[ { "id": 204307, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 75, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n71\n\nnovel. After this treatment, Vaisravana and Nata became completely Sinicized, and few, if any, Chinese readers ever suspect that they are \"alien\" in origin. This is typical of the way in which Chinese Buddhists took stories or ideas of foreign origin and gradually turned them into something totally Chinese.\n\nApart from its influence on religious practice, the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i is also of considerable importance from a literary point of view. It superseded previous stories from which it took some of its material, so much so that but for the efforts of scholars in the past thirty years these previous stories contained in prompt-books would have been unknown. Even now, only a handful of experts have read the prompt-books, while most readers are not aware that the Fêng-shên is not entirely the original creation of one man. This goes to show the success of the author as an imaginative writer.\n\nIn the following pages I shall attempt to describe how the stories about Vaisravana and Nata became integral parts of the novel, as an example of the Sinicization of Buddhist stories and figures and their assimilation into the mainly Taoist pantheon of China. I shall also try to show how the author, Lu Hsi-hsing, made use of the material derived from miscellaneous sources and turned it into a fascinating tale.\n\n1. VAISRAVANA AND NATA\n\nWhen we come to a discussion of some of the prominent figures in the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i, the most striking fact we shall find is that the author described these figures vividly and did not rely on previous legends for literary effect. Rather, he chose from miscellaneous and discordant materials and put them into a unified system which enlarged and modified the Chinese pantheon. The story of Li Ching and his three sons, especially the third one, No-cha, in this novel may serve as an outstanding illustration.\n\nIn this novel Li Ching was first a commander of the Ch'ên-t'ang Pass in the court of the ruthless King Chou (Ch.12), but he was also a Taoist, and for a period of years he had learnt the process of Taoist cultivation from the Immortal Tu O of the K'un-lun Mountain though he was unable to reach the final attainment. He had three sons: the eldest, Chin-cha, was a disciple of Wên-shu (Mañjusri), the second, Mu-cha, was a disciple of P'u-hsien (Samantabhadra) and the third one, No-cha, a disciple of the Immortal Tai-I. Both the father and his three sons joined the side of King Wu in the expedition against King Chou. Though they all knew some magic feats and possessed magic weapons, they are described as human beings. Unless we study the Tantric sutras and compare them with the Chinese\n\nPage 75\n\nPage 76", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204330, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author\n\n94\n\nVol 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nmouth. After a fruitless argument with the Taoist master, No-cha wielded his weapon again and as Jan-têng raised his sleeve upwards an object was hurled into the air which emitted radiant beauty and when falling, enveloped No-cha in it and rendered him motionless. Jan-têng tapped it with his hand and flames broke out and made No-cha yield and acknowledge Li Ching as father and bow to him in humiliation. After the reconciliation had been made, Jan-têng Tao-jên instructed Li Ching to relinquish his official post and go into seclusion until the rise of King Wu, and gave to Li Ching the magic weapon which was a golden pagoda of elegant workmanship which would serve to safeguard No-cha from rebellion against his father and to consolidate the reconciliation. (Ch.14)\n\n5. HSI-YU-CHI (“MONKEY\") AND FENG-SHEN\n\nThe story of No-cha as it appears prominently in Chapters 12-14 of the Fêng-shên Yen-i, is for the most part, I believe, the creation of the author except for those minute points which I have discussed. After having consulted the Tantric texts which I have already quoted, we can see that the fantastic story of the pagoda, though with some hints of being inspired by the texts, is a wholly fabulous invention and only by skilful ingenuity can it be made so natural and so plausible. In Ch.83 of Wu Ch'êng-ên's (AR) Hsi-yu-chi (“Pilgrimage to the West\") which is no doubt an enlargement of the Hsi-yu-chi in the \"Four Travels\", there is a paragraph which seems to be either the origin of these Chapters (12-14) of the Fêng-shên Yen-i or a synopsis of these same chapters with variations. I am inclined to take the latter view and believe that the writing of Wu Ch'êng-ên's Hsi-yu-chi was later than this novel for these reasons:\n\n36\n\n35\n\n(a) As I have pointed out elsewhere when discussing the magic lasso, the name Ya-lung Tung (Dragon-subduing Cave) of the Ya-lung Shan (Dragon-subduing Mountain) which appears in Ch.34 of Wu Ch'êng-ên's Hsi-yu-chi was derived from Ch.52 of the Fêng-shên Yen-i (Fei-lung Tung AM or Flying-dragon Cave of the Chia-lung Shan or Dragon-pinching Mountain).\n\n(b) In Ch.52 of Wu's Hsi-yu-chi, the eighteen Arhats tried with the sand of golden pills to subdue the devil, which sank its feet to the depth of more than three feet. This sand is derived from the Red-sand Array () in Ch.49 of the Fêng-shên Yen-i.\n\n35 See Arthur Waley, Monkey, translation of chapters i-12, 13-5, 18-9, 22, 37-9, 44-6, 47-9, 98-100, London, George Allen & Unwin, 1943.\n\n30 In my thesis \"The Authorship of the Feng-shên Yen-i\", pp. 178-80.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204363, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 131, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n127\n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\nHONG KONG BRANCH\n\nList of Members at 28th February, 1961.\n\nABRAHAM, R. D.\n\nAide-de-Camp\n\nAKERS JONES, D.\n\nAllen, H. W.\n\nALLEYNE, Mrs. E. L.\n\nBAIRD, J. W.\n\nBARD, Dr. S. M.\n\nBARNETT, K. M. A.\n\nBARON, D. W. B.\n\nBARR, J. S.\n\nBASTO, G. de BARTON, T.\n\nThe Hon. H. D. M. BAUER, Miss H.\n\nBEIDLER, P.\n\nBERTUCCIOLI, G. P.\n\nBIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D.\n\nBLACK, D. L.\n\nBLACKMORE, M.\n\nBLUNDEN, Prof. E. C.\n\nBONSALL, G. W.\n\nBRAGA, J. M.\n\nBRAWN, Squadron Ldr. W. N. H.\n\nBREUIL, Mrs. N. du\n\nBRIMMELL, J. H.\n\nBROOKS, D. E.\n\nBURKHARDT, Col. V. R.\n\nBUSH, R. C.\n\nBYRNE, D. J.\n\nCALLAHAN, G. W.\n\nCHAN, Dr. H. C.\n\nCHAU, The Hon. Sir Tsun-Nin\n\nCHENG, Dr. Irene\n\nCHENG, T. C.\n\nCHEUNG, Oswald\n\n41 Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K.Government House, H.K.\nN. Kowloon Magistracy, Taipo Road, Kln.U.S. Consulate-General, H.K.\nH.K.U.Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K.\nH.K.U.P.O. Box 248, H.K.\n361 The Peak, H.K.Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T.\n604 Fu House, 7 Ice House Street, H.K.Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K.\nU.S.L.S., U.S. Consulate-General, H.K.U.S. Embassy, Saigon, Vietnam\nMinistero degli Esteri, RomeFar East Mansions, Apt. 5-H, Kln.\nPeat, Marwick, Mitchell & Co., Alexandra House, H.K.Dept. of History, H.K.U.\nH.K.U.P.O. Box 951, H.K.\nAir Headquarters, H.K.86 Main Street, Stanley, H.K.\nFlat 4, 12 Magazine Gap Road, H.K.\nRadio Hong Kong86 Main Street, Stanley, H.K.\nTao Fong Shan, Shatin, N.T.China Light & Power Co., Ltd., Argyle Street, Kln.\nApt. 23, Kellett Grove, The Peak, H.K.Bank of Canton Building, H.K.\n8 Queen's Road West, H.K.Education Dept., Fung House, 5th fl., H.K.\nS.C.A. Fire Brigade Building, H.K.1002 Alexandra House, H.K.\n\nPage 127\n\n \nPage 127\n\nPage 127\n\nPage 128\n\nPage 128\n\nPage 128", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204398, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 30, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "NESTORIAN CROSSES\n\n21\n\nNestorian community in his letters, and their king George, whom he converted from Nestorianism to the Catholic faith.\n\nThe scattered references to the Nestorians in the accounts of the friars are confirmed by Marco Polo (1271-1295) who with his father and uncle can represent for us the second group of travelling merchants. Everywhere through Central Asia and China Marco found Nestorian Christians, usually in the service of the Court, and probably more often than not of Syrian, Persian or Turkish race, employed as administrative officials by the alien government on account of their high standard of literacy.\n\nMarco Polo also confirms the existence of a Nestorian Christian tribe with their Christian king George (whom he confuses with Prester John as Odoric also does) at the Yellow River bend. It seems likely that the name 'Tenduc' which he gives to the region is the early pronunciation of T'ien-tê which was an old name of the present city of Kuei-hua{ in that region, near which is the important market town of Pao-t'ou in which Mr. P. M. Scott found the first fourteen crosses of our paper. Similarly the Tozan of Odoric may be identified with Tung-sheng, an early name for the same region. The Christian Mongol tribe situated by the Ordos bend of the Yellow River is known from various sources to have been the Onguts (Wang-ku people), to which Marco Polo refers, though confusedly, in calling their king Ung-Khan.\n\nThese facts are confirmed in a remarkable way by a Syriac document describing a pilgrimage of two Eastern Nestorian monks—one an Ongut, the other of Uigur stock—from their monastery near Peking to the seat of the Nestorian Patriarch in Mesopotamia in A.D. 1278. In the course of their journey they visited the Christian Ongut tribe by the Yellow River bend, and from them received a touching farewell.19\n\nIV. NESTORIAN RELICS IN CHINA AND MONGOLIA\n\nWith the expulsion of the Mongols from China at the fall of the Yuan dynasty in A.D. 1368, the Christianity both Nestorian and Franciscan that had been associated with their regime disappeared.\n\n17 Letters of Montecorvino, see Yule, op. cit., and Moule, op. cit., pp. 171 ff.\n\n18 Yule, The Book of Ser Marco Polo, revised by Cordier, London, Murray, 1903.\n\n19 Budge, The Monks of Kublai Khan, London, R.T.S. 1928.\n\nPage 30\n\nPage 31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204478, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "LIFE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n99\n\nthree districts in the vicinity of Canton the phrase shui shui, tso shui, tsou shui (£££) literally \"sleeping in-come, sitting in-come, walking in-come\" which may be thus explained: the incumbent of the first may go to sleep, whilst his emoluments come rolling in; in the second he may sit still, and his emoluments come rolling in; and in the third he must trot around, but his emoluments come rolling in\".\n\n12 Lockhart calls these officers assistant and deputy magistrates, Papers 1899 p. 191 and so does Consul Allen in his Trade Report for Pakhoi 1896, FO No. 1983, but there appear in fact, to have been no such titles. There were one or two yuen shing (B) in each district styled to ye (*) who were officers of the sixth and seventh rank and were graduates of kam sang (1) degree. These were appointed from Peking and were transferable every three years like the magistrate himself. They were stationed at places in the district and their powers were very limited.\n\n20 He does not mention officers other than those at the two Lantau forts, but there was another fort on Lantau at Fan Lau, still standing, which may or may not have been occupied at this time, and there were posts on Lamma and Cheung Chau officered by shun tei kun (MILF) (information from Mr. CHEUNG Yau (4) of Tai Ping, Lamma Island, and from a list of donors inscribed on a tablet in the Tin Hau temple on Cheung Chau). There must also have been shun tei kun in the mainland part of the district. More information is sought about their stations and their duties. As far as I know, they were military officers of low rank who controlled ten or twenty men in an out-station,\n\n21 Papers 1899 p. 192.\n\n22 A map showing these divisions, dated July 1899 on the reverse, is to be found in the Registrar-General's Department, in the Supreme Court. It is probably the Map VI referred to on page 192 of the Papers 1899, which was not printed with them. The Councils of the Tung may not have existed in the remoter and more sparsely populated areas. On Lamma for instance the village elders appear to have administered summary justice individually and not in unison. Mr. CHEUNG Yau already quoted, and other gentlemen of similar age, state there was no Council on the island. The map does not assist in this instance, being vague in some details. There were four tung in any district: north, south, east and west.\n\n23 Dyer Ball, The Chinese at Home (London, Religious Tract Society, 1912) p. 189 says \"The life of an official in China, if he occupies a high position and rules over a populous district of country, is arduous in the extreme. He knows no hours. His work is never done. He is up before dawn, and official receptions take place in the small or early hours of the morning. The health of many a man is injured by the incessant toil and unremitting anxiety\". He calls him \"often hard worked, harassed with many cares, and loaded with responsibilities\". His is experienced and impartial testimony.\n\n24 Papers 1899 p. 192.\n\n25 Sir Robert Douglas, Society in China (London, Ward Lock & Co., 1901) pp. 120-1 has hard things to say of them. \"The mental activity of these men, not having... any power to operate in a beneficent way,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204610, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "80\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG\n\nGamewall, an American Methodist, became almost legendary. We get a pen picture of Gamewall in the diary of the Rev. Roland Allen, who was chaplain to the Anglican Bishop in North China at this time. \"Mr. Gamewall was almost voiceless, but still pursued his weary round of the Legation on his bicycle, overseeing the fortifications, and carrying out every suggestion of the military council with untiring zeal.\"25\n\nOutside the Legation Chapel (by now filled to overflowing with missionaries) stood a stone kiosk with a bell inside it, erected to celebrate Queen Victoria's Jubilee. This Bell Tower stood in the middle of the Legation at a point where four ways met. As Allen explained: \"The Tower stood in the midst of tree-shaded ways beautiful from every point of view, sheltered, too, more than most spots from shot and shell. It was only once struck; no one was wounded there. It was well suited to be the centre of the life, as it was by nature the centre of the structure of the Legation.\" People used to collect there in groups to discuss the latest news and rumours. The bell itself was used as an alarm in case of a general attack, when it was rung furiously, and in the case of fire when it was tolled. All round the kiosk were posted up notices for the guidance of the besieged as well as cables, messages, edicts and rumours. Here also was posted up, from time to time, an official census of the inhabitants of the Legation. For instance on August 4th Jessie Ransome entered in her diary the census figures just posted up on the Bell Tower which gave a total of 883 men, women and children. One of the few amusing incidents of the siege was only known to the besieged some time afterwards. On 16th July, 1900 the Belfast newspaper, Northern Whig, had published an account of\n\n25 Rev. Roland Allen, The Siege of the Peking Legations (London, 1901), 161.\n\nA photograph of the six fighting parsons' can be found in Archibald Little, Gleanings from Fifty Years in China (Philadelphia, 1908), 289.\n\n24 When Professor L. Carrington Goodrich passed through Hong Kong in 1962 we spoke about the siege of the Foreign Legations and he told me that he was one of the children of missionary parents who sheltered in the Legation chapel. His father was the Rev. Chauncey Goodrich, remembered today by students of Chinese as the author of A Pocket Dictionary and Pekingese Syllabary, which was first published in 1891 and is still in print, See A. H. Mateer (Mrs.) Siege Days (New York, 1903), 217-18 and photograph opposite page 44. For another photograph see Arther H. Smith, China in Convulsion (New Jersey, 1901) II, 494.\n\n27 Allen, op. cit., 119.\n\nH", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204636, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "104\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\nThere were also examination titles among the organisers and subscribers to the defence office. There were three scholars, who held higher grades of the hsiu-ts'ai or first degree by examination. One was a kung-sheng, another a sheng-yüan, and the third held the grade of lin-sheng, all normally obtained by additional examinations by a literary chancellor appointed from Peking to examine hsiu-ts'ai in the provinces, though occasionally granted for merit. Another was a wu-sheng ±, a military hsiu-ts'ai, an officer by examination, not purchase. These four were WONGs, almost certainly members of the Tong. A fifth, named TSUI, was a tu-szu or first captain and was probably a serving military officer in the locality. The final title is ching sheng #.\n\nOf these various degree and title holders sixteen were named WONG *. The coincidence is probably too great to be accidental and the number of purchases testifies to the Tong's wealth, whilst the presence of genuine scholars, probably from the Cheung Chau branch, and the genealogical record, confirm its gentry status in the late Ch'ing period. There is no doubt that the main Tong was well entrenched and able to exert an \"interest\" with the district ruler and perhaps also with the prefect and viceroy at Canton.\n\n23 HSIAO illustrates the slight degree of local control on another island, Ch'a K'eng, off the coast of Sun Wui district, Kwangtung, in Rural China, pp. 344-348. For his views on the effectiveness of imperial control see pp. 320-322 and pp. 316-320 for the role of the gentry in local affairs. CH'U, op. cit., chapter 10, also examines the problem in general. Krone's article (see note 22), apparently written from long, first-hand knowledge of the western part of San On shows that the district magistrate and his deputy and sub-magistrates had little control over the population (see especially p. 81), and perhaps wanted it less, e.g. \"... the Mandarin of Fuk Wing (a sub-magistrate) confided to me, in a conversation that I had with him that he had nothing to do but to eat, to drink and to smoke”, though over 200 villages were in his charge.\n\n24 The district association is of considerable antiquity in China. They were known in Sung times: see J. Gernet, Daily Life in China on the Eve of the Mongol Invasion 1250-76 (London, Allen and Unwin 1962) p. 222; see also Y. K. Leong and L. K. Tao Village and Town Life in China (London, Allen and Unwin 1915) pp. 78-9 for \"the guild of co-provincials\" and H. B. Morse, The Gilds of China (London, Longmans, Green 1909) pp. 35-48 for the provincial club with a mercantile bias.\n\n25 With consequent language difficulties. See R. A. D. Forrest (a former Hong Kong Cadet Officer) \"The Southern Dialects of Chinese\", Appendix No. 1 to V. Purcell The Chinese in South East Asia (Oxford University Press 1951).\n\n26 The word \"member\" may have too strong a connection with the modern club where one pays an entrance fee and monthly subscriptions. In fact, one was born into membership of these early district associations and participated in their activities by subscription, as required. Mr. LEUNG Yau (see note 28) confirms this for his own association, the Wai Chiu.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204801, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "92\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\n19 The Harbour Master's Report for 1906 in Sessional Papers 1907, p. 130, which presumably gives figures for the whole Colony, states that 1,796 native craft were sunk, and in the majority of cases totally lost. The total loss of life, he said, \"must have been excessively high, amounting to approximately 5,000, though there are no positive records to show the actual number that perished\". The typhoon was not expected, and a few days afterwards a committee was appointed to enquire whether earlier warning could have been given to shipping. A month later its members opined that \"reviewing the evidence as a whole, the committee find that prior to 7.44 a.m. on the 18th September 1906 there was no indication of a typhoon approaching Hong Kong... and warning was given as soon as, in the circumstances, was practically possible.\" The Report of the Typhoon Relief Fund Committee in Sessional Papers 1907, pp. 277-287, gives no information about Peng Chau, though Table 1, p. 283 may include some Peng Chau craft,\n\n20 The system of credit is briefly described on p. 2 of the Report of the Fisheries Department, Hong Kong Government, for 1946-47.\n\n\"The practice of the laans before the war was to obtain control over the fisherman by granting loans to him for the repairing of his boat, buying of new gear, etc. at certain period during the year. In return the fisherman was expected to market all fish caught through the laan who would make appropriate deductions although, in many cases, the laan would ensure that the fisherman never settled the loan and therefore was never free to market his catch through anyone else.\"\n\nPeng Chau appears to have had several concerns of this type, though they combined their activities in this direction with general shopkeeping. They dealt in a variety of goods and sold also to land customers, besides acting as middlemen for the fishermen's catch and providing them with all their requirements. The big dealers connected with the Peng Chau fishing fleet at the time of the repair tablet of 1878 appear to have been seven Hong Kong laans mentioned on the tablet. This shows that the number of Peng Chau boats was sufficiently large for outside merchants to do business with them, either directly or through the local smaller dealers.\n\nOne should not, however, take too narrow a view of the fishermen's position vis-à-vis the laan. The same willingness to allow the fishermen goods on credit, and so run up debts and incur obligations which would ensure that they continued to patronise the same shop or laan, was also extended by shopkeepers to the farmers and townspeople. S. Y. Lan op. cit. gives much detail on laans, some of whom were Tankas.\n\n21 For this information see Hong Kong Annual Report for 1899, pp. 14-15, Colonial Reports, Annual, 1899, No. 314 (London, HMSO, 1901).\n\n22 BCL.\n\n23 BCL.\n\n24 Arthur Waley, The Opium War through Chinese Eyes (London, Allen and Unwin, 1958) p. 101. Orme's Report mentions, p. 44, the diversity of the fishing population thus, \"The Hoklos, who are a kind of sea-gypsy, only form a very small section of the land population, some 1500 in all, but much of the fishing is in their hands. Of the junk population, the large majority are Puntis (I assume he means Punti-speaking), and of the remainder some Hakka and some Hoklo.\"\n\n25 Hong Kong Government Gazette, Government Notification No. 557 of 1901.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205121, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 77, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "72\n\nHERBERT FRANKE\n\nNOTES\n\n1 On Europe and Europeans as mentioned in Chinese sources, see H. Franke in Saeculum, Vol. II (1951), pp. 65-75.\n\n2 W. Fuchs, The Mongol Atlas of China by Chu Ssu-pen, Peiping, 1946, Monumenta Serica Monographs, No. 8; J. Needham, Science and Civilization in China, Vol III, pp. 555-556.\n\n3 H. Franke in Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 112 (1962), pp. 228-232 (review of Leonardo Olschki, Marco Polo's Asia).\n\n4 Francis A. Rouleau, \"The Yangchow Latin Tombstone as a Landmark of Medieval Christianity in China\", Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 17 (1954) pp. 346-365.\n\n5 John Foster, \"Crosses from the Walls of Zaitun\", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1954, pp. 1-25. (pl. XII).\n\n6 Saeculum, Vol. II (1951), p. 74-75.\n\n7 J. Needham, op. cit., Vol. III, pp. 167-382.\n\n8 See for example, H. Franke, Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte Chinas unter der Mongolenherrschaft, Wiesbaden 1956, p. 34 (Nestorian surgeon).\n\n9 J. Needham, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 381, note (c).\n\n10 A. C. Moule, \"The Siege of Saianfu and the Murder of Achmach Bailo\", Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 58 (1927), pp. 1-28; Vol. 59 (1928), pp. 256-257.\n\n11 J. Needham, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 141.\n\n12 Yüan-shih ed. K'ai-ming, ch. 190, p. 6565, II/III. For the Ho-fang t'ung-i see Ts'ung-shu chi-ch'eng, Vol. 1486.\n\n13 A. C. Moule, op. cit.\n\n14 R. Loewenthal, \"The Nomenclature of Jews in China\", Monumenta Serica, Vol. XII (1947), p. 113.\n\n15 H. G. Farmer, \"Reciprocal Influences in Music 'twixt the Far and Middle East\", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1934, pp. 327-342.\n\n16 Ch'ing-lou chi, ed. Ts'ung-shu chi-ch'eng, Vol. 2734, p. 9.\n\n17 H. Franke, \"Der kluge Richter\", in Asiatische Studien, 1950, pp. 55-59.\n\n18 Renate Noethen, Das Sha-kou ch'üan-fu, München, 1961 (Diss.).\n\n19 L. C. Goodrich, \"Westerners and Central Asians in Yuan China\", Oriente Poliano, Rome, 1957, pp. 1-21; \"Western Regions Writers of Chinese Lyrics during the Yuan\", International Conference of Orientalists in Japan, No. VII (1962) pp. 17-21.\n\n20 L. C. Goodrich, Oriente Poliano, p. 15.\n\n21 O. Sirén, Chinese Painting, Vol. IV, New York/London, 1958, pp. 54-59, plates Vol. VI, Nos. 57-60.\n\n22 W. Fuchs, \"Analecta zur mongolischen Übersetzungsliteratur der Yüan-Zeit\", Monumenta Serica, Vol. XI (1946), pp. 34-39; W. Fuchs und A. Mostaert, \"Ein Ming-Druck einer chinesisch-mongolischen Ausgabe des Hsiao-ching\", ibid., Vol. IV (1939/40), pp. 325-329.\n\n23 E. Haenisch, Mongolica der Berliner Turfan-Sammlung, II, Berlin 1959.\n\n24 A. Mostaert and F. W. Cleaves, Les lettres de 1289 et 1305 des ilkhan Argun et Öljeitü à Philippe le Bel, Cambridge, Mass. 1962.\n\n25 M. S. Ipsiroğlu, Saray-Alben, Wiesbaden, 1964, pl. XLIV, No. 64.\n\n26 J. Needham, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 217-219.\n\n27 H. Franke, \"Some Sinological Remarks on Rashid ad-Din's History of China\", Oriens, Vol. 4, (1951), pp. 21-26.\n\n28 W. Franke, \"Zur Frage der Mongolen in China nach dem Sturz der Yüan-Dynastie\", Oriens Extremus, Vol. 9 (1962), pp. 57-68.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205140, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM\n\n91\n\nAustrian, the women outnumbering men by about two to one. After he had given them a few months' training at his small temple in Shanghai, he looked about for a monastery that would ordain them. Arrangements were finally made at Ch'i-hsia Shan near Nanking, which agreed to hold a special ordination for their benefit in the autumn of 1933. About 140 Chinese were ordained at the same time. The ceremony lasted over forty days. It was not an \"easy\" ordination, such as those given to foreigners in Taiwan during the 1960's. Aided by an interpreter, Chao-k'ung's disciples went through most of the same training exercises as their fellow ordinees. The retired abbot of Chin Shan, Ch'ing-ch'üan, came to preside. Members of the diplomatic corps attended. \"Tens of thousands\" of lay visitors watched the rites, and many newspapers in Nanking and Shanghai published accounts of it.\n\nDespite this auspicious beginning Chao-k'ung never seemed to be able to shake off misfortune. Two of his disciples committed suicide, one died, others he expelled. Although three of them eventually returned to Europe and worked intermittently as Buddhist missionaries, they did not bring back more Europeans to be ordained, as many Chinese monks had hoped. Nonetheless the latter still speak of Chao-k'ung with affection and pride. For all his checkered career (of which they are largely ignorant) it was he who at the end of a century of Christian privilege had enabled them to turn the tables on the missionaries.\n\nRelations with Chinese Overseas\n\nThe overseas Chinese tended to be more conservative than their cousins at home. They did not face the task of modernizing China. The anti-religious movements that swept the mainland during the 1920's found few echoes in Singapore and Penang. Also, their roots lay not in the official classes, which had a commitment to Confucianism, but among the poor and uneducated. For both reasons they were more religiously inclined. In fact, except for food, clothing, and shelter, they spent more of their income on religion than on anything else.47 This was not only because of their religious inclinations, but also because of their cultural pride, which was all the stronger for residence in an alien environment. As some overseas Chinese families prospered,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205154, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "The Hanlin Academy\n\n105\n\nThe Manchus as alien conquerors were quick to master the Chinese language, but for official purposes, the need of translating Chinese documents into the Manchu language and vice versa was great in the early days. Many Manchu nobles and officials in the provinces knew but little of the Chinese classical language. Many Chinese local officials too had not read the Manchu language and therefore could not understand documents written in Manchu. Both groups certainly required the help of translators. The probationers versed in the two languages therefore filled the administrative gap, so to speak. As time went on, however, the Manchus became more familiar with the Chinese Classics and there was a gradual decline in the number of Hanlin probationers reading the Manchu language.\n\nOne of the best ways for Hanlin probationers to attain administrative knowledge came in an indirect manner. It was the favourable politico-literary atmosphere of the capital that gave opportunities for their acquisition of practical knowledge. In the first place, high dignitaries and prominent men of ability clustered in Peking, so that advisors and teachers were not wanting. Secondly, access to research materials was facilitated by the fine collection of books in government libraries at the capital. Moreover, scholars could purchase books fairly easily in Liu-li street, a place specially designed for selling books which might not be available elsewhere.18\n\nThe very prestige and honour bestowed upon the probationers and even more upon the active Hanlin officials had the effect of strengthening their confidence in the existing government. They were, as it were, the chosen few. They believed with justification that given time and opportunity they would rise high in the bureaucracy. With this assurance of future advancement, it may reasonably be conjectured that the majority of them would be quite eager to learn more about administrative affairs. In this respect, they were greatly assisted by the fact that they could spare the time to do so. After all, they had been holders of the Third Degree before entering the Academy and their literary research certainly left them time to care for other business during the three years.19\n\nThe Hanlins and the Emperor\n\nBesides setting up the Shu-ch'ang kuan and providing a training", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205184, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "134\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\n11 See, for instance, Rev. R. Lechler's article \"The Hakka Chinese\" in the Chinese Recorder for September-October 1878 in which he writes (p. 355), \"Three thousands (sic) of them came to Hong Kong in 1863, having been taken on board by some foreign vessels, which happened to do business with rice etc., in Tai-foo-san. They were kindly taken care of by the English government and the merchants who collected money, and had mat sheds built for the fugitives until they were able to provide for themselves. I was then intrusted with the funds collected and used to buy rice for daily distribution to these wretched people.\"\n\nIt is recorded that 189 families — it is not stated how many were Hakkas and how many Cantonese — came to settle in Hong Kong in 1867. (See the Registrar General's Report in the Government Gazette 14 March 1868). Kowloon seems to have attracted Hakka newcomers from Hong Kong. In his Education Report for 1865 Mr. F. Stewart noted with reference to the Tang Lung Chau district of Hong Kong that \"nearly all the Hakka families that used to live here have removed to the Kowloon side of the harbour\". (See Hong Kong Government Gazette for 24th March 1866).\n\n12 S. Wells Williams The Middle Kingdom, revised edition, London; W. H. Allen & Co., 1883, Vol. 1, p. 486.\n\n13 See D. Maciver in p.v. of the Introduction to his Hakka Dictionary, Shanghai; American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1905.\n\n14 Report of the Proceedings of the Morrison Education Society March 1863 - March 1864, Hong Kong; London Missionary Society Press, 1864, p. 11. I suspect that the 10,000 is an under-estimate of the number of Hakkas living in the San On District at this time.\n\n15 The names may be translated as \"Vantage Point\" and \"Fields of the Ho and Man families\". Ho Man Tin was removed to make way for the Kowloon-Canton railway in 1906 (see Sessional Papers 1907, p. 687) and Mong Kok was submerged by urban Kowloon in the 1920s (see Chapter 5 of The Development of Hong Kong and Kowloon as Told in Maps by T. R. Tregear and L. Berry, Hong Kong, University of Hong Kong Press, 1959).\n\n16 I am indebted to the following persons for information: Mr. NG Kau (b. 1888); Mr. TANG Yuen-li (b. 1897) and Madam SOLI Lin (b. 1888).\n\n17 In 1897 the population of Ho Man Tin was 297 (180 males and 117 females) and of Mong Kok 218 persons (102 males, 116 females). See Hong Kong Government's Sessional Papers for 1897, p. 485.\n\n18 Rev. James Johnston, China & Formosa, The Story of the Mission of the Presbyterian Church of England, London; Hazel, Watson and Viney, 1897, p. 266.\n\n19 In this connection it should be noted that until the census returns of 1897 (see Sessional Papers 1897, p. 485), the population of British Kowloon was given as a whole and not split into individual village populations as was always done for the Hong Kong villages.\n\n20 See Orme, p. 44.\n\n21 \"Live stock paid but badly\" in 1867. See the Registrar-General's report in Hong Kong Government Gazette, 14 March 1868.\n\n22 Then, as twenty years ago, the same. See The Hong Kong Annual Report 1947, Hong Kong, Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., March 1948, p. 50.\n\n23 S. Wells Williams, Vol. I, p. 172. Twenty years later one of the illustrations in Sir Henry Blake and Mortimer Menpes' China, London; A and C Black, 1909, pp. 119-120 shows the vegetable boats arriving from the Kowloon side.