong Kong Amateurs even though it was in the heart of the Chinese section of the city, an area which was usually avoided by the European population of the day.\n\nLoo Aqui, the owner of the Theatre, was a leader of the Chinese community. It was alleged that he was allied with pirates but during the recent British-Chinese hostilities he had been very useful in securing provisions for the British forces. As a reward for these services he had been permitted to take up a number of lots in the Lower Bazaar, the area which was allotted to Chinese who had aided the British. On his property, Loo Aqui", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209767, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 26, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "4\n\nalong the mountainside, bullets started whizzing by us. We all dropped flat on the ground, except the two Carmelite Sisters who apparently didn't know what live bullets were. One of the Sisters was standing by me, and I reached up, grabbed her arm and pulled her down. She later was the Mother Superior, and whenever I wanted anything, I was careful to remind her that she owed her life to me. The allied soldiers manning the road block finally, after much shouting back and forth, were convinced that we were not Japanese and let us through.\n\nThe house was in the middle of the last battle for Hong Kong which was fought on Christmas Eve and Christmas Day 1941. On Christmas Eve occasional bullets were slamming into the North side of the house, so several temporary altars were set up on the south side of the house for Christmas Masses. The masses were staggered, so I put up my hand for a late mass.\n\nThat night another priest moved his mattress from the north side of the house into my room on the south side on the third floor. All night we were awake watching the tracers and explosions and the shouts and cries of the soldiers. We finally went to sleep about four in the morning and slept soundly. We got up about ten o'clock, and were petrified to note that there was not a sound in the house. It was all quiet, in contrast to the usual noise of a house full of people. We looked out the door, and the place was empty with much debris already scattered down the corridor. Then we looked down the stairwell, and we could see the Japanese soldiers in battle array on the ground floor. Needless to say, this was a bit of a shock. We thought the other residents must have got word during the night to evacuate, and they overlooked us.\n\nSo we two got dressed slowly, and started making our way down to the ground floor. On the second floor landing, a Japanese soldier came charging out of one of the rooms with his bayonet. The two of us backed up against the wall with our hands up and the soldier made like he was going to run us through. Not so! Just wanted to scare us, which he did. Then he pushed us down the stairs, and we found the rest of the household sitting on the floor in the front room under guard. In the afternoon, we asked the Japanese if we could get something to eat. They allowed us to take from our storeroom things that were ready", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209932, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 191, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "169\n\nNOTES\n\n1 The shortcoming of this approach is that it assumes the three statements in a particular area to be mutually exclusive and of roughly equal ideological distance to one another. It is better to ask the respondent to react to each statement and indicate his agreement or disagreement with it along a three-point or five-point scale. This can avoid the problem of unwarranted assumptions, and make possible the application of more sophisticated statistical techniques to extract information from the data. But for the sake of comparability, I follow Nichols' approach in the present study.\n\nNichols' sample includes 65 directors and senior managers in 15 private companies employing over 500 workers in 'Northern City'. These companies were engaged in various lines of manufacture: chemicals, heavy engineering, light engineering, pharmaceutical, flour milling and animal foodstuffs, distribution and allied business, and packaging. See Nichols 1969: 247-248.\n\n* I use an alphabet and a number to denote the respondents. The former indicates whether the respondent is a chairman/managing-director (A) or just one of the directors (B). The latter stands for a particular spinning mill.\n\nA 'can-I-have-more' incident occurred during the 1973 annual general meeting of Mill 16 in which a share-holder protested, to no avail, against what he regarded as meagre dividends after successive profitable years for the company. See South China Morning Post, 31st August, 1973.\n\nList of References\n\nBendix, Reinhard, 1954. \"Industrial Authority and Its Supporting Value System\". In Industrial Conflict, ed. by A. Kornhauser et al., New York, MacGraw-Hill, pp. 170-175.\n\nand Social\n\n1956. Work and Authority in Industry. New York, Wiley.\n\n1959. \"Industrialization, Ideologies, Structure”, American Sociological Review 24, No. 6: 613–623.\n\nBergere, Marie-Claire. 1968. \"The Role of The Bourgeoisie\". In China in Revolution: The First Phase 1900-1913, ed. by Mary Clabaugh Wright, New Haven, Yale University Press, pp. 229-295.\n\nChrist, Thomas. 1970. \"A Thematic Analysis of The American Business Creed\", Social Forces 49, No. 2: 239-245.\n\nChu, T'ung-tsu. 1957. \"Chinese Class Structure and Its Ideology\". In Chinese Thought & Institutions, ed. by John K. Fairbank, Chicago and London, The University of Chicago Press, pp. 235-250.\n\nEngland, Joe, and John Rear. 1975. Chinese Labour Under British Rule: A Critical Study of Labour Relations and Law in Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Oxford University Press.\n\nEspy, John L., 1974. \"Hong Kong Textile Ltd.\". In Managerial Policy, Strategy and Planning for Southeast Asia, ed. by L.C. Nehrt, G.S. Evans, and L. Li, Hong Kong, Chinese University of Hong Kong Press, pp. 273-282.\n\nFei, Hsiao-tung. 1946. \"Peasantry and Gentry: An Interpretation of Chinese Social Structure and Its Changes\", American Journal of Sociology LII, No. 1: 1-17.\n\nFox, Alan. 1966. “Managerial Ideology and Labour Relations\", British Journal of Industrial Relations 4, No. 3: 366-378,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209962, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 221, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "199\n\nA pair of Chinese drums, each with writhing dragons, with colours still surprisingly bright considering their age, is on show. There are Chinese caricatures of British soldiers and a red lion rears on the ensign which flew from a piquet boat in the attack on Chusan in 1842.\n\nThe regiment was one of those honoured by being allowed to carry the China dragon on its badge and it still features today, with the word \"China\" underneath, on the buttons and badges of the Border Regiment. The museum has a good collection of belt plates and cap badges bearing the dragon.\n\nThere is an interesting Chinese map, epaulettes and medals of the First China War. A banner seized by the 55th now in Kendal Church is the subject of a separate note.\n\nMore modern memories of Hong Kong are housed in the museum of the Middlesex Regiment, in Bruce Castle, Tottenham, London. The museum was closed for re-organisation when I visited but I was kindly shown the relevant items in the collection. The role of this distinguished regiment in the 1941 battle for Hong Kong is well known. There are several weapons which were used in the battle. One machine gun was buried to prevent its capture by the Japanese and it was recovered after the Allied victory. A Japanese machine gun is also held.\n\nThere is a framed menu card which was used on the regiment's Albuhera Day, 10th May 1943, in a Hong Kong prison-of-war camp. Sketched on the front is a guard tower and those present have signed their names. A Japanese flag bears the Rising Sun. Other reminders of POW life are the 1st Battalion's bugle which was used in Hong Kong, and later in Japanese prison camps and a small wireless set which was used secretly in the prison-of-war camp here. For refusing to divulge its whereabouts Colonel L.A. Newnham was tortured and executed. He was posthumously awarded the George Cross.\n\nThe museum also has a small flat fan with a pagoda painted on it which belonged to Captain Kyodo Shigeru of the Lisbon Maru. A poignant reminder of the incident is a sketch which shows the stern of the ship already under water and the decks crowded with desperate men. The drawing was kept for over two years concealed in a bamboo stick by Major C.M.M. Man,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210670, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 21, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "HELEN F. SIU\n\nsocial networks, they allied with top government officials to support the status quo. They had benefited the most from Hong Kong in the last few decades. Their conservatism was backed by owners of small-scale enterprises who desperately tried to keep their hard-gained independence. Another 37 percent of the working population were topped by a professional elite of lawyers, engineers, educators, administrative civil servants, and business executives. They were supported by a cast of technical staff with post-secondary education. Both strata belonged to the post-war generation, received and accepted the Western-style value system as provided by the colonial environment. Li argued that they had also benefited from the general prosperity of Hong Kong. The last 52 percent of the working population consisted of a labouring stratum with varying skills. The skilled workers gained more from the demands of an increasingly technical-intensive industrial sector, while the unskilled not only faced the prospect of becoming redundant, but also faced competition from the influx of Chinese immigrants in the late 1970s.10\n\nTherefore, between the first wave of immigrants in the late 1940s and the last wave in the late 1970s, a generation of local residents grew up in Hong Kong to become its social mainstream, though polarized. The elites had Western education and a cosmopolitan outlook. They were tuned to urban living and worked comfortably within a modern economic infrastructure, the construction of which the Hong Kong government (despite its hands-off attitude) had taken a major part in.11 By the late 1970s, they had assumed important positions in the media, educational institutions, business, and the civil service. They also took for granted the role of the government as \"provider\" of many public services, however inadequate the services had been.12 Their outlook and life-styles shaped and were shaped by an emerging but unique Hong Kong culture they identified with and to an extent were defensive of. They were farther removed from the uprooted cultural values of their parents, and were most nervous over their futures at the time of political redefinition.\n\nIn sum, Hong Kong culture and society in the 1980s have been characteristically \"Chinese\" but not quite so, owing to adaptations to unique historical circumstances. This is the reality recent", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210778, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "112\n\nNICHOLAS TAPP\n\nto become prosperous before others), and the replacement of much grain-cultivation by new cash-crops associated with the introduction of the household responsibility system, have by no means affected the minority areas to the same extent as other, more fertile, areas of the countryside, and indeed were not introduced into most minority areas until 1982 (after the Third Session*), there is no doubt that the limited family farming permitted, and in particular the increased power to control land, has led to marked improvements in the economic circumstances of most minority nationality people. Indeed, in some areas it has been only this which has averted the threat of ‘not having enough to eat'. As elsewhere in China, house-construction has dramatically increased, boosting the allied trades of carpentry (as has the revival of coffin-making), forestry and quarrying, while in minority areas located near major town settlements or market centres, for example in the Dai and the Bai areas, some minority entrepreneurs have emerged as middlemen, money-lenders, and even rice-hoarders, often former leaders of rural production brigades who have the necessary foresight, experience, and connections to forge new links and contacts. In certain areas the introduction, over the past twenty years, of hydro-electric dams, mining, food-processing plants, textile and other light industries has of course resulted in a measure of occupational specialization for minorities which antedates the recent changes. On a lesser scale, the growing policy of opening some of China's less developed areas to foreign-based industries such as tourism and even hunting, has led to the involvement of minorities in sales of quasi-traditional handicrafts and artefacts, performances of quasi-traditional cultural items of songs and dance, and some work in the hotels and allied industries. This can be seen, for example, in the much-visited ‘Sani’ area of Shilin in Yunnan, as also to an extent in the Yao countries of Northwest Guangdong, and although it is too early as yet to predict whether this will become a general phenomenon, certainly the carefully choreographed performances of provincial minority troupes and the locally superintended production of handicraft items, may have an impact in the future in which minority entrepreneurs will seriously challenge state control of these enterprises. Coupled with the emergence of minority entrepreneurs in rapidly developing areas, and the fact that some cash-cropping is already occurring in the autonomous regions, this adds up I think", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210935, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 285, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "268\n\nChau Li-ping's house, held on one, and possibly, two floors. Again, I did not ask the number of tables, but the place was packed. I saw no sign of entertainment in the restaurant but there was a large stage on the western waterfront. There was a capacity crowd there, and it was very difficult to squeeze through to another performance further on. The loud-speakers were good, and very loud, and the performance was a traditional Cantonese opera in high-quality costume. The show had cost the organizers $1,600 for two days. Further along, the Chung Hing Street (#26) association's stage was much duller by comparison, though traditional. The stage costumes and loud-speaker system were of poorer quality but I understood that this two-day show had cost only a little less, at $1,400.\n\nWe then visited the Chiu Chow Association ($45ƒ€) in its new (1969) premises. The place was packed, and we were on the third and top floor where there is an altar with spaces for memorial tablets. We ate again, and an auction of lanterns and other items was in progress during the forty or more minutes that we spent there. There was apparently no entertainment or stage performance, but the Wai Chiu Association (€), which is allied with this much newer association, was giving a Cantonese opera performance at the recreation ground at the Pak Tai temple. An outside altar had been set up for the Pak Tai god, at which kau pao2 were being handed in and donations registered.\n\nBesides the Chung Hing Street festivities, some of the other street associations were also celebrating the day. The Pak She Street (ii) and San Hing Street (#) Associations' premises were gaily decorated and lit up, and an altar and kau pao were seen in the San Hing Street premises. I did not have time to look closely into the Pak She office.\n\nThe Tai San Street (#) people have no premises and had no stage performances, but they had erected their usual lo tang pang (M) to which the small carrying image (17) of Hung Shing (#) from the nearby temple had been brought. This matshed is of particular interest. Inside is a red and white scroll with couplet dated Hsien Feng Z year (1859-1960) written by Cheung Yuk-tong (3FF) who, as we know from other inscrip-\n\nPage 285\n\nPage 286", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210981, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "18\n\nLes yeux fixés au large et les cheveux au vent Nous nous embarquerons pour la Mer des Ténèbres Avec le coeur joyeux d'un jeune passager.\n\nLL\n\nJust as in the old days we would leave for China Our eyes looking out to sea and our hair streaming in the wind We shall sail henceforward for the Sea of Darkness Cheerful and lighthearted as a young traveller.\n\nThis is a major reversal, from the China ‘trip' into the Sea of Darkness. This is a remarkable and prophetic insight on the part of Baudelaire, a poetic formulation which is most relevant to our present-day intellectual crisis. We shall refer to it again a little later.\n\n—\n\n12\n\nAs the nineteenth century went on, as French political involvement in China and Vietnam became more effective, it was not unusual for French intellectuals to visit China and to empathize with her but always as isolated individuals. Such a one was Father Huc,1 a Catholic missionary whose minority voice, uncertain as it was, insisted on the specific values of Chinese culture and habits. China was a source of inspiration for diplomats posted there, such as Eugene Simon, whose book La Cité chinoise is a minor classic modelled on Fustel de Coulanges's standard essay La Cité grecque, and later Paul Claudel, a young consul in Tianjin, expressing his emotions in Connaissance de l'Est, a collection of poems in the Symbolist manner. French visitors to China included naval officers such as Pierre Loti, who had witnessed approvingly another sack of Peking by Western Allied forces after the Boxer Rebellion, or Victor Segalen, poet and archaeologist. Later still, intellectuals turned into revolutionaries, such as the young André Malraux who was involved in the 1926-27 Communist revolution in Canton, and who drew on this experience for his two major novels, Les Conquérants and La Condition humaine. Huc, Simon, Claudel, Segalen, Loti and Malraux had indeed very little in common except that they were somehow marginal figures on the French intellectual scene of their time. Even for those who were later to achieve international fame, such as Claudel and Malraux, China had not been much more than an", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211296, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 12, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "in Rev. Carl Smith's articles reprinted in the 1986 Journal. His accounts of 19th century Cantonese entrepreneurs like Ho A-mei show that Chinese energy and enterprise was fuelled and sustained by the opportunities opened by colonial Hong Kong, and remind us that what we see and marvel at today has also happened yesterday.\n\nWe have another publication nearing completion. This is the book entitled The Turning of the Tide, Religion in China Today which is a collection of papers by authors with first-hand knowledge of the subject and edited by one of our members, Professor Julian Pas of the University of Saskatchewan, Canada.\n\nLibrary\n\nMembers will have noted the greater expenditure on our library in the year's accounts. We are continuing the RAS tradition of building up a fine reference library of books on China. At a time when such books are in increasingly short supply, as reflected in booksellers' rising prices, the financial value of our collection grows from year to year.\n\nSince 1985, the Library has been kept at the Kowloon Central Library, as part of the reference collection there. The advantage of housing it in a public library is that more people can use it, but the disadvantage from our members' viewpoint is that most of them live on Hong Kong Island. Their use of the RAS Collection is undoubtedly limited thereby, especially as the Kowloon Central Library is not located on or near an MTR station. I have therefore discussed with the Chief Librarian, Urban Council Libraries, the possibility of moving it back to the Island when an opportunity occurs. Mrs. Luk tells me that this can be done when the City Hall's Hong Kong Central Library is replaced on the same or another site in the 1990s, and that she is willing to do so at that time. I have written to her subsequently to formalize this request.\n\nAn allied problem is the availability of the collection. Under normal library policies, access to the stacks (the shelves where the books are kept) is very limited. This is the case at Kowloon Central Library, where books other than ours are kept in the same section. On the other hand, the books are ours, and our members should have better access to them, instead of being confined to the catalogue and making a requisition. Mrs.\n\nXi", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211312, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 28, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "social, demographic and economic situation of the late Ch'ien-lung and Chia-ch'ing periods led to an intensification of petty piracy as more and more gangs came into being, but not to any transformation of the phenomenon to a large scale or higher level of organization.\n\nThus we must next ask whether the growth in piracy was owing to outside patronage or support as was often the case with piracy throughout the rest of the world. In the first instance, the answer is \"yes\", for the immediate growth of piracy in China can be traced to the Tayson Rebellion in Vietnam and the creation of a privateer fleet by the Quang Trung Emperor (Nguyen Quang Trung). As a result of Tayson patronage, pirates, no longer forced to spend all of their energy on survival, could turn their attention to organization which became larger, more complex, and more permanent.\n\nWhereas pirate gangs of the pre-Tayson era had consisted of a score of men and a couple of vessels, by 1796 associations of a hundred men, and a dozen junks were not uncommon. Hierarchies comprised of patron-client relationships extending two, and sometimes even three, layers gradually appeared, and asylum in Vietnam allowed pirate leaders extraordinary opportunities for getting acquainted and cooperating in joint ventures. In creating privateers, the Tayson legalized piracy and thus radically transformed the status of its underworld practitioners who were instantly elevated from \"scourges of the sea\" to sailors in the king's navy. The result was a significant escalation in the scale of piracy.\n\nHowever, the heyday of the Tayson was short and their dethronement in 1802 left the Chinese pirates bereft once more of either a base or patronage. No longer were their activities regarded as \"legitimate” in any sense of the word and never would they be so again, yet, patronage notwithstanding, the pirates had come under Tayson sponsorship nowhere close to what would ultimately become their maximum growth. Thus, the Tayson era can be viewed as a kind of transition phase which allowed petty pirates to take the first and most crucial step in their own transformation. Yet, the period of the pirates' greatest strength still lay ahead and it came, not while they were allied to the Vietnamese, but rather after they had been forced out on their own into a hostile world in which they were regarded as the proverbial \"enemies of all mankind”.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211324, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "16\n\nNOT SO CALM AN ADMINISTRATION:\n\nTHE ANGLO-FRENCH OCCUPATION OF CANTON,\n\n1858-1861\n\nSTEVEN A. LEIBO*\n\nOne of the more persistent myths of early Sino-European relations is the calm which is said to have prevailed during the three year long Anglo-French occupation of Canton, 1858-1861. As described by one of the best recent histories of modern China:\n\nA few years later when Canton was occupied by the British in 1857, the Cantonese showed no sign of unruliness and foreigners could walk about unmolested, without the slightest sign of resistance or animosity.\n\nThe reality, though, was far different. The Cantonese, long resistant to British demands that they allow foreigners within the walls of their city, continued for quite some time to make life very difficult for the occupying forces. In fact, very considerable resistance was carried out against the foreign military establishment and the mixed units of Sino-European police which worked with them.\n\nThe purpose of this essay is to illustrate elements of the allied occupation, the administrative structure established for the city's governance and the various issues, among them the occupation itself, and the coolie trade, which at times made Allied control of Canton considerably more precarious than we have been led to believe.\n\nThe initial occupation\n\nThe origins of the Second Opium War, or Arrow War as it is often called, are well known and need no more than adumbration here. Certainly, the allied sense that the Opium War treaties, signed more than a decade before, needed revision, as well as long running difficulties between the British and the Cantonese over the right of the former to\n\n* Associate Professor, Dept. of History, Russell Sage College, New York.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211325, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "17\n\nenter the city walls added to the general tension. More specifically Governor-General Yeh Ming-chen, perceived by local Europeans as an obstacle to peace, as they understood it, was quite unwilling to meet the British demands. As for the French, certainly their desire to establish an influence for themselves equal to that of the British by championing the rights of missionaries added impetus to French interest in a confrontation. As is well known, pretexts once desired are usually found. For the British, the Chinese boarding of the Arrow near Canton was said to be an act of lèse-majesté against the British flag (regardless of the reality of the ship's status). And for the French the convenient death of a French missionary played its role in bringing the combined flotilla before the walls of Canton in late December 1857. There several thousand British and French soldiers soon gathered to make their assault.\n\nFor those not immediately responsible for the military assault the enormity of the undertaking they were involved in must have caused considerable reflection. They were about to attack and presumably occupy an enormous city of more than a million inhabitants. There was no telling, assuming a successful assault, how long they would be required to hold it. But Canton's future administration would be a quieter challenge and one less immediate than the more pressing matter of first taking the city. The actual assault has been often discussed. It suffices here to note that the city's capture, apparently due to the Governor-General's poor planning, was a reasonably simple affair.