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205263, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 25, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "18\n\nPATRICIA MARSHALL\n\nThere is plenty of cover in these places for deer and civet cats. There are also a number of exotic wild birds, that would increase if left unmolested. The Sai Kung peninsula and the area above Plover Cove are also beautiful areas which it is hoped will never be used for building. It is for the people of Hong Kong to act in a responsible manner to themselves and to future generations to ensure that a little of the natural beauty and at least some of the native mammals of Hong Kong are conserved.\n\n1.\n\n2.\n\n3.\n\n4.\n\n5.\n\nREFERENCES\n\nAllen, G. M. (1938) The Mammals of China and Mongolia published by American Museum of Natural History, New York.\n\nBalfour, S. F. (1940-1941) “Hong Kong before the British”, Tien Hsia Vol. XI, No. 4 pp. 330-352 and No. 5 pp. 440-464.\n\nGrant, C. J. (1962) The Soils and Agriculture of Hong Kong. published by the Hong Kong Government Printer, pp 136-138.\n\nHerklots, G. A. C. (1951) The Hong Kong Countryside, printed by the South China Morning Post, Hong Kong.\n\nMarshall P. M. and Phillips, J. G. (1965) \"Plans for Conserving the Wild life of Hong Kong,\" \"Oryx” (Journal of the Fauna Preservation Society) Vol. VIII No. 2 pp 107-112.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205324, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "EXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN HAKKA SOCIETY\n\n79\n\nNG, R.\n\n1965 'Economic Life and the Family', Aspects of Social Organization in the New Territories, (Hong Kong, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch) n.d.\n\nN.T. Report 1900\n\n1900 'Report on the New Territory during the First Year of British Administration', Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hongkong 1900, (Hongkong, Noronha and Co., Government Printers).\n\nN.T. Report 1899-1912\n\n1912 'Report on the New Territories 1899-1912\", Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hongkong 1912, (Hongkong, Noronha and Co., Government Printers).\n\nN.T. Report 1917\n\n1918 'Report on the New Territories for the Year 1917, Administrative Reports for the Year 1917, (Hongkong, Noronha and Co., Government Printers).\n\nPRATT, J.\n\n1960 'Emigration and Unilineal Descent Groups: A Study of Marriage in a Hakka Village in the New Territories, Hong Kong', The Eastern Anthropologists, Vol. xiii,\n\nS., D. W.\n\n1900 European Settlements in the Far East, (London, Sampson, Low and Marston).\n\nSCPH H.K. Chinese\n\n1965 H.K. Chinese in Britain Now Number 35,000, South China Post-Herald, Sept. 12th, Hong Kong.\n\nSIU, P.\n\n1952 'The Sojourner', The American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 58.\n\nSKINNER, G. W.\n\n1964/65 'Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China', The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. xxiv.\n\nTOPLEY, M.\n\n1964 'Capital, Saving and Credit among Indigenous Rice Farmers and Immigrant Vegetable Farmers in Hong Kong's New Territories', Capital, Saving and Credit in Peasant Societies, Studies from Asia, Oceania, the Caribbean, and Middle America, R. Firth and B. S. Yamey, eds, (London, George Allen and Unwin).\n\nTREGEAR, T. R. and L. BERRY\n\n1959 The Development of Hongkong and Kowloon as told in maps, (Hong Kong, University of Hong Kong Press).\n\nVAILLANT, L.\n\n1920 'Contribution à l'étude anthropologique des chinois Hak-ka de la province de Moncay (Tonking)', L'Anthropologie, Vol. 30.\n\nWILLMOTT, W. E.\n\n1964 'Chinese Clan Associations in Vancouver, Man, Vol. lxiv.\n\nYANG, C. K.\n\n1959 A Chinese Village in Early Communist Transition, (Cambridge, Mass, The Technology Press).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205412, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 174, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n167 \n\nlittle farming, as the island has steep and rocky sides and there are only a few places where agriculture may be carried on. \n\nAs in other little towns of this sort whose existence was founded upon the business opportunities created by the presence of a fishing fleet, the population was mixed, consisting of Punti and Hakka people from a number of districts of the Kwangtung province.23 For the most part, it was recruited from among young men from the country districts bearing introductions to fellow clansmen and relatives already working or settled on Ap Lei Chau, or else following them back to Ap Lei Chau when they came on short visits to their native place. For most of its history, men outnumbered women residents. As late as 1911, the relative numbers of males and females, including children, were 1,041 to 396. In 1897, it had been 783 to 340.24 This was because many wives stayed behind in the village and were never taken to Ap Lei Chau. In this respect, Ap Lei Chau was like any other settlement of overseas Chinese living away from their native place and under alien rule. \n\nFollowing a pattern long established elsewhere, the local people established their own \"district associations\" (鄉會) on the island in the 19th century.25 There were three of these organisations, each under a fong or 'ward' name. Membership of the Fongs was automatically extended to all comers, whether temporary or permanent residents, and irrespective of status. The odd-job coolie and the established merchant were equal members, though having adequate means and more leisure, the latter would, of course, play the more important part in the Fong's affairs: it would, in any case, be expected of him. Only women and children were excluded from membership. \n\nAt a time when the Victorian colonial administration of the Colony saw its main function in the rural areas as keeping the peace, the leaders of the three Fongs, in effect, of the Ap Lei Chau community made themselves generally responsible for local affairs. However, the need to perform special duties was apparently intermittent and spasmodic, and their most regular function was to make adequate arrangements for celebrating the birthdays of the principal gods of the two local temples, Hung Shing, the God of the Southern Sea, and Kuan Yin, the Goddess of Mercy, and the occasion of the Yue Lan Festival (盂蘭節) in the 7th moon. Each Fong took its turn to be entirely responsi-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205578, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "SUN YAT-SEN AND CHINESE HISTORY \n\n115\n\nperiod. This produced for him an identity problem of sorts, and may explain the hiring of the Chinese tutor, but it also produced a rather cosmopolitan man. This familiarity with the real political world made Sun personally aware of China's relative position in the world, as a nation among nations. He was unencumbered by the traditional culturalism that inhibited a clearer-cut and timely appreciation of nationalism on the part of many of his peers. And Sun, as pragmatic revolutionary, early recognized the mobilizing efficacy of nationalism. His problem was that of finding the way of \"turning-on\" the Chinese people by means of it.\n\nYet the \"nationalism\" that Sun articulated is a difficult concept to pin down, as Lyon Sharmon's excellent analysis has shown.14 Min-ts'u, Sun's term for nationalism, means the people's clan. Prior to 1912 it had meant Chinese solidarity against the Manchus, but afterwards was re-interpreted to mean the unity of all races in China, including the Manchus, on an equal basis. Almost until the end of his life this concept of nationalism was interpreted in moderate terms. As late as 1923 it carried two connotations, or aspects. The first was the internal one of unity of races within China; the second, external, aspired for an equal place of respect for China among the nations of the world.\n\nHowever, in 1924 the San Min Chu I lectures muddied the issue considerably. Suddenly, there was evinced in Sun a bitterness against imperialism that was uncharacteristic of the man, but probably explainable in terms of accumulated disappointments at the lack of Western support and, at the same time, of increasing Russian influence. This sudden antipathy toward imperialism was contradictory, incidentally, to Sun's own erstwhile plans to solicit incredibly large amounts of foreign economic assistance for China. Unfortunately too, this final form of nationalism had again a strong racist connotation. Sun expressed in alarmist fashion the fear that the Chinese people, because their population was allegedly static at a time when the West's was increasing, would be absorbed by the racially alien foreigners. Sun made race then, and fear, a part of his nationalism. He also was at pains to demonstrate now how it was that China's nationalistic spirit had declined historically. This he laid directly to the Manchus whose superior techniques of denationalization allegedly robbed China of her \"precious jewel.\"15 This is not exactly persuasive, and one is left to wonder further at his concept of nationalism when he\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205649, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 191, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "186\n\nGILES, Herbert A.\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nChina and the Manchus. Cambridge, University Press, 1912. (Cambridge manuals of science and literature).\n\nGILES, Lionel.\n\nA gallery of Chinese immortals; selected biographies translated from Chinese sources. London, Murray, 1948.\n\nGODMAN, A., ed.\n\nThe attainment and ability of Hong Kong primary IV pupils: a first study. Hong Kong, University Press, 1964.\n\nGOODRICH, L. Carrington.\n\nA short history of the Chinese people. 2nd ed. London, Allen & Unwin, 1957 reprinted 1962.\n\nGRAHAM, Dorothy.\n\nThrough the moon door: the experiences of an American resident in Peking. New York, Sears, 1926.\n\nGRATTON, Henry Pearson, ed.\n\nAs a Chinaman saw us: passages from his letters to a friend at home. New York, Appleton, 1904 reprinted 1916.\n\nGRAY, Terence James Standus.\n\nAll else is bondage: non-volitional living [by] Wei Wu Wei [pseud.] Hong Kong, University Press, 1964.\n\nGRAY, Terence James Stannus.\n\nOpen secret [by] Wei Wu Wei [pseud.] Hong Kong, University Press, 1965.\n\nGRAY, Terence John Stannus.\n\nThe tenth man: the great joke (which made Lazarus laugh) [by] Wei Wu Wei [pseud.] Hong Kong, University Press, 1966.\n\nGRIFFIS, William Elliot.\n\nChina's story, in myth, legend, art and annals. Boston, Houghton Mifflin, 1901.\n\nGRUNWEDEL, Albert.\n\nMythologie du Buddhisme au Tibet et en Mongolie, basée sur la collection lamaïque du Prince Oukhtomsky. Traduit de l'allemand par Ivan Goldschmidt. Leipzig, Brockhaus, 1900.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205661, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 203, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "198\n\nWILLIAMS, C. A. S.\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nOutlines of Chinese symbolism: an alphabetical compendium of antique legends and beliefs... Peiping, Customs College Press, 1931.\n\nLimited ed. of 250 signed copies.\n\nWINSTEDT, Richard.\n\nThe Malays: a cultural history. Singapore, Kelly & Walsh, 1947.\n\nWOODHEAD, H. G. W.\n\nThe truth about the Chinese Republic. London, Hurst and Blackett, 1925.\n\nWOOLF, Bella Sidney, afterwards Mrs. Lock, afterwards Lady Southorn.\n\nChips of China. Hong Kong, Kelly & Walsh, 1930.\n\nWRIGHT, Arthur F.\n\nBuddhism in Chinese history. Stanford, Calif., Stanford U.P., 1959. (Stanford studies in the civilizations of eastern Asia)\n\nWRIGHT, Leigh R.\n\nHistorical notes on the North Borneo dispute. Ann Arbor, Mich., Association for Asian Studies, 1966.\n\n484.\n\nReprinted from Journal of Asian studies, v. 25, 1966, pp. 471-\n\nWRIGHT, Leigh R.\n\nSarawak's relations with Britain, 1858 to 1870. Kuching, Government Printing Office, 1964.\n\nReprinted from Sarawak Museum, Journal, v. 40, 1964, pp. 628-648.\n\nWRIGHT, Stanley F.\n\nHart and the Chinese customs. Publ. for the Queen's University, Belfast. Belfast, Mullan, 1950.\n\nWU, Chiêng-ên (E)\n\nMonkey; tr. from the Chinese by Arthur Waley. London, Allen & Unwin, 1942 reprinted 1945.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206005, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "80\n\nA. D. BLUE\n\ndifficult problems to the governments concerned, and cruel, drastic, but ineffectual attempts were made to halt immigration. The massacres of thousands of Chinese in the Philippines in 1603, 1639, and again after the British occupation of 1763, are the most celebrated of many such occurrences, the last being caused by the Chinese having shown a marked preference for British rather than Spanish rule. In Indonesia the worst massacre took place at Batavia in 1740. Similar pogroms, but on a much smaller scale, continued in the Philippines down to 1820, and post-war Indonesia has shown a disquieting tendency to put the clock back two centuries in their treatment of their Chinese. But although victims of periodic bouts of xenophobia from the local peoples, in most countries of South-east Asia and at most times the Chinese were protected by the colonial governments which recognised the value of Chinese labour for their economies.\n\nBy the early decades of the 19th century the coolie trade between China and South-east Asia had attained substantial proportions -- although still nothing like so great as it was to become later -- and most of the trade was in the hands of Chinese junks of from 300 to 400 tons. Such craft could only sail before the wind and carried crews of up to ninety sailors, enough to man five European ships of the same size. They took anything from twenty to thirty days between south China and the Straits or Bangkok, and the coolies had a very uncomfortable time on the passage. No charts were carried, the only navigational instrument being a very rude compass, and they kept as close to land as possible. In the 1830s up to eighty such junks sailed to Bangkok every year, usually from Swatow, and by the mid 1840s, by which time European steamships were entering the trade, it was estimated that about 15,000 coolies were emigrating to Bangkok every year.\n\nA description of these old trading junks is given in S. Wells Williams, The Middle Kingdom (London, W. H. Allen & Co. revised edition, 1883) vol. 1, p. 753. It shows inter alia that the number of passengers carried on these junks to the Nanyang could be very great. ... \"The cabins look more like niches in a sepulchre than the accommodations for a live passenger. The crew lie upon deck most of the time, and are usually interested in the trade of the vessel or an adventure of their own. The great number of passengers which have been stowed in these vessels entailed a frightful loss of life when they were wrecked. In February, 1822, Capt. Pearl, of the English ship Indiana, coming through Gaspar Straits, fell in with the cargo and crew of a wrecked junk, and saved one hundred and ninety-eight persons (out of one thousand six hundred with whom she had left Amoy).\" Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206018, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "CHINESE EMIGRATION AND THE DECK PASSENGER TRADE 93\n\nislands of Nauru and Ocean Island; and the other is the Pilgrim Trade from Malaya to the Red Sea Port of Jeddah. The passengers in this latter trade are mainly Malays, who travel in near-luxury conditions comparable with European tourist class. Food and accommodation are suited to Moslem tastes and prejudices, an Iman travels on the ship, and there is a mosque provided in the accommodation.\n\nLater Chinese emigration to South-east Asia was largely the result of the economies imposed on the region by the European colonial powers, and the agricultural and industrial development which these powers initiated. On achieving independence at various times after 1945 each country has attempted with varying degrees of success - to weaken the economic and political position of their Chinese populations, and in the early 1960s Indonesia even attempted their repatriation on a substantial scale. It is in this country that the Chinese have been subjected to the harshest and most cruel treatment, with thousands being killed in pogroms reminiscent of the worst years in Indonesia and the Philippines in the earlier period. It may be that the contribution of the overseas Chinese to the economic development of South-east Asia, has in these latter years at least been counter-balanced by the political instability caused by their presence, but for this they are not wholly to blame.\n\nNOTE\n\nAn account of the Ch'ing government's attitude towards the emigration of its subjects is given at pp. 26-29 of Victor Purcell's The Chinese in Southeast Asia (London, Oxford University Press, 2nd edition, 1965).\n\nIn his well-known work, The Middle Kingdom (London, W. H. Allen & Co., revised edition, 1883) vol. 1, pp. 278-9 S. Wells Williams states that \"The obstacles put in the way of emigrating beyond sea, both in law and prejudice, operate to deter respectable persons from leaving their native land. Necessity has made the law a dead letter, and thousands annually leave their homes.\" He then quotes the following striking passage from W. H. Medhurst's China: Its State and Prospects (1838). \"Emigration is going on in spite of restrictions and disabilities, from a country where learning and civilization reign, and where all the dearest interests and prejudices of the emigrants are found, to lands like Burmah, Siam, Cambodia, Tibet, Manchuria, and the Indian Archipelago, where comparative ignorance and barbarity prevail, and where the extremes of a tropical or frozen region are to be exchanged for a mild and temperate climate.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206113, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 193, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "188\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nBut luckily for them and for me, the prophet's prediction proved to be an invention of his own, and nobody was injured but his own reputation.\n\nHong Kong, May 1969.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nHEMP\n\nA few years ago, I wrote about itinerant Hakka craftsmen who came regularly to some of the New Territories villages to weave locally grown hemp-flax into cloth for making clothes (see the 1968 Journal, pp. 162-165). In the course of reading and making further enquiries, more information has become available that may interest readers of my earlier note on this now relatively obscure subject.\n\nA few words of background may serve to show that the disappearance of this crop and this craft from Hong Kong in comparatively recent times signals the end of a practice that must have been followed from time immemorial in this region and elsewhere. Hemp constituted the main source of textiles in China until the introduction of cotton from the tenth or eleventh centuries A.D. According to M. Loewe's Everyday Life in Early Imperial China (London, B.T. Batsford, Ltd., 1968), the planting of hemp for the coarse raiment in which most of the population was clothed was already one of the farmer's main occupations in the Han time (202 B.C.-A.D. 200) along with another prime necessity, grain for food. Fragments of a short text on husbandry ascribed to Ts'ui Shih (c. 100-170) set out a yearly programme of activities for the farmer and his household and include instructions on the cultivation and use of hemp. Unfortunately, however, despite the use of hemp clothing by the bulk of the Han population, it is of silk fabrics that most is known today. By the late Sung period in the mid-13th century, ordinary people still wore clothes made of hempen cloth since cotton, too, was a luxury, though its use had begun to spread (see Jacques Gernet Daily Life in China on the Eve of the Mongol Invasion, 1250-1276 (London, George Allen and Unwin, 1962, p. 130).\n\nThe description of the planting, preparation, and processing of hemp that follows is taken from pp. 205-208 of Samuel...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206114, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 194, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "188\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nBut luckily for them and for me, the prophet's prediction proved to be an invention of his own, and nobody was injured but his own reputation.\n\nHong Kong, May 1969.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nHEMP\n\nA few years ago, I wrote about itinerant Hakka craftsmen who came regularly to some of the New Territories villages to weave locally grown hemp-flax into cloth for making clothes (see the 1968 Journal, pp. 162-165). In the course of reading and making further enquiries, more information has become available that may interest readers of my earlier note on this now relatively obscure subject.\n\nA few words of background may serve to show that the disappearance of this crop and this craft from Hong Kong in comparatively recent times signals the end of a practice that must have been followed from time immemorial in this region and elsewhere. Hemp constituted the main source of textiles in China until the introduction of cotton from the tenth or eleventh centuries A.D. According to M. Loewe's Everyday Life in Early Imperial China (London, B.T. Batsford, Ltd., 1968), the planting of hemp for the coarse raiment in which most of the population was clothed was already one of the farmer's main occupations in the Han time (202 B.C.-A.D. 200) along with another prime necessity, grain for food. Fragments of a short text on husbandry ascribed to Ts'ui Shih (c. 100-170) set out a yearly programme of activities for the farmer and his household and include instructions on the cultivation and use of hemp. Unfortunately, however, despite the use of hemp clothing by the bulk of the Han population, it is of silk fabrics that most is known today. By the late Sung period in the mid-13th century, ordinary people still wore clothes made of hempen cloth since cotton, too, was a luxury, though its use had begun to spread (see Jacques Gernet Daily Life in China on the Eve of the Mongol Invasion, 1250-1276 (London, George Allen and Unwin, 1962, p. 130).\n\nThe description of the planting, preparation, and processing of hemp that follows is taken from pp. 205-208 of Samuel", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206546, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 94, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "88\n\nHENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE\n\nReport of the Commission to inquire into the existence of insanitary properties in the Colony, Hong Kong, Noronha & Co., 1898.\n\n'Report of the Commission to Enquire into the Public Works Department', Hong Kong Sessional Papers, no. 13 of 1902, pp. 125-368,\n\nREVIEWS IN THE JOURNAL OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\n1927, pp. 643-4\n\n1928, pp. 648-9\n\n1929, pp. 197-8\n\n1929, pp. 410-12\n\n1929, p. 944\n\n1930, p. 487\n\n1931, pp. 677-8\n\n1931, pp. 872-3\n\n1932, pp. 672-5\n\n1932, pp. 1025-6\n\n1934, pp. 151-3\n\n1935, pp. 189-90\n\n1935, p. 395-6\n\nHerbert H. Gowen and Josef Washington Hall, An Outline History of China.\n\nLouise Wallace Hackney, Guide-Posts to Chinese Painting.\n\nA.E. Grantham. Hills of Blue. A Picture Roll of Chinese History from Far Beginnings to the Death of Ch'ien Lung, A.D. 1799.\n\nV.A. Riasanovsky, The Modern Civil Law of China (part 1).\n\nRodney Gilbert, The Unequal Treaties: China and the Foreigner.\n\nSir Harold Partlett, A Brief Account of Diplomatic Events in Manchuria.\n\nFr. Schjöth, The Currency of the Far East.\n\nV.A. Riasanovsky, The Modern Civil Law of China (part 2).\n\nG.F. Hudson, Europe and China: A Survey of their Relations from the Earliest Times to 1800.\n\nLeonard Shiblien Hsü, The Political Philosophy of Confucianism.\n\nE.T. Williams, China Yesterday and To-day.\n\nRoswell S. Britton, The Chinese Periodical Press, 1800-1900.\n\nBernard M. Allen, The Rt. Hon. Sir Ernest Satow, G.C.M.G.: A Memoir.\n\n[1930, pp. 217-221 Obituary of Sir E.M. Satow by J.H. Stewart Lockhart]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206597, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "TRADITIONAL CHINESE REGIONAL ARCHITECTURE\n\n139\n\nIn Chekiang there is a peasant home of recent date which has a courtyard leading up to the entrance.15 A visitor, however, must make a few turns before coming opposite the front door. The animal pens, built onto part of the house front, also add a measure of privacy to the living areas. There is another small courtyard which extends into the living quarters. This open area has two inside doors from which one can either go into a living room with a kitchen, or into the bedroom. The outside walls are windowless and have been constructed of pounded or rammed earth. The roof is thatched with bamboo rafters which are supported by timber posts.\n\nAnother house in Chekiang province near the city of Hangchow is more complex, yet extremely compact. The entrance is through a small passageway on one side of which is a garden and on the other a terrace. In the living area, there is a small courtyard. The open space is surrounded on three sides by a low (3') wall which has a wide counter surface which can be used as a work space. Half of the house is two storeys while the rest is only one storey. Upstairs there are high windows on the north side of the house which permit good ventilation. In a space less than five square meters, there are four bedrooms. This family realizes the need to economize their living space in order to maximize the size of their fields and gardens.\n\nThese houses in Chekiang illustrate that although in a tightly compact situation, the Chinese try to have as much privacy and open space as is possible within their homes. They carefully avoid using any more of the scarce arable lands than is absolutely necessary.\n\nFrom the mountainous regions of Chekiang province one travels southward into the provinces of Fukien and Kwangtung and finds the homes of a particular group of people, the Hakka, besides those of other dialect groups. According to the chroniclers, the Hakka or \"guest people\" lived on the Central Plain in modern Honan and Shantung provinces during the Ch'in dynasty (221-206 B.C.) and the period of the Three Kingdoms (220-265 A.D.). During the Tartar invasions of the fourth and ninth centuries, they migrated South to escape alien oppression. During the successive mass migrations of the Chinese people, the Hakka sought refuge in the mountains of South China. The Hakka people are farmers who have been forced to struggle for subsistence on the poor soil of the highlands.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206615, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "H.K.'S CENTRAL MARKET AND THE TARRANT AFFAIR\n\n157\n\npay during his suspension to the date at which his post was abolished, but he could do no more. The injustice was acknowledged but, as the Friend of China put it, it was \"but miserable redress in a pecuniary light.\"32\n\nTarrant's connection with the Central Market ceased on 28 December 1849 when he assigned his quarter share of the profits to Chow Aqui, one of Hong Kong's biggest Chinese businessmen at that time.33 Chow had extensive property interests in the Lower Bazaar area, had run Hong Kong's first theatre and had had the opium monopoly for a few years. Curiously enough, allegations had been made a few years previously that he was able to use Government police officers to protect his monopoly and Caine was inevitably linked with the allegation. The lease of the Market came to an end in 1850, the term being expired but Chow was given a renewal for two years from 10 March 1851 at the same rent and the lease was further renewed on two subsequent occasions.35\n\n16\n\nThis account illustrates two quite diverse matters. First, it shows the extent to which Chinese in Hong Kong adapted themselves to the institutional demands of a British colony. Although the whole system of law was alien to them, the transactions memorialised in the Land Office show the extent to which the possibilities of English Law were utilised to their commercial advantage, even though on some occasions it is difficult to follow at this remove the complexity of their dealings. If they did sometimes find themselves on the losing side in the Supreme Court, there were a significant number of Chinese businessmen in Hong Kong itself whose names recur over the years and who were, presumably, successful. Several have been named in this article but there were perhaps about a dozen or so in this category.* They, in addition to the Europeans, learnt to take advantage of the British system.\n\n37\n\nThis account also touches on the problem of the integrity of the colonial Government of the time. While it is true that the Chinese who came to the island may not have expected what the European would have regarded as an incorrupt government, it is also true that the circumstances of the colony in its early days gave opportunities for corruption which some were not slow to use. Though there was little at this time or later that could definitely be proved against\n\n* On this subject see Rev. Carl T. Smith's article \"The Emergence of a Chinese Elite in Hong Kong\" at pp. 74-115 of the 1971 Journal. (Ed).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206884, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 161, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n155\n\nThis calendar gives the following information for each of the 38 items in the collection, and in the following order:\n\nItem number (the Xerox copies have this no. in red at the top right corner)\n\nDate (for the two undated items, 16 and 17, approximate dates are assigned)\n\nName of vessel and of master if stated (in many cases these have had to be confirmed from other sources)\n\nPorts of origin and delivery\n\nConsignor and consignee\n\nQuantity and nature of goods\n\nRemarks\n\nThe list is followed by an index, showing in one alphabetical sequence the names of vessels, masters, ports, firms and goods, with relevant item numbers. In the list spellings follow the original, but in the index names have been standardized, with any necessary references from variant forms.\n\n1.\n\n1824 Sept. 24 SHERBURNE George White\n\nRiver Hooghly to Canton: Meren & Co. to Chs. Magniac & Co. 577 (or 227?) bales of cotton each 300 lb.\n\n200 bales of cotton each 200 lb.\n\n170 bales of cotton each 150 lb.\n\n2. 1825 April 23\n\nANN William Allen\n\nBombay to Lintin: Cowasjee Byramjee to Sorabjee and Simjee 15 chests of opium\n\n\"The opium is to be transhipped immediately on the Ann's arrival off Lintin . . .”\n\n3. 1827 April 30 MEROPE G. Parkyns\n\nHoogly to Canton: Alexander & Co. to Magniac & Co.\n\n25 chests of Patna opium\n\n25 chests of Benares opium\n\n4.\n\n1827 May 24 CASSADOR\n\nJ.A. da Silva\n\nDamão to Macao: Sr Caramichand Semechand [?] to [?]\n\n51 boxes of Anfião de Malva\n\nIn Portuguese\n\n5.\n\n1828 May 3 DOM MANUEL DE PORTUGAL\n\nJ.M. de Taria\n\nDamão to Macao: Sr Tarachand Motechand [?] to [?]\n\n25 boxes of Anfião de Malva\n\nIn Portuguese", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206889, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "160\n\n38. 1873 June 30\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nCYPHRENES\n\nSamuel Stephen\n\nSan Francisco to Hong Kong: Williams, Blanchard & Co. to Augustine Heard & Co.\n\n12 cases Downers Oil\n\n6 cases whiskey\n\none keg butter\n\none keg pigs feet\n\n4 pkgs herrings\n\none case carriage\n\none case butter\n\n5 kegs pork 5 kegs tongues\n\n5 kegs salmon\n\n10 kits mackerel\n\nINDEX TO MCMULLEN COLLECTION\n\nNames of ships in CAPITALS; names of ship's masters in italics.\n\nThe numbers refer to item numbers in the Calendar.\n\n \n Alexander & Co.\n 3\n \n \n CASSADOR\n 4, 12\n \n \n Allen, W.\n 2\n \n \n Cavanagh, C.\n 24\n \n \n ANN\n 2\n \n \n Clark, J.S.\n 17\n \n \n Anfião de Malva*\n 4, 5, 12\n \n \n Coleman, N.\n 20\n \n \n Arcachande, Caramachande\n 12\n \n \n CONDE DE RIO PARDO\n 11\n \n \n ARIEL\n 13\n \n \n Cotton\n 1, 31\n \n \n Ashburner & Co.\n 21\n \n \n CUMBERLAND\n 7\n \n \n AUBURN\n \n \n \n Beef, Extra mess\n \n \n \n Begodin, A.\n 34, 36\n \n \n Cumsingmoon*\n 13\n \n \n Cutch*\n 6\n \n \n \n 16\n \n \n CYPHRENES\n 38\n \n \n \n 32\n \n \n BENEFACTOR\n 23\n \n \n Damão\n 4, 5, 11, 12\n \n \n Berry, G.\n 23\n \n \n Dibblee & Hyde\n 25\n \n \n Bombay\n 37\n \n \n Dollars, Mexican\n 15, 25\n \n \n see also Hooghly, River\n \n \n \n DOM MANUEL DE PORTUGAL\n 5\n \n \n Boston\n 18\n \n \n Brandy\n 19\n \n \n Downers oil\n 38\n \n \n Bread\n 24\n \n \n Dundas, A. D.\n 21\n \n \n Budroodeen (Abadeen) & Co.\n 37\n \n \n Dunham, W. C.\n 16, 27, 28, 35\n \n \n Bull, Purdon & Co.\n \n \n \n Burt, J.\n 32\n \n \n \n 13\n \n \n Encarnacão, L. d'\n 11\n \n \n Butter\n 38\n \n \n Everett (T.B.) & Co.\n 18, 19\n \n \n Byramjee, Cowasjee\n 2\n \n \n FALCON\n 9\n \n \n Calcutta\n 21\n \n \n Flour\n 24, 27\n \n \n Canton\n 1, 3, 7\n \n \n Foochow\n 24\n \n \n Carriage (presumably horsedrawn)\n 38\n \n \n Fungus FUSI-YAMA\n 33\n \n \n \n 21\n \n\n*See notes at end of index", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206896, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 173, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n167\n\nBy way of comparison, the tour also visited Ayuthia and saw the gigantic Buddha at Wat Phanan Cheong, by the river, and the ruins of Wat Yai Chai Mongkon, Wat Phra Sri Samphet, and Wat Phra Ram. The magnificent Wat Na Pramane in its peaceful country setting, with its elaborate carved pediment (the only one to survive the holocaust of the Burmese attack in 1767), its fine ceiling and remarkable bronze Buddha in kingly attire of the Ayuthia period in the main bot and the no less striking stone Dvaravati Buddha seated in the European fashion with its characteristically placid Mon face left a deep impression,\n\nBefore leaving Bangkok a visit was made to three representative temples of the Ratanakosin period, Wat Suthat, with its wealth of Chinese statuary and carved and gilded doors said to be the work of Rama II (the vihara was unfortunately closed and its murals could not be seen). However at Wat Borworniwes the unusual murals depicting scenes of western eighteenth century palaces introducing alien perspective were noted; the bot also contains the revered statue Phra Buddha Chinasara, a good example of Sukhothai statuary. The peaceful temple grounds with their canals full of turtles were in considerable contrast to the roaring city outside the temple walls. The better known Wat Benjamabhopit with its copies of various statues, including that at Pitsanuloke of which the original had been seen, was also visited. Most interestingly perhaps, on the last day the group visited the gold-leaf beaters' lane where for several days layers of gold are pounded by hand to produce the wafer-thin pieces which are applied on statues by the devout.\n\nIt should not be thought that the members of the tour remained aloof to daily life of contemporary Thailand; elements of this were seen at the weekend market at the Pramane Ground, and, in the country, working elephants, the pounding of rice flour in villages and the releasing of birds to gain merit in temple courtyards left their impression.\n\nIn what was effectively four very full days, a great deal was seen and much ground was covered (it took ten hours by bus to reach Pitsanuloke from Bangkok). The pace was intense but rewarding. The tour was considered culturally illuminating, revealing the many facets of the rich artistic heritage of Thailand.\n\nHong Kong, 1973.\n\nMICHAEL SMITHIES", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206900, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 177, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n171\n\nELIZABETH HALSON: PEKING OPERA, A SHORT GUIDE, Hong Kong University Press, London, New York, 1966, HK$20.\n\nI do not think that Elizabeth Halson has a background of sinological studies, but she has the advantage of having spent some time in Peking and she was obviously an avid theatre-goer. Judging from the contents of the book, she must have been there before 1963, as she describes only the traditional style of opera, which was banned in that year and has not been allowed to be performed since, whilst the book itself was published already in 1966. She must have learned Mandarin and spent a lot of time in and around the theatre, collecting material, talking to actors and anybody available who would give answers to her questions on opera. In her book she describes in a comprehensive way what she could grasp in such a short time, which might have been two years. This is naturally far too short a time for a foreigner to penetrate more than the surface of such a complex and abstract art as Peking Opera.\n\nIt seems, too, that she had not many books to rely on, neither Chinese nor European. It is obvious that she did not have the book on Peking Opera by A. C. Scott, The Classical Theatre of China, with which I shall compare it, because she does not use his material as a background, but starts again where he had to start. The difference is that Scott has been in China and Hong Kong for about 8 years, between 1947-1955 and that he has a profound knowledge of the Chinese language, the former society, the realities and the culture in general. Today he is considered an authority on Peking Opera, with many books on this subject to his credit.\n\nScott's book on Peking Opera is the most authoritative work yet to appear in any European language. When I first saw Miss Halson's book, I was not surprised to find the subject treated in the same way as in his book, because as a foreigner you are first led by your eyes, as western ears are mostly very slow to adapt to Chinese language and music.\n\nWhat distinguishes the Peking Opera from other forms is its complicated system of symbols, which are organized in rules for the appearance, movements and voices of the actors and for the sparse stage properties. Opera was the entertainment of the court, and therefore its society is reflected in it, its thinking and behaviour.\n\n* Published by Allen and Unwin, 1957.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206986, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "ADVENTURERS IN HONG KONG \n\n51 \n\nboarded Huck Finn's raft on the Mississippi went by the names of the Duke of Bilgewater (Bridgewater) and the Dauphin. But a title not only helped to disarm potential sceptics but allowed an adventurer to secure credit, often a necessity for the realisation of his schemes. Mayréna, as we have seen, kept himself afloat for some time by the sale of bogus titles, decorations and honours. A title, as it were, gave the claimant a fake persona, a social mask or facade behind which the predator could lurk. In this century, however, a devaluation of titles has taken place coincident with the rise of meritocracy.\n\nPoor communications helped an adventurer of the impostor or swindler type, for if knowledge of his past leaked out too soon, this would undermine any claim to respectability and diminish confidence in his intentions. News flowed more sluggishly in the nineteenth century, though it was a period of great achievements in the development of a network of world-wide communications. In 1853 the P. and O. had established a regular mail service between Hong Kong and Calcutta, thus establishing fortnightly communications with England; in 1863 the French Messageries Maritimes opened a route to the East; telegraph connection with Manila was achieved in 1880, with Canton in 1882. Nevertheless, mail, newspapers, and reading matter of all kinds took time — usually a month — to reach Hong Kong from Europe, even at the end of the century. There was also no Interpol to flash news by telegraph or wireless about international swindlers, pretenders and other social pests. The Hong Kong public had to wait several weeks before Le Courrier d'Haiphong brought news of the accusations Father Guerlach had levelled against Mayréna. It was not until 24 December 1888, six weeks after his arrival in Hong Kong, that the general public acquired some knowledge of Mayréna's chicanery and general untrustworthiness.\n\nIt was not only the pursuit of adventure, of fame or fortune, that drew adventurers to alien shores. Some left their homelands to escape from the cultural constraints and legal bind of their own societies — an escape, as they saw it, into freedom, innocence and, its corollary, libertinage.57 Laurence Hope, the wife of Lieutenant-General M. H. Nicolson of the Bengal Army, in 1902 wrote:\n\nUpon the City Ramparts, lit up by sunset gleam,\n\nThe Blue eyes that conquer, meet the Darker eyes that dream,58", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207069, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "134\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nSung Hok Pang, 'Legends and Stories of the New Territories, Part III, Kam Tin', The Hong Kong Naturalist, in six instalments between December 1935 March 1938.\n\n'Ts' in Fuk (), being an account of how part of the coast of South China was cleared of inhabitants from the first year of Hong Hei (4) 1662 to the 8th year of Hong Hei 1669', The Hong Kong Naturalist, Vol. IX, Nos. 1 and 2, November 1939, pp. 37-42.\n\nSzczesniak, Boleslaw, The Opening of Japan. A Diary of Discovery in the Far East, 1853-1856 (by Rear Admiral George Henry Preble. U.S.N.). Norman, Arizona, University of Oklahoma Press.\n\nTronson, I. M., Personal Narrative.... London, Smith, Elder, 1859.\n\nWaley, Arthur, Yuan Mei, 18th Century Chinese Poet, London, George Allen and Unwin, 1956.\n\nWilliams, S. Wells, A Syllabic Dictionary of the Chinese Language, Shanghai, American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1874.\n\nOFFICIAL REPORTS\n\nAnnual Departmental Reports from 1946 on, published by the Government Printer, Hong Kong. [ADR]\n\nAdministrative Reports, being annual departmental reports, 1909-1940, published by the Government Printer under this head, and bound together in series in the library of the Colonial Secretariat, Hong Kong. [AR]\n\nEarlier annual reports by departments bound into Sessional Papers (Papers presented to the Legislative Council of Hong Kong), printed in Hong Kong by the Government Printer and available in the library of the Colonial Secretariat, Hong Kong. [SP]\n\nAnnual Colony Reports from 1946 on, published in Hong Kong by the Government Printer, [CR]\n\nHong Kong Hansard. The proceedings of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong were published in yearly volumes under this title from the early 1890s on, by a number of publishers, and the Government Printer after the Pacific War. [Hansard]\n\nIn Chinese\n\nChang lineage of Pui O, South Lantao, Hong Kong ********* * Family Record A. Copied in manuscript in the 1930s from an earlier version.\n\nChang lineage of Pui O, South Lantao, Hong Kong **4❀❀**❀ **, Family Record (not identical with the above as it came from another branch of the family) ✯✯✯✯. In manuscript. Last compiled in 1927.\n\nChin Wen-mo (preface) #. Gazetteer of the Hsin-an District ### 13 chuan, revised edition, 1688. [HNHC 1688]\n\nChou K'uang B, Ch'eng Yeh-chung and others. Summary of historical researches on Kwangtung ★★***. 46 chuan, 1894. [KTKKCY]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207267, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 35, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "A HONG KONG SPIRIT-MEDIUM TEMPLE\n\n27\n\n11 Jordan, op. cit., pp. 67-86.\n\n12 For a discussion of \"fairy bones\" see Potter, op. cit., pp. 225-226.\n\n13 For an English translation of the Monkey legend, see Wu, 1942.\n\n14 MacGowan, 1889.\n\n15 It is important that the medium performs this particular act of self-mutilation from time to time because the blood from his tongue is used to make \"powerful\" amulets known as ling chue ✯✯.\n\n16 Lewis, 1971.\n\n17 Feuchtwang, 1974.\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\nAhern, E. The Cult of The Dead in a Chinese Village, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1973.\n\nDoolittle, J. The Social Life of The Chinese, 2 vols., orig. Harper & Row, New York, 1865 (Reprint Ch'eng Wen, Taipei, 1966).\n\nElliott, A. J. Chinese Spirit-Medium Cults in Singapore, London School of Economics and Political Science Monographs on Social Anthropology No. 14, Athlone Press, London, 1955.\n\nFeuchtwang, S. \"City Temples in Taipei under Three Regimes\", in M. Elvin and G. W. Skinner eds., The Chinese City Between Two Worlds, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1974, pp. 264-302.\n\nJordan, D. Gods, Ghosts, and Ancestors, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1972.\n\nMacGowan, J. Christ or Confucius, Which?: The Story of The Amoy Mission, London Missionary Society, 1889, London (Reprint Ch'eng Wen, Taipei, 1971).\n\nPotter, J. \"Cantonese Shamanism\", in A. Wolf ed., Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1974, pp. 207-232.\n\nWu, Ch'eng-en. Monkey (Translated by Arthur Waley), Allen & Unwin, London, 1942.\n\nADDENDUM\n\nA run of annual mimeographed Chinese texts on spirit mediumship, covering the years 1933-1942 and produced in or for Hong Kong, was discovered by the Hon. Editor of this Journal in a second-hand bookshop recently and is now held by the Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207270, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "30 \n\nWELLINGTON K. K. CHAN \n\nhostel was rebuilt. But up to 1805, one recurrent regulation specifically prohibited merchants from making use of its rooming and other facilities. It remained an exclusive clubhouse for the scholars and officials of Hsi-hsien. By 1814, this rule was apparently less strictly enforced, for the regulations re-issued in that year complained that the rule had been relaxed. The regulations reprinted in 1830 omitted this prohibition entirely.4 \n\nOutside of Peking, especially in the commercially active lower Yangtze Valley and in the Southwest, merchant sojourners borrowed the same institutional format. By the sixteenth century, they launched their own Landsmannschaften. The facilities of these merchant-run organisations were, however, opened to travelling officials and students who had come from their home areas. \n\n5 \n\nThis less exclusive type of hui-kuan allowed merchants from the different trades as well as officials to meet and share organisational duties among themselves. To take a hypothetical case, a tea merchant, a silk merchant and an expectant prefect became friends through common membership in the Kwangtung Landsmannschaft in Soochow. They had all come from the Canton area. The two merchants had done business in Soochow for a number of years and had become prominent in that city. As for the official, he had been assigned to the Kiangsu governor's private staff in Soochow while awaiting his next official assignment. Since his posting might never come, he prolonged his stay indefinitely. As established sojourners in Soochow, they sat on the same committee of the Kwangtung Landsmannschaft which provided local social services. \n\nSocial services and works of philanthropy blended in easily with an organisation like the Landsmannschaft which had begun as a mutual aid society for the protection of its own members of the various classes. They ranged from eminent officials and wealthy merchants to paupers who for one reason or another had become stranded in alien places. They quickly acquired the experience and the organisational know-how to provide relief and other social services, and ultimately extended them to the rest of the local communities. \n\nOur hypothetical silk and tea merchants could also become go-betweens when differences arose between members of their respective local trade guilds. By this means, merchants from different", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207274, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "34 \n\nWELLINGTON K. K. CHAN \n\ncharitable halls were not merely institutions in which merchants participated; they were merchant institutions initiated and dominated by merchants. In Canton, Governor-general Chang Jen-chün once observed that charitable halls were particularly numerous in Kwangtung because there were a large number of rich merchants.24 \n\nSeveral factors contributed to these developments. The first was a change in the composition of the merchant class by 1900. By turning themselves into entrepreneurs, a number of officials and gentry members had joined the merchant class. Men like Yen Hou-hsin and Chou Chin-piao who came from official backgrounds took the lead in the formation of the Shanghai Commercial Consultative Association and later the Shanghai Chamber of Commerce. The founders of Ai-yü shan-t’ang in Canton probably had official backgrounds as well. Two had taotai rank and the house they bought had belonged to their friend, an official salt merchant who had gone bankrupt. \n\nA second factor was these merchant founders' conscious borrowing from the West. It is not enough to argue that they started charitable halls because as a group they commanded great wealth. For then the question arises: Why had the rich salt merchants or the cotton merchants not done the same before? Insofar as the merchants who sponsored charitable halls came from the treaty port areas, it seems that these merchants had been influenced by the work of the Christian missionaries. In one case, an orphanage was founded in Shanghai in 1892 by merchants and the district magistrate after there were reports of alleged cruelty to orphans in the missionary orphanage.22 Indeed, Po Leung Kuk's emphasis on tracking down kidnappers was in response to complaints of a similar sort, while Tung Wah Hospital's emphasis on healing and hospital care paralleled the activities of missionaries like Peter Parker in Canton. This in no way means that works of philanthropy were alien to the Chinese merchant's ethos. The merchant's traditional justification for acquiring wealth was in order to benefit the rest of society. What was new was not the attitude, but the organisational mechanism they now employed to further their ends. \n\nA third factor was the local officials' increasing reliance upon the leaders of the trade and handicraft guilds from the 1860's. They were asked to help conduct tax farming, and to organise contributions in money and labour towards the reconstruction of public", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207355, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 123, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT\n\n115\n\nBarbarians in the Chinese service were usually expected to exhibit signs of cultural transformation. This might involve adopting a Chinese lifestyle (language, clothing, food, transportation, and residence), assuming a Chinese name, marrying a Chinese, enrolling on the Chinese tax registers, and so forth. Such behavior was evidence that the foreigner truly admired Chinese customs (Hua-feng) and had accepted Chinese ways.12 As important, however, and more difficult to discern, were indications that the barbarian had embraced Chinese values. In the words of the Tang scholar Ch'en Yen: \"Some people are born in barbarian lands but their actions are in harmony with rites [li] and right behavior [i]. In that case, they are barbarian in appearance, but Chinese at heart.\" According to Ch'en, the employment of such individuals was extremely beneficial to China, for it inspired other barbarians to \"turn toward Chinese civilization [hsiang-hua].\"\n\nThroughout the imperial era, Chinese policy toward barbarian employees in the interior, like Chinese foreign policy, varied according to China's strategic and administrative needs, the perception of an alien threat, the attitudes and activities of the barbarians themselves, and, of course, the whim of the emperor. The Chinese were not overly concerned with the gap between theory and practice, and some, such as the Ch'ing scholar Chao I, argued in fact that the practice of \"true principle\" (i-li) in foreign affairs necessarily involved adjustments. \"The teachings of true principle,\" he wrote, \"cannot always be reconciled with the circumstances of the times. If one cannot entirely maintain the demands of true principle, then true principle must be adjusted to the circumstance of the time, and only then do we have the practice of true principle.\"14 Ou-yang Hsiu is reported to have suggested that even when Chinese government was \"good,\" barbarians would not necessarily submit, while on the other hand, bad government might not prevent them from surrendering.\n\nAs might be expected, the Chinese historical record abounds with praise for barbarians who \"admired right behavior and turned toward Chinese civilization\" (mu-i hsiang-hua).16 Such conduct accorded with China's self-image of cultural and moral superiority. But all of China's barbarian employees did not serve the Middle Kingdom solely out of admiration. Some individuals were drawn by the prospect of financial or other material rewards. Others submitted with large bodies of troops after defeat in battle or the...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207357, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 125, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT\n\n117\n\nobvious and absolute.22 The greater the stake a barbarian had in the order he was defending, the more likely he was to serve China faithfully. Thus, financial attractions, marriage and other personal ties, and bureaucratic checks, worked together to assure barbarian fidelity.\n\nLike Chinese rebels who had been induced by the dynasty to repent of and abandon their rebellious ways, barbarian employees who had “returned to loyalty\" might be honored with rank and title, and brought within the Chinese social and institutional framework.23 But their devotion was never beyond question. Regardless of how close a foreigner might approximate the Chinese cultural ideal, or how long his family boasted residence on Chinese soil, his barbarian origins were seldom forgotten; and if he caused trouble, or proved unfaithful, the problem was usually attributed to his barbarian-ness.24 Nonetheless, the use of foreigners in military positions remained a persistent feature of Chinese administration for well over two thousand years. The nature and extent of this barbarian service may be suggested by a few examples taken from various periods in China's pre-imperial and imperial past.\n\nChina's Early Use of Foreign Employees\n\nWith the rapid expansion of the Chinese cultural sphere during the latter half of the Eastern Chou, the employment of aliens by the various contending states became a common phenomenon although one not without its opponents in this period of continual conflict and intrigue. During Li Ssu's tenure as \"alien minister” (k'o-ch'ing) of the Ch'in, members of the royal house and other dignitaries, fearful that men from foreign states had come to sow dissension, requested that there be a complete expulsion of aliens. Li Ssu, himself from the state of Ch'u, argued persuasively against such a course, citing earlier examples of Ch'in's beneficial employment of foreigners: \"Of old, when Duke Mu was seeking for officials, he procured Yu Yü from the Jung [barbarians] in the west, and obtained Po-li Hsi from Yüan in the east. He welcomed Chien Shu from Sung, and sought P'ei Pao and Kung-sun Chih from Chin. These five men had not been reared in Ch'in; yet Duke Mu, by using them, united twenty [sic] states, and so became Lord Protector over the Western Jung.\"25 Yu Yü's case is especially worthy of note, not only because he was largely responsible for the defeat of the barbarous Jung, but also because he himself had originally", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207358, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "118\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\nbeen a Jung envoy sent to observe Duke Mu's sagacious administration before taking service with Ch'in. Over two thousand years after Li Ssu outlined Yu Yü's achievements in a successful bid to forestall the expulsion of aliens from Ch'in, the Chinese still pointed to the former Jung subject as an example of China's profitable employment of foreigners who had “devoted [their] loyalty” (hsiao-chung) to the Middle Kingdom.26\n\nMuch of traditional practice regarding the employment of barbarians, like much of traditional Chinese foreign policy generally, derived from experience in the Han. From the time of Wu-ti on, phrases such as “using barbarians to attack barbarians” and “using barbarians to check barbarians” had become part and parcel of Chinese policy toward foreign tribes. Alliances were often formed with outsiders through marriage, and the use of native chieftains to govern border barbarians became an accepted practice—in time institutionalized as the fu-ssu system. Yu Ying-shih's masterful study of Han foreign relations is particularly useful in identifying these and other early forms of \"barbarian management.\"27\n\nFor much of the Han period, and especially during the reign of Wu-ti, open enmity existed between China and the fierce Hsiung-nu. Yet even so, the Chinese made abundant use of these dangerous but militarily useful barbarians, establishing an often-invoked precedent. Not only were surrendered Hsiung-nu soldiers incorporated into Chinese forces as cavalrymen, but individual barbarians also found employment in the Han army as officers.28 Those barbarian commanders who submitted to China (k'uan-sai, lit., to \"knock at the frontiers\") together with a large number of barbarian troops were particularly likely to receive substantial military appointments; but individuals with far different backgrounds might also rise to the heights of the Han civil or military bureaucracy on the whim of the emperor. Perhaps the most noteworthy example is Chin Mi-ti, a member of Hsiung-nu royalty who, at the age of fourteen, was captured by the Chinese and enslaved. Eventually, Chin gained Wu-ti's attention, won his confidence and affection, and rose to a high and influential position as a result. He served the emperor faithfully in a variety of important civil and military posts, including General of Chariots and Cavalry (ch'e-ch'i chiang-chün), and although certain members of the court resented his power and prestige because he was an alien, Chin conformed in every way to the dictates of Chinese society. It is not surprising that he married", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207364, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 132, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "124\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\nTo be sure, the Ch'ing dynasty was not blindly anti-foreign, having accepted both Russians and other Europeans (the Dutch) as allies, and having allowed a number of Russians to be \"naturalized\" (kuei-hua) and incorporated into the elite Banner forces.58 But the ever-tightening strait-jacket of neo-Confucian orthodoxy under the Manchus, and the rise of anti-foreign (particularly anti-Christian) propaganda, did not portend a friendly reception for Westerners when they attempted to \"open\" China by force in the nineteenth century.\n\nThe Nineteenth Century Context\n\nBy the mid-nineteenth century, the West had earned China's well-deserved distrust for its aggressiveness and intractability. Pronounced anti-foreignism (championed, ironically, by a scholar of Mongol extraction in the 1860's) blossomed after the Opium War of 1839-1842 and grew apace with further Western economic, military and religious activity in China. During the Opium War, the throne had countenanced, and even encouraged, limited and unobtrusive military assistance from Americans in the time-honored tradition of \"using barbarians against barbarians.\" In the area of Canton, for example, a few individuals \"dressed in Chinese costume\" assisted the Chinese in building fortresses and casting cannon.59 But by the Hsien-feng emperor's reign, China had adopted a belligerent anti-Western stance, and despite the panic precipitated by the Taiping outbreak in 1850-1851, the throne seemed totally indisposed to accept any kind of foreign assistance against the rebels. The situation did not change appreciably until 1860, when the British and French occupied Peking in an attempt to enforce the provisions of the Treaty of Tientsin (1858).60\n\nAfter the signing of the Peking Conventions in late 1860, which ushered in a new period of \"cooperation\" between China and the foreign powers, Western barbarians began playing a prominent role in Chinese military affairs. A number of diverse individuals became involved: Foreign military men and diplomatic officials, customs personnel, swashbuckling adventurers, and even missionaries.61 On the whole, the participation of these individuals fell within the bounds of China's long tradition of \"borrowing talent from foreign lands\" (chieh-ts'ai i-ti).62 But unlike alien employees in earlier periods of Chinese history, Westerners in the nineteenth century were a new breed of barbarian, confident of their own cultural and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207533, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 301, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n293 \n\nThe former had been purchased in 1859 at a Government Land Sale by an Austrian, Gustav Overbeck (later Baron von Overbeck), a partner in the firm of Dent and Co. In the following year, Lot 607 was granted by Government to the Berlin Women's Society as a site for their foundling hospital. The trustees were Overbeck and the Rev. Johann Ludwig Ladendorff. \n\nNew trustees were named in 1869, and of these, three were German merchants; Berthold Friedrich Johann Schwarzkopf, founder of the firm of Blackhead and Co., Friedrich August Julius Menke, of William Pustau and Co., and Gustav Overbeck. The other trustee was Ladendorff's successor as Superintendent of the Foundling Hospital, Rev. Ernest Klitzke. \n\nIn 1892, Lot 624 was purchased by the Government. The remaining lot was registered in the name of the Director in Hong Kong of the Berlin Ladies Mission for China, incorporated by Ordinance No. 12 of 1889. At the time of the First World War, the property was administered as alien property. Finally, in 1925, it was surrendered to Government. \n\nAs residents of an English colony with a predominant Chinese population, those for whom English or Chinese is not a first language tend to organize groups where they can use their mother tongue. A German Club was organized in Hong Kong in 1859, and by 1867 a recognized German church congregation was meeting regularly. \n\nGerman church services had been held previous to 1867, however. A report of the Berlin Society concerning its activities in 1858 mentions the baptism of a certain Lydia (Wei-mong) “at a German service at Victoria”. The Day Book of the Rev. Rudolph Lechler, of the Basel Missionary Society, notes on May 19, 1861, attendance at a German service on Morrison Hill, where the premises of the Berlin Society were located before they occupied \"Bethesda\" in July, 1861. Another Basel Society missionary, the Rev. Philip Winnes, in 1858 reported, \"I preached to the German sailors, for there are always ships arriving from Hamburg and Bremen. Also this year a poor German established a German Inn for sailors, where always a few people are staying until they can find employment. In this inn, I preached until the sailors had had enough, and that they had quite soon.” (Heidenbote, March, 1858, p. 15).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207648, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "STUDY OF MODERNIZATION IN CHINA & JAPAN\n\n21\n\nvernment was, in Perkins' words, \"an almost unbelievably weak [financial] instrument.\"\n\nEven if the Ch'ing government had been moved to undertake more fundamental military reform, China's transition to modernity would have been painful; but without such reform, it was virtually impossible.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Paul Cohen, Between Tradition and Modernity: Wang Tao and Reform in Late Ch'ing China (Cambridge, Mass., 1974), 4.\n\n2 Ibid.; see also 148-149.\n\n3 Thomas Kennedy, \"Self-Strengthening: An Analysis Based on Some Recent Writings,” Ching-shih wen-t'i, 3.1 (November, 1974), 27.\n\n4 Cohen, 149.\n\n5 Quoted in S. Y. Teng and John K. Fairbank, eds., China's Response to the West: A Documentary Survey 1839-1923 (New York, 1966), 109.\n\n6 See, for example, William Lockwood, \"Japan's Response to the West: The Contrast With China,\" World Politics, 9.1 (October, 1956); Marion Levy, \"Contrasting Factors in the Modernization of China and Japan,\" Economic Development and Cultural Change, 2 (October, 1953); Marion Levy, \"Some Structural Problems of Modernization and High Modernization: China and Japan,\" Proceedings of the Symposium on Economic and Social Problems of the Far East (1962); Allan Cole, \"Contrasting Modernization in China and Japan,\" Ch'ung-chi hsieh-pao, 4.2 (May, 1965); E.O. Reischauer, “Modernization in Nineteenth-Century China and Japan,\" Japan Quarterly, 10.3 (July-September, 1963), etc. A partial exception is the fine article by John K. Fairbank, et al., entitled \"The Influence of Modern Western Science and Technology on Japan and China,\" Explorations in Entrepreneurial History, 7 (1954).\n\n7 Two of the most obvious advantages were, of course, Japan's greater and more immediate awareness of the Western military challenge (a product of geography and historical timing), and the military orientation and ethos (bushido) of the Japanese elite, as compared to the civil orientation and ethos (wen-te) of the Chinese elite. Other factors were also important, including the absence of opium smoking among Japanese officers and the rank and file, which again contrasts so markedly with the case in China. See Jonathan Spence, \"Opium Smoking in Ch'ing China,\" in Frederic Wakeman, Jr., and Carolyn Grant, eds., Conflict and Control in Late Imperial China (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London, 1975).\n\n8 See Fairbank, et al., \"The Influence,\" 192-194, esp. 193.\n\n9 Ernst Presseisen, Before Aggression: Europeans Prepare the Japanese Army (Tucson, 1955), 139.\n\n10 See Richard J. Smith, Ward, Gordon and the Ever-Victorious Army: Foreign Assistance and Military Modernization in Nineteenth Century China (manuscript).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207782, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 170, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "A ROAD TRANSPORT SYSTEM IN WEST CHINA 1942-46 155\n\n5 The instinct of many drivers of liquid fuel trucks, when faced with poor performance or failure to start, was to pull the carburettor to pieces. This formed the refrain to a Ballade of multiple authorship:\n\n++\n\nPrince, the dammed truck has stopped again,\n\nThe crew resume the old vendetta\n\nCrouching low upon the wing,\n\nWith pliers on the carburettor\n\nREFERENCES\n\n1. Davies T. The Friends Ambulance Unit. Allen and Unwin, London 1947 for the Council of the Friends Ambulance Unit.\n\n2. Clarke, G. S. \"The Use of Gas as a Fuel for Motor Vehicles\". Institution of Automobile Engineers, November, 1939.\n\n3. Goldman and Clarke Jones. \"The Modern Gas Producer\". Institute of Fuel, December 1938.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207826, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 214, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963\n\n199\n\ndeeper inroads into rural society than the undermining of the scholarly elite. The Chinese legal system had assumed (more: it had required and been adapted to ensuring) that people would try to look to the settlement of their own differences and stay away as much as possible from the yamen as a court of law. The system of political control was loose and a large measure of autonomy, by default of efficiency if not by design, was accorded to local communities. The early British Administration was thin on the ground by comparison with what has been seen in very recent years, but by Chinese standards it was intense, and it quickly established for itself a reputation for accessibility and quick justice that attracted to it many of the disputes which had earlier been settled, or had lain unsettled, at the local level. Moreover, by preventing some disputes from being literally fought out in traditional feuds (an institution which the Chinese government often thundered against but hardly ever took steps to suppress), the British increased their burden of dispensing justice. (The feud-fights which in recent times have been witnessed in the Yuen Long District—interestingly enough in the area of the fullest development of deep clan organisation—are but shadows of their former selves). It cannot be said that the new Administration succeeded at once in imposing law and order. There was banditry in the early years; some of the village watchtowers were put up after 1899. But, within the limits of poor communications, the new Administrators made a determined effort to eliminate violence from the countryside. Certainly, they brought to their work a conception of positive government quite alien to the ideas informing the system operated by their Chinese predecessors.