\n\nWithin days of occupying the city it was clear that the allies would be quite unable to govern it directly. The principal issue was that they were faced with the administration of a city of more than a million people when no more than three among the allied forces could even communicate in Chinese. Of the British only Harry Parkes, the future allied commissioner of the city, and Thomas Wade, later ambassador to Peking, knew Chinese.\n\nThe French, for their part, were without a senior officer able to communicate at all. Their only contribution in this regard was the presence of a certain Marques who was then serving the French mission as a Chinese secretary. For the French, more than for the British, the lack of Chinese linguists was to be a major impediment to their activities throughout China and for years to come. Almost ten months later Paris", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211326, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "18\n\nwas informed that while the British had twelve Chinese language linguists available, including a number of former officials and students, the French still had only three officials and several students with appropriate language skills. It was obvious that the city's administration would be a far greater challenge than merely capturing it,\n\nEstablishing a functioning government was an absolute necessity because looting, first begun by the victorious Allied troops, had been taken up by the local Chinese. The situation was becoming quite out of hand. Organized bands of looters were active throughout the city. A decision had to be made. The only obvious choice was recognition that the local Chinese bureaucrats, individuals only just defeated and imprisoned days before, would now have to be released and recruited to administer the city through an arrangement whereby the allies would supervise them even as they supervised the Cantonese.1 There was little time to lose, even the local Chinese had begun to insist that the new \"authorities\" do something. On the Third of January Gros received three petitions insisting that the looting be suppressed.*\n\nSince using the imprisoned Governor-General Yeh, who had enraged the foreigners for so long, was quite out of the question, they decided to recruit one of Yeh's former associates, the Governor of Kwangtung, Po-Kuei. The Governor, himself a prisoner of the allies, was understood by Baron Gros to be a rival of Yeh's and apparently willing to resume his former duties. It was understood as well that Po-Kuei's involvement would facilitate the return of the many minor officials whose co-operation would be required as well.2 Gros himself was skeptical about ruling through the local Chinese, but it was clearly the only feasible plan. It was assumed that with appropriate supervisory mechanisms a satisfactory arrangement could be worked out.\n\nAs for Po-Kuei himself, one of his principal concerns was whether the city, having once fallen to the allies, might soon become a rebel stronghold of the Taipings. The allied assurance that they intended to hold the city against any assaults until a settlement could be reached with the Emperor, must surely have reassured the Chinese Governor. Having the city in the hands of the Taipings would probably have been an even greater crisis than the European presence.3", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211327, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "19\n\nAgreement reached, Po-Kuei was formally installed on the ninth of January 1858. Unfortunately, he arrived a bit late for the ceremony having been somewhat tardily released from the allied stockade. For the allied commanders, the real goal now was to ensure that the new allied commission they had planned would be able to supervise Po-Kuei's administration of the city.\n\n \n\n12\n\nHaving decided, despite reservations, to rely on the local mandarins to administer Canton, the military commanders, Sir Charles van Straubenzee and M. D'Abouville, the French commander, decided to appoint a mixed commission of military and consular officials to supervise the city's Chinese administration. The proposed commission was to have three members, two of whom would be military. They were to be assisted by an English language secretary and another proficient in Chinese. Additionally, the French commissioner was expected to be aided as well by at least one, perhaps two, French language secretaries. Provisions were made to hire a treasurer as well as various coolies, cooks, and jailers. They also hoped to hire three Chinese translators, though it would actually be some months before competent linguists, men like Robert Hart, later known for his leadership of the Chinese Customs, arrived to help. Salaries were set by the occupation council made up of the military commanders as well as the expedition's political leadership, Lord Elgin and Baron Gros. Moving to implement their plans, they went on to name three individuals to serve as commissioners. For the British, Harry Parkes, of the consular service, and Colonel Holloway were selected, while Captain Martineau de Chesnez was selected by the French. Parkes, although ostensibly equal in official duties, was the only one of the commissioners who actually spoke Chinese and thus had a clear advantage over his colleagues. The French, concerned as well that Captain de Chesnez's relatively low rank vis-à-vis his colleagues could be a problem, soon moved to have him promoted. The commission, as the next months would reveal, was to serve primarily as an intermediary between the local Chinese leadership and the allied military commanders who held the real power over the occupied city.\n\n \n\n15\n\nIt should not be assumed, however, as some writers have, that the Chinese served as mere puppets under the foreigners. It is obvious from", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211328, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "20\n\nthe available administrative records that both Governor Po-Kuei's co-operation and that of his staff were vitally important to the smooth running of the occupation. This was understood quite early when initially there had been considerable concern that the Governor would not be able to gain the support of his staff and then again later, when tensions arose, the Governor's efforts to abandon his post were blocked since without his co-operation nothing could be done. A year later when Po-Kuei died, there was considerable concern lest his successor be less co-operative.\n\n20\n\nAware both of their need to work through the Chinese and the complications of the situation, the allies put considerable thought into planning an appropriate division of responsibilities for the new city government. Po-Kuei was duly sequestered in the inner sections of the official yamen while allied sentries watched everyone who communicated with him. The Allied commissioners, Holloway, Chesnez and Parkes, occupied quarters in the outer sections of the same compound. Po-Kuei himself was informed that he could continue to administer justice and keep order as long as he accepted the supervision of the commissioners. Meanwhile, the commissioners, themselves under the authority of the military commanders, prepared to approve all of Po-Kuei's proclamations, as well as dealing with those legal cases which involved foreigners. Over time they involved themselves as well in the organization and administration of the mixed units of police which were soon set up to patrol the town. It was agreed that the commissioners would meet each day in council at eight in the morning; then one or more of them would confer with Po-Kuei to discuss those matters requiring his attention. From ten to one the commissioners planned to listen to public complaints.\n\n24\n\nAs for the expenses of the occupation, which eventually lasted more than three years, that is until the autumn of 1861, they were initially paid for by the allies but within a few months the Chinese government assumed financial responsibility for the city's administration.\n\nOccupation: the early months\n\n24\n\nAs already mentioned, among the principal early concerns were arrangements to police the city to stop looting, by both allied soldiers and Chinese troops, which had begun early in the first days after the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211329, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "21\n\nassault. As far as their own soldiers were involved, a dramatic and severe flogging by the allies of the offenders is said to have aroused Chinese admiration.” But most importantly, beyond the immediate necessity of restoring order, a regular system of patrolling the streets had to be devised. Unfortunately, the initial efforts proved counterproductive.\n\n26\n\nAt first, the Allies had sent out groups of soldiers on an ad hoc basis to patrol the streets. But the regular European troops proved to be much less effective than they had been in the city's capture only a few days before. In fact, their mere presence marching through the city's winding streets caused such a stir among the local population that bands of Chinese thieves, following close behind, found their passing to be an excellent opportunity to shoplift from the market stalls. It was obvious that a less conspicuous method of patrolling was needed. Thus the decision was made to establish mixed units of Western and Chinese troops. By late January, several hundred such units had been organized to patrol both the city and the suburbs. They were told not to dress in uniform and included British, French, Chinese, and Manchu troops. About half a dozen police stations were established around the city, and from them, both night and day, the new units emerged to carry out their duties.27 Happily, the units co-operated well and were apparently less disruptive than the formal military units had been. According to some observers, the sight of the double files of Europeans and Chinese, each led respectively by a sergeant and a petty mandarin, was not as well worth contemplating.** When criminals were apprehended, the procedure of having the Europeans dealt with by the allied tribunal, while Po-Kuei took responsibility for the Chinese, seemed to work quite well.\n\nBy the early spring, the occupation seemed to be settling into a routine. Many of the shops were opening again despite the considerable damage caused by the bombardment, and commerce was active.\" Nevertheless, if open hostilities had ended, the Cantonese, who had so long resisted the foreign demands, were hardly co-operative. In fact, so unco-operative was the general population that there was, in early January, talk of lobbing a few more shells into the city just to make sure the inhabitants were sufficiently cowed. However, both Gros and Elgin, the chief diplomats of the mission, were against the idea, and nothing came of it.\n\n30\n\nMonths later, the situation had only slightly improved. By March, the\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211330, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "22\n\n*\n\ncity was calming and civilian foreigners were cautiously venturing within the city walls. But confidence had hardly returned. As for their partner in the co-operation, the Governor Po-Kuei, the allies certainly did not trust him. In fact the French suspected that Po-Kuei, despite his apparent willingness to co-operate, was secretly working to undermine their authority,\n\nThe long summer of 1858\n\nAs mentioned above, despite the relative peace of the first weeks of the occupation, a calm which has often been assumed to have continued throughout the city's occupation, the allied forces soon found themselves caught up in a full-fledged resistance movement which lasted throughout the summer of 1858.\n\nEspecially common during the spring of 1858 were attacks on isolated individuals in the environs of the city. The assaults were serious and frequent enough for the French to carry out reprisals against those natives living in the vicinity of the attack. At first it was thought that such a show of force would be effective, but within weeks Cantonese anger had become so obvious that consideration was seriously given to re-establishing the blockade. Harry Parkes, despite his language skills, was, for example, reported to be no longer safe walking the streets without an armed guard. Assassination attempts against allied sentries and others had become commonplace.\n\n3.7\n\nGrowing alarmed, the allied commissioners met with Po-Kuei and demanded any information he had on potential Chinese attacks against the city. They also protested against anti-foreign proclamations which had appeared advertising rewards for the heads of foreigners or Chinese collaborators. To their frustration Po-Kuei's attitude seemed to be one of indifference. The commissioners insisted that the searches for arms, already begun by the military commanders, be endorsed by Po-Kuei.\n\nAs for the regular commercial life of the city, by May it was winding to a stop as tensions continued to increase. By June it was obvious that the provincial authorities were encouraging the Cantonese in their resistance. The new governor-general of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, Huang Tsung-han, issued a long manifesto reminding the locals of their", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211331, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "23\n\npast patriotism and encouraging them in their resistance to the occupation.\n\nThe developing resistance clearly required a military response. Thus, in early June General van Straubenzee led an expedition beyond Canton’s walls to disperse 1500 to 2000 braves gathered to the northwest of the city. Little was accomplished. Most of the braves had already dispersed when the Europeans arrived and unfortunately several of the soldiers died during the expedition, some of wounds and others from the heat.\n\nWithin the occupation government the situation was beginning to appear more and more dangerous. The initial decision to rely on the mandarins to run the city now appeared to have been a tactical error. Some of the foreign officers claimed it had given a false impression of allied weakness. The Cantonese themselves, reasonably passive during the initial assault, were now increasingly attacking the foreigners. In mid-June a Dr. Turnbull, chief surgeon of the expeditionary force, was decapitated having been captured as he attempted to aid two soldiers wounded in an earlier assault. The surgeon’s death further highlighted the increasing precariousness of the occupation. Each night, under cover of darkness, the situation became much worse. The walls of the city were assaulted by unknown assailants. The foreigners sat through each night as various bombs and fuses were thrown at their positions by the locals. Such attacks were answered by daylight Allied reprisals against the various settlements beyond the walls located in the directions from which the shots had been fired.\n\nBy late June the acting British consul Winchester put out a circular warning British merchants to be wary of the warlike tones of the imperial commissioner’s proclamations and warning them to “secure themselves against the treacherous and stealthy attacks so consistent to the ideas of the Chinese …”. They were also told to expect a reduction of ship traffic in front of the city walls as the allied commanders moved to deal with the growing military threat. Eventually all river traffic by Chinese junks was forbidden in the area near the city.*2\n\n42\n\nThroughout the summer the situation continued to escalate. After the Chinese tried to burn a ship which housed the French vice-consul the French retaliated by torching homes to the west of the city walls.* The\n\n47", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211332, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "24\n\nlife of the city was clearly grinding to a halt. Moreover the British, French and American consuls had withdrawn from the city. The French, seeking to demonstrate strength, had gone on the offensive, burning nearby suburbs. Undeterred, the Chinese forces continued to lob bombs at allied positions during the hours of darkness.\n\n44\n\nAs the summer proceeded the attacks became ever commonplace. Real antagonism had developed between the allied forces and the local population. Attacks on foreigners by armed braves were occurring daily, often in broad daylight, so brazen had the population become. Especially at risk were the British sepoys whom the Chinese had taken to carrying off at the rate of one or two a day,\n\n45\n\nIt was becoming an open state of siege. Many of the local Chinese, no doubt seeking to save themselves, had begun to abandon the city. In early July word came to Baron Gros that the Governor-General had put out a circular calling for the complete annihilation of the foreigners.\" It now seemed likely that a full-scale attack against the allied positions might soon take place. The allied leaders had certainly come to regret their decision to have the Chinese administer the city for them. Elgin was convinced that the arrangement had given a false impression of allied weakness and furthermore discouraged those who might have been willing to co-operate. It was clear in the opinion of Elgin and Gros that martial law needed to be proclaimed and the Chinese administrators removed from power. However, for reasons that are not clear, it does not seem that such martial law was ever proclaimed even temporarily. Again, language problems may have made such a decision impossible.\n\n49\n\nBy late July a full scale Chinese attack was launched against the city walls. Encouraged by provincial Chinese officials, the Kwangtung Militia even attempted unsuccessfully to retake the city from its captors. A large body of Chinese braves attacked the Eastern Gate, the very area the allies had successfully assaulted the previous winter. Unfortunately for the Chinese they were less successful. They took several hundred casualties and inflicted no allied wounds. In the immediate aftermath of the efforts to retake the city, the assaults diminished and it appears that the Chinese abandoned their effort to challenge the occupation seriously. 50 Nevertheless, harassment of individual foreigners continued to be quite", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211333, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "25\n\ncommon as were allied reprisals. The city itself was at a standstill. Large numbers of Chinese had evacuated and the British traders had long since departed.\n\nConsidering the size of the allied force it is amazing they felt they were able to hold the city at all. In mid August the British had only four to five thousand troops in Canton and the French somewhere between 400 and a thousand. The French numbers were especially limited due to preparations, then under way, for an expedition to Indochina. Moreover, the thirty to forty ships of the British overshadowed the mere three ships available to the French members of the occupying force.\n\n5.3\n\nBaron Gros, responsible for the city's occupation, warned Paris that the situation was especially grave and that he had word that the authorities, although aware that a peace treaty had been signed, were nevertheless pressuring the Chinese to continue their opposition to the occupation. To Gros' additional frustration the attacks continued throughout early August and the heat, which was apparently unbearable, made sorties against the braves impossible. Some sections of the city had simply been abandoned. Things were so tense that Po-Kuei, the Chinese Governor, who had been willing the previous winter to co-operate with the allies, tried several times that summer to abandon his post. Apparently the French had to literally force him to return and co-operate.\n\n50\n\nHappily, though, as news of the treaties signed to the north spread more widely, the resistance subsided. By early September the population had begun to return to the city and the allies, feeling more at ease, again allowed junk traffic near the city walls. Although it would be quite some time before things returned to a reasonable semblance of calm, they had, it now seemed, survived the long hot summer of 1858.\n\nThe Occupation and the Coolie Trade\n\nAlthough tensions in the immediate environs of Canton did not again reach the levels of the first summer of the occupation, there nevertheless remained issues which threatened to provoke even worse resistance to allied control. Chief among these concerns were those aroused by the kidnapping of locals by coolie merchants.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211334, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "26\n\nThe kidnappers were daring in their raids. By early 1859 Chinese from all walks of life were increasingly being carried off by Chinese gangs working for foreign coolie agents. The Chinese community was so alarmed that it simultaneously petitioned the allied authorities to stop the kidnappings as well as taking matters into its own hands. In April local merchants petitioned the British to take action. That same month local Chinese, having captured several kidnappers, murdered them.\" Consul Alcock described the situation:\n\nThe acts of violence and fraud connected with the coolie trade at this port... have already reached such a pitch of atrocity that a general feeling of alarm spread through the population accompanied by a degree of excitement and popular indignation which rendered it no longer possible or safe for any authority interested in the peace of the place to remain inactive.5\"\n\n5\n\nAlcock's last sentence provides the principal clue to the allied commissioners' dilemma. Somewhere around 60,000 to 70,000 people had been carried off in recent years, but until recently that had principally been a Chinese concern. But since January of the previous year, Canton had been under allied administration and now any agitation caused by the kidnappers would necessarily impact negatively on the European ability to continue the occupation. In short, it was now their problem. And if simple insecurity was not enough to get them to move against the kidnappers, class concerns added an additional incentive, for it was understood that the randomly selected victims were often from the Chinese upper classes, which the British found more “civilized” than many other groups.\n\n60\n\nIf it was imperative that the illegal kidnapping stop, nevertheless, it was true as well that, with the ever-increasing demand for labour in the New World, the Europeans were committed to finding a more acceptable means of recruiting Chinese contract labour. The next months would thus see a two-part effort; on the one hand to suppress the kidnapping while on the other hand to regularize coolie emigration in a fashion that was acceptable to the local Chinese yet which did not compromise the outflow of Chinese labourers.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211335, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "27\n\nThe first weeks of April were especially busy. Chinese officials, both those under Allied control as well as those elsewhere in the province, and the allied commissioners worked to outlaw illegal coolie traffic even as they moved to put into place a more regular system of contract labour.\n\nBoth Huang Tsung-han, the Governor-General, and Po-Kuei issued proclamations condemning the kidnapping while suggesting that a more regular method of recruitment, devoid of coercion, might be allowed. Po-Kuei even offered a reward for the capture of any kidnappers. As for the allied commanders, their own proclamation was issued on 7th April. Again they made it clear that while regular recruitment would be allowed, they would suppress the illegal trade with all the power at their command.\n\nThat summer and autumn plans were made to reorganise the system of recruitment. The new procedures included an elaborate system of recruitment, an interviewing process designed to ensure that everyone involved completely understood the terms of the bilingual contracts and was entirely willing. Altruism aside, the allied occupation forces had to deal with the kidnapping immediately or face a crisis which would have made the summer of 1858 look mild in comparison. It was one thing for the city residents to accept European occupation in place of the rather distant and at times unpopular Manchu control and quite another to have submitted to the authority of a government unwilling to suppress the kidnapping of their children and family members.\n\nNevertheless, the world labour situation did require cheap labour, and hence the necessity of searching for a means of satisfying both the local Chinese as well as the foreign coolie markets. It would be many months, however, before a full system was in place which met both obligations.\n\nRegularising the coolie trade\n\nIf it was obvious that the occupation simply could not continue while the locals were continuously outraged by the kidnappings of their relatives, it was no less clear that honest recruitment of labourers for work overseas was to be an important responsibility of the allied government. Therefore, by the autumn of 1859 the allied administration", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211336, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 52, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "28\n\nformally took steps to organize and control the trade. Henceforth it was to be a government-sponsored operation supervised by the commission itself.\n\nIn October a prospectus was distributed advertising the new policy. It made specific efforts to differentiate the new programme from the previous illegal trade. According to the prospectus, the trade was to provide labour for the West Indies and work for the poor of China. It was not to be considered slavery. The rights of those recruited would be guaranteed by the British government and families were welcome to come along. In fact, in addition to promising education for dependents, the flyer outlined contracts of five years with pay set at four dollars a month. The contract could be broken after a year though four-fifths of the price of passage had to be repaid. As an additional incentive a twenty dollar advance was offered. Happily for those interested in recruiting coolies, Lao Ch'ung-kuang, the acting Governor-General who had replaced Po-Kuei, agreed to endorse the plan and to supply a mandarin to work with John Austin, the British recruitment official. By the late autumn the French had made similar arrangements.