\n\n16. I cannot in this report document all my historical statements about China and the early New Territories, but in connexion with the previous paragraphs I should like to quote what seems to me to be an important passage in an administrative report written thirteen years after British rule began:\n\nReference should also be made to the waning influence of the village elders throughout the Territories. It was the intention of Sir Henry Blake that, 'existing village organisations should be maintained and utilised', and that the village tribunals should continue to decide local cases. But it soon became clear that the authority of the village elders was of no account, with the stronger authority of the Magistrates so easily accessible, and the idea of local tribunals had perforce to be dropped. Under", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207907, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 295, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "280\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nThe attempt to check emigration once more brings the Committee of Tung Wah prominently and unpleasantly to the fore as busy mischief-mongers. We have, time after time, exposed the pretensions of this body and have endeavoured to impress upon the Government the impolicy of recognizing the members of the Hospital Committee as such in any matters unconnected with the institution. Here we have an irresponsible body arrogating to itself all sorts of functions through the exercise of which it can render itself formidable alike to foreigners and natives. The latter, indeed, are almost completely under its thumb, and few of them would dream of resisting its mandates. If the members of this Committee are allowed much longer to continue their aggressive career, no merchant, foreign or native, will be safe from interference. It is high time steps were taken to crush the pretensions of that Committee, and we trust the Governor will adopt decisive measures in that direction. If his predecessors had uniformly declined to discuss any matters not connected with the Hospital with this meddlesome Committee, the evil would not have grown to its present height.\n\nIt was easy to criticize and fulminate; it was not so easy to formulate the bridge of communication between two alien communities. Successive Governors recognized the Tung Wah Committee for what it was—a body of responsible men who had a financial stake in the welfare of Hong Kong and were the recognized leaders of the Chinese community. Hence, until other bodies were officially created by Government, the Tung Wah was a useful power structure to relate to the Chinese. And in spite of popular criticism, Government's trust in the institution and its Directors was not misplaced.\n\nTung Wah Hospital played a significant part in the history of the changing relationship between the foreign and Chinese community in Hong Kong. Social, political, economic, and ideational factors were all important in this inter-relationship. No adequate study has yet been published of this important aspect of Hong Kong history. In such a study, the Tung Wah Hospital would play a major role.\n\nHong Kong.\n\n2nd October, 1976.\n\nCARL T. SMITH", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208135, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 174, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "158\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nminimum temperatures are appreciably lower than at the Royal Observatory.\n\nDuring the period 31 October—1 November 1975 measurements of some environmental parameters were made in the vicinity of Stop B, and at Shek Kong near the foot of the mountain (altitude about 100 metres); the results may be summarized as follows:\n\n \n \n Shek Kong\n Tai Mo Shan\n \n \n \n Max Min Range\n Max Min Range\n \n \n Temp. 1 m. above surface: °C\n 22.8 11.9 10.9\n 27.7 11.8 15.9\n33.7 11.5 22.2\n \n \n Temp. at surface: °C\n 27.1 10.8 16.3\n 27.7 11.8 15.9\n33.7 11.5 22.2\n \n \n Rel. humidity 1 m. above surface: %\n 88.5 46.0 42.5\n 92.0 30.4 61.6\n \n \n Rel. humidity at surface: %\n 96.0 34.0 62.0\n 95.8 22.0 73.8\n \n \n Wind speed: metres per sec.\n 3.2 0.5 2.7\n 5.2 0.1 5.1\n \n\nIn addition, at 1 metre above ground level a temperature equal to or above 20 °C was maintained for 4 hours out of 24 at Tai Mo Shan compared with 8 hours out of 24 at Shek Kong.\n\nIn summary, the weather conditions on the upper slopes of Tai Mo Shan differ markedly from those close to sea level. The rainfall is much higher. The temperatures (both maximum and minimum) are lower than at Shek Kong, but the diurnal and annual range is narrower; occasionally temperatures below freezing point are recorded at Tai Mo Shan. The diurnal range of relative humidity is also narrower. However, the windspeed is higher at Tai Mo Shan and winds are more sustained on the day of measurement there was a comparatively light wind.\n\nGeology and Soils:\n\nAccording to the older accounts, the mountain is composed of a rock named Tai Mo Shan porphyry (Davis, 1952). A porphyry is an igneous rock which has solidified from the molten mass at moderate depth and rate so that the crystals composing it are of medium size (about 1.5 mm diameter). However, the most recent treatment of the geology of Hong Kong (Allen and Stephens, 1971) states that the mountain is made up entirely of volcanic rocks, i.e.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208143, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 182, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "166\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nThese two examples may serve to emphasize the importance of extending provisions for countryside management throughout rural Hong Kong.\n\nLITERATURE CITED\n\nAllen, P. M. and E. A. Stephens, 1971. Report on the geological survey of Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Government Printer.\n\nDavis, S. G., 1952. The geology of Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Government Printer.\n\nGrant, C. J., 1960. The soils and agriculture of Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Government Printer.\n\nHong Kong Government, 1968. Land utilization in Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Government Printer.\n\nThrower, L. B. (Edit). 1975. The vegetation of Hong Kong structure and change. Proceedings of a Week-end Symposium of the Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch.\n\nCAPTIONS TO PLATES\n\n(repeated here for readers' convenience)\n\nPlate 1. Rhodomyrtus tomentosa (✯✯✯(RA))\n\nA-Flower (diameter ca 4.0 cm).\n\nB-Ripe fruit (length ca 1.5 cm.), the sweet contents of which is squeezed out and eaten. The short hairs which give the name \"tomentosa\" can be seen clearly on the fruits and lower surfaces of the leaves.\n\nPlate 2. Two plants of the scrubland\n\nA-Gordonia axillaris (*)-a member of the tea family, which grows in sites that have long been protected from fire. (diameter of flower up to 7.5 cm.)\n\nB-Dendrotrophe frutescens (syn. Henslowia frutescens) (##) a member of the sandalwood family which parasitizes the roots of other plants. The leaves and stems are yellowish-green.\n\nPlate 3. Cassytha filiformis (A)—a parasite of the aerial parts of scrubland plants.\n\nA-habit of C. filiformis which is here parasitizing R. tomentosa; the flowers and fruits of Cassytha can be seen.\n\nB-enlargement to show haustorial cushions by which the parasite attaches itself to the host.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208180, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 219, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n203\n\nor as it was known prior to 1587, Sham Tin (), was the recognized source of all branches and sub-branches of the Tangs. This clan, which eventually settled and dominated large sections of San On (**) and Tung Kwun () counties of the Canton prefecture, established Kam Tin as the \"administrative center\" of the unofficial government of the Yuen Long Tung(A).\n\n2. To be more precise, Kam Tin can be regarded as the heung ha (F) of the male agnatic descendants of the first, third and fourth fong \"hived off\" the central trunk originating with TANG Hung-yi (**—more below).\n\n3. It is not surprising, then, that the researcher finds himself confronted with a long and rich social history consisting of a corpus of written and oral tales. Nor is it surprising that, in attempting to bring to, or impose on this corpus an “alien” order, the researcher finds himself grappling with a number of theoretical problems which question the very foundations of Chinese anthropology and local history. I will illustrate this last point with an example.\n\n4. The very notion \"clan\" has been, and to a large extent still is, defined with reference to a \"founding ancestor\" (hoi chuk cho (M **)). That is, a clan is treated as a corporate group whose membership is regulated by the fact of agnatic descent from a \"common founding ancestor.\" Maurice Freedman, whose early works tend to confirm this basic assumption, departs from this view in his 1966 volume on lineages entitled Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien and Kwangtung. In this work, he stresses joint ownership of a common estate, rather than “demonstrated descent,” as the defining characteristic of \"higher-order\" lineages, Freedman's new term for the older, more established (hence vague) term “clan”. \"The difference,\" he writes \"between a system of physically dispersed segments of a single corporation and a network of historically—or at any rate genealogically-related but independent lineages turns upon the maintenance of common property and the ritual obligations and privileges entailed in that property.\"* According to Freedman, both corporate lineages and \"non-corporate\" clans exist in China, and demonstrated descent from a single, common founding ancestor is crucial to neither.\n\n5. I might add that this is, at least implicitly, the view adopted by the New Territories Administration (N.T.A.). Clans are defined\n\n* Freedman op cit: 21.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208225, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 264, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "248\n\nLIST OF MEMBERS\n\nORDINARY MEMBERS:\n\n+\n\nAIKEN, Mrs. L. · AKERS-JONES, Hon D., C.M.G., J.P. ALLCOCK, R. C. ALLEN, O. J. R. ANDERSON, J. S. ANGOVE, W. B. ARCHER, Hon. Mrs. S. + - ARSAN, Mrs. K. AU, K. N. ·\n\nRoom 2411, Plaza Hotel, Hong Kong, Island House, Tai Po, N.T. Dept. of Law, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. Flat B2, 29 Severn Road, The Peak, Hong Kong, Diocesan Boys' School, 131 Argyle Street, Kowloon. Cathay Pacific Airways Ltd., Operations Building 4/F, Kai Tak, Kowloon. 41, Stubbs Road, Apt. 21, Hong Kong. 43 Stubbs Road, Flat C-1, 5th Floor, Hong Kong. Grantham College of Education, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon.\n\nBARD, Dr. S. M., O.B.E., J.P. Hong Kong Museum of History, Star House, 4/F, Kowloon, BARR, J. W. E9 Repulse Bay Towers, 119A Repulse Bay Road, Hong Kong. BARRETT, Fr. Cyril S. J. Wah Yan College, Queen's Road East, Hong Kong. BARRETTO, R. O. 1903 Hang Chong Building, Queen's Road C., Hong Kong. BENNETT, Dr. J. R.. Dept. of English, New Asia College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. BERKHOUT, P. The Shell Co. of Hong Kong Ltd., P.O. Box 22, Hong Kong. BERTRAM, J. 601 Swire House, Hong Kong. BIRCH, Dr. A. Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. BLAIKLEY, P. E. - 4 Middleton Towers, 140 Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. BLAKE, Mrs. D. Paul Y Construction Co., Bank of Canton Building 18/F, Hong Kong.\n\nBLOOMFIELD, Miss Frena - 38A, 1/F, Kennedy Road, Hong Kong. BOND, M. W. - BOYLAN, Mrs. C.. BRAGA, P. BRANDON, Miss J. BRIGGS, Hon. Sir Geoffrey, Q.C. BROADBENT, Miss M.\n\n404 La Hacienda, 31 Mount Kellett Road, Hong Kong. Cathay Pacific Airways, P.O. Box 1, Hong Kong. 61A Bisney Road, Pokfulam, Hong Kong. St. Stephen's Girls' School, 2 Lyttelton Road, Hong Kong. Courts of Justice, Hong Kong: Helena May Court, Garden Road, Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208313, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n21\n\nWestern-style weapons, since they lived in designated garrisons that were \"comparatively easy to guard.\" This early attempt to confine knowledge of foreign weapons to Banner forces, although ultimately unsuccessful, is nonetheless suggestive. As alien conquerors, the Manchus remained somewhat paranoid.28\n\nAnother serious problem with foreign-training programs in the 1860's and 70's was that they were not designed specifically as officer-training schools. Although the Tientsin program did train officers for the Peking Field Force and some Green Standard units as well, it trained the rank and file at the same time, in the same basic way. The emphasis was on military drill rather than on modern officer-education, and immediate military needs were always paramount. As long as rebellion raged, there were compelling reasons to continue producing Western-armed, Western-trained Chinese officers and men, despite the many difficulties involved in employing foreigners. But as the internal threat in a given area subsided, so did enthusiasm for reform; and as it did, the foreign-training programs quickly withered away.29 What remained was a certain number of Western-drilled troops and some low-ranking instructors, but very few officers with a real grasp of Western military knowledge. Again, there was little premium on acquiring it.\n\nBy the mid-1870's, the major rebellions in China had been suppressed, lulling the dynasty into a false sense of security. But it was far less Western-style military education and tactics than a new-found acquaintance with Western-style weapons that brought victory to the Ch'ing forces.30 With superior arms, traditional Chinese strategy and tactics usually sufficed against internal rebels, but such techniques were much less effective against rapidly modernizing external enemies.31 After 1875, the rise of foreign aggression on China's land and maritime frontiers complicated the dynasty's military choices, and made recourse to foreign military assistance all the more difficult.32 Yet in the absence of sufficient numbers of qualified Chinese military personnel for Western-style training, reform-minded Chinese officials continued to look to the West for aid.\n\nPerhaps the most prominent and powerful of these officials was Li Hung-chang, who, with substantial foreign assistance dating from the early 1860's, had by the 1870's built his Anhwei Army into the finest military force in the empire. An examination of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208325, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n33\n\nThe major stumbling block to more pervasive reform was simply the lack of sufficient central government incentive to change, and above all, a fear of upsetting vested interests at all levels of the military. Li Hung-chang himself had such fears, but they might easily have been overcome had the throne given wholehearted support to military reform through financial assistance and other forms of official encouragement, including adequate institutional rewards for the acquisition of new military skills.122 It is true, of course, that state revenues were extremely meager, and that Peking's fears over the threat of foreign interference in Chinese military affairs were not wholly unwarranted.123 But it is also evident that the Manchus, as alien rulers, had no desire to establish a systematic, centralized program of modern military education in China-particularly when it became apparent that Western arms and training could not be confined to the traditional Banner and Green Standard forces.\n\nIronically, had the Manchus undertaken meaningful, centralized reform during the late 1860's and early 1870's, when anti-Manchu sentiment was no longer a political problem and imperialist pressure was minimal, the dynasty might have been able to build a Meiji-style system of military education and dispense with foreign instructors by the early-1890's, as did Japan.124 Instead, the Ch'ing government by stages alienated patriotic Chinese and disappointed the foreign powers by its failure to build a modern, Western-style military force capable of doing more than simply keeping a lid on internal rebellion. Most ironic of all, in seeking foreign talent after the Sino-Japanese War, the Chinese turned to the one-time \"dwarf bandits\" of Japan, who now began training large numbers of Chinese soldiers in modern military methods both at home and abroad. This new education, and the nationalism that inspired it, had revolutionary consequences.\n\nNOTES\n\nAbbreviations:\n\nCJCC - Chung-Jih chan-cheng\n\nCWCK - Ch'ou Wu-chuang-kung i-shu\n\nFRUS - Foreign Relations of the United States\n\nIWSM - Ch'ou-pan i-wu shih-mo\n\nLWCK - Li Wen-chung-kung ch'üan-chi\n\nNCH - North-China Herald\n\nYWYT - Yang-wu yün-tung", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208342, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "50\n\nMARGARET N. NG\n\nThis view is probably quite common. People who are alien to a Chinese society in which both li and face prevail usually find it difficult to see any distinction between the two. On the other hand, people who are born into the system find the distinction obvious and so impossible to explain. There is, of course, the fact that the verbal expressions for 'loss of face' and 'loss of li' are not interchangeable, but this has little to do with the real unease felt by the modern native Chinese who finds confusion between the two incredible and irritating. To them, the most fundamental, the 'gut' difference between face and li is that the concern for li is honorable, the concern for face is dishonorable. It is no loss of face to admit to foreigners that the Chinese are preoccupied with li; indeed, it is a source of pride that China is the 'Country of Li and Yi (righteousness)'; it is a loss of face to admit to foreigners that the Chinese are preoccupied with face. Li is obviously Good, and face is obviously Bad.\n\n2\n\nWithout making too much of the verbal difference between face and li, and without attempting to probe into the psychology or sociology of the modern native Chinese, I suggest their 'gut feelings' that li is honorable and face not, be taken into account and explained, if only as illusory or a mistake. On the other hand, the great weakness of simply dismissing the confusion made by Agassi and Jarvie between li and face as an accidental error, excusable in foreigners, is that we thereby lose the opportunity to study a very interesting question, what has face to do with li and the general teachings of Confucius? So far as I know, few people have raised this question, let alone considered answers to it. The theory of Agassi and Jarvie that face is the same as li is the closest to an answer to it, and a very bold one. In my opinion, their mistake is a very interesting one, and needs far more than the obvious to explain it. For, there is a very deep connection between face and li.\n\nFace and Li are Not the Same\n\nThe fact that both Confucianism and face reflect their context of a pride-shame3 society and support it makes it easy to confuse li and face. However, once we understand that shame is not always an external sanction, as is suggested in early anthropological studies, but can be internal, we can see clearly that the two reflect and support different parts of the pride-shame society. To confuse face", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208459, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 183, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\n167\n\nHuc, M.; The Chinese Empire: Forming a Sequel to the Work Entitled \"Recollections of a Journey Through Tartary and Tibet\". 2nd ed., 2 vols.; London, Longman, 1855.\n\nHuc, M.; L'Empire Chinois: Faisant Suite à L'Ouvrage Intitulé \"Souvenirs d'un Voyage dans la Tartarie et le Thibet\". 2nd ed., 2 vols.; Paris, Gaume Frères, 1855.\n\nHummel, Arthur W.; \"The Case Against Force in Chinese Philosophy\" (Chinese Social and Political Science Review, vol. 9, 1925, p. 334-350).\n\nJamieson, G.; Chinese Family and Commercial Law. Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1921.\n\nKulp, Daniel H.; Country Life in South China: The Sociology of Familism. Vol. 1: Phenix Village, Kwantung, China. New York, Columbia, 1925.\n\nLee, Mabel Ping-Hua; The Economic History of China, with Special Reference to Agriculture. New York, Columbia, 1921.\n\nLeong, Y.K., and Tao, L.K.; Village and Town Life in China. London, Allen and Unwin, 1915.\n\nLi, Chi; The Formation of the Chinese People; an Anthropological Inquiry. Cambridge, Harvard, 1928.\n\nMallory, Walter H.; China: Land of Famine. New York, American Geographical Society, 1926. (American Geographical Society, Special Publication no. 6.)\n\nMalone, C.B., and Tayler, J.B.; The Study of Chinese Rural Economy. Peking, China International Famine Relief Commission, Series B, no. 10, 1924. (Reprinted from: Chinese Social and Political Science Review, vol. 7, no. 4, 1923, p. 88-101; and vol. 8, no. 1, 1924, p. 196-226.)\n\nMartin, W.A.P.; \"The Worship of Ancestors a Plea for Toleration\" (Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China. 1890. Shanghai, American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1890. p. 619-631).\n\nMaspero, Henri; La Chine Antique. Paris, Boccard, 1927.\n\nMaspero, Henri; \"La Vie Privée en Chine à l'Epoque des Han.\" (Revue des Arts Asiatiques, vol. 7, 1931-1932, p. 185-201).\n\nMaybon, B.; Essai sur les Associations en Chine. Paris, Plon-Nourrit et Cie, 1925.\n\nMeadows, Thomas T.; Desultory Notes on the Government and People of China. London, Allen, 1847.\n\nMorse, Hosea B.; The Trade and Administration of the Chinese Empire. Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1908.\n\nShryock, John; The Temples of Anking and Their Cults: a Study of Modern Chinese Religion. Paris, Geuthner, 1931.\n\nSmith, Arthur H.; Village Life in China; a Study in Sociology. New York, Revel, 1898.\n\nStaunton, George T. (translator); Ta Tsing Leu Lee, Being the Fundamental Laws, and a Selection from the Supplementary Statutes of the Penal Code of China. London, Cadell and Davies, 1810.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208461, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN China, 1933\n\n169\n\nHsu, Leonard S.; Study of a Typical Chinese Town. Peiping, Leader, 1929.\n\nHsu, Leonard S.; Poverty and Population in China. Rome, Instituto Poligrafico Dello Stato, 1932.\n\nJamieson, George; \"Tenure of Land in China and the Condition of Rural Population\" (Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 23, 1888, p. 59-174).\n\nJernigan, Thomas R.; China in Law and Commerce. New York, Macmillan, 1905.\n\nKiang, Kang-hu; \"The Chinese Family System\" (The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, vol. 152, 1930, p. 39-48).\n\nKou, Ki-young; La Sous Prefecture Chinoise; Etude de son Administration Actuelle, Origine — Organization — Services. Shanghai, Aurore University, 1930.\n\nKuo, Wen-kuen; \"A Critical Exposition of the Essence of Chinese Family Law\" (Chinese Social and Political Science Review, vol. 1, no. 2, 1916, p. 21-36).\n\nLee, F. C. H. and Chin, T.; Village Families in the Vicinity of Peiping. Peiping, China Foundation, Social Research Department (Bull. no. 2) 1929.\n\nLi, Chuan-shih; Central and Local Finance in China. New York, Columbia, 1922.\n\nLiu, D. K. and Chen, Chung-min; \"Statistics of Farm Land in China\" (Chinese Economic Journal, vol. 2, no. 3, 1928, p. 181-213).\n\nMaspero, Henri; \"The Origins of the Chinese Civilizations\" (in Smithsonian Institution. Annual Report for 1927, p. 433-452. (Bishop, Carl W., translator.))\n\nTao, L. K.; \"The Chinese District Magistrate\" (Chinese Social and Political Science Review, vol. 1, no. 1, 1916, p. 56-68; no. 2, 1916, p. 48-61).\n\nTao, L. K.; \"A Chinese Village Community\" (Journal of the Anglo-Chinese Friendship Bureau, vol. 2, no. 3, 1917, p. 25-35).\n\nTawney, R. H.; Land and Labor in China. London, Allen and Unwin, 1932.\n\nWilliams, S. Wells; The Middle Kingdom. Revised ed., 2 vols.; New York, Scribners, 1883.\n\nYen, James Y. C.; The Mass Education Movement in China. Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1925.\n\nYen, Kia-lok; \"The Basis of Democracy in China\" (International Journal of Ethics, vol. 28, 1918, p. 197-219).\n\nA SELECT LIST OF NEW PUBLICATIONS IN CHINESE TEXT ON RURAL GOVERNMENT (關於“村治”之中文新書目錄選)\n\nThis bibliography was drawn up by the National Library of Peiping. In order to get both a smooth and an accurate translation", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208589, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE U.S. AND THE QUESTION OF HONG KONG 1941-45\n\n19\n\nK'ai-shek's Visit to India, February 1942\", The Australian Journal of History and Political Science, XXI, no. 2 (1975), pp. 52-61, in which the American attitude is discussed.\n\n40 Memorandum by Hopkins, 15 March 1943, in FRUS, the British Commonwealth, Eastern Europe, the Far East, 1943, III, p. 17.\n\n41 Sherwood, op. cit., p. 719, and H. C. Allen, Great Britain and the United States (London, 1954), p. 828.\n\n42 For a summary of the allied military situation at the end of 1943, see J. M. Burns, Roosevelt: the Lion and the Fox (New York, 1956), p. 464. **Hornbeck to Ashley Clarke, 16 December 1943(?), in Hornbeck Papers, box 469.\n\n44 Hornbeck's autobiography, op. cit.\n\n46 Hornbeck's memorandum, 15 November, on his conversation with Churchill, Hornbeck Papers, box 468.\n\n10\n\n16 Hornbeck to Hull, 3 January 1944; also see Hornbeck's memorandum, 3 December 1943, Hornbeck Papers, box 181.\n\n47 C. Hull, The Memoirs of Cordell Hull (New York, 1948), II, p. 1599, 4 Hornbeck's autobiography, op. cit., and J. Bishop, FDR's Last Year (New York, 1974), p. 40.\n\n**E. Roosevelt, As He Saw It (New York, 1946), pp. 163-4, 203-4, 249-50; J. T. Flynn, The Roosevelt Myth (New York, 1948), p. 349; Hull, op. cit., II, p. 1596; and T. H. White (ed.), The Stilwell Papers (New York, 1976), p. 252. Stilwell was summoned to the conference to discuss China.\n\n50 See SWNCC III, secret, 17 April 1945, in ABC 014 Japan (13 April 44) see 32, National Archives.\n\n01 See minutes of the meeting in FRUS, The Conferences at Malta and Yalta, 1945 (Washington, 1955), p. 769. Also F. L. Loewenheim (ed.), Roosevelt and Churchill: Their Secret Wartime Correspondence (New York, 1975), p. 656.\n\n52 FRUS, ibid., pp. 664-5, 676.\n\n53\n\n58 Thorne, op. cit., p. 549.\n\n54 Tung, op. cit., p. 61.\n\n55 Bishop, op. cit., p. 95.\n\n56 Division of Public Liaison and Office of Public Information, Department of State, \"Fortnightly Survey of American Opinion on International Affairs\", Survey no. 13, confidential, 18 October, Survey no. 14, confidential, 6 November, and Survey no. 15, confidential, 20 November 1944.\n\n57 Examples of these booklets are: \"The British Commonwealth and Empire\" (May 1944), and \"Britain and Japan\" (June 1944).\n\n**See paragraph six of the Chapter of the Combined Civil Affairs Committee at Washington, FO371/46251.\n\n**SWNCC 111, 17 April 1945, op. cit.\n\nSWNCC 111, 17 April 1945, ibid.\n\n61 SWNCC 111/2, top secret, 14 June 1945, in ABC 014 Japan (13 April 44) see 32.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208593, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE CHINESE MARITIME CUSTOMS REMEMBERED\n\n23\n\nrecalled that while in charge of the Pakhoi Customs (Kwangsi), he was assigned an official residence that spread comfortably over 32 mou of land. Finally, on a light-hearted note, the interviewees readily agreed that those in the Service usually had pretty wives, simply because they could afford to be choosy!\n\nJob security, good pay and other benefits of a Customs career, however, had their demands. Customs officials were expected to meet the high standard of efficiency that had distinguished the Service since its early days. All three had been conscientious workers, we were assured, and one of them stressed that their sense of duty was also strong. He related an incident in which his life was threatened by some local rowdies demanding the release of some confiscated goods. Even at gun-point, he did not give in. In another, during the second Sino-Japanese war, he refused to hand over the Customs buildings in his charge to enemy troops, despite the pleadings of some han-chien (i.e., traitorous Chinese working for the Japanese). His argument then was that unless proper orders were issued and received from his superiors, he would not allow any interference with Customs property.\n\nWhen asked about the integrity of the Service, the interviewees were of the opinion that Customs officials could in general pride themselves on their honesty. A distinction, however, might be drawn between the Indoor and Outdoor staff. The latter were logically susceptible to outside influences as their duties involved actual inspection and appraisal of cargoes, whereas the former as office workers were not exposed to the same degree of corrupt practice.\n\nThe efficiency and integrity of the Chinese Maritime Customs were attributed by the former officials to its foreign style of administration. Of the Inspectors-General under whom they had served, F. Aglen (1911-28) and F. Maze (1929-43) commanded their greatest admiration. Instead of disparaging the foreign Inspectorate as a tool of Western imperialism, as their nationalistic compatriots have, they saw it in a more favorable light. It would in fact be ludicrous to expect that they would have seen it in any other way, having given the prime years of their lives to serving it. This aside, their appraisal was derived also from a close familiarity with its functions and achievements. As one of them put it, the foreign inspectorate “did do good work for China,” and did so, it might be added, during those tumultuous decades to which they themselves still bear personal witness.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208655, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 112, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "The Maryknoll Mission, Hong Kong 1941-46\n\n85\n\nsix rooms with two tiny kitchens and pantries, and two baths. We are quartered as follows: in room 7, Fathers Hessler, Walter, Knotek and Brothers Michael, Lawrence and Anselm; in room 8, Fathers Callan, Reardon, Allie and O'Connor, C. M.; room 9, Fathers Downs, Quinn, V. Walsh, Tackney, Moore, Madison and Brother Thaddeus; room 16, Fathers Troesch, Meyer, Bauer and Brother William. In this room, we had been saving a cot for Father Feeney, but before the Sisters were interned he managed to secure a pass on the plea of being a neutral alien and was later allowed to go to the interior of China.\n\nIn room 17, Fathers Benson, Norris, C. P., and Brothers Cornelius and Anthony; room 18, Fathers Toomey, Keelan, O'Connell, Siebert, Gaiero and McKeirnan. With six and seven in a room, and even with four in the smaller rooms, we are pretty crowded, like bees in a hive. Our tableware consists of a soup plate, a large spoon and a cup. As our cups are breaking one by one, we are falling back on discarded jam tins, with a small wire handle. Our dishes are thus easily washed. We also wash our own clothes, wherever we can, in the kitchen sink or bathtub, or in a pail, of which we have one or two, and hang them out on the verandahs or, in wet weather, in the corridors, all of which gives our apartment the appearance of a New York East Side tenement.\n\n4—Mr. Walsh, a sergeant of the Hong Kong Police, died suddenly today of heart failure. However, Father Toomey was in time to anoint him. Brother Anthony comes down with malaria. Brother is a very big man, and has worked very hard both during hostilities in caring for the sick and wounded at LaSalle College, and in the Camp on manual labor. One small slice of bread today.\n\n5-Mr. Walsh buried this morning after a High Mass of Requiem on the tennis court, at which quite a number of internees, both Catholic and non-Catholic, were present. Interment took place in the old Military Cemetery (within the confines of the Camp) on the hill near the Prison. In this ancient cemetery are the graves of many British and Irish soldiers and their families who died shortly after the founding of Hong Kong either from malaria or from wounds. Now new graves are multiplying, being those of soldiers fallen in this present war, and of internees. Father Quinn starts a class in Spanish. One slice of bread again today.\n\n7-Our Saturday evening songfest was put on tonight by the ...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208803, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 260, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n233\n\nview, states \"this volume will occupy an essential place . . . . in any library claiming to cover the affairs of the Far East in general and those of south-east Asia in particular\". He adds that it is “much more than a tale of crime. It touches unceasingly, and sometimes commandingly, the everyday life's economic activities and official governments of the Chinese population, incidentally throwing sharp lights and shades on the character, social organization, and politics of the Chinese A vivid piece of research not....\n\ndead history + 抒 + + a scrap of\n\nI am not an expert on secret societies, nor have much to offer by way of useful comment on the modern period of the book, but I am most impressed with the account given of Chinese associations in the early period of Chinese immigration and the reaction of the British Colonial authorities to the problems encountered in their train. They were dealing with an enigma and found it difficult to separate the clearly often respectable side of Chinese associations from the secret society or criminal aspect. Where they could be separated (which was not always the case) each type of society had yet come together for mutual self-help. Even the most criminal retained this feature which was so important and continuing a part of the movement. For me, interested in the association side of Chinese life at home and abroad — where, it is necessary to remind oneself, it had initially to operate against a background of all-male life in one or more alien cultures and a different climate — this confusion, the variety across the spectrum and the wealth of material provided in the book are more fascinating than the criminal involvement of certain societies and their leaders at different times.*\n\n* This confusion was noted by others in touch with Chinese in Colonial Society at the time. In this connection, the following extract from a work by an English Presbyterian missionary in Singapore (Archibald Lamont writing under the pseudonym \"John Coming Chinaman\" in Bright Celestials, The Chinaman of Home and Abroad (London, T. Fisher Unwin, 1894)) may be of interest. At pp. 183-184 he relates a conversation by his hero, a Chinese emigrant who is discussing a secret society with his employer, a Dutch planter in the East Indies.\n\n'But although our Society has its dangerous and unworthy subsections and cliques, comprising men who use Society privileges for selfish and criminal ends,' said Tek Chiu, ‘our real aims are the highest and the best. And although there are bad men in our membership, the loyalty that we owe to the Society becomes all the greater. We who are free from crime act as a conscience to the blackguards, who, however bad they may be, will on account of the oath that binds them, do us no wrong. And on the other hand, we may do them much good in dissuading them from evil courses.'", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208991, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 153, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "SOCIAL & CULTURAL HERITAGE IN N.T.