\n\n63\n\nEvery effort was made to disassociate the now official coolie recruitment from the previous illegal trade. Because the coolie ships had often sat off the coast near Whampoa full of men usually presumed to be prisoners, the new system established land-based recruitment houses in Canton. Parkes, the dominant commissioner, also worked with the local gentry and elders to gain their co-operation. And, as mentioned above, with the co-operation of the provincial officials, each emigration office, French and British, had Chinese officials assigned to work with it.\n\nThe allied commissioners were taking no chances with a potential uprising stemming from \"misunderstandings associated with the trade. Coolie inspectors were assigned to interview the recruited labourers. The inspectors had the right to interview the men at any time and, if necessary to close down the offending establishment. No corporal punishment was to be allowed. The inspectors were to be present whenever contracts were signed and inspection officers were required to visit the emigration houses daily.\n\n67", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211337, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 53, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "29\n\n65\n\nMuch of 1860 was spent working with the Chinese authorities searching for ways to shut down the continuing private trade in the outskirts of the city. That was not as easy as regularizing the trade within the city. The occupation administration was convinced that the illegal coolie trade with its accompanying brutality would make their continuing administration difficult if not impossible. Thus the commissioners and allied commanders remained committed to outlawing the illegal trade.\n\nConclusion\n\nIf the illegal trade remained a difficult problem, nevertheless, the Cantonese resistance to the occupation seems to have considerably lessened by 1860, and the next year and a half, that is until the allied withdrawal, was relatively uneventful. According to one observer:\n\nToday, French, English, Americans, Russians and Portuguese, every foreign nationality can come without experiencing the least obstacle. When we walk in the streets of Canton the Chinese regard us with a curious air, even as we ourselves look at them, but without any demonstration of anger or vengefulness. Everyone knows that we came among them neither to dominate nor to enslave them. They are beginning to understand that our diplomatic and commercial relations should one day make them rich and free. I think they are not far from actually liking us. In effect, the Chinese cannot detest these strangers who have brought them the benefits of civilization.\n\nWhatever the likelihood that the average Cantonese would have described the situation as our commentator did, it is nevertheless true that by 1860 the occupation had finally settled down to the routine so many have assumed it to have shown from the beginning. And a year later, by 1861, it was finally time to turn control of the city back to the Chinese.\n\nThe official ceremony of departure, in the wake of the settlement of the Arrow War, took place on October 19, 1861, just short of the fourth anniversary of the city's occupation and after most of the allied troops", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211338, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 54, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "30\n\nhad already departed. Of the original allied commissioners, only Harry Parkes was still there for the final ceremony which included a tri-national group of Chinese, French, and British dignitaries.\n\nIf the allied occupation of Canton was not as uneventful as some historical accounts record, it nevertheless had very successful elements to it and may have had an influential impact on future Sino-European relations. At least two employees of the Allied Commission, Robert Hart and Prosper Giquel, both young men at the time, went on to play major roles in future Sino-European co-operative ventures later in the century, Robert Hart as the famous director of the Chinese Maritime Customs Service and Prosper Giquel as the future European Director of the Foochow Dockyard and eventually head of several Sino-European Educational Missions of the 1870s and 1880s. That their earlier experiences had been in the somewhat more co-operative world of the Sino-European police forces and the Sino-European coolie emigration inspection teams is certainly likely to have proved significant in the careers of these two men who were later so much more able than most of their countrymen to work with the Chinese on an equal basis.\n\nNOTES\n\nAbbreviations\n\nAE Archives de la Ministère des Affaires Etrangères\n\nCCC Correspondence consulaire et commerciale\n\nCP Correspondence politique, Chine\n\nArmee Les Archives de l'Armee de Terre, Vincennes\n\nFO British Foreign Office\n\nPRO British Public Record Office\n\nSHM Service Historique de la Marine, Vincennes\n\nAN Archives Nationales\n\nRanbir Vohra, China's Path To Modernization: A Historical Review from 1800 to the Present (New Jersey, Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall, 1987) citing Christopher Hibbert, The Dragon Awakes. China and the West 1793-1911 (N.Y., Harper and Row, 1970), p. 229.\n\n2 Douglas Hurd, The Arrow War, Anglo-Chinese Confusion 1856-1860 (New York: Macmillan Company, 1967), pp. 121-125 and Immanuel C.Y. Hsu, The Rise of Modern China, 3rd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983), p. 121-125.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211341, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "33\n\n57\n\nBourboulon to Walewski, 6 September, 1858, CP, vol. 22, fol. 147, AE, and D'Abouville to Min. de la Marine, 27 November, 1858, BB4763, fol. 12, AN.\n\n5# Alcock to Bowring, 12 April, 1859, Accounts and Papers, LXIX 2714 (1860) and Alcock to Bowring, 6 April, FO881894, p. 4, incl. 2 number 1, PRO.\n\n50 Alcock to Bowring, 12 April, 1859, FO881894, Confidential Print, p. 1 in no incl.\n\n1 in no. 1 no folio # PRO.\n\nAlcock to Bowring, 12 April, 1859, Accounts and Papers, LXIX 2761 (1860) PRO.\n\nHuang Proclamation, trans. by Parkes, 6 April, 1859, BB4763, fol. 93-100, Armee.\n\n62 Proclamation of April 7, Accounts and Papers, LXIX 2714 (1860) p. 4, no. 1, PRO.\n\n6.3 Prospectus stating the conditions on which the British Government is willing to engage **Emmigrants** for her West Indian Possessions,\" 13 October, 1859, CCC, Canton, vol. 2, fol. 148, AE.\n\nLao to Allied Commission, 27 October, 1859, Accounts and Papers, LXIX 2714 (1860) fol. 16, PRO.\n\nD'Abouville to Min. de la Marine, 27 October, 1859, BB4763, fol. 288-91, AN.\n\n66 Bruce to Russell, 5 December, 1859, Confidential Prints, FO405: 6, fol. 31 in no. 7 PRO.\n\n47 Allied Commission Memorandum, 24 January, 1860, Accounts and Papers, LXIX 2714, (1860) fol. 30 and \"Rules under which houses for the Reception of Chinese Emmigrants. no date, [prob. November 1859] Accounts and Papers, LXIX 2714 (1860), encl. 12 on no. 6, vol. 18, PRO.\n\nL\n\n”\n\nStraubenzee & Hope to D'Abouville, 12 January, 1860, CCC, Canton, vol. 2, fol. 158-160, AE.\n\nStraubenzce to Sidney Herbert, 14 January, 1860, Accounts and Papers, LXIX 2714 (1860), PRO and D'Abouville, to Com. de Chef de Mers, 13 January, 1860, BB4763, fol. 344-45, AN.\n\n70 Charles de Mutrecy, Journal de la Campaigne de Chine 1859-60, vol. 1. (Paris: Librairie Nouvelle, 1861) vol. 1, p. 225.\n\n71 Charner to Min. de la Marine, 13 November, 1861, CP, vol. 37, fol. 10, AE, and **Account of Evacuation of Canton on 21 October 1861**\" Accounts and Papers, LXII 2919, (1862), p. 3-4, PRO.\n\n72\n\nSteven A. Leibo, \"The Sino-European Educational Missions, 1875 to 1886,\" Asian Profiles [TBA].", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211616, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 31, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "Tin magnate and businessman Eu Tong-sen had 13 sons and 11 daughters by his many wives, among whom were a few Europeans. He was also told he must continue building, although when he died, in 1941, he had completed only three fantasy homes (all now demolished); one at Eucliff at Repulse Bay and another at Euston in Bonham Road, both in pseudo-Gothic style. The third was an old-world, rambling, English-style country mansion, named \"Sirmio\", which stood on the north shore of Tolo Harbour.\n\nThe author attended a swimming party at Eucliff which contained a large number of paintings — in 1955, and a picnic in the grounds of Sirmio a few months later. At the time, apart from caretakers, both were unoccupied.\n\nWith 1997 approaching the Aw and Eu prophecies regarding building, as stated above, are now being applied to Hong Kong itself, and some believe that, if construction stops, the Territory itself will wither and die.\n\nAcknowledgement\n\nThe author is grateful to Doctor James Hayes for his comments on a draft of this paper.\n\nNOTES\n\n2 V.R. Burkhardt, Chinese Creeds and Customs (1982), p. 174.\n\n3 Remarks of the nephew of J.J. Ropes, letter to the Editor Hong Kong Standard (later 1970s); and Anthony Walker and Stephen M. Rowlinson, The Building of Hong Kong. Constructing Hong Kong Through the Ages (1990), passim.\n\n4 Burkhardt, op.cit. passim; and Anthony Walker and Stephen M. Rowlinson, op.cit. Chapter Four.\n\n5 The author recalls how, when a Chinese woodwork instructor in one of the old Technical College workshops (which was equipped with western-style tools) wanted a particularly good finish on a piece of timber, he would always use his own Chinese plane.\n\n6 The author taught building technology and allied subjects at the Government Technical College (this became the Hong Kong Polytechnic in 1972) during his early years in Hong Kong.\n\n8 G.B. Endacott, A History of Hong Kong (1958), p. 116.\n\n9 The Craft of Chinese Scaffolding, editor Ho So (Circa 1972); and Jayson Wong, \"The bamboo wonders of territory's high-rise world\", South China Morning Post, 20 September", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211746, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 161, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "136\n\nLei (#) clans were settled in the area then, and the Ho family at least must have been there from the late Yuan.\" It seems likely, however, that no Ming political groupings survived the chaos of the Coastal Evacuation (1662-1669) in the area - the returning villagers must have had to re-create their society more or less from scratch.\n\nSoon after the rescission of the Coastal Evacuation Order Hakka groups moved into the Ta Kwu Ling area. There is no evidence that there was any opposition to this, and the area has been one of marked Punti/Hakka co-operation throughout the last three hundred years.\" The first, and the most important, Hakka group to enter the area was the Chan (B) clan, of Ping Yeung, Nga Yiu Ha, and Wo Keng Shan. Other Hakka groups arrived mostly during the eighteenth century.\n\nThese villages began to establish alliances between themselves from early in the eighteenth century. The Chans of Ping Yeung, Nga Yiu Ha, and Wo Keng Shan allied themselves with the Fus and the other tiny clans of Wo Keng Shan to form the Sam Heung (, \"Three Villages\"), and this alliance in turn allied itself with the Mans of Ping Che to form the Ping Yuen Hap Heung (\"Ping Yuen United District'). The Tin Hau temple at Ping Che was founded by this group of villages, probably in the early eighteenth century, and they celebrated the Ta Tsiu festival in front of the temple from the eighteenth century until the 1930s.\" The groupings of Kan Tau Wai, Tai Po Tin, and Lei Uk; and of Lin Tong, Wang Kong Ha, and Au Ha2 are very probably of the same sort of date. Several villages in the area were genealogically related, and these also tended to form loose groups around their main ancestral graves during this period. However, inter-village alliances in the area in the eighteenth century do not seem to have been particularly strong or socially significant. Each individual village had its own Tai Wong (AE, “Superior Earthgod Shrine\"), and the groupings of villages around a single, shared shrine found in many places in the New Territories were unknown here.\n\nThus, when the Cheung Shan Kwu Tsz was founded towards the end of the eighteenth century, it was founded within a region with a weak political structure, marked by numbers of villages without alliances with others, or only weakly grouped with others. The strongest grouping, the Ping Yuen Hap Heung, consisted of only four villages, two of them very tiny. It is entirely likely that the area was in this period dominated politically by “major lineages\" from outside the area -- particularly the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211766, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 181, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "156\n\nTsz people controlling the pass and the Cheungs controlling the river crossing; no one group had total control of the road; but if the Luk Yeuk controlled both the pass and the bridge, then the Shap Yeuk's interests could well have been at risk. Lin Ma Hang of the Shap Yeuk actually fought alongside Wong Pui Ling; the rest of the Shap Yeuk was probably friendly to the Cheungs, or at least neutral in the dispute. The Sze Yeuk were allied with the Tangs in their opposition to the establishment of the Tai Po New Market by the Tsat Yeuk; as is to be expected, Fanling and the Luk Yeuk supported the Tsat Yeuk.\n\n32\n\n33\n\nIt is unclear if the inscription still survives or not.\n\nThey were Man Fuk-ting (Tong Fong, Chairman); Lei Yi-wa (Lei Uk); Chan Kwok-cheung (Ping Yeung); Tang King-shiu (Au Ha or Wang Kong Ha); Law King-fan (Law Fong); To Kan-yeung (Tin).\n\n14 Between 1911 and 1924 Chan Ping-kei (Chau ...) and Chan Tai [or Ting]-cheung ... (+ [Chinese characters unknown]) were managers, and as such appear on the Land Memorials.\n\n35\n\nIt was put up by Lin Tong and Wang Kong Ha villages, in \"The Shing Ping She Shrine of Righteousness\".ĦTH, Faure, Historical Inscriptions, op. cit., Vol. 3, p. 850.\n\n36\n\n37\n\nFaure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society, op. cit., pp. 104-105.\n\nChau Tin village owned a small temple, or San Teng (神廳), as did Kan Tau Wai and Law Fong. Kan Tau Wai in addition owned a small house as a meeting place for its elders. None of these communal facilities had any income-producing land attached to them, except for the Law Fong and Kan Tau Wai temples, which owned 0.05 and 0.12 acres respectively. The Ping Yuen temple manager was registered only for the single temple building, but not for any income-producing land, although the temple did buy a piece of land (0.72 acres) from a Ping Che villager in 1906. See DD82, houselot CT20; lot 759; DD78, lot 1158; DD82, houselot KTW13; houselots PC1-3; Memorial 2744.\n\nMemorials 24058 (20 April 1913), 27471 (4 June 1914), 45919 (7 December 1920); see also Memorial 17779 (17 October 1911) for the succession of the She to a house at Tong Fong.\n\n19\n\nFor the Po Tak Old Alliance, see Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society, op. cit., pp. 128-140.\n\n40\n\n41\n\nSee R.G. Groves, \"The Origins of Two Market Towns'', loc.cit.\n\nFor the Tung Ping Kuk and the Tung Wo Kuk, see Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society, op. cit., pp. 128-140.\n\n42 (唔出嫁嘅女)\n\n43\n\n44\n\nSung Hok-p'ang, Legends and Stories of the New Territories: Kam Tin, op. cit.\n\nIt should be noted that these nunneries are often called Tsz (寺) in ordinary speech and documents. This character strictly means \"monastery\", but, in this area, this does not necessarily imply that the religious living there were men. Thus the Cheung Shan Kwu Tsz is almost always so called, as in the document printed in the Appendix. The use of the more correct character Am (庵, 'nunnery') is almost entirely limited to Ch'ing official documents (especially the County Gazetteer) and, sometimes, on bells.\n\n45\n\n46\n\nloc.cit.\n\nSee Faure, Luk and Ng, Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong, op. cit., Vol. 3, p. 669. It is called Miu (廟, \"temple\") in Hsin An County Gazetteer, 1922, ch'uan 4 and 7, pages 49-50 and 82 of the Chung Lap Pao edition, 1979, and in the 1688 Gazetteer.\n\n47 Ling To is called Tsz (寺) in the Hsin An County Gazetteer, 1819, at ch'uan 18 and 21, pages 148 and 174 of the Chung Lap Pao edition, 1979, and, given the care with which...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212351, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 293, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "270\n\nthe rights over it. However, the Yuen clan is weak, and was not able to maintain its right to the road at the landing place. The Tsoi clan of a neighbouring village snatched this right for themselves for many years. In an attempt to recover their rights, the Yuen clan allied themselves for approximately twenty years with the dominant clan of Sham Chun, the Cheung clan. The road at the landing place was eventually taken back from the Tsoi clan, but it was not returned to the Yuen clan\n\nthe Cheung clan kept it for themselves.\n\n―\n\n―\n\nFifteen further years passed. The Yuen clan at this point allied themselves with their erstwhile enemies, the people of the Tsoi clan, in order to advance their claims against the Cheung clan jointly with them.\n\nThe next development was, that the two allied clans jointly built a new market, immediately next to the landing place. This was about twenty minutes walk from the old market. The old market was the property of the Cheung clan, and it was hoped that the new market would damage the old one. This was, four years later, the occasion of serious conflict.\n\nThe allied clans had to prepare themselves against an attack from the Cheung clan during the building of the new market. They built their market within the protection of a small fortification, surrounding it, on the side facing the old market, with an earth wall. At the same time, the old market defended itself with a long wall. Anyone passing the two markets could see that a village war was on the way here.\n\nBoth sides at this stage collected their strength for the conflict, until, in the Spring of this year, the Yuen and Tsoi clans started the fight against the Cheung clan in deadly earnest. They had, in particular, procured a cannon which was big enough for them to use to fire into the houses of the Cheungs. The Cheungs also had a cannon, but it was smaller than that of their enemies, and caused little damage. The hostilities began in March of this year.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212353, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 295, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "272\n\nIn the fighting in Sham Chun, the two allied clans at all stages had the advantage, principally because of their larger cannon. This caused in total about thirty deaths, two-thirds from among the Cheung clan. Through the shelling of the village several women and children died. Furthermore, a man from another village which had nothing to do with the conflict also died. His only contact with the fighting was to have gone to the market to buy something. The actual market itself had originally been considered as neutral ground, since the whole district had to go there, until suddenly the Tsois sent their shots straight into it.\n\nOne day a so-called Fortune Teller in the new market was seized as a spy by the infuriated people, and thoroughly beaten. One of our Christians, who had previously learnt something of surgery from the Missionaries, functioned as a surgeon from the beginning of the fighting, and made good business from the many woundings by his understanding of the use of chloroform.\n\nAfter the fighting had continued for several more weeks, we saw the District Mandarin whose office was only about five hours walk away at last take steps to issue instructions to bring the case to an end. He sent an underling with a detachment of soldiers to Sham Chun to make peace. However, the warring parties refused to listen. He therefore took all his soldiers away with him, and the fighting continued fiercely.\n\nA few weeks later, the cannon-fire stopped. I asked the reason, and was told that the Military Mandarin Tin On-pong had arrived with his soldiers to clean the matter up. This news pleased me. It was this man who, about five years ago, cleared this whole district of robbers and other rabble, so leaving us here free from what the Chinese call \"great enemies of the people\". He was at one time a day-labourer in a village not far from here, and then joined up as a soldier. From then on, his resolution has carried him through every sort of different endeavour, and so, going up step by step, he is now the man before", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212354, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 296, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "whom the whole district trembles. He is certainly a somewhat uneducated man, not only without fine manners, but a man who actually insults with the coarsest expressions when he sits to do justice. Yet it was nonetheless he alone who was ready for these obstinate clans, who broke their year-long overweening clannishness, and who brought the issue to a full and satisfactory solution. May it remain a successful conclusion to this affair in Sham Chun!\n\nOn his arrival he first of all required that all the weapons and armour of the allied clans be handed over to him. We heard that the Cheung clan had also made a delivery of their weapons, so that they could make an immediate appearance before Tin On-pong's seat of justice. Several houses of the Tsoi clan were burnt as a punishment. The Yuen clan were threatened in a similar way. The latter clan had among its members three graduates of the second rank (counting up from the bottom), and these were called before the Magistrate to defend their clan's claims.\n\nThis was so far successful that when the final decision was read out, it was that the \"Transit Toll\" should be divided, with four parts going to the Yuen clan, and six parts to the Sham Chun she hok.” (The she hok is a public building where, when disputes or other matters arise, the elders of the clans, the graduates, and the title-holders of the surrounding district meet together to take council on them.) However, since the Cheung clan is closest to the she hok it is likely that it will get the major share of the she hok's six parts. Furthermore, to conclude peace between the parties, it was decreed that the Yuen clan should sell the site of the landing place, and the rights over it, to the Cheung clan. This decision clearly favours the Cheung clan, since the people of the Yuen clan will lose all their rights to the matter under dispute. The Cheung clan will never again allow them to intrude into what is now to be the Cheungs' portion, whether the time be short or long.\n\nFinally, the Yuen clan were required to surrender one\n\nPage 273", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212414, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 356, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "333\n\ntheatre-going society of pre and post-war London, personified by Noel Coward. Indeed he belonged to that world.\n\nBeaton was an extremely talented man - a man of the theatre (as stage designer); and of films (as artistic designer). He was also an extremely brilliant portrait photographer of celebrities - politicians, film and stage stars, beautiful aristocrats - and a sharp autobiographer.\n\n―\n\nOxford University Press have, indeed, performed a public service in re-printing these two books, products of the propaganda arm of the Allied War effort in World War II. They capture in words and pictures the exotic and heroic backdrop of places and people - the military, of course, but also the peasant men, women and children of the two main theatres of war in the Far East, South East Asia and China. The words of Beaton's travel diaries and pencil sketches provide marginal observations to the photographs which, in most cases, \"speak for themselves\" in usually the direct language of propaganda. (However, it must be admitted that exposures of the manly heroic breasts of the soldiery record as well Beaton's sexual ambivalence, which doubtless lies at the heart of his creative genius).\n\nIt is interesting to note that at the time, in 1942, when these War Correspondent's despatches were being executed, Beaton was anguishing over the artistic dilemma of whether to carry out the assignment, principally as a photographer war-artist, or whether to pursue his more artistic endeavours.\n\nIn conclusion, it is perhaps unfair to Oxford, when they have done a very good job with an introduction by the Keeper of Photographs at the Imperial War Museum, London, illuminating the context of these now exceptional picture archives of the war - for this reviewer to feel a slight pang of disappointment with the reprints when compared with the originals. There the typography, design and format provide an additional dimension of insight into the ethos of that dramatic period of history.\n\nALAN BIRCH\n\nNancy Tapper, Bartered Brides: Politics, Gender and Marriage in an Afghan Tribal Society Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1991, xx + 309pp. Bibliography, Index.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212619, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 173, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "153\n\nEve dinner. We parted the next day as our ways lay in different directions.\n\nAfter completion of the reconnaissance I returned to Shangjao, where General Ku Chu Tung again very kindly accommodated me at his personal headquarters. Michael and I and the Chinese officers attached to us had our own little mess, and General Ku sent his own cook to prepare our meals, a signal courtesy which was much appreciated. Soon after my return I was delighted to hear that the two British Army Liaison Officers, had also escaped from Shanghai, with a third companion. They passed through shortly after on their way to Chungking. On December 7th they had had to go to earth, as the Japanese had raised a hue and cry after them: however, with the assistance of Chinese friends they finally made their way out past the wire. I hope one day the account of their adventures will appear in print,\n\nThe Japanese in Shanghai did not commence to round up Allied civilian foreigners for concentration in camps until the autumn of 1942, and the concentration was not completed until the spring of 1943. The foreigners were permitted to continue in occupation of their houses and to keep servants, though the limited funds released from the banks did not allow of living at the same standards as previously. To economise there was a tendency for households, or messes of bachelors, to amalgamate. Quite a few foreigners lived in houses outside the barbed-wire barrier and for the first few weeks one could pass in and out of the gates on the few roads which led through the barrier by claiming that one lived outside. During this period, Jim, an English missionary who spoke the Shanghai dialect well got out. He was waiting with Mac at Chin Ya when we returned there in March. In the course of time the Japanese brought a system of passes into use, and the issue of special passes to persons wishing to visit friends outside was restricted. Nevertheless, the arrangements were such as to provide plenty of opportunity for those who wished to pass through the barrier. At the worst one could crawl under the wire at night, when the sentries were mostly withdrawn to their main posts. But few young Britons seized the opportunity to escape while they could. In the upshot more Americans got away than British, though American residents only numbered about one third as many as the British, of whom some 5,000 were interned, including of course a considerable proportion of women and children.