\n\n121\n\nfew places in the world where genuine social enquiry is nearly completely free and, second, that, exactly as Dr. Wang Sung-hsing has just told us, the traditional ways of South Chinese rural life have been retained longer here than elsewhere. A simple example about marriage customs will show you what this can mean: In 1950, when I arrived here first, all rural weddings included the bride being carried to her husband's home in a red sedan chair (fa k’iu ##). I well remember the astonishment of a Mainland Chinese anthropologist friend when he saw this \"relic\" of what to him was an ancient, extinct custom of the remote past that he had never seen in his life before, and he had travelled almost all over China.\n\nAn interesting paper could be written about the paradox that the preservation of the traditional has been a direct result of colonialism. It happened in rather similar ways almost everywhere in the rural parts of the British colonial empire (and most parts were rural) but there is no time to discuss it this evening. Suffice it to say here that, contrary to popular opinion today, it was not usually the intention of the British colonial administrators (District Officers and the like) to impose alien ways and force change but to leave well alone (as long as in their eyes it was well) and interfere as little as possible. (The well-known book Myself a Mandarin by Austin Coates, once a District Officer in the New Territories, is a fairly representative account of common grass-roots administrative attitudes.) The result was that at least up to the time of the Second World War British colonialism almost everywhere tended to act in one sense rather like a refrigerator, \"freezing\" the local social and cultural systems at more or less the stage they had been when the British first arrived, and to a surprisingly large extent inhibiting changes that might otherwise have happened.\n\nThat something like this was certainly the case in the New Territories is obvious. Here, though rice is no longer grown, largely traditional villages can still be found, lineage and clan organisation still exists, formal ancestor worship in ancestral halls (ch'i t'ong: **) is still observed, and people still have a strong sense of local as well as cultural identification which is expressed in temple festivals, with Cantonese opera performances and fa p’aau (JE#) and kam chue (✯*), as well as in the continuance of old local rivalries in new political and administrative forms. Here, too, we can still talk with old people who remember the still recent more", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209255, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 158, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "# JUAN YÜAN'S MANAGEMENT OF SINO-BRITISH RELATIONS IN CANTON\n\n## 1817-1826\n\n## WEI PEH T'I\n\nIn November 1817, Juan Yuan (1764-1849) was appointed Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi. He had formerly served as Governor of Chekiang and of Kiangsi. The Governor-General at Canton was the highest Chinese authority dealing with foreign trade and relations in China on a day-to-day basis and on specific issues. During his tenure at Canton, for almost a decade, with the Governor of Kwangtung and the Superintendent of Canton Customs, he handled foreigners in accordance with rules set out under the Canton system.\n\nAt the end of 1817, there were several potentially explosive problems involving Sino-British relations and trade. The failure of the Amherst mission the year before had left certain controversies unresolved. The fact that the five ships carrying the mission to Taku had managed to evade Chinese surveillance after being provisioned, and had surveyed the China coast from Taku to Canton, had left the Chia-ch'ing Emperor and the court more sensitive than ever to the issue of British naval presence in Chinese waters. Jurisdiction over foreign nationals in port was also a source of serious disagreement between the Chinese authorities and foreigners in Canton. The importation of opium and exportation of sycee silver, both prohibited by imperial decree, were to become a major area of controversy in time. Diplomacy as an art of managing foreign relations was outside the Chinese experience. As Westerners at Canton were neither tribute bearers nor alien conquerors, Juan Yüan chose to manage his dealings with foreigners as a matter of security and control.\n\nThe Canton system governed all foreign (except Russian and tributary) trade in China, which had been confined to this port since 1760. Essentially, under this system, foreigners carried on their buying and selling through franchised hong merchants. As time went on, these hong merchants performed an increasing number of functions. By the time Juan Yuan came to Canton, they \"not only settled prices, sold goods, guaranteed duties, restrained the foreigners, negotiated with them, controlled smuggling, and leased the factories to them, they also had to manage all the aspects of a banking business, act as interpreting agencies, ...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209260, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "JUAN YUAN'S MANAGEMENT OF SINO-BRITISH RELATIONS IN CANTON, 1817-1826 149\n\nably developed. Only rarely, if ever, were foreign merchants involved in such a criminal case. Sailors from foreign vessels, both merchant ships and war ships, therefore, were the chief offenders in these instances. \"The most undesirable consequences may result from the rash and improper conduct of seamen\",21 the Chinese Repository was to pronounce more than a decade later. Since the 1810's, there had been a standing order from the British that \"no boat's crew are to stop overnight at Canton\".22 thus cutting down the number of such incidents considerably. A spokesman for the British East India Company at Canton had implied that by bribing Chinese officials at the scene, matters could be silenced at the onset, but, once higher authorities in Canton became aware of the situation, there would be serious consequences, especially when loss of life was involved.23 Perhaps this explains why only a handful of such cases were recorded in history. When a case involving foreigners did occur, the Governor-General, the Governor of Kwangtung, the security merchant, the supercargo (headman) of the particular country whose national had committed the crime, and the Select Committee, as spokesmen for the foreign community, would all become embroiled in the crisis.\n\nBefore the Treaty of Nanking (1842) established the practice of extraterritoriality in China, and in the absence of any consular agreement, the Chinese policy had been that foreigners who committed crimes in China or Chinese waters were to be handed over to Chinese authorities and punished in accordance with the Chinese concept of law and justice. This would have been a universally accepted policy except for the fact that the Chinese concept of justice was quite alien, and therefore, absolutely unacceptable to those of the Anglo-American tradition. The traditional Chinese doctrine of responsibility made the governor-general in the province answerable to the Emperor for all activities, including crimes within his jurisdiction. There was also the doctrine of collective responsibility upon which the pao-chia system was based. If the lawbreaker had managed to evade justice before he could be apprehended, another person of his pao-chia unit could take the punishment in his place. Although it is doubtful that temporary foreign residents in their factories at Canton or on their vessels moored offshore had been incorporated into a pao-chia system of their own, the doctrine of collective responsibility would still apply. On the other hand, in theory at least, in the tradition of Anglo-American law and justice, punishment could be meted out only to the actual offender in person, and only after his guilt had been established by a jury of his peers in open trial at a court of law. These two systems of justice clashed at Canton.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209323, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 226, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "212\n\nLOÈS, Dr. Sabine de\n\nWONG, Mr Kwok Fong\n\nLOSEBY, Miss Patricia\n\nLUK, Mr. George Ping-chuen\n\nWONG, Mr Peng-cheong YEUNG, Mr Walter W.T.\n\nLUM, Miss Ada\n\nMACKENZIE, Mr. John\n\nMACKEOWN, Dr. P.K.\n\nMARDEN, Mrs. J.L.\n\nMCCRARY, Mr. Michael\n\nMCINTYRE, Mr. W.M.\n\nMCKEIRNAN, Rev. Michael\n\nNORONHA, Mr. J.E.\n\nOGDEN, Mr. B.J.N. OU, Miss G.\n\nPAIN, Mr. John H. PICCUS, Mr. R.P. RAE, Mr. John Allan RAWLINSON, Mr. M.C. RAYNER, Dr. Mary RIDE, Lady May RUST, Mr. H.A.\n\nRYDINGS, Mr. H.A., MBE SEED, Mr. Brian SELLETT, Mr. George SERSALE, Miss Shelia M. SHAW, Dr Brian C.\n\nSHAW, Mrs Felicity\n\nSMITH, Rev. Carl. T. SMITH, Mr Leslie C. SPOONER, Mr Michael G. SU, Dr Chung Jen TAN, Mr Khek-seng TANG, Sir Shiu-kin, CBE TANG, Mrs Madeleine THOMAS, Mr Louis F. THOMPSON, Mr. P.J. THROWER, Prof. L.B. THROWER, Dr Stella TON CHEN, Mrs Chp-ching TORRIBLE, Mr Graham R. URE, Mr Gavin M.N, WATSON, Mr K.A.\n\nWAUNG, Mr William Sikying WEINREBE, Mr Harry M. WERLE, Ms Helga WESLEY-SMITH, Dr Peter WILLIAMS, Mr Roger WILLIAMS, Mr Bernard V. WILLIAMS, Mr & Mrs W.D.F. WINKLER, Mrs E.\n\nYOUNG, Miss Pauline\n\nINSTITUTIONAL MEMBER\n\nAGRICULTURE & FISHERIES DEPT. The Director\n\nLOCAL ORDINARY MEMBERS\n\nABBOTT, Mrs Elizabeth Lee\n\nADDIS, Mr Stewart\n\nADDIS, Mrs Diana\n\nAIKEN, Mrs Lorna\n\nAKERS-JONES, Mr D.\n\nALLCOCK, Mr R.C.\n\nARCHER, The Hon. Mrs S.\n\nASHCROFT, Miss Jacqueline P. AUM, Mr K.N.\n\nBARD, Dr S.M.\n\nBARRETTO, Mr Ruy 0.\n\nBATSON, Lt. Col. J.F.S. BEHRENS, Mr Ernst H. BERTRAM, Mr James BIRCH, Dr Alan BLAIKLEY, Mr P.E. BONAVIA, Mrs Judith E. BOWMAN, Mr S.A.W. BOWMAN, Mrs Dorothy BOYLAN, Mrs. Catherine BRAGA, Mr Paul BRAMWELL, Mr Hartley BRANDON, Miss Jacqueline N. BRAUN, Mr Francis BRAY, Miss Jennifer M. BROMFIELD, Mr A.C. BROMFIELD, Mrs Jeanne BROOM, Mr Michael B. BROUWER, Mrs R.P. BROWN, Mr Edward de R. BROWN, Mr Gerald H. BROWN, Dr H.O. BURNS, Dr John P. CAMERON, Mr Nigel\n\nCAMERON, Mrs Susan\n\nCAMPBELL, Mr Mark C.\n\nCANTERS, Mr Rene\n\nCAREY-HUGHES, Dr John\n\nCENTRE OF ASIAN STUDIES", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209462, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "97\n\n* For Fang Han-ch'i, see Note 10. Li Ming-jen\n\n\"I-pa-ssu nien Hsiang-kang pa-kung yün-tung\" (\"The Strike in Hong Kong in 1884), Li-shih yen-chiu (Historical Studies), 1958:3 (March, 1958) 89-90.\n\nLloyd E. Eastman, \"The Kwangtung anti-foreign disturbances during the Sino-French War\", Papers on China, 13 (1959) 1-31,\n\nLewis M. Chere, \"The Hong Kong Riots of October 1884: Evidence for Chinese Nationalism\", JHKBRAS, Vol. 20 (1980), p. 54.\n\n* Chinese Prisoners, Papers respecting the confinement and trial of Chinese prisoners in Hong Kong 1857 (155, Sess. 2) XLIII, Great Britain, Parliamentary Papers (Shannon, Ireland: Irish University Press, 1971) Vol. 24: China, pp. 151-188. For a narration of the event see James Pope-Hennessy, Half Crown Colony: A Hong Kong Note Book (London: Jonathan Cape, 1969), pp. 55-58.\n\nMarsh to Parkes, 4th October, 1884, enclosed in F.O. to C.O., 2nd February, 1885: CO129/224. Marsh to Parkes, 6th October, 1884, Telegram enclosed in F.O. to C.O., 9th December, 1884: CO129/219.\n\nTsungli Yamen to Parkes, 10th October, 1884, enclosed in F.O. to C.O., 13th December, 1884; ibid.\n\n**For Paou-chong, see Ordinance No. 13 of 1844; for Tepo, see Ordinance No. 3 of 1853; for the Registrar-General, see Ordinance No. 7 of 1846. The Registrar-General's duties were redefined by Ordinance No. 6 of 1857, and again by Ordinance No. 8 of 1858.\n\nFor the Chinese elite, see Carl Smith's works cited in Note No. 59. See also his \"An Early Hong Kong Success Story: Wei Akwong, the Beggar Boy\", Chung Chi Bulletin No. 45 (December 1968), pp. 9-14; \"English-educated Chinese Elites in Nineteenth Century Hong Kong\", Symposium Paper, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, (November 1972), pp. 65-96; and H.J. Lethbridge, \"A Chinese Association in Hong Kong: the Tung Wah\", \"The Evolution of a Chinese Voluntary Association in Hong Kong: The Po Leung Kuk\" and \"The District Watch Committee: The Chinese Executive Council of Hong Kong?\" in his Hong Kong: Stability and Change.\n\n**Marianne Bastid, \"The Social Context of Reform” in Paul A. Cohen and John E. Schrecker, ed., Reform in Nineteenth Century China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1976), pp. 117-127; 118.\n\nLi Tak Cheong was a director in 1872, chairman in 1883, and a hip-li in 1873 and 1884. Ho Amei was chairman in 1882 and a hip-li in 1883. Leong On was a founding chairman, and chairman again in 1877 and 1887, and was a hip-li in 1872, 1878 and 1888.\n\n**Ho Kai's father, Ho Fuk Tong and his brother-in-law Wu T'ing-fang were both founding chi-shi.\n\nSee Note No. 34.\n\nMarsh to Derby, 24th March, 1886, Despatch No. 91: CO129/225.\n\n**This refers to a meeting called by Europeans in Hong Kong to discuss the rise of crime which they believed resulted from the leniency of the new Governor Hennessy. Some of the Chinese leaders however supported him and the meeting developed into a confrontation between Europeans and Chinese residents in Hong Kong. See James Pope-Hennessy, Verandah (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd.), pp. 203-205. This was also fully reported in the Daily Press and China Mail throughout October 1878.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209502, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 159, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "What these crude figures estimates 137 suggest is that They are less Chinese are a familiar sight in most British cities. exotic, less strange; as a group, more acculturated, more Westernised. They also symbolise the regeneration of a great nation, reinvigorated China, one of the world's great powers. Chinese behaviour is no longer obscurely difficult to interpret; its motivation understandable.\n\nConclusions 51 The two cases discussed above have, one would think, intrinsic interest for criminologists and criminal lawyers: each is curious, fascinating. When capital punishment was a legal penalty, a verdict of guilt resulted in a mandatory death sentence in most cases (although only some of those convicted finally met the hangman). The last executions in Britain took place on August 13, 1964, when Gwynne Owen Evans and Peter Anthony Allen were hanged, the one at Manchester's Strangeways Gaol, the other at Liverpool's Walton Prison (both were convicted of the same crime).52 In Hong Kong, the last to hang suffered at Stanley Prison on November 16, 1966. Since that date it has become customary in Hong Kong to commute a death sentence into imprisonment for life, despite the fact that the Murder (Abolition of Death Penalty) Act, 1965, has not become law in the Colony. Because murder trials have become less final, less gladiatorial, largely as a result of the amelioration of punishment, public interest in such events appears to have waned (noticeably in Britain),53\n\nThe great era of domestic murder, as public dramaturgy, is over, overwhelmed by other forms of violence, horror, brutality, of which the media provides daily a surfeit for the public.\n\nThis article focuses mostly on problems of cultural understanding and misunderstanding. A younger generation of Englishmen is less likely to be as puzzled by Chinese murder as were Marshall Hall and Travers Humphreys. The change has come about from a number of factors demographic (more Chinese in Britain, many of superior education), cultural (a better understanding of Chinese culture and society, at least among the educated or sophisticated), and political (the vastly improved", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209678, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 335, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n313\n\nhas been discussed a number of times previously by historians of this epoch, notably Louis Allen.\n\nThe strategic importance of the India National Army is intriguing but subject to controversy. Typically, one might say, the Japanese conquerors did not completely trust their protégés; in fact, Bose's recall from Nazi Germany was delayed until 1943, after Fujiwara had been relieved of his command of the Kikan. Moreover, in 1945, the time of settlement for displaced loyalties from the British Raj to Independent India had come in the shape of the famous Red Fort trials at Delhi of some 14,000 of the 19,500 strong members of the National Army. Then, the British were forced to recognize the claims of loyalty to one's country and so these Japanese collaborators were acquitted of charges of mutiny or treason.\n\nFujiwara's own account, then, of this far from clear-cut ideological conflict, conducted partly through the F. Kikan, is a valuable addition to the materials for the discussion of this important topic; even if, as its translator and editor admits, it is subjective and uncritical.\n\n@X\n\nALAN BIRCH\n\n(A Cultural Geography of China) Chen Cheng-siang, Joint Publishing Co. Hong Kong, 1981.\n\nThis is a collection of nine papers by Professor Chen, most published previously, some as early as the 1950's, and an address given by him to introduce his newly completed Historical and Cultural Atlas of China. The book bears a misleading title: X (literal translation: A Cultural Geography of China). Instead of being a comprehensive geographic treatment of China from the cultural perspective, it is rather a selection of loosely connected topics.\n\nThe book opens with a chapter on the migration of the cultural core of China from north to south, which includes disappointingly simplistic statements about the way it has followed the shifting of political and economic centres. Methodologically, Chen employs mainly straightforward cartographic analysis (a total of 18 maps) of the distribution of population, eminent", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209828, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "65\n\nII. A detailed account of the language contact situation in Hong Kong. With the question of 1997 looming very large, changes in the language situation and in attitudes to both English and Chinese are taking place, and this is a rich area for further sociolinguistic research.7\n\nIII. An analysis, with illustrations of the methods of naming new 'things'. The exposure to things Chinese inevitably leads to the need to 'name' things which are Chinese and new and alien to the English-speaking expatriate. Hockett writes of 'need-filling' as one motive for borrowing. The methods are:\n\n(i) The adaptation of an existing English term.\n\nThis appears to be a favoured method when the referent is an object with a discernible physical appearance or a distinctly describable function. English speakers have tended in some instances to extend the semantic range of existing terms in their own language in order to give a name to the newly-introduced object. For example, traditional Chinese in Hong Kong are firm believers in the principles of fung shui, literally 'wind and water', or the proper and propitious placing of objects so as to ensure good fortune. While the term has been borrowed locally as a phonetic loan and fung shui appears in local publications and novels with a Chinese setting, an English term geomancy, borrowed, but not from Chinese, has been modified to refer to this Chinese belief and art. The loose unisex garment worn by the working class, the sam fu has been dubbed pyjamas. The individual pieces which make up a mahjong set being referred to as tiles is another example of adaptation.\n\n(ii) A second method of coping with the need for new 'names' based on the use of native resources is operative among the English-speaking expatriates in Hong Kong. They take the English 'name'", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209839, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "76\n\nconsidered to be 'foreign' when the objects or ideas they refer to are largely restricted to an alien culture. One respondent to our questionnaire has this to say about wok: 'Of course it is a Chinese word. I never use the word because I don't use the thing.' A word like tea is considered to be English partly because its referent has become very much a part of the life of the English-speaking world. Using familiarity with the objects designated by the words as the sole yardstick would exclude thousands upon thousands of words listed in various standard dictionaries from the English word stock, among many other words like fo from 佛, petunse from 白墩子 'China stone', and loquat from 蘆橘. This criterion must therefore be supplemented.\n\nAccording to the Oxford English Dictionary, \"The Vocabulary of widely-diffused and highly-cultivated living language is not a fixed quantity circumscribed by definite limits. So the English Vocabulary contains a nucleus or central mass of many thousands of words whose \"Anglicity\" is unquestioned; some of them only literary, some of them only colloquial, the great majority at once literary and colloquial, they are the common words of the language. But they are linked on every side with other words which are less and less entitled to this appellation, and which pertain ever more and more distinctly to the domain of local dialect, of the slang and cant of \"sets\" and classes, of the peculiar technicalities of trades and professions, of the scientific terminology common to all civilized nations, of the actual languages of other lands and peoples. And there is absolutely no defining line in any direction: the circle of the English language has a well-defined centre but no discernible circumference'. (xxvii) The phrase that is of special interest to us is 'the actual language of other lands and peoples'. Of the words in the English vocabulary some would be, in the words of the O.E.D. 'originally native', and could be traced to 'their earliest English, or earliest Teutonic form', (xxxi) but an English word may also have been ‘adopted from some foreign language, i.e., it is a word once foreign, but now, without or with intentional change of form, used as English'. (xxx)\n\nI have said that the line dividing English words from ‘foreign' words cannot always be sharply drawn. A word may be", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209933, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 192, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "170\n\nGlassburner, Bruce, and James Riedel. 1972. “Government in The Economy of Hong Kong\", Economic Record 48, No. 1: 58-75.\n\nHeilbroner, Robert Louis. 1964. \"The View From The Top: Reflections on a Changing Business Ideology\". In The Business Establishment, ed. by E.F. Cheit, New York, John Wiley and Sons, pp. 1-36.\n\nHirschmeier, Johannes. 1964. The Origins of Entrepreneurship in Meiji Japan. Cambridge, Harvard University Press.\n\nHo, Ping-ti. 1962. The Ladder of Success in Imperial China: Aspects of Social Mobility, 1368-1911. New York and London, Columbia University Press.\n\nHong Kong Cotton Spinners Association. 1973. \"Annual Reports of The General Committee\". Hong Kong, The Association, mimeographed.\n\nKing, Ambrose Y.C., and Davy H.K. Leung, 1975. \"The Chinese Touch in Small Industrial Organization\". Hong Kong, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Social Research Centre, occasional paper.\n\nLevy, Marion J., Jr. 1955. “Contrasting Factors in The Modernization of China and Japan\". In Economic Growth: Brazil, India, Japan, ed. by S. Kuznets, W.E. Moore, and J.J. Spengler, Durham, Duke University Press, pp. 496-536.\n\nMcClelland, David C. 1963. \"Motivational Patterns in Southeast Asia with Special Reference to the Chinese Case\". The Journal of Social Issues 19, No. 1: 6-19.\n\nMannheim, Karl. 1936. Ideology and Utopia. London, Routledge & Kegan Paul.\n\nMarx, Karl, and Friedrich Engels. (1888) 1967. The Communist Manifesto. Harmondsworth, Penguin Books.\n\nMayer, K. 1953. \"Business Enterprise: Traditional Symbol of Opportunity\". British Journal of Sociology 4, No. 2: 160-180.\n\nMiners, Norman, 1981. The Government and Politics of Hong Kong. Hong Kong, Oxford University Press.\n\nNichols, Theo. 1969. Ownership, Control, and Ideology: An Inquiry Into Certain Aspects of Modern Business Ideology. London, George Allen and Unwin.\n\nOksenberg, Michel. 1972. \"Management Practices in The Hong Kong Cotton Spinning and Weaving Industry.\" Paper read at seminar on Modern East Asia, Columbia University.\n\nOlson, Stephen M. 1972. \"The Inculcation of Economic Values in Taipei Business Families\". In Economic Organization in Chinese Society, ed. by William F. Willmott, Stanford, Stanford University Press, pp. 261-296.\n\nOwen, Nicholas C. 1971. \"Economic Policy in Hong Kong\". In Hong Kong: The Industrial Colony, ed. by Keith Hopkins, Hong Kong, Oxford University Press.\n\nPan, F.K. 1974. \"The Simple Truth of Management and Maintenance”, a lecture delivered on 21st June, Hong Kong.\n\nRyan, Edward, 1961. \"The Value System of a Chinese Community in Java\". Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University.\n\nSeider, Maynard S. 1974. \"American Big Business Ideology: A Content Analysis of Executive Speeches\". American Sociological Review 39, No. 6: 802-815.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209948, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 207, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "185\n\nThe quality of its paper suggests a work from the Tibetan or post-Tibetan occupation of Dunhuang. The manuscript comprises: the end of Chapter 25 (columns 1 to 5) on omens drawn from howling dogs; Chapter 26 (columns 6 to 22) which deals mainly with omens drawn from canine excrement and the beginning of Chapter 27 (columns 23 to 27) on sounds produced by the ghosts of dead soldiers.\n\nBut before embarking on a study of the manuscript itself a few words must be said about Chinese divination in general and the restrictions placed on oracular material in Tang and Song times.\n\nAccording to the Tang Code of Law, ownership by private individuals of astronomical charts and instruments, of divination diagrams and oracular works, carried a penalty of two years of corvée1. That local authorities in Dunhuang were conversant with the law is shown by an incomplete copy of the Tanglü Shuyi, in the Pelliot collection, in which both the crime and its punishment are specifically mentioned. But Dunhuang was an outpost in the far Northwest of China and disregard of the law in such a remote place may have been easier than at the capital.\n\nThere may also be another explanation for the fairly large number of astronomical and oracular texts among the Dunhuang manuscripts. From 781 to 848 the city was occupied by the Tibetans and thus not under Chinese jurisdiction. Quite possibly, the ban on private ownership of oracular works, if not actually lifted, was allowed to lapse, which may have encouraged Chinese scribes to increase their output. Divination methods were not only copied from existing Chinese sources; efforts were also made to adapt alien omen lore. Often such efforts were limited to the insertion of cyclical characters into a foreign system but, at times, and for reasons that escape us, totally irrelevant material was also included in these adaptations. The resulting manuscripts, though puzzling, are extremely interesting. Where a number of manuscripts on the same subject have survived it is sometimes possible to trace the source of extraneous material by comparing different versions of the same text. But, as we have seen, there is no other manuscript on dog divination in the Dunhuang", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209951, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 210, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "188\n\nto become restless spirits is well known. Soldiers who died in battle or in remote garrisons obviously belong to this category. Denied a proper funeral and those rites through which families regularly acknowledged their debt to the dead, spirits became restive. But no Chinese source claims that they expressed their grievances through baying dogs and, apt as the metaphor may be, it is probably not Chinese.\n\nThe text goes on to mention the use of branches and charms12 which seems appropriate in this context. Roaming spirits often turned malevolent and the wood of certain trees had long been held to possess apotropaic powers. Even the length of the branches originally had a magical significance but the measurements given here are garbled and meaningless.\n\nThus, short as it is, P.3106, cannot be dismissed, as B. Laufer once said, of another divinatory manuscript, as an “ungrateful and unpleasant subject of research”14. Not only does it reveal new aspects of traditional Chinese lore but it may also serve to illustrate how possibly alien material was adapted and incorporated into Chinese folklore.\n\nN° of\n\nColumn\n\n \n 1.\n 2.\n 3.\n 4.\n \n \n TRANSLATION OF P.3106\n \n \n Omens\n \n \n .. on a well or a stove, there will be a water or fire disaster. If a dog howls or barks it bodes ill for the master of the house,\n ? a trip.\n If a dog howls in a doorway it bodes ill; there will be deaths.\n A dog.\n \n \n +\n disasters.\n If a dog howls on the ceremonial platform it bodes ill for the eldest son.\n A dog howls.\n \n \n +\n .... a room, it bodes ill for women.\n If a dog first howls and then growls, misfortune will inevitably follow.\n If a dog howls at the sky, family ruin will inevitably follow.\n \n \n If a dog howls at the foot of a wall.\n •\n :\n \n \n\nPage 210\n\nPage 211", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210033, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 4, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "THE HONG KONG BRANCH\n\nOF THE\n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\nPatron:\n\nH.E. Sir Edward Youde G.C.M.G., M.B.E., Governor of Hong Kong\n\nThe Council, 1984\n\nPresident:\n\nJ.W. Hayes, M.A., Ph.D., J.P.\n\nVice-Presidents:\n\nCarl T. Smith, B.A., M.DIV.\n\nA.I. Diamond, M.B.E., M.A. (until February 1985) D.A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A., J.P.\n\nHon. Secretary:\n\nR.H. McLean, B.A.\n\nHon. Treasurer:\n\nD.A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A., J.P.\n\nHon. Editors:\n\nP.H. Hase, B.A., Ph.D. David Faure, B.A., Ph.D. (Co-editor)\n\nHon. Librarian:\n\nV.E. Morgan, B.A., A.L.A.\n\nCouncillors:\n\nAllan Birch, M.A., Ph.D., F.R. Hist. Soc. Hugh Gibb, M.A.\n\nMichael W.M. Lau, B.A., Dip.Ed., M.A., Ph.D.\n\nD.H. Liu\n\nO.R. Siddle, O.B.E., B.A., F.R.S.A.\n\nElizabeth Sinn, B.A., M.Phil.\n\niii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210044, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "I do not deny that change is necessary and this may even involve a change in title, but what is in a name? Surely it is the content of what one does which is important, and whether there is a continued need for work in the English language on the Hong Kong region past and present in all its interesting complexity. We can surely expect there to be an ongoing curiosity in the subject among Hong Kong residents. If a name is the only barrier to progress, we could become the Asiatic Society of Hong Kong, and I am sure the mother society would not sever our association for such a trifle.\n\nPerhaps more to the point, we should be considering now whether to move towards a bilingual presentation in our lectures and publications for it is arguable that, through creating a wider potential interest, our membership, and thus the resources of the Society, would broaden and extend so as to enable us to move away from the narrow base of the first twenty-five years.\n\nIn short, we should be assessing our situation and the options open to us, and be taking steps to move in the right direction like other bodies faced with similar problems. In this way, we can look forward more confidently to celebrating our fiftieth anniversary in 2010, which will also be the 163rd anniversary of the founding of the first branch of our Society in Hong Kong, 1847-1859. I have in mind to organize a special seminar over the next few months in which members can take up these matters more fully.\n\nFinally, I have to report some changes in Council personnel. In August 1984, our Assistant Secretary of six years' standing, Mrs. Debbie Hodgkiss, left Hong Kong, and in February 1985, our Vice-President, Mr. Ian Diamond, M.B.E., Government Archivist since 1971, returned to his native Australia on retirement. Both were sorely missed. The Society presented Mr. Diamond with a book token to commemorate his long association with and work for the Society, and I gave farewell lunches for each of them. Mrs. Hodgkiss' successor is Mrs. Anne Porter and Mr. David Gilkes, our treasurer and long-standing Council member, has taken up the second Vice-President post. Another loss was Dr. Allan Birch, Reader in History at the University of Hong Kong who also\n\nXiv\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210045, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 16, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "left Hong Kong on retirement. Allan had served on the Council to our great advantage for many years.\n\nApril, 1985.\n\nXV\n\nJAMES HAYES President", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210205, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 176, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "155\n\nof the policy of suppression which had been adopted in Singapore. He strongly opposed the sending of an investigatory commission from London, which the Colonial Office had been pressing upon him. Peel's views were supported by the Permanent Under-Secretary and officials in London, who advised against any immediate action. A League of Nations commission to enquire into the international traffic in women and children was about to visit the Far East and this gave a good reason for delay, since any sudden change of policy would appear to be either designed to impress the commission or else to be an admission of guilt. Lord Passfield accepted this advice.\n\nFor the next six months the question was allowed to rest. Then in June 1931 Peel again wrote to the Colonial Office, enclosing a long memorandum on the legal position of brothels in Hong Kong written by the Chief Justice, Sir Joseph Kemp. This legal exposition concluded by warning that, though the suppression of all registered brothels might possibly lead to less illicit intercourse, it would probably arouse great resentment if the Chinese brothels patronized by the Chinese were to be suppressed. He continued: ‘I fear the danger of shaking the loyalty of the Chinese community as a whole and their confidence that the government will respect Chinese customs generally. The risk may have to be run, but I think it is a real one. It must be remembered that the Chinese do not view prostitution as we do. They look upon it with a more lenient eye, though excess is reprobated just as excess in other forms of self-indulgence is reprobated. Prostitutes are not social outcasts to the same extent as in 'Western' countries. A prostitute often becomes a highly respectable concubine . . . I realise that this is a very difficult defence to make, especially as the English public do not always realise the delicacy required in ruling an alien civilisation.' Peel offered up a small sacrifice to appease the Secretary of State: he suggested that the seven brothels containing European prostitutes should be closed down. This was not a sign that Peel had been converted to the moralists' point of view; European prostitutes were customarily deported from Hong Kong from time to time, since their presence was considered demeaning to European prestige in the East. This decision to close the brothels employing European, Australian and American women was endorsed by the Executive Council in July 1931.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210439, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "KAU SAI, AN UNFINISHED MANUSCRIPT\n\nBARBARA E. WARD*\n\n27\n\n1. INTRODUCTION\n\nEvery traveller to Hong Kong remembers the junks. They swarm in the harbour: fishermen, cargo boats, pilot craft, countless small passenger sampans, wooden lighters clustering around the ocean-going ships like suckling pigs around their dams, Chinese boats of every shape and size. The men and women aboard them are the Boat People. Traditionally they were born, married, died on their boats. They went ashore permanently only after death, for it is unchancy to be buried at sea. In the British Crown Colony of Hong Kong today they number about 250,000. Their counterparts (perhaps two or three million) are spread all along the Pearl River and its branches, throughout the intricate network of navigable inland waterways in Kwangtung and Kwangsi, and all along the Chinese coast southeast from Fukien.\n\n2\n\n3\n\nWater dwelling is not unusual in China (or Japan, or, indeed, most of South East Asia) but the Boat People of Kwangtung and Kwangsi seem to have acquired a special notoriety from at least the Sung dynasty onwards. Known as Tanka, a name rightly resented by them as a term of derision and disrepute, they have been despised, placed at the bottom of local systems of social stratification, and often referred to as exemplars of loose sexual morality and other un-Chinese characteristics. They are still frequently explained away as being not really Chinese, or even not really human. I have heard well-educated landsmen expatiating upon their non-Han descent, their non-Chinese language, their utterly alien customs (which are often alleged to include matriliny), and the special biological distinction which gives them all six toes on each foot.\n\n* Barbara E. Ward passed away in 1982 before completing this manuscript, obviously an early draft for a full-length book. It is published here by kind permission of her husband, Dr. Stephen Morris, who has also supplied the plates. Miss Ward was, for many years, a member of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210454, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 61, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "TEMPLE \n\nJerry -971\n\nParse W\n\nSKETCH PLAN of ANCHORAGE ~ 1952\n\nSEHER. SMALL LINER N\n\nVISITORS and offers VSTALLY e)\n\nTHIS SIBINCLUDING NO SURNAME MA THEK SHEK NA SHEKSE Suek SË Не Ho SHEK на Lo CHUNGE Lo Cuunta (hawker) CRUNG CHANG SHEK SHEK SHER SHEK MAIN JETTY SHE K SHER\n\nMA Summe MEDIUM LINEA ने other small lines when MA present To \"JUARANTINE\" Lo E MA Но ANCHORAGE CHAN SHEK CHAN LEE CHAN Lef CHING (shop) THER CHANKA)& ALLEN LEG SMALL JETTY\n\nBARBARA E. WARD 42", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210626, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 233, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "214\n\nMuch later in 1958, Foulden learned of the Victoria Cross and the brave deeds of one of its sons, who had been born in a caravan, and who had become legend. However nothing appears to exist in writing in the village, and his name is not on the war memorial. Few people remember him. Nevertheless Mr. B.W. Billman, who was born in 1901 and is the oldest inhabitant, was proud to tell me:\n\n\"Of course I remember him! We sat in the same class. But I did not realise, at the time, he was so 'special'. He was just a quiet, likeable, country boy...\"\n\nWarrant Officer Osborn was officially listed as \"missing\" and there is no known grave.\n\nHis name does, however, appear on the memorial at Sai Wan Bay War Cemetery in Hong Kong. Also, on November 5th, 1981, a statue of a World War I soldier, which had formerly stood in the grounds of Eucliffe Castle, at Repulse Bay, the site of a brutal massacre of British and Canadian soldiers, in World War II, by the Japanese invaders, was unveiled in \"Osborn Barracks\" in Kowloon Tong. These barracks are named after Hong Kong's only recipient of the Victoria Cross.\n\nThe statue was donated by the Eu family, and the plaque, which was unveiled by Mr. Allen Kilpatrick, past Canadian High Commissioner, reads:\n\n\"Erected here in memory of WOII John Robert Osborn VC, Winnipeg Grenadiers, and through him all those men and women, service and civilian, and of every race, colour and creed, whose secret acts of gallantry and self-sacrifice in the defence of Hong Kong, December 1941, went unnoticed and unrecorded\".\n\nOf the Canadians I spoke to in early December 1985, who had returned to the scene of the battle, probably ex-Sergeant Robert (Bob) Manchester remembers Osborn best.\n\n\"He was a determined man and an experienced soldier.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210667, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 18, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "IMMIGRANTS AND SOCIAL ETHOS: HONG KONG IN THE NINETEEN-EIGHTIES\n\nHELEN F. SIU*\n\nIntroduction\n\nSince the early 1980s, terms such as “mainland boy” (大陸仔), “green stamp alien” (綠印客), “Canton Boy” (廣東仔), “Ah Chan” (阿燦), have entered the daily vocabulary of the Hong Kong media.' These terms specifically address Chinese immigrants who came to Hong Kong in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Around 1949, 700,000 refugees fled to Hong Kong from China. Another wave came in the wake of the famine years in the late 1950s. A third group consisted of “sent-down” city youths who escaped the chaos of the Cultural Revolution from 1969 to 1974. The recent wave of immigrants was triggered by liberalization policies in China. In 1977, 31,000 arrived in Hong Kong legally and illegally. In 1978, another 95,000 came. Immigration reached its peak in 1979 when 178,000 crossed the border. Another 91,000 made their way into Hong Kong in 1980, not to count numerous others who would never be found in the crowd. By the time the Hong Kong Government passed emergency bills in 1980 to restrict the inflow of immigrants, one out of twelve Hong Kong residents had settled for fewer than three years. Considering that different waves of immigrants have made up the population of Hong Kong since the 1940s, and that their energies and resources are well recognized, it is intriguing to see recent immigrants being singled out as a distinct social category and heaped upon with negative images. According to a survey conducted by students in the Chinese University of Hong Kong, public sentiments towards recent immigrants were not couched in the most friendly terms. Eighty-five percent\n\n* Associate Professor, Department of Anthropology, Yale University.\n\nAuthor's note:\n\nI wrote this paper under very sad circumstances. Judy Strauch, a fellow student, colleague, friend, had organized a panel for the Regional China Seminar at UC Berkeley in 1985 on refugees in Hong Kong. Due to her untimely death, I was asked to present a paper in her place. I kept the topic Judy had chosen with the hope that this was what she would have liked written.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210668, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 19, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "2\n\nHELEN F. SIU\n\nof those interviewed felt that recent immigrants had slowed the planned delivery of government housing services and caused rent increases; 70 percent felt that recent immigrants competed with them for jobs and lowered wages; 70 percent agreed with the impression that the immigrants were the usual offenders in petty crimes, and 50 percent felt that they were responsible for violent crimes in recent years.\n\nCautioning against blaming the victim, scholars have tried to see if the weight of explanation for such negative public sentiments may be put upon the immigrants themselves.\" A scholar of social work in Hong Kong, Zhou Yongxin, asserts that among the earlier immigrants, 70 percent had some skills in various trades, many had industrial capital, and only 3.8 percent were of rural origin. However, 85 percent of the recent immigrants are between the ages of 15 and 30, predominantly male. Seventy-nine percent are of rural origin. A lack of data on the bulk of illegal immigrants makes it difficult to have a fair evaluation, but the legally settled ones do not give the impression that they are unattached elements floundering in an alien environment. Their sojourn is supported, however reluctantly, by networks of family and friends at the receiving end. Similar to the wave of youths who illegally migrated to Hong Kong during the Cultural Revolution, many have come on their own because they are frustrated with the political vicissitudes and the lack of social mobility in China; some are attracted by the modern materialist glamour suddenly exposed to them through the Hong Kong media. However, given their rural origin, recent immigrants may have less capital and fewer skills than the entrepreneurs from Shanghai or the craftsmen from Guangzhou who had migrated in the 1950s to cope with livelihood in urban Hong Kong. Therefore, compared to previous waves of immigrants, their \"preparedness\" for life in Hong Kong is mixed. The question remains: do they deserve the accusations that the sudden influx of these rural immigrants drastically disturb Hong Kong's social stability and heightens the tensions in an already over-crowded society?\n\nTo evaluate these public sentiments, I think it is important to look more closely at the host community itself. It takes two sides to create problems of adjustment. In fact, the immigrants' predica-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210672, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 23, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "6 \n\nON \n\nHELEN F. SIU \n\nwandering before he connected up with his maternal uncle in Kowloon. He was given the uncle's telephone number, but not knowing that dialing to Kowloon needed an area code, he could not put through the call. He did not dare to ask advice from the shopkeepers who let him use the phone for fear that naive questions would immediately reveal his alien identity. \n\nHis fears were real. Though he was wearing what a Hong Kong youth would normally have, his rural accent and his unfamiliar gestures generated enough suspicious looks from people around him. At the time, the Hong Kong police had set up check points to stop illegal aliens from reaching the city proper. Coupled with police raids in resettlement areas and the constant official warnings to prosecute those who sheltered illegal aliens, the maneuvers created the atmosphere of a state of siege for Liang. \n\nHe was lucky to have the connections of a maternal uncle, who quickly took him in as an apprentice in a Chinese restaurant. A labour certificate came with a legal status, the \"green stamp,\" giving him temporary residence rights in Hong Kong. He felt secure enough to return to his home for a visit in 1982. It was a happy event, but the three years of sojourn left an unspeakable mark on Liang's life. The mark told the story of what it meant to be an immigrant from rural Guangdong to urban Hong Kong at the historical juncture when both societies were suspended in a state of uncertainty. \n\nThe setting for emigration \n\nThe year 1979-80 was disorienting for many youths in rural Guangdong. The Third Plenum of the Party Central Committee in late 1978 gave the go-ahead signal for political and economic reforms. In the commune where Liang was, cadres with due anxiety started to introduce the new production responsibility system. Even before the reforms became official, interest groups had pushed for relaxation in the local economy. The atmosphere triggered unexpected movements in the rural commune. Though the commune was not dismantled at the time, work responsibility was gradually allocated to households. Surplus labour emerged as a problem for the more efficiently managed household economies.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210673, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 24, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "Ignoring the anxiety of rural cadres, gangs of adventurous youths drifted into the county capital to work in the construction and transportation enterprises. Enterprise managers who sensed that they were soon to be responsible for their own profits and losses were quite willing to employ these youths because they were considered physically stronger, more compliant, and cheaper than city workers.\n\nCommune enterprises were swept by the winds of change that affected the entire Pearl River Delta. Revived market orientations caused less efficient small-scale rural enterprises to go under. Young workers who used to be envied for their choiced employment were left to fend for themselves. The commune factory where Liang had worked was facing grave economic troubles. The manager started to lend idle machinery to other enterprises while seeking various kinds of overseas contracts to keep his workers employed. As a model technician and a former Party Youth League member, respected by his peers and groomed by the commune cadres as the factory's future promise, Liang was particularly disturbed by the situation. Though political relaxation meant maneuverability for some, livelihood in general became more insecure.\n\nWith the belief that the government was opening up in earnest, overseas entrepreneurs began to invest in the delta. County officials as well as cadres in Liang's commune were quite eager to seek overseas contracts to counter the negative effect of their declining control in the collective economy. Through the efforts of both sides, the images of Hong Kong and Macao changed from being corrupt capitalist havens to resource centres for China's modernization. Overseas connections were no longer stigmatised but sought after by foreign trade officials.\n\nOne day in 1979, officials in the county capital unexpectedly gave out application forms at street corners; residents in the county who had relatives in Macao were allowed to apply for emigration. A semi-alien world suddenly opened up. Apprehensive but intensely curious, Liang took a form home to his parents. His application for emigration shocked the commune officials and his friends, though they understood why he wanted to leave.\n\nPage 7", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210677, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 28, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "promises of non-interference. On the one hand, he wished that the local elite would put up a fight to maintain some control over Hong Kong's future. On the other hand, he was afraid that their demands might trigger arbitrary responses from Chinese officials, a mode of political behaviour not unknown to him. He felt sympathetic but alien to the language of political mobilization. Hong Kong was but a place for him to find a material future; he had not sunk roots enough to develop an identification with the rhetoric of commitment. After all, with only a temporary residence status, he was not considered by the local population as their ally. In fact, as described earlier, his lot was often singled out as the target for venting out political anxiety and heaped upon with negative images.\n\nHis uncle, who was a long-time resident of Hong Kong, urged him to migrate elsewhere. As a matter of fact, a friend of his uncle who operated a restaurant in New York had agreed to hire him as a cook and to help him obtain permanent residence in the U.S. Liang was torn. If he left then, he would have to give up his qualification for permanent residence. He was also warned of the difficulties of obtaining U.S. immigrant status. The job in New York might reduce him to an illegal alien far away from home. From the experience of fellow emigrants, he knew all too well the agonies of not having a legal status in the modern world. When he crossed from rural Guangdong to Hong Kong in 1979, he faced a social gap much greater than that faced by immigrants who fled China in 1949. While the latter, urban professionals and industrialists, had for a long time considered Hong Kong a temporary residence, Liang intended to stay from the very start of his sojourn. For four years, he had developed technical skills and social networks to help him settle down. Would he be able to start another sojourn farther away from home base where social networks were more intangible and cultural assumptions more alien?\n\nComparisons with other immigrants\n\nCompared with many illegal immigrants who came to Hong Kong from the late 1970s to the early 1980s, Liang had a relatively fortunate story to tell. Many recent immigrants occupied the lowest stratum of the working hierarchy. In a study by a sociologist in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210679, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 30, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "\"Shenggang Qibing” (W) produced in Hong Kong and focused on the mercenaries of the Guangzhou-Hong Kong nexus further stirred the sentiments. Real or fictional, the alien and criminal images of recent immigrants were reinforced in the public mind.\n\nConcluding remarks\n\nThe specific tensions between native Hong Kong residents and recent immigrants can be seen as structurally created in this historical juncture. The dilemma of Liang Daxin serves to illuminate the nature of two societies worlds apart but nevertheless interlocked. To explain the tensions, one may rest the argument precisely on this paradoxical relationship. Recent immigrants have crossed two societies that are socially and economically wide apart and at the same time undergoing drastic changes in political culture and institutions. There are constant redefinition of roles, goals, and rules of behaviour. The gap between the world of rural migrants in Guangdong and urban Hong Kong has its historical roots. Though Hong Kong and Guangdong societies might not have been totally unfamiliar with each other before 1949, three decades of collectivization virtually froze the social horizons of the rural population in the delta and restricted their exposure to modern industrial discipline, an asset Hong Kong has surged ahead with,\n\nEconomic reforms since the late 1970s unleashed the energies of ambitious rural youths who are desperately anxious to give themselves a chance before another political lid is imposed. They come to Hong Kong precisely to look for that opportunity. To them, Hong Kong is not an unfamiliar place. The constant flow of relatives as well as the media communicated that Hong Kong society is basically Cantonese. But the complex nuances of Hong Kong's social ethos have hardly been experienced. Many recent immigrants find the rhythm and texture of social life in Hong Kong perplexing and frustrating — the latter are apparently Chinese but not quite so. Social ethos is constructed by prominent actors in the social and political landscape. I think the rate of transformation in Hong Kong's physical landscape symbolizes the society's floating outlook. Growing up with it, the local population\n\nPage 30\n\nPage 31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210775, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "109\n\nfor the children of mixed marriages for such reasons. Thus the fusion of ethnic identities caused by an official policy of ethnic parsimony has resulted in confusions and uncertainties for members of (self-designated) smaller ethnic groups, and this in turn has resulted in the strengthening of an overall ethnic politicisation and polarisation.\n\nReligiosity\n\nSince 1978 and the ending of the Cultural Revolution there has been a very great revival of religiosity in China indeed (cf. Tapp 1986), and this has particularly affected many of the minority peoples for whom religion has become a means of expressing their newly politicised ethnicity. In the development of the minority nationalities, this has formed a third major theme. While down-playing the importance of neeb (shamanism), in Hmong villages in China, Hmong informants at the same time fervently denied that its origins might have been in Chinese Daoism, emphasising that 'it comes from the spirits of our ancestors'. Not only shamanism but the domestic propitiation of ancestral and household spirits persists in many Hmong villages, in what seems to be in direct proportion to their distance from areas of development. In some underdeveloped areas, however, where local attitudes have not seriously changed since the days of the Cultural Revolution, rituals are still performed secretly and at night for fear of party censure. Other ‘Miao' groups, such as the A Hmo or 'Flowery Miao', have demonstrated an astonishing revival of the Christianity first introduced to them at the turn of the century by a missionary named Samuel Pollard (Tapp 1982, 1985). One of the extraordinary features of this recent revival, which has divided communities of the A Hmo along Christian and non-Christian lines, in many cases involving conversions of the grand-children of original converts whose own children had already surrendered their beliefs in Christianity, and which has parallels in the great interest in Christian theology currently demonstrated among China's youth as a whole, is that for many of the A Hmo Christianity is not felt to be, indeed is denied to be, an alien creed, but rather one which has always been peculiarly their own. This would indeed appear to be in conformity with official Chinese policy on the 'indigenisation' of Christianity! Among the (mostly Tai-Lue) Dai", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210829, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 180, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "163\n\nThe boys were received into the home of Dr. Legge's father in Huntley, Scotland. Here they attended the parish school. While Dr. Legge was going about England and Scotland telling about his work in China, the Rev. Mr. Hill, minister of the chapel at Huntley, superintended the general and religious education of the boys. As sometimes happens to young people who find themselves in an alien culture, they responded to the expectations and subtle pressures of their hosts and were baptised in October 1847.\n\nTheir baptism created great interest in England and Scotland and was widely reported. The fact that the boys were baptised in the same church from which William Milne, the first Principal of the Anglo Chinese College, had gone forth to China, made their baptism seem particularly significant.\n\nA report of the event notes: “A deep hush pervaded the whole of the vast assembly, which the occasion had brought together. Hundreds of eyes glistened. Hundreds of hearts thrilled with emotions of love and praise.\"\n\nNot only did it raise the expectations and vision of England, but it also acted in a similar manner on the boys themselves. Dr. Legge states that \"they were full of schemes for the benefit of their countrymen — thinking and talking of the various ways in which they can render the knowledge they have acquired available to others.\"\n\nNot long after their baptism, Dr. Legge took them on a trip through England preparatory to their return to Hongkong. The trip was intended to increase interest and support for the work in Hongkong.\n\nThe boys made a triumphal tour down from Scotland, thronged Manchester, to London. Everywhere public meetings were held. Crowds thronged to see and hear the young men. With these living examples of the success of his school, Dr. Legge found it easy to raise funds to support a theological class to be opened in connection with his Hongkong school.\n\nMeeting followed meeting, excitement followed excitement, and climax followed climax. Both Dr. Legge and the boys found\n\nPage 180\n\nPage 181", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211062, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 123, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "98\n\nNOTES\n\nResearch for this paper was carried out in Hong Kong in the Spring of 1984. We would like to thank John Dolfin, Director of the Universities Service Centre, for the use of that invaluable facility during our research, and John Ashton of Memorial University for some helpful suggestions. Parts of the paper were included in a presentation at a colloquium of the Sociology Department, Hong Kong University, May, 1984.\n\n1 \"Wong Tai Sin\" is the most common transliteration in Hong Kong of the god's name. The pinyin transliteration is Huang Daxian. Here, the common Hong Kong transliterations are used, except for place-names in China such as Guangzhou (Canton), Guangdong (Kwangtung), and Chejiang.\n\n2 The cases to be described are here termed motifs in the sense used by Allen and Montell (1981:38-9), who note that \"the characteristic feature of these migratory narrative elements is their transferability among stories about different events or persons.\"\n\n3 This is the only Wong Tai Sin temple known to most believers in Hong Kong, and the prominence of the god in Hong Kong has occurred entirely as a result of the success, for various historical reasons, of this one temple. There is also a private Wong Tai Sin temple in Kowloon, as well as a small private shrine in Macau, but they have had no influence on the popularity of the god.\n\nbut\n\nSome temples in Guangzhou were indeed destroyed early in this century by Nationalists rather than by the elements (see for instance Rhoads, 1975:255). Perhaps our informant's account of the destruction of the temple was a tradition dating back to these events.\n\n5 The fact that the icon of the god brought to Hong Kong from Guangdong is a picture rather than a statue suggests, as we argue in another paper (Lang and Ragvald, 1988), that the god was worshipped in Guangdong as the patron god of a family herbal medicine business (see Day, 1969, on these \"paper gods\" and their role in family worship).\n\nThe organization which manages the temple, the Sik Sik Yuen, has published the official history of the temple in commemorative brochures, especially: Sik Sik Yuen, 1971; 1981; 1982,\n\n7 Ogura (1980) argues that the drifted deity tradition evolved from an earlier tradition of belief in periodic visits by gods from their abodes beyond the sea. There is no such tradition in the Hong Kong area.\n\n1 The temple's version of the Taoist hermit's life on earth before he became a god is in the form of a short autobiography, supposedly dictated by the god to a Taoist. It appears on a plaque in the temple, and also in brochures published by the Sik Sik Yuen. It has been discovered by Dr. Shiu-hon Wong of Hong Kong University that this account follows closely a capsule biography of the hermit written in the 4th century A.D. as part of the collection \"Biographies of Immortals\", by Ge Hong. This literary version holds that the Taoist hermit Wong, while herding sheep in Chejiang province, discovered a method of achieving immortality. He also manifested his power by turning a hillside of boulders into sheep. These two achievements figure prominently in the temple's \"autobiography\" of the god.\n\nThe story of a saint whose body remains uncorrupted and even sweet-smelling long after burial is a common motif in Christian legends. Loomis (1948:54) cites about two hundred instances.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211063, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 124, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "99\n\nREFERENCES\n\nAllen, Barbara, and William L. Montell\n\n1981 From Memory to History: Using Oral Sources in Local Historical Research. Nashville: The American Association For State and Local History.\n\nChin, Margaret, et al.\n\n1977 Religion and Organization: A Study of the Temple of Wong Tai Sin. Department of Sociology, Hong Kong University.\n\nDay, Clarence Burton\n\n1969 Chinese Peasant Cults. (2nd edition) Taipei: Ch'eng Wen Publishing Co.\n\nHayes, James\n\n1966 \"Chinese Temples in the Local Setting\". In Some Traditional Chinese Ideas and Conceptions in Hong Kong Social Life Today, pp. 86-95. Hong Kong: The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.\n\nLang, Graeme, and Lars Ragvald\n\n1988 \"Upward Mobility of a Refugee God: Hong Kong's Huang Daxian”. Stockholm Journal of East Asian Studies. vol. 1, 54-87.\n\nLoomis, C. Grant\n\n1948 White Magic: An Introduction to the Folklore of Christian Legend. Cambridge, Mass.: The Mediaeval Academy of America.\n\nOgura, Manabu\n\n1980 Drifted Deities in the Noto Peninsula. In Studies in Japanese Folklore, ed. Richard M. Dorson, pp. 133-44. New York: Arno Press.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211069, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "105\n\nALPHABETICAL LIST OF PERSONS BURIED IN THE PROTESTANT CEMETERY, MAKATI, RIZAL\n\nTO BE TRANSFERRED TO MANILA MEMORIAL PARK\n\n \n Date of death\n Name\n Date of death\n Name\n \n \n 12.6.1944\n AARON, Margaret Tyre\n \n ADAMS, Henry\n \n \n Not known\n AEROBE (baby)\n 26.4.1886\n AHR-LEGER, Suzanne\n \n \n 5.10.1919\n AITKEN, Charles H W\n 2.3.1921\n AITKEN, Mary Louise\n \n \n 29.10.1952\n ALFON, Jose\n 21.4.1919\n ALKAN, Camille\n \n \n 3.10.1915\n ALLEN, George\n 15.4.1906\n ALLINSON, James\n \n \n 20.5.1918\n AMER, Basserody\n 14.11.1904\n AMOLOCHITIS, John\n \n \n 30.6.1962\n ANDERSON, James\n 20.11.1936\n ANDERSON, William\n \n \n 6.4.1908\n Roberts\n \n ANDREWS, James\n \n \n 27.1.1894\n ANDREWS, Richard\n 31.8.1900\n Montgomerie Henry\n \n \n \n ARMSTRONG, George\n 12.11.1920\n ATKINSON, Dorothy\n \n \n 20.6.1925\n AULE, John\n 30.9.1889\n AYLETT, William\n \n \n 20.8.1880\n BAALK, Emil Ch. M\n 13.8.1878\n BACKHOUSE, C\n \n \n 18.3.1903\n BAEL, Joe\n 25.9.1919\n BAENZIGER, Gustav Adolph\n \n \n 27.10.1899\n BALLEY, George\n 3.9.1909\n BARKAS, Gabriel\n \n \n 25.4.1938\n BARNES (still-born)\n 25.1.1923\n BARNETT, Edward\n \n \n 8.5.1936\n BARR, Robert\n 24.1.1926\n BARRIOS, Raphael Plaza\n \n \n 28.4.1960\n BATCHELLOR, John\n 8.1920\n BAUEN, G William\n \n \n Not known\n BENZIE, John M\n 12.5.1925\n BERGACKER, Johanna Maria\n \n \n 3.10.1963\n BERNARD, Son of M L\n 8.7.1881\n BERNSTEIN, Simon\n \n \n 13.3.1900\n BETZ, Max\n 11.9.1882\n BIERMANN, Fritz\n \n \n 12.1903\n BINDER, Heinrich\n 22.8.1892\n BIRD, Isaac J\n \n BLACK, John Gordon\n \n \n 22.2.1870\n BLANCO, Emilio Palomov\n 6.8.1964\n BOIE, Reinhold\n \n \n 14.9.1896\n BLAIR, William A\n \n BLOCH, Leon\n \n \n Not known\n BOLLWILL, DE\n 6.7.1887\n BOLTON, Edwin\n \n \n 10.12.1920\n BONIFACE, Mark Graham\n 15.1.1945\n BOUNTIFF, Eliza\n \n \n 13.11.1918\n BOWER, I H\n 19.3.1899\n BRAMHALL, J C\n \n \n 7.5.1868\n BRAMMER, Agnes\n 26.8.1902\n BARMMER, Heinrich\n \n \n 2.9.1898\n BRAMMER, Otto Franz Ernst Rudolf Hugo\n 15.9.1893\n BRAMMER, Pauline\n \n \n 8.10.1901\n BRAMMER, Richard\n 20.11.1900\n BRAMWELL, Geoffrey\n \n \n 17.1.1915\n BRAUN, Max Francis\n 12.4.1909\n BREMER, Adelisa\n \n \n 25.1.1962\n BREMER, Ann Marie\n 25.9.1961\n BREMER, Dennis\n \n \n 30.11.1941\n BRENNER, Issac\n 2.9.1915\n BRETTHAUER, G Luísa Gonzales de\n \n \n 6.1903\n BRIGENDIRE, Maria\n 10.1.1945\n BROUGH, Robert\n \n \n \n BRIDGE, Harry\n 27.12.1922\n BROOK, John Evans\n \n \n 24.2.1902\n BROWN, Bright\n 18.6.1921\n \n 16.12.1913", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211358, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 74, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "50\n\nBut Mr. Scholfield stuck to his opinion. \"I would not give a single thought to it. The only thing I would think of was the ten cents I would receive at the end of the day.\"\n\nWhen the resolutions proposed by Mr. Bowley were put to the meeting, only Mr. Scholfield voted against him. He told the meeting that if the suggestions were to be implemented it would mean money **and would depend on the maintenance of the opium revenue**. If that was stopped, what would they do?\" Up to that date Hong Kong had depended upon the income from the opium trade to finance itself, now there was heavy pressure from the Home Government to abolish the traffic in opium.\n\nThe editor of the Daily Press commended the small group of Hong Kong expatriates who were concerned about social problems, though his views were expressed in the colonial attitudes of the day.\n\nFar removed from the centres of civilization and surrounded by people alien to us in manners, customs and ideas, there is a natural tendency to lose that sense of communal responsibility which is steadily developing in the land from which we spring. It is well, therefore, that we have in our midst some whose interests are not limited by sport or commerce to remind us of the thoughts and aspirations of our more progressive fellow countrymen at Home.\n\nProposals of the Sanitary Board 1919\n\nMr. Bowley was a member of the Sanitary Board and used his position to try to get passed some regulations on child labour. He used a back door approach by proposing that the regulations be based on sanitary grounds. As the name of the Board suggests such concerns came within its province.\n\nOn the 19 March 1919 Mr. Bowley had posed the following question, **Does the Medical Officer of Health consider it desirable in the interests of public health of the Colony that the ages, hours and conditions of employment of women and children in factories, workshops and work-places in the Colony should be regulated and controlled?** The Medical", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211430, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "122\n\nof Chung made a good marriage, for her husband, Leong Ting Bau of How Village, was the holder of the highest military degree, which gave him honour and status. He, however, had turned out to be an unfaithful husband and a ne'er-do-well, and Aunt Leong did not have an easy life. She had two children but they both died very young. I regret that I did not ask Father to tell me more about her.