\n\nA small party of three American journalists escaped at about this time through Hangchow. I did not meet them. The next escape to be reported", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212666, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 220, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "201\n\n# THE RE-OCCUPATION OF HONG KONG\n\n## IN AUGUST 1945\n\n### DAN WATERS\n\nIn May 1992, on a Royal British Legion pilgrimage to Italy to visit graves of comrades killed when my company fought there in World War II, I became friends with ex-company sergeant major John McLaren. We later exchanged letters and he enclosed comments by his stepbrother, a Fleet Air Arm naval rating, about the return of the Allied Forces to Hong Kong in August 1945. From Mr Roland Davidson's comments I have compiled the following. It should be remembered, of course, that recollections can become distorted over half a century.\n\nWhen the atom bombs were dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki both the American 7th Fleet and the British 5th Fleet attached to it were at sea ready for strikes at the Japanese mainland. Everyone was delighted that Japan had surrendered. As Singapore and Hong Kong were both holding out the 7th Fleet was dispatched to Singapore and the 5th Fleet to Hong Kong. We arrived quite quickly and American Admiral Bill Halsey lost no time in demanding the presence of the Hong Kong garrison Japanese commander aboard the flagship “Indomitable” on which I was a crew member. One of our aircraft, a Fairy Fulmar if my memory serves me right, was sent to pick this worthy gentleman up. After a short time the plane returned. I might add that our ship was still at sea in a state of readiness.\n\nOut of the aircraft stepped this very well dressed, debonair Japanese army officer who treated the armed marine guard as if it was his guard of honour. Admiral Halsey was none too pleased and called down to the flight deck: 'Bring that man to the \"island\" (the bridge) at the double!' Documents of surrender were placed ready for signature on a small table.\n\nWhen the poor fellow arrived he was asked if he was indeed the Japanese commanding officer. He replied in perfect English that he was in fact the second-in-command. He said his commanding officer had absconded the previous day. The second-in-command was rather arrogant and swanky, and smartly dressed in uniform with high boots which had high heels. Halsey ordered a marine to break off the heel of his right boot who then had to hobble around the bridge and across the decks to the amusement of the ship's crew. I never saw a man's arrogance", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212807, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "101\n\neach harnessed and stripped to the waist, fighting the torrent.\n\nTreaty ports: Ports opened to foreign trade and residence under what the Chinese have always regarded as 'unequal treaties'.\n\nTsung-li Yamen : The Foreign Affairs Bureau of the late Ch'ing dynasty, established after the capture of Peking in 1860 by the Allied forces. It was the channel of communication between foreign Ministers resident in Peking and the throne.\n\nTsung-tu #: the Viceroy or Governor-General of one or more provinces within which he had the general control of all civil and military affairs and was subject only to the throne.\n\nWai-sing Lottery: lit: examination of names, a kind of sweepstake, once a very popular form of gambling amongst the Cantonese, on the result of the public examination for the second degree. The holder of a successful candidate's name being the winner of a greater or lesser sum according to position on the published list.\n\nWei-yuan A: a delegate staff officer, a special delegate or Expectant Appointee on ad hoc duty.\n\nWhite Lily Sect [Pai-lien Chiao] was a more serious rebellion at the end of the eighteenth century. This secret society, originally founded in opposition to Mongol domination several centuries earlier, had been revived in order to get rid of the alien Manchu rule of the Ch'ing dynasty. It broke out in western Hupei in 1796 and for nearly nine years taxed China's resources to the utmost. Although Mesny was not involved his and their paths crossed on occasion.\n\nYamen : The official and private residence of any 'mandarin', officials who held a seal, a government office.\n\nYing #: usually a battalion but not uncommonly, a force of a number of battalions.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212823, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 132, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "117\n\nwithdrew partly into India and partly back into Yunnan. Kokang was left high and dry. Undaunted the Myosa from his own funds purchased what weapons he could from the retreating Chinese troops and the disbanded men of the Burma Rifles, who had been instructed to disperse to their villages with their weapons, which were to be retained for local protection until the British returned. He acquired several hundred rifles, a small stock of ammunition, and a few Bren guns, and organised his own force, the Kokang Defence Force. Fortunately the prowess of the force, which could scarcely have proved high in the face of the battle-trained troops of Japan, was not put to the test. The Japanese advance stopped at the Salween, a convenient barrier on which to consolidate their East Wall in Burma.\n\nThe Myosa, left thus in a most dangerous situation, in the front line, as it were, of the Allied positions, applied to the nearby ally, China, for assistance. The Chinese who were themselves receiving equipment from America for their forces in this part of the world, could spare him no equipment, but undertook to train officers for his force. The quality of the training so provided will grow evident as this story unfolds.\n\nIn 1943 the Myosa made the journey to Kun-ming to apply to the British authorities for assistance and it was at the British Consul General's* house in Kun-ming that I met him. I saw an alert slight figure, young looking and brisk for his 45 years, dressed in a western suit of Palm Beach cloth. He looked Chinese, but I believe there is also an admixture of tribal blood, possibly Shan; there is, of course, a good deal of intermingling throughout all that border country. The prince spoke Burmese and Chinese, but very little English: though his schooling on the border had probably been rough and ready, he possessed in a strong degree that charm, which goes with a courtesy so cultivated that it becomes natural and can conceal the aptitude for decision based on a habit of command. The prince was accompanied by his son, a capable young man in his early twenties, who had been educated at the Princes' School in Taungyi and spoke excellent English. The Myosa explained to us, his son serving as interpreter, the difficulties of his position, the trouble he was having with Chinese troops, a battalion of whom had been stationed in Southern Kokang, and the hope that we might be able to come to his support. We discussed the situation and the nature of the\n\n*Strangely, he had been the Consul at Kiu Kiang in 1927, from whose house we retired to the warships", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212851, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "145\n\nand probably compelled them to increase the area of opium cultivation. Obviously the crop was being passed on through the Chinese officers at the Puppet's headquarters. I had found there that they used his office as if it were their own. This may have been another reason for the grip the Chinese had taken of this small state. When Allied government is re-established in Burma it is to be hoped that serious attention will be paid to the question of opium. On the barren slopes of Kokang it is one of the only crops which grow, and so the problem is chiefly economic, the finding of a substitute crop. I noticed that no opium was planted in the Lihsaw villages; they were all Christians, converted by the American Baptist Mission—a mission which does the same as Dr. Seagrave's very excellent work in Burma, and they had been taught to grow potatoes instead. But the Lihsaws are not numerous, there are limits to the demand for potatoes, and further alternatives will be required.\n\nKokang was not self-supporting in rice. The normal flow of commerce is along the motor road from Kunlong to Hsenwi and Burma; that road was now cut by Japanese occupation, and Kokang had to depend on China for additional supplies. I believe the Puppet did his best to exchange part of his opium for rice, but not very successfully. Yunnan itself had inadequate supplies to feed the large forces of the C.E.F. for whom quantities of rice had to be imported from further afield. It was a difficult situation for the Puppet and one which put him the more under Chinese obligation.\n\nI got to know many of the headmen personally and well; with two exceptions, men recently appointed by the Puppet, they were hostile to him, and anxiously awaited the return of the Myosa, whose fair and just administration had left happy memories.\n\nI did not fathom the system of appointing circle and village headmen. The Myosa appeared to have the authority to make appointments, but I found in many places that the post was hereditary; many of the headmen too were of the Myosa's family. They often had managers, or Prime Ministers, who managed their affairs for them; and in at least some instances the function of manager to a circle headman was hereditary too.\n\nI returned from Sincheng to Lunghtang with a baffled feeling; the Bren gun teams were sent for training, but I felt they were the last the Chinese would allow to come, and the event was to prove my doubts justified. The despatch of further men was delayed on one pretext after", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213045, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "93\n\nsinging at Mr. Wells' day school. \"Other afternoons I give to what I think I was meant especially to do - visiting the small-footed rich ladies who so rarely hear anything of the Gospel ...'.\" Reaching Chinese women for evangelistic purposes was an objective of the LMS support for women missionaries, and thus was a legitimate part of Dr. Sibree's role as a mission doctor.\n\n5}\n\nFor Dr. Gibson and Dr. Mitchell, who did not complete his Cantonese lessons, there were other missionaries who could work with Chinese men, although the District Committee was obviously concerned at the emphasis on 'medical' rather than 'missionary' amongst the male doctors. Mr. Pearce expressed the view that there was a need to devote more attention to the spiritual aspects of the medical work. With the opening of the Ho Miu Ling Hospital, the Committee requested the appointment of a further male medical missionary, to be trained in Cantonese language, so that pastoral work could occur. As well, the professional hierarchy within medicine, where surgery as an invasive skill in acute illness is seen as more important than obstetric care, a narrow specialisation which Dr. Sibree herself recognised, “reinforced the emphasis on a mixed role for the Lady Doctor.\n\nIt seems that this view of the female medical missionary as naturally and substantially involved in pastoral matters was held by Dr. Gibson, perhaps coloured, paradoxically, by a protectiveness. He was undoubtedly shaken by the death of Mrs. Stevens, noting that Miss Langdon, her successor, should not be pressured to stay long with the mission when her health may suffer. A similar concern probably prompted his view that Dr. Sibree should not be overworked. That would certainly be consistent with a patriarchal view of women as delicate and fitted more for pastoral work rather than 'real' medical work such as surgery. However, the weight of evidence points to his interest in protecting his autonomy vis-a-vis any interference in running the hospitals from the District Committee, and to his correct view that the Chinese subscribers were essential to the expansion of the medical mission. All this was allied with his interest in his work with the Hongkong College of Medicine and prospects of a role in the future University Medical School.\n\nReplacing Dr. Sibree: Chinese subscribers and LMS control\n\nAlthough Dr. Sibree was obviously unhappy with the limitations placed", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213088, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 156, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "137\n\ndirector of the Institute of Infectious Diseases in Japan, arrived in Hong Kong with two assistants, Drs. Aoyama and Ishiyumi on June 12th. They were taken around the next day. On June 14th, Lowson wrote 'Kitasato discovered bacillus.' The following is quoted from a report in the Hong Kong Weekly Press dated July 15th on an address given by Kitasato: 'In the first day he was able to discover the bacillus in the bubo, lungs, liver and spleen of dead patients and he immediately made a culture in agar agar. On the same day he took with all due precaution some blood from the finger tips of patients suffering from the disease in a severe form and again found the bacillus. He then inoculated mice, guinea pigs and rabbits with the virus and in every instance the animals so inoculated displayed the symptoms of the disease and died.' Kitasato worked in a matshed within the Kennedy Town Hospital compound and made his discovery there. Following the discovery a telegram was sent immediately to the medical journal, the Lancet; later a full-length report was dispatched on July 10th. Both Aoyama and Ishiyumi contracted the disease, the former from nicking his finger while doing an autopsy. He survived to write a paper entitled “On the Plague Epidemic in Hong Kong in the years 1894 to 1895”.\n\nThe bacillus was also discovered by the French bacteriologist, Dr. Alexandre Yersin of Saigon's Pasteur Institute, who arrived in Hong Kong on June 15th. A few days later, he too found the bacillus. Lowson wrote on June 23rd: 'Got microscopes again out. Yersin got his bacillus.' Lowson later added that Yersin refused to work in the same matshed with Kitasato and it took a few days to erect another for him. Yersin reported and sent material back to the Pasteur Institute in Paris. After close scrutiny of the findings of both Kitasato and Yersin in their published papers by independent observers, doubt was cast on Kitasato's bacillus. The difference in the characteristics between his and Yersin's bacillus is highly technical and need not concern us. In the end, Yersin's was regarded as the real discovery, and the generic name given to the plague and allied organisms is subsequently Yersinia in his honour. To complete the story, although both of them knew that dead rats found in infected areas died of plague, they were unaware of the part played by fleas, which was discovered later by the Indian Plague Investigation Committee and others in the Indian Epidemic, about 1906-1908.\n\nThis then is an account of the situation as it developed in the first few months of the Epidemic as related in Lowson's diary. In several entries", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213140, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 208, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "190\n\nNo. Name of Shop Address Village Source Comments\n\nNo.\nName of Shop\nAddress\nName of Owner\nVillage of Owner\nSource\nComments\n\n30*\n剛\nWTS\nLK\nABCD\n\n31\nM\nSLH\nLK\nC\n\nRestaurants\n\n32\n奇香\nWTS\nHL\n\n33\nLS\n\n34\nWTS\n\nن نار\n\n35*\n+\n\nSilversmiths Tailor etc\n\n#\nL$\nTMK\nCD\n\n36*\n析\nA\n\n37%\n狗\nLS\n53\nWTS\nYT\nLH\n\n00\nC\n\ndealt in opium as well dealt in opium as well\n\nLeashop and noodles coffee shop, cold drinks dogmeat and other noodles Bavel\n\nmissionaries, 1882\n\n*C20\na ring\"\n\nfine cloth, jewellery\n\ntarlor, cloth, largest shop in the market\n\n38\n新盛\n\n39\n\n40\n\nCobbler\n\nPa\n\n43\nUS\nC\n\n*\n歴\nLS\nTL\nC\n\nRattan\n\nFU\n\n4|\n明\nFI\nWTS\nAH\n\nCarpenters\n\n42*\nA\nWTS\nLH\n\n43*\nlal\n#I\nUS->TYK\nLH\n\n도도로\n\nDO\nC\n\nC basket\n\nbaskets and sieves ABC C\n\n44*\n四\nSLH\nSTK\nرا\nC\nBoatbuilder\n\n45-50\n-\nLS\nChina\nC\n\nBlacksmiths\n\n$1*\n\nWTS\nWH\nBC\n\nGambling House\n\n52\nTH\n腑\nWTS\nYT\nC\nPaper Offerings\n\n53\n114\n三 記\nWTS\nני\nC\n\n**\n\n54\n\n55\n..t\n外\n*\nIt\nC\nSNT\n\nC\n\n00 Leller Writer\n\n56\n* # 1\n\nMan Mo\nWH\nC\n\nTemple\n\n57\n\nBarber\n\n58*\n50\n\n60\n\n61\n\n62\n\n63\n\n64\n\n65\nRH\n보\nWTS\nC\n\nDoctor\n\n66\n|廣限颅上吞际\n$\nHAJDING\nUS\nΥΤ\nABC\n\nWTS\nYSO\nBC\n\nWTS\nBC\n\nLS\nNC\nBC\n\nWTS\nSC\nBC\n\nYT\nC\n\nACD\n17\n\nAC\nYT\nC\n\n· also ropemaker and allied trades Lockhart's report, 899.DO, 1937\n\n\"5 or 6\" blacksmiths in\n\nA row\n\n2 Storey Gambling house, Po Tau, Tsz Fa and Pai Kau\n\nOwner executed about 1935\n\n) Probably one of these\n\n) shops was the one\n\n) operated by the Market\n\n) Headman,\n\n1\n\n) of the Luk Heung\n\nleader of teain of Nam Mo Lo (Taoist Priests)\n\nBasel missionaries, 1853", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213173, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 241, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "223\n\nthe suburbs, blending, to be sure, with the rambunctious commoners' culture, but far more subdued. Not what Seidensticker loved about old Tokyo, but fascinating none the less. The changes are particularly sharp after the war, after the second destruction in this century of the inner low city in the bombings of March 1945, and the Allied Occupation.\n\nThe books, however, do not pretend to be political histories, although they give mention to politics when they touch on the fabric of the city. Instead they record the changes in the lives of the people. The department store girls, for example, who were encouraged by management to wear Western-style under-garments after eight of them fell from high ropes during their escape from a fire in one store, clad in kimono, they tried to protect their modesty and unclothed nether regions with one hand, but the other hand was not strong enough to bear the burden. This incident, while hardly a formative one in the city, is one of many incidents which Seidensticker has culled from a myriad of sources to portray the rapid changes which typify Tokyo. He gently blends the sum of them into a textured picture, one which will provide readers with a feeling for the city even if they have never seen it. If readers have seen it (and many readers of this publication will have), the picture will make greater sense of a city that can seem to be a confusing mélange of exits from subway stations. And if some readers have been fortunate enough to have lived there, the book will provide a depth of meaning to corners of their former home that are familiar, yet unknown.\n\nThese books are a joy and a boon. Already ten years old (the first volume; the second appeared just five years ago), they will stand the test of time and are a welcome addition to the library of anyone seeking to keep informed about East Asia, its cities, and its culture.\n\nTHOMAS STANLEY", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213366, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "172\n\nHis Hideout\n\nLegend said that he had a hideout on Tai U Shan, Hong Kong Island, Cheung Chau Island, and on Lung Yuet Island at the mouth of the Chu Kiang Delta. There, he kept his looted treasures. However, there are no written records to prove this.\n\n7\n\nAs recorded in the 'History of the Pirates who infested the South China Sea from 1807 to 1810', the hideout of all the pirates of the South China Sea was at Wei Chau and Ngow Chau. These two islands lie at the boundary of Kwang-tung and Kwangsi provinces. They are very far out at sea. The naval patrolling force could hardly sail out to attack them.\n\nHis Position in the Red Flag Squadron\n\n9\n\nThe pirates of the Chu Kiang Delta were all under the Red Flag Squadron. By that time, some headmen split and formed new squadrons. Notable ones were Kwok Po Ta's Black Flag Squadron and Leung Pao's White Flag Squadron. However, they still allied with Chang Yat Sao. At that time, Cheung Pao was the Chief Headman of the Red Flag Squadron, and Chang Yat Sao was still the Chief Commander.\n\n10\n\nThe Worship of Tin Hau\n\nLegend said that Cheung Pao was faithful to Tin Hau. He and his followers built Tin Hau Temples on many off-shore islands of Hong Kong. It was said that the Tin Hau Temples on Cheung Chau Island, Ma Wan Island, and at Stanley on Hong Kong Island were built by him and/or his followers.\n\nAs recorded in the 'History of the Pirates who infested the South China Sea from 1807 to 1810', Cheung Pao worshipped the Goddess of Saam Por 三婆, a native goddess worshipped by the people living along the coast of Wai Chau and Lui Chau Peninsula. However, in the Hong Kong region, we have no temple nor shrine dedicated to this goddess. In Macau, there is one found on the Island of Taipa.\n\n17.2", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213630, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 226, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "200\n\n3\n\nand four belong to German prisoners. The remainder are Allied servicemen's graves. The headstones, including those of the Chinese Labour Corps members, are of the usual Portland Stone with the Commonwealth War Grave standard segmental curve on the top (see Plates 1 and 2). This distinguishes them from graves for civilians which are curved but with a piece notched out at each top corner. Stones for Royal Air Force graves are 'winged', with curved tops sweeping upwards slightly at each side.* Few if any of the Chinese who served in Europe in the First World War, one assumes, were Christians. There are no crosses on their gravestones.\n\nOf the two Chinese graves in this cemetery one is unnamed (see Plate I), although there is an army number. This is not unusual. When Chinese labourers were first recruited, pigtails, which could still be found in China at the time, were cut off. Thumbprints were then taken and numbered wristlets were riveted on. The inscription on the first gravestone reads, in Chinese and English, 'Faithful unto death'. The second headstone (see Plate 2) is in memory of Wong Fuk-hing with the proverb, 'A good reputation endures forever.' Wong came from Shan Tung Province, Yeung Sun county. A Chinese person's native place is important enough to be inscribed on his or her headstone. Traditionally, Chinese like to be buried on their native soil.\n\nNot far from Foncquevillers Military Cemetery is an old farm house which, in 1916, stood near the front line of the First Battle of the Somme, the largest land battle Britain has ever fought. Some 57,470 British soldiers were killed on July 1, 1916, the first day of this action. The cellar at the time, linked by a tunnel to the trenches which crisscrossed the area, served as a battlefield operating theatre. On March 19, 1916, two British soldiers were shot at dawn, close by, for desertion. Although my son and I visited this old house owned by Avril Williams, which now serves as a guest house and English tea rooms, she was unfortunately not at home. Her daughter showed us around.\n\nThe chief reason that Avril Williams came here, from England, was so she might visit and tend the graves of those who fought and died: 'So we might continue to live the way we do.' On the headstone of Private George Palmer's grave, who was killed in 1917, a request from his mother is inscribed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213635, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 231, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "206\n\ntrials, International Military Tribunals were established, and Russia took part in the Tokyo trial although it had been in the war against Japan for only one week before the surrender. In all the other trials, Tribunals of Officers were set up to hear the cases. The range of offences to be tried as war-crimes was never precisely defined, but broadly concerned “offences against humanity” including events causing cruelty, indeed often death, to prisoners and civilians in occupied territories. The notorious Kempetai (military police) had tortured, and indeed, killed, many thousands usually in an effort to extract confessions. Were these trials a \"Victor's Justice\"? It is true that the Japanese surrender had made the trials possible, but the catalogue of criminality left no doubt that those appearing in the dock deserved the punishment they received. There were acquittals mostly as a result of problems of identification, and some because the required standard of proof had not been satisfied. Tribunals did not attach much weight to affidavit evidence since cross-examination was not feasible. Documents which were contemporaneous on the other hand usually told their own story, although bonfires of such documents had been destroying such evidence in the interval between the Emperor's surrender broadcast and the arrival of the Allied forces.\n\nThe first trial was of General Yamashita, the \"Tiger of Malaya\", who became Supreme Commander of Japanese Forces in the Philippines, and this began in Manila on October 29th, 1945. He was sentenced to death. Other trials were conducted by U.S. Tribunals: 90 were sentenced to death. During 1945 and 1946, Nationalist Chinese Tribunals convicted 504 as war criminals. The French convicted 198, the Dutch 969, Australia 644, and in Singapore and Hong Kong, the United Kingdom Tribunals convicted 811.\n\nAccused were permitted legal representation, and given interpreters and the assistance of an Allied officer, and this was strictly adhered to in the British trials. We had the assistance of Army Investigation Units which collected evidence. One problem was that mistreated P.O.W.s wanted to get home to England or Canada as soon as practicable for rehabilitation, and tribute should be paid to the public-spirited few who agreed to return as witnesses.\n\nMy first case in Hong Kong concerned atrocities in Kinkaseki Camp, Formosa, and its \"Hell Mine\", and one of my star witnesses was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213636, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 232, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "207\n\nJack Edwards, since well-known for his work on behalf of ex-P.O.W.s, and their families. The trial began on October 3rd 1946 and ended with convictions two weeks later. I need say no more as Jack Edwards had written a graphic account of the conditions at Kinkaseki in his book \"Banzai you Bastards\".\n\nMy second case turned into a marathon. It opened to a crowded courtroom on October 21st 1946 and ended in an equally-crowded court on November 30th - Hong Kong's longest-running War Crimes Trial. The Royal Navy took a special interest in the case due to the number of Naval Personnel who had perished, and the Hong Kong Commodore sent out a signal that all Naval Officers not on sea duty were to attend the opening of the trial in No.1 uniform with medals and swords. About fifty did so, arriving early to take up the front spectator seats in the Jardine East Point Godown (since demolished) which had been furnished as a court. A Naval Officer sat as a member of the Tribunal.\n\nThe accused was of medium height, and aged 45. He held himself well in the dock. He spoke passable English, but preferred to give evidence in his own language. The accused, Captain Kyoda Shigeru, had been Master of the \"Lisbon Maru\" which sailed from Hong Kong for Tokyo on September 27th 1942. It had on board, in overcrowded conditions, 1816 undernourished British and Allied P.O.W.s who were being moved to Japan to work in factories there. It also carried a substantial number of Japanese troops returning for relocation and a general cargo. Three days after sailing from Hong Kong the \"Lisbon Maru\" was torpedoed by a U.S. submarine which punched a hole in the stern and thereafter the vessel was slowly sinking. The Officer-in-charge of the P.O.W. detachment, a young Lieutenant Wada, ordered the accused to batten down the prisoners in the hatches, and to remove the ventilation chutes.\n\nAccording to evidence, the accused first argued with Lt. Wada, but when the order was repeated he gave instructions to the Ship's Carpenter to carry it out. As the ship slowly sank, conditions in the holds became more and more intolerable, and deaths due to drowning and asphyxia began to occur. No food or water was supplied. The air was foul, and they were in darkness. There were no latrine facilities.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213729, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "Table 20\n\nMale Sellers of Foodstuffs and Allied Trades, 1911\n\n53\n\n \n Occupation\n Northern District\n Southern District*\n \n \n Vegetable dealers\n 21\n 19\n 2.6%\n \n \n \n 25%\n \n \n \n Fruit sellers\n 26\n 16\n 2.1%\n \n \n \n 3.1%\n \n \n \n Bakers\n 7\n 35\n 4.7%\n \n \n \n 0.1%\n \n \n \n Poultry dealers\n 4\n 4\n 0.5%\n \n \n \n 0.5%\n \n \n \n Grain and flour dealers\n 5\n 11\n 1.5%\n \n \n \n 0.6%\n \n \n \n Rice dealers\n 70\n 43\n 5.8%\n \n \n \n 8.4%\n \n \n \n Rice pounders\n 24\n \n \n \n \n \n 2.9%\n \n \n \n Tobacco dealers\n 18\n 14\n 1.9%\n \n \n \n 2.2%\n \n \n \n Wine sellers\n 22\n 30\n 4.0%\n \n \n \n 2.6%\n \n \n \n Fishmongers\n 74\n \n \n \n \n \n 8.9%\n \n \n \n Butchers and pork sellers\n 8\n \n \n \n \n \n 1.1%\n \n \n \n Oil sellers\n \n 1\n 0.1%\n \n \n \n 1.3%\n \n \n \n Tea sellers\n 15\n 26\n 3.5%\n \n \n \n 1.8%\n \n \n \n Unclassified and general\n 535\n 538\n 72.2%\n \n \n \n 64.3%\n \n \n \n TOTAL\n 832\n 745\n 100%\n \n \n \n 100%\n \n \n \n *Includes New Kowloon\n \n\nTable 21\n\nMale Dealers in Foodstuffs, Northern District, 1921\n\n \n Occupation\n No. of Males\n \n \n Beancurd/bean stick makers and dealers\n 42\n 4.4%\n \n \n Bakers/Flour millers\n 42\n 4.4%\n \n \n Dried fish curers and dealers\n 54\n 5.7%\n \n \n Preserved meat makers and dealers\n 1\n 0.1%\n \n \n Rice millers\n 27\n 2.8%\n \n \n Rice dealers\n 84\n 8.8%\n \n \n Dog meat sellers\n \n 0.1%\n \n \n Fishmongers\n 186\n 19.5%\n \n \n Fruit sellers\n 16\n 1.7%\n \n \n General grocery\n \n \n \n \n Butchers\n 397\n 41.7%\n \n \n Noodle sellers\n 67\n 7.0%\n \n \n Salt dealers\n 2\n 0.2%\n \n \n Sauce makers and dealers\n 12\n 1.3%\n \n \n Tea dealers\n 3\n 0.3%\n \n \n Vegetable sellers\n 11\n 1.2%\n \n \n \n 7\n 0.7%\n \n \n Total\n 952\n 100%", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213730, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "54\n\nTable 22\n\nOccupations of Males. Northern District. 1921\n\n \n Occupation\n No. of Males\n \n \n \n Agricultural occupations.\n 25306\n 78.8%\n \n \n Fishing\n 3268\n 9.4%\n \n \n Masons and allied trades\n 378\n 1.1%\n \n \n Lime burners and dealers.\n 20\n 0.1%\n \n \n Buck/tile makers\n 93\n 0.3%\n \n \n Oil pressers and dealers\n 104\n 0.3%\n \n \n Boat builders\n 42\n 0.1%\n \n \n Carpenters and allied trades\n 249\n 0.7%\n \n \n Blacksmiths/other metal-workers.\n 56\n 0.2%\n \n \n Jewellers\n 52\n 0.1%\n \n \n Basketry and rattan makers and dealers\n 41\n 0.1%\n \n \n Other artisans &\n 55\n 0.2%\n \n \n Weavers\n \n 0.0%\n \n \n Sail makers\n 10\n 0.0%\n \n \n Other textile workers.\n 7\n 0.0%\n \n \n Tailors, cobblers and allied trades\n 325\n 0.9%\n \n \n Dealers in foodstuffs (See Table 22)\n 952\n 2.7%\n \n \n Dealers in wine\n 58\n 0.2%\n \n \n Builders.\n 55\n 0.2%\n \n \n Fuel dealers\n 40\n 0.1%\n \n \n Land transport workers (rail and road)\n 119\n 0.3%\n \n \n Boatmen (See Table 24)\n 371\n 1.1%\n \n \n Sailors on foreign ships and steam launches\n 841\n 2.4%\n \n \n Dockyard workers\n 20\n 0.1%\n \n \n Tobacco dealers\n 25\n 0.1%\n \n \n Doctors, dentists and medicine dealers\n 124\n 0.4%\n \n \n Opium sellers\n 4\n 0.0%\n \n \n Pawnbrokers\n 5\n 0.0%\n \n \n Other shop workers#\n 392\n 1.1%\n \n \n Hawkers, coolies, general labourers\n 886\n 2.6%\n \n \n Government service\n 63\n 0.2%\n \n \n Interpreters\n 1\n 0.0%\n \n \n Teachers\n 192\n 0.6%\n \n \n Vets, lawyers, artists\n 3\n 0.0%\n \n \n Actors, musicians\n 8\n 0.0%\n \n \n Religious, fortune tellers, geomancers, temple keepers\n 114\n 0.3%\n \n \n Domestic servants\n 23\n 0.1%\n \n \n Barbers\n 88\n 0.3%\n \n \n Cooks\n 266\n 0.8%\n \n \n Restaurant, teahouse, guesthouse workers\n 42\n 0.1%\n \n \n Laundrymen\n 2\n 0.0%\n \n \n Watchmen and miscellaneous\n 31\n 0.1%\n \n \n Total\n 34753\n 100%\n \n\n* Includes engineers, motor car repairers, scissors grinders, paper makers\n\n* Some masons and allied trades were in the building trade as well\n\n# Includes cork dealers, paper dealers, joss stick makers and dealers, umbrella makers, straw coat makers, various brokers, money changers, buyers, clerks, salesmen, shop assistants, shop accountants, shop masters, weighers", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213731, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "55\n\nThe differences between Northern and Southern District do not stand out too clearly in the 1911 tables since the Southern District figures there include New Kowloon, and exclude the boat people. Nonetheless, Southern District has 16.2% of recorded males working on boats as against 9.3% in Northern District in 1911, and higher percentages in all categories of shopkeeper and artisan. The more urban and coastal character of the islands can be seen, if dimly.\n\nIn 1921, however, there is an \"Occupations\" table specifically for the Southern District Floating Population. This is reorganised below, as Table 23. If this Table is read with the Southern District figures in Tables 19 and 20, a fuller picture of Southern District life can be had. The floating population table in the census, as for the land people, provides an occupation for 4,129 males as against a total recorded male population of 4,137, and so enters people under more than one occupation category, and must be read with care. The details of absolute numbers, therefore, cannot be relied upon.\n\nTable 23\n\nOccupations of the Floating Population, Southern District, 1921\n\n \n Occupation\n Males\n Females\n \n \n Agricultural occupations\n 2\n 0.0%\n \n \n Fisher(wo)men\n 3174\n 76.9%\n \n \n Net weaving\n 0\n 0.0%\n \n \n \n 896\n 59.9%\n \n \n Rope making\n 2\n 0.0%\n \n \n \n 57\n 3.8%\n \n \n Sailcloth (hemp) weaving\n 4\n 0.3%\n \n \n Seamstresses\n \n 33\n 2.2%\n \n \n Carpenters and allied trades\n 9\n 0.2%\n —\n \n \n Boatmen (see Table 24)\n 755\n 18.3%\n 430\n 28.7%\n \n \n Fishmongers\n 31\n 0.8%\n 11\n 0.7%\n \n \n Other shopkeepers\n 14\n 0.3%\n 1\n 0.1%\n \n \n Coolies, hawkers, general labourers\n 68\n 1.6%\n 9\n 0.6%\n \n \n Religious occupations, fortune tellers\n 4\n 0.1%\n 1\n 0.1%\n \n \n Barbers, hairdressers\n 1\n 0.0%\n \n \n \n \n Cooks\n 5\n 0.1%\n 11\n 0.7%\n \n \n Domestic servants\n \n \n 16\n 1.1%\n \n \n Washerwomen\n \n \n 13\n 0.9%\n \n \n Teashop workers\n 4\n 0.1%\n \n \n \n \n Seamen/cooks on ocean-going vessels and steam launches\n 59\n 1.4%\n 14\n 0.9%\n \n \n TOTAL\n 4129\n 100%\n 1496\n 100%\n \n\n11 Includes \"coxswains\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213735, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "Table 25\n\nOccupations of Women, Northern District 1911 and 1921, and Southern District 1911.\n\n| Occupation | Northern District: 1911 | Northern District: 1921 | Southern District: 1911* |\n\n| --- | --- | --- | --- |\n\n| Agricultural occupations | 13982 97.2% | 8792 71.4% | 1820 80.2% |\n\n| Fisherwomen | 75 0.5% | 546 4.4% | 25 1.1% |\n\n| Masons and allied trades | 2 0.0% | 55 0.4% | - |\n\n| Carpenters | 2 0.0% | 6 0.0% | - |\n\n| Foodstuff sellers |(See Table 26) | 21 0.1% | 61 0.4% | 20 0.9% |\n\n| Embroiderers | | | |\n\n| Seamstresses etc | 36 0.2% | 1669 13.5% | 28 1.2% |\n\n| Silversmiths and jewellers | 2 - | 1 0.0% | - |\n\n| Shopkeepers and assistants | 15 0.1%# | 7 0.3% | - |\n\n| Grass-cutters, charcoal burners, and other fuels | 130 0.9% | 245 2.0% | 13 0.6% |\n\n| Weavers and allied trades | 48 0.4% | - | - |\n\n| Shoemakers | 2 0.0% | 12 0.5% | - |\n\n| Doctors and druggists | 2 0.0% | 31 0.2% | - |\n\n| Coolies and general labourers | 50 0.3% | 21 0.1% | 253 11.1% |\n\n| Hawkers | 97 0.7% | - | - |\n\n| Basketry and rattan | 2 0.0% | 3 0.0% | 2 0.1% |\n\n| Joss stick dealers | 2 0.0% | - | - |\n\n| Nuns, fortune tellers. temple keepers | 18 0.1% | 107 0.8% | - |\n\n| Marriage brokers | - | - | - |\n\n| Midwife | 4 0.0% | - | - |\n\n| Rent collectors | 6 0.0% | - | - |\n\n| Domestic servants | 12 0.1% | 159 1.3% | 13 0.6% |\n\n| Mui tsai | - | 119 1.0% | - |\n\n| Washerwomen | 77 0.2% | 1 0.0% | - |\n\n| Cooks | - | 141 1.1% | 13 0.6% |\n\n| Restaurant and teahouse keepers | 3 0.0% | 3 0.0% | - |\n\n| Boarding house keepers | 3 0.0% | - | - |\n\n| Rope spinners | 4 0.2% | - | - |\n\n| Netmakers | 3 0.0% | 4 0.2% | - |\n\n| Hairdressers | - | 3 0.1% | - |\n\n| Boatmen⚫ | - | 97 0.7% | 3 0.1% |\n\n| Government service | 3 0.0% | - | - |\n\n| Prostitutes | 11 0.5% | - | - |\n\n| Beggars | 1 0.1% | - | - |\n\n| Students | 33 0.2% | 21 0.9% | - |\n\n| Teachers | 6 0.0% | - | - |\n\n| TOTAL | 14386 100% | 12320 100% | 2270 100% |\n\n*Includes New Kowloon\n\n# Includes 1 blacksmith, 1 paper dealer, 1 shop accountant, and 12 shop assistants (See Table 24)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213736, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 88, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "Table 26\n\nFemale Sellers of Foodstuffs and Allied Trades, 1911 and 1921\n\n \n Occupation\n Northern District: 1911\n Northern District: 1921\n Southern District: 1911*\n \n \n Grocers\n 4 19.0%\n 21 34.4%\n \n \n \n Vegetable dealers\n 7 15%\n \n \n \n \n Fruit sellers\n \n 16 26.2%\n \n \n \n Rice dealers\n 4 6.6%\n \n 1 5.0%\n \n \n Fishmongers\n 1 4.8%\n 6 9.8%\n 1 5.0%\n \n \n Oil sellers\n 1 4.8%\n \n \n \n \n Rice ginders\n \n 2 3.3%\n \n \n \n Wine sellers\n 7 33.3%\n 1 1.6%\n \n \n \n Tea sellers\n 2 9.5%\n 3 4.9%\n \n \n \n General food hawkers\n 5 23.8%\n 3 4.9%\n 1 5.0%\n \n \n Bean curd sellers etc\n 3 14.2%\n 5 8.2%\n 1 5.0%\n \n \n Fish curers\n \n 1 1.6%\n \n \n \n Congee seller\n \n 1 1.6%\n \n \n \n Meat hawkers\n \n 3 4.9%\n \n \n \n TOTAL\n 21 100%\n 61 100%\n 2 100%\n \n\n*Includes New Kowloon\n\n59\n\nThe 1921 figures for the occupation of women in the Northern District are easier to use than those for men. Women seem only to have been recorded in 1921 if the enumerators felt they were in full-time employment other than as housewives. In 1921 the enumerators were less inclined to class women as agricultural labourers because of their part-time help in the fields, and more inclined to accept fisherwomen as being in full-time employment, even if they worked from a boat that was also their home, but, in both cases, the same biases still appear as in 1911, even if less strongly. More significantly, the 1921 enumerators were more willing to accept as being in full-time employment women who worked at handicrafts from their home, or who helped their husbands in shops or workshops. Even so, the figures are without doubt flawed, and still doubtless under-represent the contribution women made to the traditional economy. The 1921 Census records the occupations of 12,320 women in the Northern District, 35.3% of all women recorded there; the 1911 Census recorded the occupations of 14,386 women, 41.4% of all women recorded.\n\nSince the 1911 Census seems to ignore those women who worked from home, or assisted in their husband's shop, those women in the 1911", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213741, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "64\n\nDistrict, however, the total recorded urban population of males is far smaller than the recorded numbers of men in \"urban\" occupations. Clearly, many men traditionally went home to their native villages to sleep who worked by day in the Northern District towns and, probably, many craftsmen worked at home in their native villages, only occasionally going to sell their wares in the towns. This suggestion, of a more intimate and closely integrated urban/rural society in Northern, and a more thoroughly urban society in Southern, is likely to be correct. By day, the Northern towns may well have been twice as large as the figure given in the census, but, even if this is so, the difference between the tiny market-villages in northern District and the genuine towns in Southern remains stark.\n\nThe high number (376 in 1911, 378 in 1921) of masons and allied trades in Northern District, is to be explained, in part, by the construction of the roads, and the other public works projects the Government had begun after taking over the New Territories, but even more by the very large quarry at Lung Kwu Tan, which, as is made clear in the Village Population Table in the 1911 Census, employed 215 stonecutters and others. In Southern District there were 766 males working as masons or in associated trades in 1911 (6.9% of all males with recorded trade), and there were 989 in 1921 (the 1911 and 1921 figures for Southern District both including New Kowloon); in both 1911 and 1921 these people were mostly working in the large quarries at Chek Lap Kok off Lantau, and in the “stone hills” in New Kowloon, as well as in private and public construction projects. Stonecutters clearly tended to live apart from their families at the quarries where they worked. In 1911 in \"Lung Kwu Tan Quarry”, 215 males were recorded, but no females, and in Southern the quarries at Chek Lap Kok and at the \"stone hills” in Kwun Tong stand out. Chek Lap Kok had 55 males recorded, with only 22 females, while Ngau Tau Kok, Sai Cho Wan, Lei Yue Mun and Cha Kwo Ling - the villages of the \"stone hills\" - had 625 males between them, but only 339 females. The Quarry Bay villages of Hong Kong Island, and the Shek Shan village in Kowloon, are other cases in point.\n\nThe censuses are unrevealing on the other known village industries. Up to 1917 there was a major pottery at Wun Yiu near Tai Po, and incense mills at several places, especially Tsuen Wan: none of the workers in these trades are specifically recorded either in 1911 or in 1921, unless under the “general labourer\" category. However, the lime", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214131, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 199, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "170\n\nlocated. The Seventh Day Adventist Church, which stands at numbers 6-8 on the tree-lined Sun Yat-sen Road (formerly part of Tung Sui Road), was on the site of a building used during the war years as an officers mess (see Plate III). The clinic, which now stands at No. 28 Shui Dong Kai (Water East Street), is on the site where a 'hospital' and the BAAG headquarters were situated during World War Two. Then, Huizhou stood in a kind of ‘no-man's-land'. It was not part of 'Free China' nor was it really in Japanese occupied territory. But the Japanese did make regular incursions into the city which was an undercover centre for Chinese guerillas and the British Army Aid Group.\n\nMembers of the Allied Forces would occasionally escape from prisoner-of-war camps in Hong Kong and make their way, with the help of Chinese guerillas, to Sai Kung. From there they would sail over to the coast of China and proceed on up to Huizhou to link up with the 'East River Column' of guerillas. After rest and medical attention escapees would make their way to the hinterland and Free China proper. Huizhou was well positioned as an escape route which was provided by a road network, of sorts, and the East River which flows along to the Bocca Tigris in the Pearl River Delta.\n\n5\n\nMen who managed to escape included Colonel Anthony Hewitt (at the time Captain) of the ‘Die-Hards', the Middlesex Regiment, who gave a talk in November 1996, to the RASHKB entitled 'The Defence of Leighton Hill during the 1941 Battle for Hong Kong'. Colonel L.T. Ride also escaped to set up and head the British Army Aid Group. Sir Lindsay, who was Vice Chancellor of the University of Hong Kong from 1949 to 1964, was also a founder member of the RASHKB, in 1960, when it was reestablished. He was President of our Branch from 1969 to 1972.\n\nAlthough members of our RAS Group saw a considerable amount of new building as we drove from Shenzhen to Huizhou on that November day in 1997, one was struck by the number of walled villages and watch towers. This part of China was, obviously, a pretty lawless region at one time, and, to some extent, it still is. One occasionally sees cars plying the roads without number plates and right-hand drive vehicles which have probably been smuggled in, one assumes from Hong Kong.\n\nT", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214325, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 183, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "147\n\nPLUM PUDDINGS AND SHARP BOYS “ONE TOUCH OF NATURE MAKES THE WHOLE WORLD KIN”\n\nAN ANALYSIS OF THE CHINA COVERAGE IN THE ILLUSTRATED LONDON NEWS,1\n\n5 JANUARY TO 23 SEPTEMBER 18612\n\nGILLIAN B. BICKLEY3\n\nWhether or not the British public had a particular interest in China before 1861, it is impossible that their interest can not have been heightened by the stirring diplomatic news coming out from China in the last days of 1860 and the early days of 1861. This raised interest was further fuelled by the human interest touches written into features appearing over the next several months, and by the media's developing focus on a desire for a better understanding between the British and Chinese peoples.\n\nWhat British readers could have known previously about events in China was briefly as follows. After the signing of the Treaty of Tientsin on 26 June 1858, the Allied land force of Britain and France had evacuated Tientsin on 6 July without any force having been sent – even as a token – to the Chinese capital, Peking. It was generally considered, however, that the retirement of the troops was premature and that eventually a force would have to be sent to Peking to prove that the allies had established their positions in China.\n\nThe expected peace demanded under the Treaty did not materialise. Small attacks continued to be made by armed parties on British occupied positions. On 8 January 1859, correspondence was found which confirmed that the Emperor had no intention of keeping the Treaty, and had in fact issued orders that the British were to be prevented from entering the Pei-ho River and trading on the Yangtse, contrary to the provisions of the Treaty.\n\nIn June 1859, the British fleet escorting Lord Elgin, the first British Minister, to Peking, to exchange the ratifications, was brought up sharp by the forts at Takoo, at the entrance to the Peiho River. Men and material were lost, and there was grave damage to prestige.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214333, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 191, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "155\n\nity of the released allied prisoners themselves in a note which states that \"those who were restored to liberty gave their share of the indemnity money to the families of the murdered captives.” 58.\n\nIn the later issues of The Illustrated London News during this period, there is also a continuing attempt to add to the readers' knowledge of China, as for instance, the brief explanation given on 4 May 1861: \"The capital of the Chinese empire contains a great number of palaces and temples decorated with numerous works in marble; but a considerable portion of the area of the city is occupied by squares, gardens, ponds, and even fields. Pekin consists... of two cities, one named the Tartar, and the other the Chinese, besides twelve populous suburbs. The Tartar or Northern City is divided into three distinct parts - a central block called the prohibited city, containing the Imperial palace and the grounds belonging to it; the Imperial city, surrounding it; and the General city. In this last division are situated the university buildings and those of the Russian mission.\" 59\n\nThe cover story of The Illustrated London News on 13 April 1861 carried in response to the return of Lord Elgin from China (his wife had travelled to Marseilles to meet him) is interesting for three things: its recapitulation of the causes of the recent hostilities; its discussion of the considerations that the writer represented as having been weighed during the recent hostilities; and its tribute to Lord Elgin's moral qualities: \"No disaster of modern times ever excited a more stinging feeling of chagrin in this country than that which occurred at the mouth of the Peiho to the allied squadron intended to give both dignity and protection to the British and French Embassies to Pekin. [The reference is to Elgin's earlier attempt to make his way up to Peking, in June 1859, and the defeat of the British navy at the Takoo Forts, referred to above.] It took the public wholly by surprise. It appeared to destroy at a blow all the fruits which we were preparing to gather from the Tien-tsin Treaty. It inflicted a lamentable loss of life. It seriously damaged the prestige of our arms throughout the East. It threw us once more into the midst of the difficulties and uncertainties necessarily attendant upon a war carried on at a distance of 15,000 miles, with an immensely populous, although an essentially unwarlike, empire. It conjured up before us a vague prospect, equally perplexing and inglorious - perplexing, for who could tell by what means and at what risk the Imperial Court could best be reached and reduced to reason? – inglorious,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214481, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 339, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "308\n\nof his time, during the War, he served as an interrogator of the Japanese having earlier undergone army language courses.\n\nAlso included in Arnold Graham's material is a photocopy of the Extra to the Kobe Herald, in English, for Saturday January 3, 1914. This was seven months before the outbreak of World War I. The subscription rate for the newspaper at the time, incidentally, was two yen per month. There are also photocopies of various accounts of the Lisbon Maru, a Japanese ship which was sunk by a torpedo from an American submarine. This resulted in considerable loss of life among the Allied prisoners of war aboard.\n\nAlso included among the items sent by Arnold Graham's daughter are two identification cards issued by the British Consulate in 1938 and 1939, during the Sino-Japanese War.\n\nOther interesting papers are the Surrender of Japanese and Japanese Controlled Armed Forces in Borneo and the Netherlands East Indies East and Exclusive Lombok to the Commander in Chief Australian Military Forces (September 1945). There is also a Chinese translation (interspersed with some Japanese characters) of this surrender document as well as a speech by Lieutenant-General Teshima, Commander Second Japanese Army which he delivered on that occasion. There is also a newspaper cutting about a letter written by a Japanese who, as a wounded soldier captured in 1943, was nursed back to health by a British nurse.\n\nAmong the many items sent by Arnold Graham's daughter is a souvenir programme of the centenary dinner of the Shanghai Volunteer Corps, held in April 1954, at the Royal Hong Kong Yacht Club. On the back of the programme is printed the song \"Maloo Memories\". Arnold Graham composed the words; the first verse of which goes as follows:\n\nLet us sing of that old city in the North we knew so well\n\nWhere to sing to love and laugh we used to dwell,\n\nFrom the Seven Seas foregathered to the Bund and Bubbling well", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214739, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 154, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "118\n\n(Liddell Hart 1999);\n\n\"I suggested, and he appeared to agree, that it would be better to risk its loss by holding it too lightly than to strengthen it so much as to make it, morally, a \"Verdun\" or \"Port Arthur\" with great danger to our prestige if lost.\"\n\n9\n\nSome veterans complained about the lack of sympathy of London with colonial subjects, as evidenced in Colonel Anthony Hewitt's comments in his foreword to the work of Ko and Wordie (Ko and Wordie, 1996). Hewitt's passing comment is mild compared with the criticism of military historians of the allied countries. Vincent (1981) and Ferguson (1980), Cameron (1991) and most Chinese authors such as Yip (1982); Yuen (1988) and Tse (1995) criticised the British Government for being totally unprepared for the invasion of the Colony. The critical views expressed in English works in this period were pertinent to post-war claims for compensation by ex-servicemen in Commonwealth countries. The prevailing Chinese position is that Hong Kong should and could have been defended. An odd view is Tse (1995) who argued that Japan made a strategic mistake by taking the Colony, as it would serve no useful military purpose.