\n\nThird Paternal Aunt\n\nThird Paternal Aunt, the youngest of Father's three sisters, was Chan Yung Yick, born on 27 January 1872, and married to Auyoung Chew Chong ‡, a native of Ma Tse Village. He was born on 9 December 1871. Their children, all sons, were:\n\nSuk Jun born 8 August 1889\n\nSuk Nam born 22 September 1905\n\nSuk Chiu born 26 June 1909\n\nUncle Auyoung settled in Reno, Nevada, when he went to the United States, where he worked as a tailor. In 1921 Suk Jun followed his father to the United States to study in San Francisco, sailing on the S.S. China. He remembers Father taking food to him when the ship docked in Honolulu because as an alien, he was not permitted to go ashore. It was a happy meeting, their first, and the beginning of a long friendship between him and us. Suk Jun said his mother often missed her siblings and would show him my Father's photograph.\n\nIn 1912, when his mother was ill, his father told him to go back to take care of her. On 24 December that year, he married Ching Lai So, a native of On Dung Village. She was born on 6 March 1906. They settled in Hong Kong, where he worked as a bank clerk. They had four sons and three daughters.\n\nUncle Auyoung returned to China in 1926 with his wife and youngest son when he was 55 years old to retire in his native village. After Aunt Auyoung died on 24 November 1948 and the takeover of China by the Communists, he went to live with Suk Jun in Kowloon, where he died on 19 April 1957 at the age of 86. It was then that Suk Jun felt that he had fulfilled his responsibility to his parents and that he would now seek a new life for himself. Thus, in 1962, he returned alone to the United States, first to Chicago, and later in 1973 to California where his wife", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211488, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 204, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "180\n\nsafer for them to spend the night with us, as we were farther away from the seacoast.\n\nWhen I went to work the next day, I found that our office had been converted into a kitchen to feed the many volunteers (reportedly many ladies of the night) who had come to help. Our morgue was filled with bodies of civilian victims. The wounded were treated in several hospitals. The enemy planes had strafed some on land and some at sea in their fishing sampans, most of whom ironically were ethnic Japanese. Rumours were rampant about spies and sabotage, and of Japanese citizens being sent away to relocation camps. On the whole the Japanese wanted to show their loyalty to the United States and many Nisei volunteered to serve in the European theatre, forming the famous 442nd Battalion that fought so bravely in Italy and with such a great loss of lives. Among them was Samuel Sakamoto, husband of my good friend, Edna Sakamoto. A quiet gloom settled over the city and even the skies remained cloudy and depressing for weeks. It was not until after the Battle of Midway that the heavens seemed brighter and our spirits lighter. During the war years we found it so stifling with all windows covered to ensure total darkness that we chose to go to bed early and spend our waking moments listening to the radio. Amos and Andy and Allen's Alley were my favourite programmes. Occasionally I could catch Tokyo Rose's propaganda over the air.\n\nIn 1945 I was granted a leave of absence from work and clearance from the military to leave for the mainland to visit Mrs. Johnson. I left on 16 March 1945 on a small vessel, the S.S. Permanente, which was escorted by an armed submarine chaser. Because of the threat of being torpedoed, everyone was required to wear trousers and to carry an emergency kit. About twenty hours out to sea, an alert sounded. Although most of the passengers kept calm, my roommate became hysterical. She was a Jewish woman taking her infant daughter back to New York, leaving her husband, a defense worker, in Honolulu. It was rumoured that an enemy submarine had been sighted. Fortunately nothing happened. It took us eight days to cover a distance that normally took four and a half days. I left San Francisco for Lincoln, where I stayed with Mrs. Johnson for three months. While there, on 12 April 1945, we heard the sad news of President Roosevelt's death over the radio. I took this opportunity to visit Dora, Tso-chien and Eugene in Chicago before", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211489, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 205, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "181\n\nproceeding to New York to see Sarra Sam. While she and I were on a sight-seeing trip to Coney Island, we were bombarded with the exciting news of the end of the Second World War. We immediately returned to Chinatown where there was already great rejoicing. After a return visit with Dora and her family, and a short one with Mrs. Johnson, I left San Francisco on the Monterey for Honolulu, arriving home on 5 December, 1945.\n\nIn April 1946 I was briefly seconded to the American Red Cross to interview victims of a huge tidal wave that swept the islands and claimed a number of lives. I was assigned to the island of Molokai, where I found that those with losses were mainly Hawaiians leading a simple life of agriculture and fishing along the seacoast.\n\nOut of the clear sky in 1947, I was invited to apply for a scholarship from the Honolulu Chapter of the National Foundation of Infantile Paralysis under the chairmanship of Mr. Riley Allen. I had been recommended by Miss Mary Cattan, Director of Social Services at Queen's Hospital, who had given assistance to Ruth during her hospitalization. It was a generous grant and the only condition was that I would return to serve the community for two years. Accepted by the New York School of Social Work, Columbia University, during the presidency of Dwight D. Eisenhower. I studied there from March 1947 to August 1948 for a Master of Science in Social Work degree. My field work was at the Presbyterian Hospital and my thesis was \"An Explanatory Study of Thirty Poliomyelitis Patients Having Social and Emotional Difficulties”, patients selected from the Poliomyelitis Research Project, Department of Rehabilitation and Physical Medicine, New York University, Colleges of Medicine, at Bellevue Hospital, under the direction of Miss Mary C. Jarrett.\n\nI lived with Sarra Sam on 135th Street, between Riverside Drive and Broadway. She also shared her apartment with her sister Esther and with a friend from Fresno, Eunice Ma. Although the apartment was small and crowded, we managed to have some enjoyable gatherings there. We had many visitors from Hawaii: Ching Wan and his son Edmund; B. Y. and Mary Kamin Wong; Dr. F. H. Tong and his wife; and Bernard Young. Lillian Louis, Charlotte Wong and Jean Shigemura, all studying at Columbia, often shared our pleasantries. Dr. John Kometani, after", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211565, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 282, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "258\n\nHaving now put forward the point of view that the village, the concept of \"closeness\" (chan) and the corporate cult of the dead all have to do with the principles of locality rather than ancestral worship in the strict sense of tsung (or descent for that matter), it now remains to explain in what sense this notion of locality is necessarily the product of history. All ideologies, customs and institutions, if they are indeed meaningful to the people who practice them, must be seen within the context of a kind of living history. Without speculating whether this history has a \"life\" of its own or whether it is the inevitable consequence of some evolving structure or process, I think it would be foolhardy to take for granted that these principles of locality, systematic as they may be in conceptual terms, should be reflective of some irreducible, static notion of culture, especially as the ABCs of Chinese society and civilization. The practical difficulties of pursuing empirical research in this regard aside, I think there is sufficient basis to believe that all of the above phenomena can be seen as the product of a particular and evolving social milieu (not to be confused with the functionalist concept of social structure) in broader socio-political terms. The diversity of local phenomena seen over an ethnographic spectrum at any one time as well\n\nas the peculiarity, even ephemerality, of these phenomena in a history demands that we look at these deeper issues, difficult as they are to characterize precisely. There is thus a need, as Faure's work clearly demonstrates, to look at local history. However, unlike him, I do not think that local history can be understood simply by looking at events and personnages as they take place “on the ground”. Works like those by Karl Polanyi (1944), the Annales historians, Clifford Geertz (1963), Barrington Moore (1966), Eric Wolf (1982), etc., have cogently shown that local events and institutions can be seen as part of a larger process which may be conscious or non-conscious to the actors themselves. What is needed then is a wider vision of what constitutes historical “change”. Faure's book begins with this promise but in the final analysis falls far short of expectation. Rather than being the open and shut case that he makes it out to be, the study of Chinese local history and society is in my opinion still very much an open field,\n\n12\n\nAllen J. Chun", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212103, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "22\n\n\"help to reinforce in the young certain clearly-defined modes of behaviour and ways of looking at the world regarded as acceptable to the community”.\n\n43\n\nEven after making every allowance for the variable gap between Confucian indoctrination and the degree of acceptance among Chinese individuals, and for human behaviour in practice as opposed to precept, it has seemed to me that some great and tangible quality, part of the legacy of the old order of “right minded-ness” in doing and thinking, had manifested itself in the people of Tsuen Wan in those crucial decades. It was certainly something that made all the difference to the execution of the Hong Kong Government's schemes for developments.\n\nThere is, of course, another and more pessimistic view to be taken, which would attribute the people's behaviour less to cultural characteristics and ethical indoctrination than to the fact that they were still part of the \"peasant masses\". In at least one historian's mind, the **peasant masses** had still in the then fairly recent Republican period:\n\n“continued to be supernumeraries as they had been throughout Chinese history, the anonymous human dough that suffered and submitted, the governed...\" \n\n44\n\nresigned to poverty and what it brought as their fate; and that moreover, in a country of whose society Dr. Sun Yat-sen had once quipped that it \"was composed of only two classes, the very poor and the less poor\". Nevertheless, whilst accepting that poverty and acceptance of fate had undoubtedly played their part in Tsuen Wan's postwar saga, I much prefer an interpretation which is more complex and accommodating; allowing more scope for the human quality that is so visible in this narrative, and for the liveliness and enterprise so abundantly observable in the people who went to live there in those spartan and difficult times.\n\nNOTES\n\nR.O. Joliffe in Yi-fang Wu and Frank W. Price, China Rediscovers Her West, A Symposium (London, George Allen and Unwin, 1942), pp. 20-21. See, too, the almost identical estimate given nearly forty years before by the well-known American missionary Dr. Arthur H. Smith in The Uplift of China (London, Church Missionary Society, 1908), pp. 49-50.\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212287, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 229, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "206\n\narose from a background related to his education in Scottish Commonsense philosophy.\n\nFrom the angle of Legge's philosophical methodology, it needs to be noted that Legge had a tendency to gauge philosophical profundity in terms of the insight a system gave to the inner workings of the mind. These kinds of questions were not extensively addressed in the Confucian Classics, although questions regarding the heart-mind were central in later Confucian metaphysical discourses. Legge was basically not interested in these systematic philosophies, most of which he felt were inarticulate and wrong. Empirical observations of human behaviour and categories inherited from an Aristotelian concept of the mind were assumed as the basic truths from which more precise models could be constructed. Legge discovered no resources of this sort in the Confucian traditions, and so could self-consciously advocate the need for Chinese students to readdress their traditional system with important questions which revealed systematic inadequacies.\n\nThough this kind of critical stance may seem too harsh and even an unjustified imposition of alien values on the Chinese ways of thinking, not long after Legge died Chinese scholars did begin an all-out attack against the traditional Confucian ethical system. This was partially responsible for the final overthrow of the imperial powers in 1911.\n\nVII. Legge's Immersion in the Confucian Tradition\n\nLegge, a missionary and advocate of Christian faith, was also responsive to the Chinese culture and people among whom he lived. There are several reasons why this was the case, beyond the simple fact of being immersed among the Chinese for thirty-five years. One important reason is the parallels Legge perceived between his Non-Conformist heritage and selective Confucian traditions. Legge located in the famous Confucian Han Yu (768-824 AD) of the Tang dynasty shared general attitudes also found in Non-Conformist Protestantism: both valued a return to the fundamental spiritual texts of the tradition; both asserted a more commonsense view of the world; and both stood in opposition to superstitious religious traditions (primarily associated with Buddhism and Taoism).\n\nIn addition, Confucian scholarship had developed its own more", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212288, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 230, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "207\n\nsystematic and precise schools of textual interpretation in the 17th and 18th centuries which provided Legge with commentarial support for his criticisms of the Confucian orthodoxy. He could criticize the authorities from within their own traditions, rather than merely employing alien categories for his analysis. As has already been pointed out, Legge did prefer values outside of Confucianism in some cases, but his criticisms always took into account the many levels of commentarial tradition and their own analysis of the situations whenever they were relevant. In this way, he could defer to the authorities whenever he believed they were correct, and if not, he could often identify other Confucian scholars who suggested a way out of the difficulties. This kind of awareness of the Confucian tradition was rarely found among Western scholars anywhere in the world in the nineteenth century.\n\nFurthermore, Legge himself progressed into a genuine and personal transformation of his thought and life as a result of his understanding of Confucianism, and particularly with regard to his respect and devotion to Confucius. This change of attitude is most clearly seen in the differences found between the 1861 and 1893-1895 editions of the Four Books. It came as a result of both his profound concern for China as a missionary-intellectual and his intimate knowledge of the many positive aspects he found in the person and philosophy of Confucius. Legge's shift of position was not a matter of convenience, but the result of a lifetime of missionary service and a constantly refined and critical awareness of Confucius and Confucianism.\n\nThough many other examples could be given to illustrate this final clue to Legge's life, perhaps the most poignant indicator of his personal immersion in the Confucian tradition is manifest at the end of his life. Having completed the second edition of the Four Books, the octogenarian professor focused his scholarly attention on a single pre-Qin figure, the minister-poet Qu Yuan (屈原) (BC 340-278),* Qu Yuan was an heroic individual to Legge, remaining devoted to his ruler even in spite of circumstances which would have led others to run away from the responsibilities placed on him. In the end, Qu Yuan committed suicide as an act of frustrated loyalty. But before he did so, he had written a number of philosophical poems, among them a very famous one entitled \"Heavenly Questions\"\n\n* In these ruminations on the nature of reality, Qu Yuan displayed a mind ready to receive deeper truths, hungering for answers which would", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212469, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 23, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "the reliance on native place ties by Shaoxing natives away from home. Susan Naquin and Evelyn Rawski, in their history of eighteenth-century China, observe that \"native place was the principle most often invoked as grounds for affiliation and assistance by men who left their homes to work in an alien environment.”\n\nThe most extensive analysis of native place ties in an urban environment is William Rowe's detailed study of the central China treaty port city Hankow (Hankou). Although concluding that \"the prevailing mood of the city was cosmopolitan,\" he nevertheless emphasizes the persistence of localism in urban development. Rowe describes the importance of hometown bonds in securing jobs, financial help in time of need, and defence in daily street brawls. Commercial cliques, worker recruitment, and leisure activities were often organized around native place ties. More interestingly, Rowe's study has demonstrated a process of different ethnic groups establishing themselves in the newly developed city. The most distinctive one was a rivalry between Cantonese and Ningbo with Shaoxing people, the two prominent ethnic groups in Hankou. Cantonese used the advent of Western trade to advance their position in native commercial circles while the Ning-Shao natives had become the most powerful force in the native banking and lower Yangzi River trade, but they were second to their Cantonese counterparts in foreign trade. More recently, in addition to the above studies, as shown in Emily Honig's study of Subei people in Shanghai, there are many more factors determining ethnic identities than race, religion and nationality.\n\nOrigins of Cantonese Emigration in the Nineteenth Century\n\nHistorically, South China was the recipient of successive waves of migration from the north, which is more hilly and hence conducive to the isolation of one social group from another. In Guangdong province, the Chinese inhabitants categorized themselves as Punti (Bendi, locals) which included the Cantonese and the people of Teochiu; Hakka (Hejia, guests); Hoklo or Tanka (Danjia, boat people). By the end of the eighteenth century, the rate of delta land reclamation could not match the rate of increase in population in South China. Growth of population caused massive emigration both domestically and overseas. The rapid growth of population, unaccompanied by improvements in agricultural technology, meant that it was increasingly difficult for peasants in this area to depend on the soil alone for a decent livelihood. To support", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212503, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "37\n\nhistory) Hong Kong, Xinya Yanjiusuo\n\nRawski, Thomas G. 1970. Chinese Dominance of Treaty Port Commerce and its Implications, 1860-1875. In Explorations in Economic History 7/4, 451-73.\n\nRedding, Gordon S. 1991. Weak Organizations and Strong Linkages: Managerial Ideology and Chinese Family Business Networks. In Gary Hamilton (edited), 30-47.\n\nRhoads, Edward J. 1975. China's Republican Revolution: the Case of Kwangtung. Cambridge and Massachusetts, Harvard University Press.\n\n1977. Merchants Associations in Canton, 1895-1911. In William Skinner (edited), 97-117.\n\nRowe, William T. 1984. Hankow: Commerce and Society in a Chinese City, 1796-1889. Stanford, Stanford University Press.\n\nSekkó Zaibatsu (The Zhejiang financial clique). Edited by Mantetsu Shanhai Jimusho. Shanhai, Mantetsu Jimusho, 1929.\n\nShanghai duiwai maoyi (Shanghai foreign trade, 1840-1949). Compiled by Shanghai Shehui Kexueyuan Jingji Yanjiusuo and Shanghai-shi Guoji Maoyi Xuehui Xueshu Waiyuanhui. Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences Press, 1989.\n\nShanghai Sojourners. Edited by Frederic Wakeman and Wen-hsin Yeh. Berkeley, Institute for East Asian Studies, University of California, 1992.\n\nSinn, Elizabeth. 1989. Power and Charity: The Early History of the Tung Wah Hospital. Hong Kong, Hong Kong Oxford University Press.\n\nSkinner, William G. 1974 (edited). The Chinese City: City Between Two Worlds. Stanford, Stanford University Press.\n\n1976. Mobility Strategies in Late Imperial China: A Regional-System Analysis. In Regional Analysis, Volume One: Economic Systems, 327-64. Edited by Carol A. Smith. New York, Academic Press.\n\n1977 (edited). The City in Late Imperial China. Stanford, Stanford University Press.\n\nSmith, Carl T. 1983. Compradores of the Hongkong Bank. In Frank H. H. King (edited), 93-111.\n\n1985. Chinese Christians: Elites, Middlemen, and the Church in Hong Kong. Hong Kong, Oxford University Press.\n\n1993. Hong Kong Chinese Wills, 1850-1890. Unpublished paper presented at the International Conference on Folk Documents and Regional Society in South China, Hong Kong University of Science and Technology.\n\nSu, Waigong. 1933. Xianggang, Shanghai, Guangzhou shangye mingrenlu (Prominent business characters of Hong Kong, Shanghai, and Canton). Shanghai, Shangye Bianshu Gongsi.\n\nTopley, Marjorie. 1964. Capital, Savings and Credit among Indigenous Rice Farmers and Immigrant Vegetable Farmers in Hong Kong's New Territories. In Capital, Saving and Credit in Peasant Societies: Studies from Asia, Oceania, the Caribbean and Middle America, 157-86. Edited by Raymond Firth and B. S. Yamey. London, George Allen & Unwin.\n\n1968. The Role of Savings and Wealth among Hong Kong Chinese. In Hong Kong: A Society in Transition, 167-227. Edited by Ian C. Jarvie and Joseph Agassi. New York, Frederick A. Prager.\n\nToyama, Gunji. 1944. Shanhai Dota: Go Kensho (The Shanghai taotai Wu Jianzhang). In Gakkai 1/7, 45-54.\n\n1945. Shanhai no shinsho: Yo Bo (A gentry-merchant in Shanghai: Yang Fang). In Toyoshi Kenkyu 1/4, 17-34.\n\nTsai, Jung-fang. 1975. Comprador Ideologists in Modern China: Ho Kai (Ho Chi, 1859-1914) and Hu Li-Yuan (1847-1916). PhD thesis, University of California, Los Angeles.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212679, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 233, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "BULLETIN\n\nSCHOOL OF ORIENTAL AND AFRICAN STUDIES\n\nPostal and African Studies\n\nEDITORIAL BOARD\n\nJC Wright, Chairman, S K M Allan, D L Appleyard, TH Barrett, G R Hawting, K Hayward, MJ Hutt, S Kaviraj, DO Morgan, A H Morton, N G Phillips\n\nThe Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies has been published for nearly 60 years, and is unique in its breadth of coverage. The Bulletin spans the cultures and civilizations of the Near and Middle East, South and Central Asia, the Far East, South-East Asia, and the continent of Africa, from the pre-biblical era to the present day.\n\nSince its foundation in 1917, the Bulletin has contributed scholarly articles on the history, religions, languages and literatures, art, and archaeology of these regions. In addition, over a third of each issue is devoted to reviews and book notices. These provide a reliable guide to new publications, and are used by academic institutions and libraries worldwide for book selection and acquisition.\n\n1995 ORDER FORM\n\nPlease enter my subscription to BULLETIN OF THE SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL AND AFRICAN STUDIES | Volume 58 (3 issues): £62/US$114 Please note: £ sterling rates apply in UK and Europe, US$ rates elsewhere. 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He then sailed away, at the age of 12, and in the course of the next six years visited various parts of the world including Australia, Africa and the Americas before finally settling in China in 1860 during the last days of the Arrow War [better known perhaps as the Second Opium War].\n\nMesny arrived in China at the start of the era known to the Chinese as the 'post-unequal treaties', an extraordinary period of readjustment in Chinese thinking. He arrived in a China whose rulers were an alien dynasty, the non-Chinese Manchus from Manchuria whose dynasty, the Ch'ing, ruled China between 1644-1911. Mesny's era covered the gradual collapse of the dynasty and its fall, followed by the first years of the Republic.\n\nWilliam Mesny spent a total of 59 years in China during which time he first, for some thirteen years, led a life of high adventure and, later, one which he lived to the full but at the same time one which appears to have fluctuated between the verge of success and pathetic failure. As it stands the later years of Mesny's life, following his short military career, fall into four periods; first, trekking across China, second, his life in Shanghai whilst still hoping to make his fortune; third, his time there when that hope had all but disappeared and finally, his last days, apparently alone in Hankow. The story contains elements which can only be guessed by reading between the lines in his Miscellanies, sadly without the help of other written or oral records.\n\nI have attempted to provide a chronology of Mesny's life from the multitude of snippets and asides he provided in his Miscellanies. This will be found at Appendix B. The great majority of the research in the UK has been carried out by Dr R G Tiedemann of SOAS in the University of London to whom I am also greatly indebted for both his advice and comments, as I am too to Miss Lucie Mesny of St Lawrence in Jersey, for her memories and photographs. However, any errors are mine alone.\n\nApart from the autobiographical portions of the Miscellany we have to rely upon the tiny smattering of family memory still available, two obituaries from Shanghai English language newspapers and what little has been written about Mesny by others who knew him in China. It is unfortunate that other living descendants of William Mesny have fought", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212714, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 23, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "8\n\nregular references to his deep knowledge of things Chinese and in particular, their formal rituals. As with many foreign writers on China and the Chinese, Mesny frequently implied exclusive access to hidden corners. This was indisputable because, whilst most foreigners who pride themselves on having Chinese friends and have visited them at home, even perhaps having stayed with them, few have the opportunity afforded to Mesny when he served with the Chinese military forces and lived as one with them on the staff. However, in retrospect we can see that Mesny knew little of the private life, thoughts and policies of the native Chinese higher classes, or more importantly, of the ruling Manchus, simply through his lack of access. The great majority of foreigners in China were dependent upon what they could glean from their native interpreters whose depth of understanding was limited by their lack of knowledge, especially about state policies. Such people as Mesny, foreigners who spoke and read Chinese and had Chinese contacts, were one up on the foreigners who heavily depended upon their Chinese employees, but for Mesny to maintain his credibility with possible foreign investors he had to clutch at any crumb from the tables of the great and worthy, hence his repeated name dropping. It is also well nigh impossible to judge simply from his own account of events the extent to which Mesny understood the power politics of senior Chinese Imperial military officers or the nuances of the accusations aimed at a number of the generals. If he did, then his poignant description of the removal and demotion of his own Commander-in-chief from his command in Kueichou is very sympathetic.\n\nShanghai, where Mesny spent many of his later years, was one of the first Treaty Ports, opened in 1842, and by the turn of the century the largest foreign settlement in the East with a western population of many thousands. Mesny spent all but five of his last thirty-three years in the city.\n\nA Briton, Oliver Ready3, writing in 1904 of the time when Mesny first reached China said, 'Forty odd years ago, at the close of the second great war [i.e. 1860, the year in which Mesny reached the China coast], China was a veritable Eldorado for Europeans, where all turned to gold beneath the slightest touch of alien hands. Fortunes were made with startling rapidity, and money came in so freely that the standard of living amongst foreign merchants and their employees reached such preposterous heights of luxuriousness, that even when the inevitable reaction set in, want, and even ruin, supervened where plenty should have been found. Forty years ago the foreign trade was practically monopolised by Englishmen, who only had to place their goods on the market of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212807, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "101\n\neach harnessed and stripped to the waist, fighting the torrent.\n\nTreaty ports: Ports opened to foreign trade and residence under what the Chinese have always regarded as 'unequal treaties'.\n\nTsung-li Yamen : The Foreign Affairs Bureau of the late Ch'ing dynasty, established after the capture of Peking in 1860 by the Allied forces. It was the channel of communication between foreign Ministers resident in Peking and the throne.\n\nTsung-tu #: the Viceroy or Governor-General of one or more provinces within which he had the general control of all civil and military affairs and was subject only to the throne.\n\nWai-sing Lottery: lit: examination of names, a kind of sweepstake, once a very popular form of gambling amongst the Cantonese, on the result of the public examination for the second degree. The holder of a successful candidate's name being the winner of a greater or lesser sum according to position on the published list.\n\nWei-yuan A: a delegate staff officer, a special delegate or Expectant Appointee on ad hoc duty.\n\nWhite Lily Sect [Pai-lien Chiao] was a more serious rebellion at the end of the eighteenth century. This secret society, originally founded in opposition to Mongol domination several centuries earlier, had been revived in order to get rid of the alien Manchu rule of the Ch'ing dynasty. It broke out in western Hupei in 1796 and for nearly nine years taxed China's resources to the utmost. Although Mesny was not involved his and their paths crossed on occasion.\n\nYamen : The official and private residence of any 'mandarin', officials who held a seal, a government office.\n\nYing #: usually a battalion but not uncommonly, a force of a number of battalions.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212858, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 167, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "152\n\nGerman, Central and Eastern European Jews\n\nThe third wave of Jewish immigration into Shanghai, and incidentally the largest, was in the years following 1938, as a result of Nazi persecutions in Germany, Central and Eastern Europe. Since Shanghai was the only port that accepted people without visas, Jews who were not permitted to enter other countries came to Shanghai.\n\nThey travelled by water, on Italian liners via Africa. Since canal tolls had to be paid in pounds sterling, ship captains tended to take the long way by going around Africa, making the journey to Shanghai more than six weeks. Other refugees took the Siberian Railroad to Manchuria, then went from there to Japan. The Japanese consul at Vilna, apparently for humanitarian reasons, issued transit visas for those who possessed another, usually for some Latin American country. Or, for those who did not have any visa at all, the destination was to be Shanghai. As a result, a large number of Jews congregated at Kobe or Yokohama, waiting to travel to Shanghai by ship. Among this group were the faculty and student body of the Yeshiva from Poland. So, until the school moved to New York after 1945, the rabbis were trained in Shanghai.\n\nWhen the Sino-Japanese conflict merged into the global war following Pearl Harbour in December 1941, resulting in Japanese occupation of the International Settlement, the Jews in Shanghai were treated according to their nationalities. The large refugee community, either with 'non-enemy alien' status or stateless, manned the factories and operated cottage industries in their homes. In 1943, when special privileges enjoyed by foreigners in China came to an end as the unequal treaties of the 19th century were formally abrogated, the Jewish population in Shanghai was estimated to number 25,000.\n\nAs the war ended in 1945 the Jewish refugees left to settle in the United States, Canada, Australia or, after its establishment, Israel. Long-term Jewish residents left as well after 1949. By 1956, only 543 Jews remained in China, 231 of them in Shanghai, 402 of these Jews were classified as Soviet citizens by the Chinese government, and were therefore unable to obtain the necessary papers in order to emigrate without cooperation between the Chinese authorities and the Soviet consulate. R.D. Abraham, leader of the Jewish community at that time, learned through a BBC broadcast that David Marshall, the noted Jewish lawyer from Singapore, was being invited to visit China. He quickly", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213022, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "69\n\nas the middleman, the missing link between these two blocks of Chinese\n\nPutting it another way, sports and politics are closely related. This could be seen in the review earlier where many of the functions of sports are loaded with political flavour. But these two spheres of activities stand distant and alien to the masses. The role of face is to act midway between the masses and these activities Through the depiction of the status, performance, moral behaviour and face attributes of the athletes, the masses could feel with the athletes because they themselves are familiar with the working of these factors and attributes of face. Through the reports on the athletes, the editorial remarks, the semantic allusions to politics or the political sphere, the masses would be more susceptible to the political and ideological teachings behind\n\nMany lucid illustrations could be found in the sample. For example, Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang were said to have watched the winning Chinese women volleyball team against the USA Frequent implications were made that China was dominant in Asian Games, and her strength in the Asian sports scene. This could be taken as dominance and propaganda instilled by the Chinese press. The non-recognition of the Taiwan government was also indirectly hinted at. The People's Daily praised the participation and spirit of the Chinese Taipei volleyball team but stressed that players from both Chinese teams yearned for union. The identity and self-image of China were such that she was a strong, morally upright nation with honour, her government exercised good leadership and influence. The government's current politico-ideological campaign was the four modernizations. This was reiterated time and again in the sample The people were told to continue their dedication to work for the four modernizations following the spirit of the women volleyball team and thereby enjoy success. 