\n\nBell's archive research (Bell, 1996) established that Hong Kong was not treated as an outpost but \"an integral component of an offensive strategy” based on faith in the superiority of the Royal Navy and the certainty of Hong Kong's relief. However, Bell's offensive strategy view is hardly consistent with the absence of fighters or bombers in the Colony before the outbreak of the Battle.\n\n\"Britain did not have enough men, or enough guns, tanks, ships and aeroplanes for the war against Germany. So it was impossible to send sufficient men and supplies for the defence of Hong Kong. These included the men of the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps. These men - English, Chinese, Eurasians, Portuguese and others - whose homes were in Hong Kong, prepared to defend the Colony from attack.” (Stokes, 1965, p.89)\n\nThough it is highly questionable whether the Scottish, Canadian and Indian soldiers in the \"others category\" mentioned by Stokes would regard Hong Kong as their permanent homes, Stokes' description is", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214749, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 164, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "128\n\nclaim that the defenders faced shortages in ammunition, notably for mortars. However, the movement of the defenders' guns within the defence perimeter throughout the Battle was rather hectic, aided by at least 20 armoured cars and more than 3,000 motor cars and 600 trucks. This indicated that the artillery arm of the garrison was playing a key role in prolonging the duration of the defence. Therefore, the effective firepower of the defenders did not appear to be as weak as frequently represented in publications up to now on the Battle of Hong Kong. The story of the defence of Hong Kong apparently could well have been distorted in favour of the winner.\n\nConclusion: a Plea for Further Research\n\nThe above points are just informed speculation and the Battle of Hong Kong is certainly an under-researched military episode in the Second World War. This being the case, it should be just a matter of interest not only to those directly involved.\n\n...\n\nIn broad historical terms, the significance of the Battle of Hong Kong should not be limited to a matter of war relics or past history. It has implications for the post-war political development of Hong Kong, a living issue that affects the present both physically and socially. We have mentioned the credibility of the defence of Hong Kong as a matter of responsible government and a matter of fact but not as an apology for British colonialism. There are still unknown numbers of unexploded bombs, both Japanese and Allied, yet to be unearthed in highly congested urban sites. There are also quite a number of old people in Hong Kong (and elsewhere in Asia) who still hold Japanese military currency, forced upon them when their convertible currencies were expropriated during the occupation, in the vain hope of obtaining compensation by the Japanese government (Keniti; Kobayasi Hideo and Isida Jimtarou, 1995).\n\nThe military aspects of the fighting itself should be interesting case study materials for the military scientist. Many other questions remain unanswered. The size and role and size of the \"fifth columnists\", the tactics of the Japanese and the useful value of occupied Hong Kong to the Japanese are just a few examples. Though these questions for a minor theatre of war may not catch the attention of those who are only interested in the broad-brush views of Liddell Hart (1970), they should", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214903, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 318, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "294\n\nI don't for one moment think they had. The Japanese invasion of Hong Kong was a \"natural extension\" of their campaign in China in the sense that they had already occupied southern China - across the border from Hong Kong - a considerable time before. Also, although there are innumerable examples to show that invasion from the sea can be a costly business if the beaches are in any way defended, in Hong Kong's case they weren't. A number of gun emplacements had been built on Hong Kong Island before the war but these would not have prevented an invasion at Deepwater Bay. And there certainly weren't any Allied troops around. The Japanese knew all this. I rather suspect that they invaded from the New Territories rather than assault Hong Kong Island at the outset because they believed that if and when they overran Hong Kong Island, the Allied forces would cross to Kowloon and thence to the New Territories and continue to wage guerrilla warfare for months, if not years. The Japanese had every reason to think that conquering the New Territories and Kowloon first would result in the Allied forces retreating to Hong Kong Island - which they did - where they could be \"bottled up\" - which they were.\n\nIn the round, however, this discussion is academic. The hard fact of the matter is that Hong Kong was simply not defendable with the forces available in December 1941. A successful defence would have required a force of enormous size and superbly equipped, supported by comprehensive fortifications. The \"protective buffer\" of the New Territories was never any more than an illusion. These arguments, incidentally, were as valid in 1897 as they were in 1941 and to that extent The Back Door was both disingenuous and unhelpful. September 1897 was evidently what the media refer to as a \"slow news\" month!\n\nHong Kong Invaded! A '97 Nightmare is a 'new, integrated and corrected' edition of The Back Door. Incidentally, although The Back Door was written in 1897, it is hard to avoid the suspicion that Gillian is having a gentle swipe at the momentous event in Hong Kong's history that occurred exactly 100 years later.\n\nThe actual story occupies but 56 pages of Gillian's book, including illustrations by Arthur Hacker. These, incidentally, are a disappointment. They are supposed to be illustrating a serious account of a battle fought to the last, with heroism and heavy loss of life on both sides. One would have thought, therefore, that they would have been", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215001, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 97, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "53\n\nOf those from the Chinese Customs Service in Shanghai who served with the Allied Forces, the names of 23 are on their Roll of Honour and have been buried or commemorated not only in the UK, Belgium and France but also in Greece and Turkey.\n\nDecorations\n\nMany Chinese members of the CLC received the British War Medals but this is a subject into which I have not carried out any research. The Meritorious Service Medal for devotion to duty was awarded to Zhao Wende [30828] and Wang Chenjing [30064], both Labourers of the 57th Company CLC, and to Liu Dianzhen, Class One Ganger of the 108th Company CLC. Also to Wang Yushao [15333] Labourer of the 59th Company CLC [of Da Cheng county in Zhili] for bravery, his citation reading:\n\nNear Marcoing [near Cambrai] on June 6th, 1919, he observed a fire on a dump of ammunition situated close to a Collecting Station. On his own initiative he rushed to the dump with two buckets of water which he threw on the fire and then seized a burning British 'P' Bomb [apparently the cause of the outbreak] and hurled it to a safe distance from the dump. He then continued to extinguish the burning dump which had spread to the surrounding grass in which rifle grenades and German shells were lying. By his initiative, resource and disregard of personal safety this Labourer averted what might have been a serious explosion.\n\nYan Dengfeng [91085], Class One Ganger of the 130th Company CLC was also awarded this decoration for:\n\nOn 23rd May 1919 at Bailleul [near Armentieres] following an explosion, he worked constantly for four hours removing tarpaulins from the stacks of ammunition and drenching them with water.\n\nSgt W J Yaxley [553653] British Army, serving with the 60th Company CLC was also awarded this medal.\n\nThe Chinese Order of Wenhu [The Order of the Striped Tiger]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215014, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "66\n\nits British base at Weihai Wei and the other Allied base at Qingdao. The neighbouring province of Zhili, with its cities of Beijing and Tianjin, was a good second with a total recorded from its region of about a quarter of that from Shandong. The total from the two provinces provided nearly 98% of all the Chinese manpower recruited by the British (though not including any naval personnel recruited in Hong Kong or Weihai Wei).\n\nSome of the romanised names on graves have been transliterated by either Chinese or Westerners inaccurately and this has led to confusion when checking details on the CWGC internet for individual graves. Practically all romanisation on the graves and records was in Wade-Giles whereas here in this article I have used the comparatively new native romanisation, pinyin, thus Peking has become Beijing and Shantung, Shandong.\n\nIn a letter from the CWGC to the author concerning the reasons as to why many gravestones do not have carved names of the person nor details of the district from which they originated, in Chinese characters, or if carved in Chinese characters and not in romanisation, they replied that the details inscribed on headstones were originally supplied by the surviving comrades of the casualties of the CLC. At that time it was believed to be the best option available to the CWGC and was thought to be sufficient to meet the required criteria.\n\nDr. E. J. Stuckey and the Chinese Hospital at Noyelles-sur-Mer\n\nEdward Joseph Stuckey was born at Adelaide, Australia on 29th September 1875 and died in 1952. He was the eldest, of nine, children of Joseph Stuckey and Alice Mann, she being the daughter of Charles Mann, the first Advocate General of South Australia.\n\nHe was educated at St. Peter's Collegiate School, winning, in his final year, the 'Young Exhibition for the Best Scholar of the Year.' In 1893, at the recently opened University of Adelaide, he began his BSc, graduating in November 1895 with Honours in both Physics and Mathematics. In 1896 he signed accountancy articles for three years with the Australian Mutual Provident Society (AMPS) in Adelaide.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215566, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 343, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "293\n\nsame purpose as a breeches buoy. With extremely bad weather it could mean, with supplies running low, men having to stay on the island for an extra couple of days or so before they could be relieved.30\n\nBut lighthouses are constructed in exposed positions because of their role and for much of the time out there in the South China Sea life can be anything but enviable. One can even be swept away by hurricane force winds and huge waves in mountainous seas (Jones; 1985, 387). One only has to live in Hong Kong for a relatively short period to realize what the weather can be like (Dyson; 1983). For example, the typhoon which struck the colony on 2nd September 1937 was said to have been the worst natural disaster in Hong Kong's recorded history. Estimates of the final toll range up to 11,000 dead.\n\nBy comparison the Battle of Hong Kong, which lasted from 8th to 25th December 1941, saw some 2,250 Allied servicemen killed, an estimated 4,500 Japanese deaths, plus unknown but significant civilian casualties (Dyson; 1983, 62). Since World War Two, death tolls from typhoons have been lower because of today's more efficient weather forecasting and warning systems.\n\nThe maximum recorded gust in Hong Kong was 259 kilometres an hour at the Royal Observatory during the passage of Typhoon Wanda, on 1st September 1962 (Hong Kong Observatory; 1999). On that occasion Waglan recorded a gust of 216 kilometres an hour. The maximum gust ever recorded at Waglan was 230 kilometres per hour. This was during the passage of Typhoon Ruby on 5th September 1964.\n\nTry to imagine being cooped up in the cylindrical prism of Waglan Lighthouse, with windows that do not open and no air-conditioning, after the Number Ten Typhoon Signal had been hoisted.31 This signal indicates a probable direct hit. It was not until the 1970s that the lighthouse watch tower was air-conditioned.\n\nIt is recorded that, in 1893, a severe typhoon passed over Gap Rock (which can be seen by telescope from Waglan).32 This caused extensive damage to the lighthouse which extinguished the light for several days (Hong Kong; 1962, 14). In spite of the base of the tower being well above sea level and the lantern windows being situated approximately 15 metres or so above the base of the tower, the windows", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215675, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 452, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "404\n\nIan Morrison's Last Dispatch\n\nPOHANG IN HANDS OF\n\nNORTH KOREANS\n\nAnnex\n\nTOWN IN FLAMES\n\nFrom Our Special Correspondent\n\nBIHAR ARMY HEADQUARTERS, August 12 —\n\nA serious situation has developed at Pohang on the east coast. North Korean forces, who for several days past were known to be working their way south through mountainous country inland from the coast, and who yesterday were reported at a point seven miles north-west of Pohang, attacked the town early this morning and are now threatening the airfield five miles to the south-east. Fires are burning in the town and it may become necessary to evacuate the airfield.\n\nFor several weeks past the South Korean forces based on Pohang have been fighting in and around Yongdok, a small town 25 miles north of Pohang. Their supply line has been the road which runs along the coast. The mountains to the west are some of the steepest in Korea, but they have not deterred the North Koreans from making the obvious outflanking movement. The exact strength of the North Korean force is not known. Three days ago it was reported as two regiments. Probably it consists of a nucleus of regular troops and several hundred guerrilla troops who have long been established in these mountains.\n\nThe allied command apparently minimized their threat, because it was only yesterday that reinforcements were hurriedly rushed to this coastal sector. These consisted of South Korean infantry and a small American task force equipped with light tanks. Exactly what happened is still obscure, but the American convoy was ambushed soon after midnight on the main road 15 miles south of Pohang and pinned down until dawn. Air support was called for, which eventually drove off the North Koreans, believed to have been a number of guerrilla troops, and permitted the convoy to continue after considerable delay.\n\nMustangs were still using the airfield up to 5 o'clock this afternoon, and in some cases pilots were firing their guns only two or three minutes after taking off. The North Koreans had moved south of Yongdok, and pilots claimed to have destroyed two tanks, 10 vehicles, and two ammunition cars. Transport aircraft also were still flying into the airfield this evening and bringing out certain unessential staff such as ground engineers.\n\nAccording to these arrivals, North Korean mortar shells were landing in the general area of the airfield, but it was not under small arms fire. American gunners who have been supporting South Korean infantry in this coastal sector were shelling North Korean positions on the ridge about two miles north of the airfield between the airfield and the port. Large numbers of Korean civilians who had evacuated the town had gathered round the airfield, which is situated close to the shore of the bay, and two ships were standing by offshore in case evacuation should become necessary.\n\nLieutenant-General Walker, commander of the Eighth Army, and Major-General Partridge, commander of the Fifth Air Force, flew over the area this morning.\n\n97", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215676, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 453, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "INTELLIGENCE Pohang is the only port on the east coast of Korea held by the allied forces capable of taking ships of any size. It was here that the 1st Cavalry Division disembarked with all its equipment early last month. More important than the port is the airfield known as K3, the best natural airfield possessed by the allies in Korea. Mustangs based here have been giving constant support to ground troops in this coastal sector. Its loss would mean that air craft henceforth would have to operate either from Taegu, 49 miles to the west, or from Pusan, 60 miles to the south.\n\nThis Pohang affair, even if the situation is restored once again, shows up the whole weakness of the allied position in Korea. Intelligence must have been gravely at fault to permit such a situation to develop. Held on the coastal road between Yongdok and Pohang the North Koreans simply worked their way round the flanks as they have done on many other occasions in the campaign. Strategically and tactically, the northern command, exploiting the terrain and their superior man-power, have shown considerable skill in avoiding a full-scale frontal battle where superior American fire-power would tell, and in concentrating on feeling out the weak point in the allies' flank and rear.\n\nThe Naktong River line, which is being held only with difficulty, guards the western flank of the allied bridgehead in Korea. Across the north there is no such natural barrier, only 30 miles of mountain ridges. Again one is obliged to wonder exactly how large a bridgehead the allies can expect to hold with the forces at their disposal.\n\n405", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215691, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 468, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "421\n\nbeing starved. The complainant was later severely beaten by the Japanese. This prisoner could well have been HKBRAS member the late KMA Barnett although the book does not say so.\n\nWhen I have talked to ex-POWs I have seldom heard mention of acts of kindness by Japanese guards. As an ex-POW Dr Solomon Bard, who is well known to many HKBRAS Members, holds views which many regard as exceptional. He maintains there was 'no unprovoked cruelty within his experience. There are also instances quoted, in Long Night's Journey into Day, where individual Japanese were considerate to prisoners. This was more likely if a prisoner spoke Japanese.\n\nTo counterbalance instances of kindness there was the case of the American prisoner who requested permission to urinate. Permission was refused. Eventually, in agony, he broke ranks and urinated nearby. Afterwards he was made to lick his urine off the wall.\n\nThere is no doubt that, by and large, prisoners were severely treated. We have to remember, however, there was a war on and, in many cases, Japanese guards were little better off than their prisoners. Generally, when the war turned against them, both Japanese service personnel and civilians readily tightened their belt the extra notch. Japanese soldiers were brutalised from the day they entered service. Life in the Hong Kong camps, however, was not as bad as being a prisoner in Manchuria (Unit 731 and others) where inmates were subjected to inhumane medical experiments. In some camps in German-occupied Europe there was state-sponsored genocide, among the Jews for example, the full details of which did not come to light until the end of the War [Hon. Editor - As an aside, I recently paid a visit to Auschwitz, an experience which will haunt me for the rest of my life].\n\nMost prisoners in Hong Kong could envisage the war continuing for several years more and, when the Allies started to fight back and for the Japanese the going became even tougher, Allied prisoners were under the impression they would eventually be killed off in batches. The atom bomb saved the day. Although I fought against the Germans and the Italians, and not the Japanese, I remember no one at the time shedding tears at the dropping of the bomb on Japan.\n\nAlthough bushido and chivalry are in some respects similar this is", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215713, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 12, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "FROM THE HON. EDITOR\n\nI have been receiving a relatively large amount of material over the last couple of years and Council has therefore authorised me to continue producing Journals which significantly exceed the '200 page' rule, in order that publication of accepted submissions is not overly delayed. At 532 pages, therefore, this Volume, No. 42 is another bumper effort.\n\nThere are 11 contributions in the ARTICLES section, which must be something of a record.\n\nAndrew Abraham has provided a most scholarly paper on the pros and cons of the transfer of the Straits Settlements from the jurisdiction of the Indian Government to the Colonial Office in 1867.\n\nContinuing our review of the Battle of Hong Kong during World War II, there are contributions from Chohong Choi and Anne Ozorio. The former rehearses Allied thinking on an invasion of Japanese-occupied Hong Kong and possibly the Chinese hinterland behind it, which area might then have been used as a base from which to bomb Japan. Chohong then discusses, somewhat novelly, the challenges to such an invasion from the weather. Anne Ozorio's paper shows that, contrary to popular belief, the British military were very much prepared for an attack on Hong Kong by the Japanese - in terms of continuing intelligence gathering and covert resistance during the occupation - and that they were very active in China until the end of hostilities.\n\nOur man in Bondi, former President, James Hayes, shares with us his experiences of Chinese ceremonial occasions and the considerable etiquette and pomp that go with them.\n\nLawrence Lai et al. reports on a survey of the World War II military installations on Devil's Peak, Hong Kong.\n\nI have reproduced a very pleasant piece from Eve Lam of TVB On HKBRAS which centres on the 40th Anniversary Celebration Conference held in December, 2000 at the University of Hong Kong.\n\nLauren Pfister's account of the life of Ch'ëa Kam-kwong (1800-\n\niii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215723, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 22, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "CONTENTS\n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT....................................xix\n\nFRIENDS OF THE HKBRAS (UK) REPORT.................................xxxiii\n\nFINANCIAL STATEMENTS.........................................xxxix\n\nHON. LIBRARIAN'S REPORT.......................................xlix\n\nARTICLES\n\nAndrew Abraham - The transfer of the Straits Settlements: A revisionist approach to the study of colonial law and administration..........1\n\nChohong Choi - Between the nine dragons and a divine wind: How Hong Kong's weather might have affected an allied invasion to retake the territory.........................................33\n\nJames Hayes - Hong Kong's Chinese associations: Their ceremonial occasions and their helpers..........................................67\n\nLawrence Lai, Daniel Ho and Leung Hing Fung - Survey of the Devil's Peak redoubt and Gough Battery...............................101\n\nEve Lam - The Royal Asiatic Society (Hong Kong Branch): The faces, the stories and the memories..................................139\n\nAnne Ozorio - The myth of unpreparedness: The origins of anti-Japanese resistance in prewar Hong Kong...........................161\n\nLauren Pfister - The proto-martyr of Chinese protestants: Reconstructing the story of Ch'ea Kam-kwong............................187\n\nStephen Selby - Chinese archery: An unbroken tradition?...........245\n\nKeith Stevens - The Yangzi port of Zhenjiang down the centuries...255\n\nDan Waters - Hong Kong in the 1950s and '60s: Reminiscences.......323\n\nxiii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215802, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 101, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "34\n\nBETWEEN THE NINE DRAGONS AND A DIVINE WIND: HOW HONG KONG'S WEATHER MIGHT HAVE AFFECTED AN ALLIED INVASION TO RETAKE THE TERRITORY*\n\nCHOHONG CHO\n\nSynopsis\n\nIn the War in the Pacific during World War II, the question of whether or not to engage Japan directly in China was a major one for Allied planners. If the Japanese weren't enough of a problem, an age-old factor - the weather - certainly would have provided the Allies with additional concerns. The Pacific and Asia are home to some of the most extreme weather in the world.\n\nHong Kong, a possible target in any Allied campaign in China, played host to some of this extreme weather. What this study attempts to do is to consider how Hong Kong's adverse weather conditions could have affected an Allied operation to recapture it from the Japanese.\n\nBackground\n\nAfter Hong Kong fell to the Japanese in December 1941 and Great Britain was expelled from the Pacific, only the U.S. was left to face Japan in this theatre. The U.S. itself was in bad shape, as most of its Pacific Fleet had been mauled at Pearl Harbor. On the Asian mainland, Japan was still busying herself with China and Britain. A stalemate had developed with the former, while the latter was being pushed out of Burma into India.\n\nHowever, the U.S. Navy's (USN) aircraft carriers were not caught in the Pearl Harbor debacle, and during much of 1942, they bore the brunt of the action against the Imperial Japanese Navy (IJN) in the Pacific. In a series of three engagements with the IJN (at Coral Sea, Midway, and Guadalcanal), with inferior numbers accompanied by\n\n*The author would like to thank Mr. Ko Tim-keung for bringing a draft of this article to the attention of the Hon. Editor, and Professor Elfed Roberts for his comments on an early version of the draft.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215803, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 102, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "35\n\nheavy losses, the USN stemmed and then turned the tide of Japanese conquest by early 1943.\n\nAfter evicting the Japanese from Guadalcanal, the Allies (mainly the U.S. and Australia) took advantage of this opportunity to move north against other Japanese positions in the Solomon Islands and New Guinea. This was the Southwest Pacific Area.\n\nThe USN, while assisting the Allied drives in the land-dominated Southwest Pacific, continued to wait for a chance to launch its own offensive in the Central Pacific Area, which was dominated by ocean. Such a drive was not opportunistic like the Southwest Pacific drive, but had been envisioned for almost 35 years prior to the war in the form of War Plan Orange (WP Orange).\n\nThe origins of WP Orange could be traced even further back to the last years of the 19th Century. During this time, many Japanese emigrated to the continental U.S. and Hawaii, and incurred the hostility of White Americans. In time, such acts aroused Japan's fury, who considered herself a great power after her defeat of Russia in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905. Alarmed over Japan's growing influence in the Pacific, American war planners began to draft the forerunners of WP Orange in 1907.2\n\nIn brief, WP Orange pitted the U.S. (Blue) against Japan (Orange). Orange planners expected the U.S. to lose the Philippines early in the war (which was what happened). The USN would steam all the way across the Pacific to recapture the Philippines, defeat the IJN in a decisive battle, and lay siege to Japan, eventually forcing her surrender.3 As for China (and Hong Kong), Orange planners had cautioned against trying to establish an American presence there. The Japanese were expected to have firmly planted themselves in and around China by the start of the war, and it was advisable for the U.S. to not undertake a campaign on the mainland.4\n\nThe reality in 1943, however, was that there were other participants in the war, like Britain and China. Both had interests on the Asian mainland, and they could not be ignored. A common interest was Hong Kong, which both China and Britain wanted to recover after the war. At the start of the war, Hong Kong was a British responsibility, but", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215804, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 103, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "36\n\nafter Britain lost Hong Kong, the closest Allied power to the territory was its original owner China. Then there was Hong Kong's status as a port. Any mainland port that touched the Pacific attracted the attention of the USN, because it was in its interest that China continued to keep the bulk of the Japanese Army occupied on the continent while the U.S. seized Japan's possessions in the Pacific. Hence, Allied commanders like Admiral Ernest King, the USN's highest-ranking officer and a member of the Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS), thought that the U.S. had a major responsibility to help keep China in the war,\n\nIn 1943, China was tying down 20 per cent of the Japanese Army. No major fighting had occurred there for a while, but the Allies knew that this relative calm might not last. The fear that Japan would resume her efforts to knock China out of the war was real, and Allied planners wanted to prevent this by keeping the Chinese Army (of the Nationalist government) battle-worthy. To do this, they had to establish and maintain secure lines of communication (LoC) into China. As Japan had already occupied China's ports and the lone road into China from Burma (the Burma Road), the sole means of supplying China was through a risky, costly, and feeble air route over the Himalayas (the Hump).\n\nThe best method of supplying China was to recapture a port on the China Coast and establishing LoC to the interior of China. Initially, the Chinese Army was allotted the bulk of this task - if it could be strengthened by deliveries over the Hump and (if the Allies could retake it) the Burma Road. But by 1943, supplies over the Hump remained minuscule, the Burma Road was not reopened, and the Chinese (Nationalists, Communists, and third-party elements) preferred to fight among themselves rather than against the Japanese. With the Allied drives in the Pacific gathering momentum, the main responsibility for a campaign to recapture a port on the China Coast eventually fell to the U.S.\n\nHong Kong and Shanghai have long been the two best ports on the China Coast, with each possessing excellent harbour facilities. But Hong Kong rated ahead of Shanghai as the initial port to be opened up in China because of the strong Japanese presence around Shanghai. In the Hong Kong-Canton area during 1943, the Japanese still occupied only a beachhead. As long as Hong Kong remained a beachhead, and the Chinese forces ringing it maintained a measure of resolve, Japanese", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215805, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "37\n\nforces to the north would tire themselves out trying to link up with the beachhead. Should the Chinese collapse in the face of a Japanese attack, then an Allied campaign to recapture Hong Kong would be jeopardized.\n\nJapan had an incentive to retain Hong Kong. Besides being a part of Japanese-held China, Hong Kong also lay just outside Japan's Inner Zone. This zone included Japan Proper, Korea, Manchuria, North China, Formosa, the Pescadores, the Ryukyus, and the Japanese half of Sakhalin Island. Well before the war, the British had already gained an appreciation that a Hong Kong in Japanese hands would augment the defence of the Inner Zone. Moreover, Hong Kong helped guard Japan's LoC to points west and her oil supplies in the Dutch East Indies. The Japanese could still afford to trade space for time by forfeiting many other parts of their Pacific empire to the Allies, but they were certain to defend their Inner Zone and the positions that anchored their LoC to and from it with the utmost vigour. If the Japanese lost Hong Kong, this would provide hope to people living under Japanese rule elsewhere, while it would send a message to the Japanese people that the war was proceeding unfavourably for them.\n\nBy late 1943, the Allies had gained the upper hand over the Japanese in the Pacific. It was the Allies who could dictate where the next move would fall. As China was still in the game, Allied planners began to take a closer look at the feasibility of a Hong Kong campaign. One opponent the Allies couldn't overcome, however, was Mother Nature, so heed was paid to Hong Kong's weather and how it could affect an Allied campaign there.\n\nA timeless enemy\n\nNature at its cruellest is a phenomenon that humanity's best efforts still cannot match. Even during a high-technology conflict like World War II, the weather proved to be as indomitable a nemesis as it had been throughout the history of war.\n\nWith World War II being fought over a greater expanse of the planet than any other war in history, its participants had to endure extreme variations in the weather, like the freezing cold of the Arctic and the Soviet Union to the sweltering heat of New Guinea, or the oppressive humidity of the South Pacific to the barren aridity of North", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215806, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 105, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "38\n\nAfrica. History has shown that the weather, a factor that most folks accept as a part of daily life, has helped decide the outcome of a few military campaigns.\n\nHong Kong's climate was not as extreme as that of the Soviet Union or North Africa, but it could be a potential nuisance or menace to opponents battling for its control. Up to this time (1943), it had not shown itself to be a factor during the two most recent times Hong Kong changed hands in 1841 and 1941. If the Allies returned to reclaim Hong Kong by force, they would likely be deprived of such a walkover.\n\nUsually, the weather favours the defender, because he should have a greater degree of familiarity with his stronghold and probably be more entrenched against the invader and the weather. Although Hong Kong had been British territory for 100 years before the war, Japanese knowledge of Hong Kong was fresher because they were in control of it. Allied knowledge of Hong Kong's weather was an inadequate substitute for actually being in Hong Kong. Things were certain to change in the territory after the British were kicked out, and they did.\n\nFactors to consider\n\nHong Kong's collection of unfavourable weather included rainfall, cloud and fog, temperature, humidity, and winds. All of these factors had already been experienced by the Allies elsewhere. If they considered the control of a specific territory to be crucial, then they would do just about anything to obtain it. Therefore, any objective's weather could be no more than a secondary factor. Simply put, if an objective is chosen, the rationalisation would be that it was chosen regardless of its weather - because the advantages of having it outweighed the potential disadvantages posed by the weather or any other factor. Its weather would be played down, and the attackers would be prepared to suffer the consequences of trying to take it. On the other hand, if an objective is rejected, its weather could be played up (especially if it was potentially violent) as a cause for the rejection.\n\nRainfall\n\nHong Kong received an average annual total of 85 inches (2,159 mm) of precipitation, with the bulk of this amount falling in the middle\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215807, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 106, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "39\n\npart of the year (May to August). In fact, it rained about two out of every three days during the months of June and July, with June having a better than 40 per cent chance of experiencing three or more consecutive days, and even a 25 per cent chance of having at least an entire week, of rain.\n\nIn a largely undeveloped place like Hong Kong during the war, heavy rains falling on land usually translated into mud. Thus far in the war, both sides had already experienced the difficulty of moving across mud in various theatres. In Hong Kong, only the urban areas had all-weather roads, so its roads and terrain outside of the urban areas were trafficable only during periods of dry weather.10\n\nThen one must remember that 75 per cent of Hong Kong was mountain. By the nature of their sloped sides and rocky terrain, mountains are already difficult to traverse in good weather. In times of bad weather, mountains are even harder to negotiate, especially if they have been stripped of vegetation. This was the case with Hong Kong during the Japanese occupation. As the war dragged on, supply shortages of everything became acute. Whereas coal was the preferred fuel for industrial and residential use, the increasing difficulty of importing this item into Hong Kong forced people to switch to firewood. This resulted in the felling of trees throughout the territory, thus depriving the mountains of the foliage that anchored their soil, and increasing the chances of erosion and landslides.\n\nMachinery was the epitome of the Allied arsenal, and embodied from its factories, to its logistical functions, and finally to the fighting machines on the frontline. But machinery was also very susceptible to the weather. In Hong Kong, with its high rainfall and lack of all-weather roads outside of the city, construction activities would be needed to improve its roads for the vehicle-oriented Allies. But construction would be curtailed during periods of heavy rainfall.\n\nWithout a suitable system of roads, the Allies would be unable to take full advantage of their superior mechanised transport in Hong Kong. The necessity of supporting China with a strong LoC inland from Hong Kong would have taxed its inadequate roads past their limit. Estimates for the portion of supplies landed each day that could be transported inland to support the Chinese amounted to no more than 25 per cent,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215808, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "40\n\nand this was on a good weather day. An alternative was to utilize the sole railroad in the territory - the Kowloon-Canton Railway (KCR). However, the KCR was primarily a passenger railway, so rolling stock for transporting freight was in short supply,12\n\nA third option was to transport the supplies by water via the Pearl River and its tributaries, which lead up to Canton and points beyond. This method, if fully operational, would greatly increase the amount of supplies headed inland. It too was dependent on various factors, like Allied control of both banks of the Pearl, the availability of suitable river craft (Canton could still handle large vessels, but as the river branches out and tapers off, smaller vessels would be needed), and the weather.13 Without modifications, the mediocre communications inland from Hong Kong would not do justice to its generous port capacity.\n\nAs for ground operations, the Allies enjoyed a crushing supremacy over the Japanese in the quantity and quality of their armour, but Hong Kong's mountainous terrain would have ensured that armour could see only limited duty there.\n\nOn a bad day, mechanised transport would become bogged down on Hong Kong's muddy roads. The Allies would have felt Hong Kong eerily similar to Italy, a place that was also mountainous and experienced high rainfall. There, the Allies had armour superiority, but it was of limited value, and their advance was slow. Their advances along the coast were a bit faster because it was relatively flat, just like Hong Kong's. However, during bad weather days, a lack of natural ground in many of the coastal areas (due to urbanisation) to absorb rainfall could cause flooding. In addition, there was human-induced flooding. Southern China was still mainly an agrarian region, where farmers would deliberately flood their fields in April of each year to fertilize their crops.14 That added at least a month to the flood season.\n\nInfantry would also find the combination of rainfall and challenging terrain as harsh for them as they would be for their vehicles, if not more. Without substantial support from mechanised forces, infantry would be deprived of a vital factor to combat the Japanese.\n\nAir support, a key ingredient in offensive operations worldwide, and one in which the Allies enjoyed superiority and obviously hated to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215809, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 108, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "41\n\ndo without, would also be affected by heavy rainfall. Incendiary bombing, which would become a favourite strategy with the Allies against Japanese targets elsewhere as the war progressed, would naturally be less effective during the middle part of the year in Hong Kong. Heavy rainfall also affects the performance of propeller aircraft by cooling their engines excessively.1 Overall, air operations of all kinds would be less effective or even grounded during periods of heavy rainfall.\n\nThe flip side of air operations is anti-aircraft defence. A simple, inexpensive device employed as an anti-aircraft measure was the barrage balloon. This was a large hydrogen-filled, dirigible-shaped balloon attached to a steel cable anchored to the ground or a ship and floated several hundred to several thousand feet above it. The cable was stronger than it looked, and was meant to discourage low-level air attacks by having the ability to damage or clip the wings of a low-flying aircraft. This forces the aircraft to fly higher, which decreases its attack accuracy, and aids the effectiveness of one's own anti-aircraft artillery and intercepting aircraft.16\n\nHowever, a hydrogen-filled barrage balloon (in the days before helium use was common) is highly flammable. This is a liability during a thunderstorm, during which a spark of lightning could turn a barrage balloon into an incendiary hazard that is more dangerous to its user than to the enemy.\n\nCloud and fog.\n\nCloud and fog often went hand-in-hand with heavy rainfall to restrict air operations. Reconnaissance of Japanese positions would be very difficult. High level bombing or close support, favoured by the Allies and employed extensively in other theatres, would have to be cut back or even cancelled. If cloud and fog were present at the beginning of the amphibious stage of the Allied assault on Hong Kong, when the Allies would be at their most vulnerable, crucial air support would be inadequate or even lacking. If the Japanese contested the landing, and this was expected, the Allies would be faced with a precarious and probably dangerous situation.\n\nWhile cloud and fog are most prevalent during the beginning of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215810, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "42\n\nthe year, relatively clear months like July and August might also be problematic since the middle of the year was the rainy season. Air power, one of the Allies' biggest assets, might not realize its full potential over Hong Kong.\n\nAnother factor in which the Allies were much better endowed than their opponents was artillery, including naval gunfire. The latter had been, and would continue to be, invaluable in pulverising land targets before the actual amphibious landings. But naval and land-based artillery were very dependent on aerial and ground observers to achieve accuracy. If these were limited by cloud and fog, enemy targets would be inadequately softened up or even missed, thereby leaving more of the work to the ground forces. Then the role of Hong Kong's ubiquitous mountains would become even more prominent. Even on a good day, artillery cannot completely neutralise an enemy who is well dug into a mountain. But it can still keep the enemy pinned down, making it hard for him to shoot back or launch counterattacks. A deficiency or absence of artillery and aerial support brought about by cloud and fog provides the enemy with a chance to come out and pull off a few surprises, especially an enemy who lives by the sneak attack like the Japanese.\n\nConversely, barrage balloons benefit from low ceilings because they could hide in the overcast sky, with only their thin wires exposed, and wait for unsuspecting enemy aircraft that may be flying low. Barrage balloons could be worthy supplements to the progressively effective Allied combat air patrol (CAP), which was a constant umbrella of aircraft patrolling the skies over any Allied position. When the CAP is limited by cloud and fog, barrage balloons can partially fill the void. The winter months in Hong Kong (the beginning of the year) were generally the best time to employ barrage balloons.\n\nTemperature and humidity\n\nHong Kong's temperatures only go in one extreme - upwards. Even during winter, they almost never approach freezing (32°F/0°C). February, Hong Kong's coldest month, averages a tolerable 59°F (15°C) Certainly Hong Kong would not be mistaken for the Soviet Union or Alaska.\n\nBut the mid-spring to summer months (April to September) would", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215811, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "43\n\nnot be so kind to either side, though. Most days in Hong Kong during these six months would be too hot, too humid, or both. In fact, it was possible for every day in July and August (62 straight days) to experience temperatures exceeding 80°F (27°C). On some days, the temperature neared the 100°F (38°C) mark. Combine this with a punishing humidity (almost 90 per cent relative humidity from April to August), and the result is a formula for misery.\n\nGround operations may be affected because of the painful effects high temperatures and humidity could have on infantry during the heat of battle. Dehydration and heat stroke, just two of the maladies associated with high temperatures and humidity, don't bear the same negative connotation as malaria, but both were just as effective at putting soldiers out of action. The Allies had already experienced these hazards in the Pacific and Burma, both of which boasted even higher temperatures and humidity than Hong Kong. In many of these campaigns, the conditions brought about by the temperature and humidity, like disease, were even more effective than the Japanese in causing Allied casualties.\n\nOn the logistical front, temperature and humidity also affect machinery, of which the Allies had plenty. The tools of war are always operated more intensely than peacetime machinery, and hence are always in need of maintenance. While it is usually more durable than peacetime machinery, military hardware is also more complex. In addition, due to its constant employment, military hardware inevitably breaks down and undergoes attrition, capture, and destruction. The desire of the Allies to maintain the strength and condition of their war machines at optimum levels was part of the reason why their support personnel well outnumbered fighting personnel, especially in the American ranks.\n\nHaving to service the hardware in a hot and humid environment like Hong Kong would be quite an ordeal for maintenance personnel. Moisture from the humidity accelerates the depreciation of equipment. High temperatures, combined with the high temperatures already generated by machinery being brought in during the heat of battle, only further complicate the maintenance problem. If the machinery cannot be serviced in a relatively cool place like a hangar or a shady spot, then the personnel may have to wait until night time or early in the morning, which would consume valuable time. Due to the wholesale clearing", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215813, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 112, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "45\n\nthe mountains to evade Allied radar, and then pouncing on Allied positions at the last minute, thereby achieving a measure of surprise. Depending on the strength of the Japanese response to the invasion, the Allied CAP may or may not have been able to handle all of the attackers.19 Moreover, the CAP would have been highly dependent on radar. Barrage balloons could partially compensate by being placed near a mountain pass where the enemy could be expected to pass through. This tactic, however, would be negated in the presence of strong winds, which can blow through a mountain pass faster than over a peak.20\n\nBut air operations could be negatively affected by the wind too. Air drops of supplies depend on calm weather, lest the supplies become lost or fall into enemy hands. The same applies to bombing operations. In a compact setting like Hong Kong, a bomb that is blown even slightly off its target can fall on friendly territory or civilians. The dropping of airborne forces to secure certain objectives, already risky during good weather, is made infinitely more difficult when performed during periods of strong winds. (A wind of just 16 mph/26 kph is enough to blow a paratrooper well off course.) If airborne forces land too far from their objective, surprise would be lost because they would have to fight their way to reach the objective and sustain casualties in the process. Should they reach their objective, they would have to take additional casualties holding it. Sometimes they are left to their fate.\n\nOn the other hand, strong winds can benefit incendiary bombing, which depends on the wind to spread the flames farther - as long as they don't spread in the wrong direction. All it takes was for a wind of more than 18 mph (30 kph) to do the job, and this was most common during the early months of the year in Hong Kong.\n\nWhile Hong Kong was at its windiest during the winter and early spring, this was minor compared to the proliferation of typhoons during the summer (which, incidentally, is the mildest part of the year when there are no typhoons). A typhoon was the weather phenomenon that could do the greatest damage to a military operation in the Pacific.\n\nSimply defined, a typhoon, which comes from the Chinese term tai fung,21 is known in meteorological circles as a tropical cyclone, which is a very strong mixture of wind and rain with sustained wind", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215815, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 114, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "47\n\nHarbour, and engulfed everything in their way up to a quarter mile (400 meters) inland. At least 200 people were killed (a heavy loss, considering that the area was sparsely populated back then), and the Tai Po Road (one of Hong Kong's few major roads at the time) and KCR were temporarily put out of commission, which isolated the survivors from the rest of Hong Kong for two days.26\n\nIn Victoria Harbour (between Kowloon and Hong Kong Island), 28 of the 101 steam vessels present were stranded, resulting in five deaths. Shore facilities on both sides of the harbour were wrecked, including Kai Tak Airfield. Fortunately for this part of Hong Kong, which was and remains the most congested part of the territory, no tidal wave struck here because the eastern entrance at Lyemun Pass was too narrow for enough water to break through. But Victoria Harbour was still vulnerable to strong winds and rough seas, which were what caused all that damage in its vicinity.27\n\nThe implications that the \"Great Typhoon of September 1937” (typhoons didn't acquire female names until after the war) had on a potential Allied landing in Hong Kong were profound. First, all kinds of operations would be impossible during a typhoon. Everyone would worry about how to take shelter from the storm rather than fight the enemy. Given the expected relative positions of the two sides, the Allies were sure to be more exposed to the elements than the Japanese because they were on the offensive and had to establish LoC inland. Second, Hong Kong was intended to serve as a port of entry for LoC into China. With its extensive waterfront facilities, Victoria Harbour would have served as the primary berthing area for ships, and Tolo Harbour was considered a good secondary anchorage. Depending on the path of any typhoon that hits Hong Kong, Victoria Harbour may be afforded some protection by the mountains that surrounded it on the Kowloon side.28 Tolo Harbour (and neighbouring Plover Cove) was roomy and calm enough for ships - as long as there was no typhoon.29\n\nOnce a typhoon hits Tolo Harbour, as it did in 1937, this area is at a disadvantage. Typhoons usually approach Hong Kong from the east or southeast, and Tolo Channel and Tolo Harbour are in the eastern part of Hong Kong. The winds in a typhoon blow in an anti-clockwise direction, which is an arc-like motion from east to west when one is facing north. In the case of Tolo Channel (which is the outlet to the sea", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215816, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "48\n\nfor Tolo Harbour), its entrance faced the northeast, which was like an open door for a typhoon. The 1937 typhoon took advantage of such a tailor-made entrance to surge through it with a tidal wave.3\n\n30\n\nIf a typhoon during peacetime could cause so much damage, then one of similar magnitude during wartime, when the stakes are higher, could really set back the Allied timetable. The Tai Po Road would likely have served as a conduit to funnel supplies north to China, and a disruption to its service (even temporarily) would do much to hurt the supply situation. Moreover, if LoC by land into China were that vulnerable, then LoC by sea to Hong Kong would be even more precarious. Such a supply line would likely come from the southeast and pass through the strait between Luzon and Formosa. This region also happened to be a major alleyway for typhoons, not to mention an area of strong Japanese concentrations if either Luzon or Formosa (or both) continued to be in enemy hands.3\n\n31\n\nDue to their extensive commitment in the Atlantic, Allied merchant shipping and its escorts were more precious commodities in the much larger Pacific. The Japanese had not made it a policy to attack supply vessels thus far in the war, but that did not mean they would not alter this policy as the Allies pushed closer to the home islands. A typhoon, however, would not wait nor discriminate. While ships at harbour enjoy a little bit of protection from a typhoon, ships at sea don't have this benefit. The only option was evasion, and that depended on knowing the whereabouts of the typhoon. As noted earlier, this was an extremely difficult task during World War II.\n\n32\n\nAnother category of shipping in which the Allies weren't as well endowed as they would have liked was landing craft. These vessels were mandatory for Allied operations in the Pacific. But Europe received first priority for landing craft for much of the war, leaving just enough for the Allies to take to the offensive in the Pacific. Hong Kong's ability to serve as a lifeline into China depended entirely on a secure LoC that could be established to it by sea, and this in turn depended on the ability of the Allies to secure Hong Kong from the sea by an amphibious assault. The more landings the Allies carried out, the greater the toll on their landing craft, as the same craft would be used over and over. But landing craft were rather lightly-protected ships, which also made them prone to attrition through enemy action, breakdowns, and the weather.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215817, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "49\n\nSo whether Allied LoC were disrupted by the Japanese or a typhoon, the end result would be the same: troops and supplies prevented from achieving their objectives, and Allied strategy would be hampered. The Allies could do something about the Japanese, but not much about a typhoon.\n\nAs nasty as it is, a typhoon does have a redeeming factor. The rain that accompanies it can help alleviate the water supply problem in a place as dependent on rainfall for its fresh water as Hong Kong (which itself has no rivers). During wartime, an adequate water supply was a most invaluable resource for both sides.33\n\nThe B-29\n\nThere was another important reason for recapturing Hong Kong: to use it as a base from which to bomb Japan. Before the war, China was thought to be the best place from which to do this.34 During her conquests of 1941-1942, Japan had wisely expanded her perimeter far enough so that she would be impervious to retaliatory bombing raids by Allied land-based aircraft, or so she thought. The Doolittle Raid on Tokyo in April 1942 was as unorthodox as it was daring, having been accomplished by land-based bombers operating from aircraft carriers, but it was not practical to replicate on a large scale. If the Allies wanted to devastate Japan, they needed a real land base and a bomber with enough range and bomb capacity to reach Japan.\n\nThat bomber was the Boeing B-29 Superfortress. It was classified as a Very Heavy Bomber (VHB), and it was, with a maximum bomb load of 10 tons, a range of 3,600 miles (5,800 km), and a top speed of 358 mph (577 kph). But it could not display all of these qualities at the same time, for speed and range decreased as the bomb load increased. The B-29 had been originally designed to operate from across the Atlantic to hit Germany, but once the older Allied bombers were performing adequately against Germany by 1943, the decision was made to operate the B-29 in the war against Japan. Initially, China was believed to be the best place from which to operate the B-29s.\n\nSoutheastern China, of which Hong Kong was a part, was deemed the best part of China to begin B-29 operations against Japan.35 The prerequisite, of course, was a strong enough LoC being established", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215821, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "53\n\nutilizing only 20 per cent of its bomb capacity was not the way to obtain satisfactory returns on a US$3 billion gamble. Even worse was a bomber that could not make it to the runway due to breakdowns or adverse weather.\n\nEventually, the Allies captured the Marianas Islands in the Pacific, and the B-29s were transferred there. The Marianas also suffered from typhoons, but they were closer (no more than 1,600 miles) than Hong Kong to Tokyo. When the B-29s began bombing Japan from the Marianas, each plane carried about two tons of bombs. The results continued to be unsatisfactory, and were an indication of how the B-29s likely would have fared had they operated from Hong Kong. Not until the Allies acquired more aircraft and tried a new tactic - stripping down each B-29, loading it with six tons of incendiary bombs, and making them fly lower to ease the stress on the engines - did Tokyo begin to burn, as it did in March 1945, when as many as 100,000 of its inhabitants were incinerated in one raid,\n\nAside from its distance advantage, the Marianas were also safer from Japanese interference than Hong Kong. This advantage became even more significant later in the war, when Japanese control of the Pacific ebbed, but swelled in China. Should the Japanese not contest an Allied landing or Hong Kong, they were expected to harass the LoC established into it with a sizable naval force. The Hong Kong area was a good place for the Japanese to make their stand. They had shorter LoC plus the potential support of land-based aircraft from nearby Japanese-held areas. The Allies, presumably coming from the southeast, would have extended LoC that were potentially vulnerable to attack on the flanks, and such LoC would be passing through a typhoon-infested area.52\n\nSo it was evident how vital a secure LoC into Hong Kong from the sea was in order for B-29 operations to begin from there. In the absence of such a LoC, the strategy of having the B-29s fly their own supplies to Hong Kong (if the Allies somehow managed to recapture it by land), like they did for Central China, would be impractical. Even without Japanese interference, the weather alone was enough to ensure that establishing and maintaining LoC into Hong Kong would be a monumental undertaking indeed.\n\nBut, until the Central Pacific drive made better progress, China\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215822, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "54\n\nremained an integral part of Allied strategy to defeat Japan. Even if her expected contribution to Allied victory over Japan had been downgraded and a squadron of B-29s based on the mainland was not as promising as a combat-ready Chinese Army, the politics of basing such a new and promising weapon on Chinese soil were thought to be enough to boost Chinese morale.53\n\nThe issue is in doubt\n\nBy the end of 1943, Allied planners had not settled on a decision to drop Hong Kong from the list of future objectives, nor did they elevate its status to that of a territory whose possession was beyond debate. In short, if a campaign in China was likely, a port on the China Coast would need to be opened up, and Hong Kong was a leading candidate for such a port. The development of the war in 1944-1945 would determine Hong Kong's importance.\n\nAs the USN's Central Pacific offensive gathered momentum in early 1944, the adjacent Southwest Pacific offensive under General Douglas MacArthur also stepped up its pace so as not to be left behind. The competing dual advances sped up the Allied timetable, and brought the Allies to within striking distance of Japan by summer 1944.\n\nIn China, it was a different story. Chinese forces here had not faced a major Japanese attack since 1938. When the Japanese attempted to link their possessions in the south (including Hong Kong) with the large portion of China they held north of the Yangtze River with a major offensive in the summer, the Chinese forces standing in the way largely disintegrated without offering much resistance. By early 1945, the Hong Kong beachhead had linked up with the rest of Japanese-held China. By now, the prospect of recapturing Hong Kong from the sea, while still not entirely infeasible, was made harder due to the potential ease with which the Japanese could reinforce Hong Kong from the interior of China. Intelligence reports indicated that the Japanese probably intended to wage a last-ditch defence of Hong Kong like they were already doing in the Pacific.54\n\nJ\n\nThe Japanese eventually overextended themselves in China, while China belatedly began to receive supplies in some quantity once the road link from Burma was reopened and the air link over the Hump", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215823, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 122, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "55\n\nbecame more secure. This allowed the Chinese to reoccupy some of their lost territory as 1945 progressed. Talks of an attempt on Hong Kong from the interior of China were revived, although a Hong Kong in Allied hands was now considered a luxury rather than a necessity. The USN was still expected to make a contribution, even if it was only to finally open up a port in China to further alleviate her supply situation, and the possession of which would complete the blockade around Japan and the Inner Zone,55\n\nWhether the USN, the chief underwriter of the Allied offensives in the Pacific, had enough resources for only a luxury objective was another story. As the Allies neared Japan, they encountered the wrath of two types of \"divine wind.\" The first was man-made in the form of massed Japanese suicide plane attacks on the USN and Britain's Royal Navy (RN). This was the Kamikaze, and was the ultimate desperation measure employed by the Japanese in a bid to stem the Allied advance. While the measure eventually failed, it proved extremely nerve-wracking for the Allies to face it down, and men and ships were lost in fighting off this threat. The prospect of more Kamikazes awaiting an invasion of Japan did not sit well with the USN.\n\nThe second was the more natural typhoon. The USN's Third Fleet had the misfortune to be caught in two of them during the last nine months of the war. The first typhoon hit the Third Fleet in December 1944 off the Philippines with winds of 125 knots. It claimed three destroyers sunk and 28 other ships damaged, 146 aircraft destroyed, and almost 900 dead or wounded. The second typhoon struck in June 1945 off Okinawa. This one wasn't as deadly, with winds kept below 100 knots, but it still damaged 33 ships, destroyed or damaged 92 aircraft, and killed or wounded 10 men.56 The Japanese could not have done so well in a conventional attack by this stage of the war.\n\nThe end of the war did not spare the USN from further punishment. In October 1945, a large assembly of support vessels was struck by a typhoon off Okinawa. Winds of 100 knots and waves as high as 35 feet (almost 11 metres) combined to damage, ground, or sink almost 270 ships, most of which were amphibious vessels. The typhoon also damaged over 60 aircraft and inflicted almost 200 casualties, including 36 dead. Shore facilities and supplies were also extensively damaged or destroyed. Fortunately, the war was over, or else the loss (even", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215825, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 124, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "57\n\nbut it was harder to replace soldiers with combat experience.\n\nBecause the weather changes from day to day, so must the extent to which it could influence the approval or rejection of a certain operation in war. Hong Kong's weather, as formidable as it was, could not by itself determine if it merited recapture or not. Nor could any objective's weather be the lone factor. If it was, then many of the war's campaigns would not have taken place. If the control of a specific territory was judged crucial, then the powers concerned would do anything within their capacity to seize or retain it.\n\nNo place in the world has perfect weather at any time of the year. In Hong Kong's case, its worst weather occurs during the middle of the year. Had a Hong Kong operation taken place, Allied planners would have naturally preferred that it take place towards the end of the year. That would give the Allies up to six months of relatively trouble-free weather with which to work.\" A Hong Kong operation was bound to include amphibious landings, and these were very susceptible to bad weather. It was important for the Allies to gain at least a foothold on land, as it would give a political and psychological boost to the Allied war effort, as well as put them in a better position militarily vis-à-vis Japan. The China Coast was a perimeter within Japan's empire, and any breach made here would accelerate Japan's demise. So that first foothold was vital, just as it was equally vital for the Japanese to prevent it. In Japan's history, foul weather had worked in her favour when she had to defend against an amphibious invasion, so it wasn't unprecedented for the weather to play a decisive role in war. For the Allies, the last thing they would want was to see a Hong Kong operation in progress be thwarted by a non-human entity like the weather. Such a contest would be a no-win situation for the Allies.\n\nIn the end, the Allies never carried out any landings on any port on the China Coast. Their destruction of the IJN and blockade of Japan by sea and air was so complete that they didn't have to worry about the Japanese in China, which remained a secondary theatre at the end of the war. Hong Kong's weather was never specifically mentioned as a factor, but was probably on the minds of some Allied planners after the poundings their navies had taken in the last months of the war. Hong Kong returned to British, and eventually Chinese, rule, and was fortunate to have not undergone a destructive campaign for it to change hands again.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215828, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "60 \n\nwould be unfavourable. \n\n18 G.S.P. Heywood, Hong Kong Typhoons (Hong Kong: Government Printers, 1950), p.15. \n\n19 Spring 1944 estimates for the number of Japanese aircraft able to oppose a Hong Kong landing numbered 400, with perhaps another 1,150 in nearby areas able to be diverted to Hong Kong. Allied planners believed that they could maintain a CAP of about 120 aircraft over Hong Kong at any time. See (1) CPS107/1, p.35-36, 40. (2) JIC177, \"Campaign in China: Japanese Aircraft Available to Oppose a Landing in the Hong Kong Area,\" 21 Mar 44, p.3-4; CCS381 Hong Kong; RG218; NA, Washington, DC. \n\n20 Heywood, p.15. \n\n21 There are other possible origins of the word. Tufan means smoke in Arabic, and typhon means monster in Greek. See William J. Kotsch & Richard Henderson, Heavy Weather Guide, 2nd Ed. (Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 1984), p.167. \n\n22 (1) Heywood, p.1-2. (2) Hans Christian Adamson & George Francis Kosco, Halsey's Typhoons (New York: Crown Publishers, Inc., 1967), p.10-14, 176-177. \n\n23 Heywood, p.1. \n\n24 (1) HKRO, Tropical Cyclones, p.2. (2) Heywood, p.16, 19. (3) Adamson & Kosco, p.11-12. \n\n25 (1) HKRO, Meteorological Results, 1937 (Hong Kong: Government Printers, 1938), Appendix II, p.4-5 (hereafter referred to as HKRO, Meteorological Results). (2) Denis Campbell Bray, Hong Kong Metamorphosis (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2001), p.144. (3) Gordon John Bell, Surface Winds in Hong Kong Typhoons: Preliminary Report (Hong Kong: Royal Observatory, 1963), p.1 \n\n26 (1) HKRO, Meteorological Results, p.6. (2) South China Morning Post (SCMP), September 4, 1937, p.12. \n\n27 (1) HKRO, Meteorological Results, Appendix II. (2) Charles E.J. Eather, Airport of the Nine Dragons: Kai Tak, Kowloon (Surfer's Paradise, Queensland: Ching", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215831, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "63\n\n45 USAAF, p.178.\n\n46 (1) G.L.D. Alderson, History of Royal Air Force Kai Tak (Hong Kong: Royal Air Force Kai Tak, 1972), p.70-71. (2) SCMP, July 20, 1946 (Morning Edition), p.1. (3) Eather, p.54-56.\n\n47 For bomber production figures, see Adrian Gilbert (ed.), The Military Hardware of World War II: Tanks, Aircraft and Naval Vessels (New York: Random House Value Publishing, 1985).\n\n*CCS323, \"Air Plan for the Defeat of Japan,\" 20 Aug 43, p.3; CCS373.11 Japan (8-20-43), pt.1; RG218; NA, Washington, DC.\n\n\"The mission for B-29s flying their own supplies over the Hump was codenamed MATTERHORN (for the B-24s DRAKE). See (1) CPS86/2, \"The Defeat of Japan Within Twelve Months After the Defeat of Germany,\" 25 Oct 43, p.4; sec. 8; RG218; NA, Washington, DC. (2) CCS417/2, \"Overall Plan for the Defeat of Japan,\" 23 Dec 43, p.10-15; sec.10; RG218; NA, Washington, DC,\n\nSo Wheeler, p.35, 59. The runways in China were 19 inches (almost half a metre) thick and made of hand-crushed rock.\n\n51 CPS86/2, Map II, \"B-29 Factor of Effectiveness at Various Ranges\". The exact ranges and maximum bomb load at each range are as follows:\n\n1,367 miles (2,200 km) 10 tons\n\n1,484 miles (2,390 km) 8 tons\n\n1,614 miles (2,600 km) 5 tons\n\n1,860 miles (3,000 km) 2 tons\n\nAs the figures show, an extra 500 miles (805 km) one way for a B-29 theoretically reduced its bomb load by 80 per cent!\n\n52 Waichow Intelligence Summary No.16, 14 Jan 43, p.9; Series 11/7; Chop Suey, WIS Sub-Division No.1; Prisoner of War Camps and Covering Letters: File Ref. 5668/A; Waichow Intelligence Summary Nos.29-34; May-June 1943; Ride Fapers. Allied planners believed that the Japanese could commit up to four battleships and three fleet carriers to harass Allied LoC to Hong Kong. See CPS107/1, p.37, 119.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216003, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 302, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "236 \n\nmonths he had physically broken down, and was dead in April, 1871. The loss for Chinese Protestants at the time was irreparable, for he was the only ordained Chinese pastor with lengthy experience and a notable record of creative publications in all of China at the time. Details on this event are given in Pfister's \"A Transmitter but not a Creator\"\n\n94. The fact that Bruce was the younger brother of Sir Elgin, who ordered the burning of the imperial Summer Palace in 1860, is of some importance especially for impressing and reminding the Qing officials at the time of the destructive power of the British and allied forces.\n\n95. See Legge's long letter including copies of the offending note sent by Bruce to Russell and Russell's response in China Mail #955 (June 4, 1863), p. 90. It is quite by coincidence that at the end of the 20th century in Chinese language the date \"June Fourth\" (liùsì) also immediately brings up images of persecution.\n\n96. Much evidence for this exists in the South China correspondence with the London Missionary Society Directors for this period.\n\n97. A note gleaned from the archives of Carl T. Smith in Hong Kong.\n\n98. See Bóluóxiàn zhì, p. 330, where it simply states, \"[We are] lacking any other materials.\" The total number of Chinese believers associated with the church work initiated by the Basel missionaries was over 300 in 1941.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216104, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 403, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "337\n\nMeters, flyovers and service charges\n\nIt was not until 1962 that Hong Kong had its first parking meters and at about the same time service charges were first levied in restaurants. Also at this time, in spite of high immigration figures, unemployment consistently stood at well below two per cent. Inflation was negligible. The Territory saw its first flyover, outside Saint Teresa's Church on Prince Edward Road in Kowloon, in 1963.\n\n‘One damn thing after another'\n\nIn the early 1960s, we are referring to a time when something like 30 million inhabitants died of starvation on the Chinese Mainland. This was as a result of the failure of the 'Great Leap Forward.' There were long queues in Hong Kong post offices sending food parcels to relatives in China. All in all, the 1960s was a challenging decade and, as one government servant phrased it, 'It was one damn thing after another.' But the Territory was a great survivor and frequently managed to come back stronger than ever.\n\nTyphoons\n\nWhen I first arrived in Hong Kong my boss told me there is a bad typhoon every seven years. In fact, there is no set pattern if you check as I have. An estimated 11,000 people died in the 1937 typhoon, more than the 8,750 total Allied forces, Japanese and Chinese estimated to have been killed when the Japanese attacked Hong Kong in December 1941. There was an inadequate typhoon warning system in those days. Up until the 1930s a gun was fired from Blackhead Point, in Kowloon, either when a typhoon was approaching or when the mail ship arrived. Not infrequently, the two events were confused.\n\nTyphoon Wanda, in 1962, is sometimes remembered as the last typhoon from which bitter lessons were learned on how to batten down. It coincided with a high tide, with an 11-foot rise in water level and a storm surge that caused bad flooding. This happened right up to Tsang Tai Uk (the big house of the Tsang family), the fine, Hakka walled village at the end of Sha Tin Hoi (Sea). This Hoi has long since been reclaimed. With Wanda, something like 2,000 ships and small craft were sunk or damaged. There were 130 deaths. With gusts of 164 mph", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216172, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 471, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "405\n\nMORE ON THE CHINESE LABOUR CORPS IN FRANCE, 1917-1921: A NEW DISCOVERY\n\nDAVID MAHONEY\n\nA recent discovery throws some light on the army of skilled and unskilled men from Shandong and surrounding provinces that comprised the Chinese Labour Corps during and after World War One.\n\nThe medals\n\nSeveral medals were awarded to British troops for service in the First World War: 1914 Star, 1914/15 Star, Territorial War Medal, British War Medal (BWM), and the Allied Victory Medal. All troops in \"war zones\" would have received the latter two, the BWM in silver.\n\nSupporting the fighting troops was a huge army of non-combatants from Africa, the Middle East, Malta, etc., and from China, nationals of whom were formed into the Chinese Labour Corps (CLC). In addition to Indian labourers, recruited from the sub-continent, were Chinese labourers resident in Calcutta, which comprised the 62nd Chinese Indian Labour Company. All these non-combatants in war zones were awarded the BWM in bronze, but not the Victory Medal.\n\nBritish officers and Other Ranks with the CLC received the BWM in silver as well as the Victory Medal.\n\nUnlike all other BWMs, which were impressed around the edge with the recipient's number and name, the bronze medals awarded to members of the CLC were numbered but not named. The appropriate medal roll (WO329/2374-2383) held by the Public Records Office at Kew in West London reveals the identity of the 134,353 Chinese members of the CLC who were awarded the bronze medal. However, as many of the recipients could not be located once they had returned to China, a large number of these medals were undelivered and were returned to the Royal Mint for destruction.\n\nThe discovery\n\nSome years ago, there came to light the pocketbook of Labourer", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216217, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 516, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "450\n\nwas not possible to erect a replacement plaque in the cathedral. The authorities concerned would not permit it.\n\nAnother interesting case was that of a clock made by Douglas Lapraik in Hong Kong in the mid 19th century. This story has been written up by the enquirer, Dr Peter Hansell, and an account is published in this volume of JHKBRAS,\n\n*\n\nOther enquiries have included a request from a family member about Thomas Child Hayllar who was Attorney General in Hong Kong in the middle of the 19th century. On similar lines, Francis Howell was also enquiring about family members named Eckford who worked in China and Hong Kong during the past two centuries.\n\nOn another occasion we received an enquiry from a HKBRAS overseas member for information about what appear to be bullet marks on the low boundary wall which runs along the east side of lower Stubbs Road. Although they were probably caused by machine gun fire during the attack by the Japanese, in December 1941, we have not been able to glean any detailed information about the actual incident.\n\nAnother enquirer, an academic living in New Zealand, wanted to know whether there were any roads, buildings or any monuments at all in Hong Kong in memory of Nurse Edith Cavell. She was executed by the Germans in Brussels, on 12 October 1915, for assisting Allied prisoners escape. As far as we know there is nothing erected in her memory in Hong Kong.\n\nA gentleman from Britain wanted to learn more about his maternal grandfather who joined the colonial service in 1910, whereupon he was posted to Hong Kong and subsequently to Canton to learn Cantonese. During the run-up leading to the Sun Yat Sen Revolution, probably in May or June of 1911, the group of Hong Kong cadets was accosted by over-zealous Chinese officials. One of the cadets then drew his revolver and shot an official. The British gentleman has said that, according to family lore, his grandfather, Samuel Burnside Boyd McElderry, was able to calm the situation and talk the group out of the encounter. In spite of searches at the Hong Kong Public Records Office (who were extremely helpful) and elsewhere, no information has been gleaned about this incident.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 } ]