26\n\nBy conjuring the concept of face or its components, the people could easily and more readily feel with the athletes. The performance of athletes are clearly defined: win or lose. The moral behaviour is up to the depiction of the press. making friends with other countries, welcomed by the home crowd ... etc. The face attributes are even more abstract. Newspaper readers had nothing to challenge the association of an athlete's gold winning efforts with the honour of the country, both seemed favourable to their identity - a national of the country and a compatriot of the athlete. In this way,\n\nthe newspaper contents had all the favourable resources to induce\n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213025, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "72\n\nThe Role Of The Press\n\nHaving said that the concept of face stands midway between the alien spheres of activities (sports and politics) and the masses, the place of the press is at another level between the two. It is a means by which the concept of face could be transmitted to the masses. It is the medium by which the alien spheres of activities are presented in forms comprehensible and identifiable by the masses. The functions of the Chinese media have been studied by many scholars before. Those proposed by Godwin Chu included mobilization, information, power struggle, and ideological reform (G. Chu, 1979). Others have later added education, entertainment and so on (Robinson, 1981; Terrell, 1984).\n\nIt may be difficult to position the role of the press in relation to the concept of face in terms of the above functions listed. But through the present study and the findings, the press could be seen as performing at least two of the above functions: information and mobilization. First, it provided information about the performance of athletes in the Games, it provided information on the Games in general, it provided presentations of the face of Chinese, China and her counterparts in the Games.\n\nSecond, it mobilized people to work for the four modernizations by convincing them that they could be as successful as the athletes under the guidance of the communists. The strength of the argument and the mobilization power lies in the magnitude of face as presented in the press. Bigger face, better face of course would increase the convincing power the press in this respect. And it is very obvious from the findings that the press has created an enhancing image of the face of Chinese and the country under the Communist regime, and thereby the convincing power of the press in other related affairs.\n\nAlso against what has been discussed earlier, there seems to be ‘a resurgence of the importance of particularistic ties, distinguishing us from them (... “a difference between inner and outer”)’ (Gold, 1985: 664). This runs counter to the preachings of the party government and to the nationwide reforms in the four modernizations which emphasize collective efforts for the country. The press, in this respect, may need to project a big face of the country in order that this resurgence of attitude unfavourable to the four modernizations be forestalled.\n\nAt another level, the press could be said as performing the function of\n\n---", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213051, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "99\n\nof the Union Church, in 1914,2 and continued her private practice and work with the Chinese Public Dispensaries Committee, setting up the Tsan Yuk Maternity Hospital in 1922. She was reappointed to the Midwives Board in 1914, became Supervisor of Midwives in 1916, and was awarded an MBE in 1919 for wartime services. From 1918, she was employed by the government, when she became Acting Medical Officer of Health, being appointed Assistant Medical Officer in Charge of Native Hospitals in 1923.* On her untimely death in 1928, she was lauded for her work amongst poor Chinese women over nearly twenty-five years.\n\n84\n\nShe must have been a woman of strong personality to persist and achieve difficult goals in the alien environment of Hong Kong. Dr. Sibree's interaction with others was moulded by her personality, partly formed by her experience of gender, class, and patriarchy, in a Christian family environment. She reacted in a 'feminine' non-confrontational way, according with social expectations.* Had she behaved in a 'masculine' mode, she would have been no more likely to achieve her goals. Thus, she was in a 'no-win' situation. Breaking away from the LMS in Hong Kong, which perhaps reproduced family relationships, may have been necessary for her autonomy. Dr. Perkins' experience was different, but the circumstances cannot be equated. First, given the delay in her appointment, and Dr. Gibson's overwork, her presence was welcome and doubtless upset would be avoided, by either Dr. Gibson or the District Committee; secondly, the service was well set up and not pioneering, as in Dr. Sibree's case; thirdly, Dr. Gibson went on leave in 1912; and fourthly, she developed a romantic attachment with the widower* locum, Dr. Mitchell, resulting in their marriage in 1913.\n\nThe barriers facing Dr. Sibree in the early years resulted not only from the relationship with Dr. Gibson and the perceived lack of support from the LMS Hong Kong. It is probable that the barriers to work with Chinese women, and to access to work with women at the Tung Wah were entrenched cultural barriers. China had been through waves of anti-European feeling and, both in Hong Kong and in China itself, there was minimal contact between Chinese and European women.7 Chinese women of the upper classes lived behind 'a bamboo screen', unlike their menfolk who learned English and engaged in commerce with the foreigners. These barriers broke down to some extent in the changed political and value climate of the years after the Manchu overthrow. Even before that, change was discernible in the trend to education of daughters.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213055, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 123, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "103\n\n10\n\nLMS Box 15, 1902 No 267 Dr Gibson to Mr. Cousins, 20 May, 1902\n\n\"LMS Box 15, 1902 No 267 Dr Gibson to Mr. Cousins, 20 May, 1902\n\n12 LMS Box 15, 1902 No 267 Dr Ho Kai to Dr Gibson, 18 March, 1902\n\nLMS Box 15, 1902 No 267 Dr Gibson to Mr Cousins, 20 May, 1902\n\n14 Norman Goodall, A History of the London Missionary Society 1895-1914 (London: Oxford University Press, 1954), pp 12, 170, 516\n\nRichard Lovett, The History of the London Missionary Society 1795-1895 Vol II (London: Henry Frowde, 1899), pp 714-22, pp 744-46 and Appendix\n\n16 LMS Box 15, 1902 No 267 Mr Pearce to Mr Cousins, 20 May, 1902\n\n17 Goodall, op cit, pp 97, 516\n\nLMS Box 15, 1901 No 263 Dr Gibson to Mr Cousins, 1 February, 1901\n\n19 China Mail, 22 September, 1928\n\n20 EH Paterson, A Hospital for Hong Kong. The Centenary History of the Alice Ho Miu Ling Nethersole Hospital (np: nd [1987]). See also Susanna Hoe, The Private Life of Old Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1990), p 166\n\n21\n\nLMS Box 15, 1902 No 268-269 Dr Gibson to Mr. Cousins, 12 September, 1902\n\n22 LMS Box 15, 1903 No 273 Dr. Gibson to Mr Cousins, 9 February, 1903\n\n23 LMS 1908 17, 1908 Memorandum from Dr. Gibson to the Directors, 26 March, 1908\n\n24 LMS Box 18, 1910 Dr Mitchell to Rev G Currie Martin, 1 September, 1910\n\n25 LMS Box 16, 1906 No 295 Mr Pearce to Rev G Cousins, 9 October, 1906\n\n26 LMS Box 15, 1903 No 274 Dr. Gibson to Mr Cousins, 11 May, 1903\n\n27 LMS Box 15, 1903 No. 277 Dr Gibson to Mr Cousins, 8 December, 1903\n\n28 LMS Box 15, 1902 No 268-9 Dr Gibson to Mr Cousins, 12 September, 1902.\n\n29 Felicity Allen, \"The expulsion of women from the BMA: the impact on women's professional aspirations\", in Heather Gardner (ed.), The Politics of Health (London: Churchill Livingstone, 1989)\n\nAnn Game and Rosemary Pringle, Gender at Work (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1983)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213159, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 227, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "I may speak the English language because I learnt it early in life. But I have not got the Western value system inside; mine is an Eastern value system. Nevertheless, I use Western concepts, Western words because I understand them. But I also have a different system in my mind.\n\n209\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\nBaxter, S.C.C. (1988) A political economy of the ethnic Chinese catering industry. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Aston in Birmingham.\n\nBurgess, R.G. (1984) In the field: an introduction to field research. London: Allen & Unwin.\n\nMerton, R.K. (1972) “Insiders and outsiders: a chapter in the sociology of knowledge”, American Journal of Sociology. Vol. 78. pp. 9-47.\n\nNg, K.C. (1965) Some aspects of the social organisation of Chinese engaged in the restaurant business in London. M.A. thesis. University of London.\n\nOwen, D. (1992) Ethnic minorities in Great Britain: settlement patterns. NEMDA 1991 Census statistical paper No. 1. Centre for Research in Ethnic Relations, University of Warwick.\n\nPang, Y.N.M. (1993) Catering to employment needs: the occupations of young Chinese adults in Britain. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Warwick.\n\nSteier, F. (1991) Research and reflexivity. London: Sage.\n\nTaylor, M.J. (1987) Chinese pupils in Britain, a review of research into the education of pupils of Chinese origin. Windsor: NFER-Nelson publishing company.\n\nWatson, J.L. (1977) “The Chinese: Hong Kong villagers in the British catering trade” in Watson, J.L. (Ed) Between two cultures: migrants and minorities in Britain. Oxford: Blackwell.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213208, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 30, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "subject when Governor John Pope Hennessy planned to appoint him as His Excellency's personal secretary in charge of affairs relating to the Chinese. The British merchants were opposed to the Governor creating an office where he would have more direct communication with the Chinese. Due to their opposition, Eitel never occupied such a position. In 1895, he published Europe in China, a detailed history of Hong Kong up to that date.\n\nClub Germania\n\nA club for Germans was started in 1859 in Wanchai in an unpretentious building. The German-speaking population at the time would have been very small. There were three German firms and two stores conducted by Germans. Within two years, the community almost doubled. It was small, but still large enough to provide a social centre for the community. In 1865, George Michelmore advertised the opening of a hotel in premises \"which were formerly known as the German Club\". It was below the Headquarters House, now Flagstaff House, off the present Cotton Tree Drive. This may have been the second location of the Club, as an article written in 1909 states that the first building was in \"an outlying section of Wanchai\", a description which does not fit a location on what is now Cotton Tree Drive (DP, 17 May, 1865).\n\nThe club moved in 1865 to a new building erected by Gustav Overbeck at the top of Wyndham Street, just south of D'Aguilar Street. But the German population was increasing, and the Germania Club decided to build a more commodious building. This was on the east side of Wyndham Street off Queen's Road. The new building was opened in 1872. It was a brick building in the Gothic style. The architects were Messrs Wilson and Salway. The cost was $21,000. Thirteen granite steps led to the entrance, and the main hall. On either side of the hall was a billiard room and a reading room. On the same level was a library room and a bar. The Concert Hall was approached by a flight of seven-foot-wide stairs. The Hall accommodated 275 persons; on either side was a drawing room and a dining room. There were accommodations for sixty in the dining room. Four bowling alleys were in the rear of the building (HKT, 27 Nov. 1909). The building served the community well until again it became too small, and another building was erected on Kennedy Road. This building became enemy alien property in 1914 and passed into the hands of St. Joseph's College. The College is still located in the building.\n\nPage 30\n\nPage 31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213210, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 32, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "11\n\nDoctors - The Medical Hall\n\nThe missionaries were in Hong Kong to relate to the Chinese; doctors from Germany served the health needs of the German community and any others who consulted them.\n\nDr. Carl Friedrich Arnold Schetelig was in practice in Hong Kong in the 1860s. In 1861 he was also the steward of the German Club and in 1867 its librarian. He was married to Julie von Pustau; presumably she was connected with the merchant family, though her brother was an attorney in Hamburg. Dr Schetelig returned to Hamburg where he died. His will was probated in Hong Kong in 1901.\n\nThe list of enemy alien properties in liquidation in 1914 gives the date of the establishment of the Medical Hall as 1853. Its proprietor was Dr. Harold von Kauffman. He married a Spanish woman, Emelia Manuela. When he left Hong Kong in 1873 with his wife and four children, a relative Mr. Theophil Koffer took over the management of the Medical Hall, which was located on a central site on Queen's Road. Dr. Kauffman died at Wiesbaden in May 1891. A year before Dr. Kauffmann left Hong Kong, Emil Niedhardt arrived to assume the position of chemist in the pharmacy. Upon the departure of T. Koffer, Niedhardt became the proprietor of the business. He retired in 1913 after forty-one years in Hong Kong. His friends tendered him a farewell dinner at the German Club. H. Kammel, an apothecary, was admitted a partner in 1897. In 1914 at the time of liquidation, the pharmacy was on Ice House Street opposite the King Edward Hotel. Two pharmaceutical chemists were in charge, A. Kucy and W. Kornelz.\n\nDr. Carl Clouth practiced in Hong Kong from about 1876 to 1883 or later. His seven-year-old daughter died at Wiesbaden in 1883; at the time Dr. Clouth was referred to as being \"of Hong Kong\". (DP 6 Nov, 1883)\n\nThe 1873 Hong Kong Directory lists only two doctors with German-sounding names, H. Kauffmann and G. Gerlach. Johann Heinrich Karl Gerlach passed the Prussian State Medical Examination and qualified to practice in 1868. He appears on the Hong Kong Medical Register through the year 1900. Dr. Gerlach practiced in Hong Kong nearly thirty years; others came and went.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213216, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "17\n\nFrederik Reichmann had left Germany in 1897 at the age of sixteen. For some time he was in London where he rose to the position of chief inspector of the popular restaurants of Lyons and Co. He then spent a short time in Australia where he married the daughter of Mr. A.B. Crew, a former head of the Land Record Office in Sydney. Mr. Crew wished to set up his new son-in-law in business in Hong Kong. As a German, Mr. Reichmann was eager to take over an establishment that had most of the German trade.\n\nThere are a number of difficulties presented in the material available on the background and identity of Mrs. Uschmann. In the correspondence concerning German women and children interned in 1914 it was stated that Miss Petersen is the daughter of Mrs. Uschmann and that she had a sister in the Colony that might be willing to support her. The sister was probably Mrs Arthur G. Seidel. On a list of the internees the names of Mrs. Uschmann, Mrs Seidel and Miss Petersen follow each other. The next clue for establishing relationships is the obituary of Mrs. John Sanderson Smith, who died on 9 March 1936, aged forty-one. She was born in Hong Kong and had been the proprietress of the Station Hotel which had been closed in March 1930. She was survived by her husband, J.S. Smith of the firm of Lubing and Smith, two sisters in Shanghai, a brother in London and a brother-in-law A.C Seidel. Wreaths were sent by \"Sister Maggie, Harry and family, Sister Martha, Arthur and family, Sister Lizzie, Franz and family\" (CM 9 May 1936, emphasis supplied). This information can be related to the children of Christian Friedrich William Petersen and his wife Mary recorded in the baptismal register of the London Missionary Society's Chinese congregation. Maggie Mary born on 15 October 1887, Martha Louise born on 5 January 1889 and Henry William born on 4 January 1892. These were presumably the brother and sisters of Mrs. Sanderson Smith who was born in 1895 but not recorded as baptised in the church records. If these conclusions are correct it would identify her mother, Mrs. Uschmann, as the wife of Mr. Petersen, the long-time proprietor of the German Tavern. Mary was his second wife. He died in 1896 aged sixty-four leaving his wife to administer his estate which was valued at $16,000. Was Mary Petersen a Chinese? Children of Caucasian parents were not baptised in Chinese congregations, except under the most unusual circumstances. On the other hand, if she were Chinese, why would she have been interned as a German alien in 1914? The statement in 1911 that Mrs. Uschmann had been connected with the German trade some twenty or twenty-five years suggests that she...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213218, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "19\n\nReichmann's application for the Grand Hotel was not granted as he was a German national. He applied again in 1915 but to no avail. Though he was unsuccessful, the application suggests he was not interned with his fellow countrymen. After peace returned, he again sought a decision on his application for naturalisation (CO129/455, p37, 11 July 1919).\n\nI have presented this material in what some might consider excessive detail because it relates a connected history of accommodation for travelling and resident Germans from 1859, when Petersen's German Tavern was opened, to 1931, when his daughter retired from the management of the Station Hotel in Kowloon and closed its doors.\n\nCafe Weissmann\n\nThe Cafe Weissmann opened in 1904. In 1914/15 the name was changed to Wiseman, a less Germanic spelling. Lane, Crawford and Co. had acquired a controlling interest in Weissmann Ltd, so its Cafe was not considered to be alien enemy property. The licence for spirits was transferred from Rembold Ekhardt, who had held it from 1909, to Ellen H.K. King,\n\nAccording to Jarrett, the author of the column \"Old Hong Kong\" in the South China Morning Post (23 Sept. 1933), Hans Weissmann was a ship's baker who began business near the Bowrington Canal. If this is accurate, he must have begun his Hong Kong career at the Hong Kong and China Bakery Co. It was a limited company with the controlling interest being held by Lane, Crawford and Co. Mr. Weissmann opened a restaurant in a small room in the Beaconsfield Arcade in 1904, but he soon moved to the south-east corner of Queen's Road and Wyndham Street. Here, in addition to his \"Refreshment Room\", he had a \"Tiffin Room\" at No. 1 Wyndham Street. At the same time, the business became a limited company (DP20, 27 Apr 1905). The management of the restaurant was taken over by Carl Fiedler in 1908. A year later, the business was moved to No. 14 Des Voeux Road Central. Mr. Fiedler was not long after replaced by Rembold Ekhardt, who conducted the business under various names until 1914.\n\nCafe Weissman became Cafe Wiseman in 1914. No. 14 Queen's Road was redeveloped in 1926 as the Exchange Building. Lane, Crawford and Co. had its store there and for several years Cafe Wiseman became the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213249, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 71, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "50\n\nKuhlmann usually known as Henry Kuhlmann. He soon took into partnership Richard Schonberger. His interest ceased in 1887 (DP 27 Jan. 1888). John Max Heinrich Meier, a former clerk of Radecker and Co., became a partner in Kruse and Co. in 1890 (DP 1 Jan. 1890). Mr. Kuhlmann died at Hamburg in September 1893. He was unmarried and aged about forty-five (CM 29 Sept. 1893).\n\nIn 1905 the company moved into new premises in the recently built Hotel Mansions Building at the corner of Chater Road and Pedder Street (DP 9 Aug. 1905). Carl Wilhelm Longuet had been a partner of the firm until his death in November 1910 at Blaneness, near Hamburg. He was a native of Lubeck and was aged forty-seven at the time of his death (HKT Supplement 19 Nov. 1910).\n\nThe partners at the time of liquidation were John Meier and P. Hall. The business was sold by the liquidators as enemy alien property in 1915 to a British firm, The Hong Kong Cigar Store (HKT 3 Feb. 1915).\n\nStorekeepers\n\nJurgens Claussen and Muller\n\nHenry Joachim Jurgens operated a haberdashery shop on Queen's Road in 1858. His wife and Mrs. Adonia Rickomartz ran a millinery department in connection with the shop (FC 14 May 1858). Mrs. Jurgens gave up her business interests in September 1859 (FC 15 Sept. 1859). Mr. Jurgens left Hong Kong in 1866 with the intention of settling in Hamburg, but he returned to Hong Kong in 1870 and re-established himself in premises lately occupied by Thomas Hunt and Co. at Pedder's Wharf (DP 7 Sept. 1870). Within a year he had moved to a store recently vacated by Lane, Crawford and Co. on Queen's Road (DP 23 July 1871), but soon he had relocated in Yokohama, Japan (DP 3 Apr. 1872). Again he was on the move and finally settled in Shanghai, where he died in 1897, aged seventy-two. His obituary states he arrived in China in 1856 and within the brief period of seven years he had made a fortune of $160,000, but out of boredom or financial reverses he came back to China seven years after he left (DP 20 July 1897).\n\nCharles Henry Claussen was an assistant in Mr. Jurgens's haberdashery from 1862 to 1865. He then entered a partnership with August Muller", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213250, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "51\n\nThey had then shop at 10 Queen's Road until 1869 when they closed out their business (DP 17 Mar. 1869). They moved to Macao where A. Muller and Co. is listed in the Macao Directory for 1877 as a naval and general storekeeper at 75 Rua Praia Grande (Macao Boletim, 12 Dec. 1868).\n\nGunmakers\n\nWilhelm Schnudt\n\nWilhelm August Ferdinand Schmidt opened a gunsmith shop on Wellington Street in 1865 (DP 2 Jan. 1866). After several changes of location and some years later he advertised his firm as a commission agent in arms, machinists and artists in general, scientific mechanics and inventors of spring mountain chains. He assured the public there were trained native assistants at the shop. In 1885 he moved his store to Beaconsfield Arcade in Queen's Road. Mr. Schmidt died in 1895 leaving his widow Caroline Johanne Georgine Schmidt to carry on the business. She died in 1923 at the age of eighty-one. They had two children, a son Hermann Hugo James, who died at the age of fourteen in the same year as his father, and a daughter Henrietta A. Schmidt, who married Capt B.R. Branch in 1917 (DP 5 Oct 1895). The daughter was the proprietor of the firm in 1914. As she had been born in Hong Kong in 1884 she was not considered an enemy alien and was allowed to continue the business, though the name of the firm was changed to something less Germanic, the Hong Kong Sporting Arms and Ammunition Store. It was for many years in business at the Beaconsfield Arcade.\n\nGerman Banks\n\nThe Deutsch Bank had branches in China from 1873 to 1875 (Frank H.H. King, The History of the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation, Cambridge University Press [1987, Cambridge, England], 1, p. 151). In 2, Chapter 11, p. 603-27, Dr. King discusses the Hong Kong Bank's relations with Germany.\n\nAs a result of the Franco-Prussian War, the French bank Comptoir d'Escompte dismissed its German employees. These dismissals provided management for the newly organised Deutsch Bank. A notice in the Daily Press of 29 April 1872 states that: \"Mr. Seligmann, formerly of Comptoir d'Escompte, arrived here [Hong Kong] and will proceed to Shanghai to...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213395, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 217, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "205\n\nKendall, Elizabeth Kimball, A Wayfarer in China, Boston New York Houghton Mifflin, 1913\n\nKerby, Philip, Beyond the Bund, New York Payson Clarke, 1927\n\nKnox, Thomas Wallace (1835-1896), Overland Through Asia. Pictures of Siberian, Chinese, and Tartar Life, Chicago FS gilman, etc, 1871\n\nThe Boy Travellers in the Far East Part just. Adventures of Two Youths in a Journey to Japan and China etc, New York and London Harper, 1898\n\nKranzler, David H, Japanese, Nazis and Jews. The Jewish Refugee Community of Shanghai 1938-1945, New York Yeshiva University Press, 1976\n\nLamberton, Mary, St John's University Shanghai, 1879-1951, New York United Board for Christian Colleges in China, 1955\n\nLamont, Florence, Far Eastern Diary 1920, New York Horizon Press, 1951\n\nLatourette, Kenneth S, A History of Christian Missions in China, New York Macmillan, 1929\n\n- Beyond the Ranges, an Autobiography, Grand Rapids. William Erdman Publishers, 1967\n\n+\n\nLe Coy, Albert von, Buried Treasures of Chinese Turkestan, London Allen and Unwin, 1926 (Hong Kong Reprint. Oxford University Press)\n\nLevy, Howard Seymour, Chinese Foot Binding, London Neville Spearman, 1970\n\nLewisohn, William, China's Wild West A Road Trip of 5,000 Miles in a Motor Car, Shanghai North China Daily News and Herald, 1937\n\nLeys, Simon, Chinese Shadows, London Penguin, 1974\n\nLi, Anthony C, The History of Privately Controlled Higher Education in the Republic of China, Washington DC Catholic University of America Press, 1954, Westport, Conn Greenwood Press reprint, 1977\n\nLiddell, T Hodgson (B1860), China Its Marvel and Mystery, London Allen, 1909\n\nLin-ch'ung (1791-1846), A Wild Swan's Frank the Havels of a Mandarin, translated by TC Lai, Hong Kong, 1978\n\nLau, Alicia Helen Neva (Bewicke) (d. 1926), My Diary in a Chinese Farm, Shanghai Kelly and Walsh, 1892 74pp\n\n- The Land of Blue Gown, London Unwin, 1902\n\n+\n\nAMAMT\n\n11 41 DL/", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213803, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "126\n\n47\n\nform of incense ashes rather than tablets suggests that the ancestor halls did not use tablets to represent ancestors individually. It is also found in the Yingsheng (\"Reception of the Holy\") dedicated to the main honoured gods during the Jiao festivals, and the Yingshen Guiwei (\"Escorting gods to their places\") during the Hongchao festival of Fanling, both conducted by Cantonese Daoist priests in the New Territories. An elder of Kam Tin compared the Yingsheng ritual with the ancestral hall ritual found in the Qingle ancestral hall of Kam Tin, to which I shall refer below. I am not sure if a cloth “bridge” is used in this ancestral hall ceremony.\n\nOp cit pp 142-144. In a recent visit to Cheng Tau, a woman in her 60s referred to the ancestral hall as a-gong ha (\"the Place of Ancestors\"), which seems to have been the more usual expression for ancestral halls among the Hakka. Compare the expression with Bak-gong ha ('the Place of the Bak-gong earth god'). It is interesting that the title of this category of earth god, whose territory is more limited than the dawang, shares the expression for \"elder brother of grandfather\".\n\nibid p. 224 » 10\n\n174\n\nibid p 160\n\nDiscussion of this aspect of ancestral worship is summarized in C Fred Blake, Ethnic Groups and Social Change in a Chinese Market Town, The University Press of Hawaii, 1981, pp 92-93, 115 n 1, 116 n 2. A possible example is the case of Wo Hang, N. T. where an ancestral hall of the second fang houses the spirit tablets of the first and second generation. See Allen John Lueck, Lun Chun, Land is to live: A study of the concept of isu in a Hakka Chinese village, New Territories, Hong Kong, unpublished PhD dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Chicago, 1985, p 273.\n\nCompare H G H Nelson, \"Ancestor Worship and Burial Practices\", in Arthur P. Wolf ed., Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society, Stanford University Press, 1974, pp. 263-267, on the shen-ting which fulfilled the functions of domestic altars for the households in each area” in a Cantonese village in the New Territories. He observes that the shenting \"occupy a place half way between [tang ancestral halls] and domestic altars”.\n\nVol under Donga jie (\"Winter festival\")\n\nTON Op cit. pp 147-148\n\nOp cit. p 12\n\nOp cit. p 176\n\n100\n\nIt is interesting to note the distribution and context of Mountain Songs. It is interesting to note that Mountain Songs were sung only by the male villagers (in some festivals with women hired from other villages) in the Cantonese villages whose dialect is known to others as daaih ga wo (\"big family language\"), and which correspond to the area of the five big clans. In some of the other Cantonese villages, e.g. in Shatin and Saikung, Mountain Songs were sung by the women on the eve before a wedding at the bride's home. Mountain Songs, and related pre-marital courtship, was more popular among some female Cantonese villagers in the Kowloon area who cut grasses for sale as fuel. The livelihood of these women, like that of the Hakka immigrants, depended more on the city. I know much less", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213970, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 39, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "4\n\naloof on his return. The present writer can vouch for his active approval of an African-inspired experiment whereby departmental administrative officers in the urban areas would collect and transmit upwards a monthly 'intelligence digest' of local opinion, morale and responses to government action or inaction, and of attitudes to prominent local figures and to Chinese or foreign affairs: this was meant to supplement what was collected in their own specialist manners by the HK Police Special Branch (SB), the New Territories Administration (NTA), the Foreign & Commonwealth Office (FCO)'s Political Adviser (PA) and the Security Liaison Officer (SLO). Some of what was collected may have been too near the knuckle, some was rather too easily discounted as mere \"gossip,\" important though that might be as a reflection of influential belief at the grass roots, and some may have hurt the dignity of those who had the existing duty of intelligence-gathering. The governor was persuaded to drop the experiment as proving trivial.\n\nBut Trench also showed interest in another interloping proposal that, in the absence of any generalist government institutions to supplement the Secretary for Chinese Affairs (SCA)'s advisory staff (who liaised with the various kai fong (Neighbourhood) Welfare Associations, Clansmens' Associations and Residents' Associations, which were often self-perpetuating), District Officers (DOs) should be appointed in the urban areas; these should have certain executive functions, fewer than those of their colleagues in the New Territories so as not to encroach on the licensing prerogatives of the Urban Council, but sufficient to ensure that all should know of their existence and, above all, of where their offices were. Primarily they should oversee and co-ordinate the activities of the various professional and technical departments in their bailiwicks, but also, like paternalistic mandarins, inquire into, report upon and seek answers to the needs and concerns of the inhabitants. This suggestion was effectively smothered by a DCS who was unable to understand what such DOs might achieve in a city that existing institutions did not already adequately do: the concept of such junior, peripheral, government officers being responsive to people, as opposed to being mere executive agents responsible for essential infrastructural public services, was alien. Apart from the SCA's and District Commissioner New Territories (DCNT)'s contacts with often self-appointed élites, there was little by way of direct exchange with the man in the street: the same DCS once said, \"Government must, of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214041, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "76\n\n1\n\nright, government officials and village representatives have powers to grant or block the application In this essay, my study of the Pang villagers in Hong Kong's Fanling shows how their building rights have been re-defined to have their applications granted Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities Reflection on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (Revised Edition), London: Verso 1991\n\nIt is called small house in government's terms under the 1972 Small House Policy\n\nSee Hugh Baker, A Chinese Lineage Village, p. 154, Stanford: Stanford University Press 1968, Allen Chun, Land is to Live: A Study of the Tsu in a Hakka Chinese Village, New Territories, Hong Kong (unpublished PhD thesis, University of Chicago 1985), pp. 249-250, H. Nelson, \"The Chinese Descent System and the Occupancy Level of Village Houses\", p. 117, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 9 (1969) pp. 113-121, James Watson, Emigration and the Chinese Lineage: The Mans in Hong Kong and London, p. 160, Berkeley: University of California Press 1975, and Rubie Watson, Inequality among Brothers: Class and Kinship in South China, pp. 106-110, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1985\n\nThe data presented in this essay was collected during my fieldwork in Fanling Wai from the end of 1993 to early 1995\n\n4\n\nT\n\n#\n\nPang Beng Fu (Ed.), Bao An Xing Fen Ling Xiang Peng Shi Zu Pu (The Genealogy of Surname of the Pang in Bao An Province), 1989\n\nIbid, p. 59.\n\nAt the end of the summer of 1950, approximately 700,000 Chinese arrived at Hong Kong as a result of the political unrest in China in 1949 Szczepanik estimates that the population of Hong Kong in 1954 was about two millions But there was yet another influx of an estimated 140,000 immigrants from China during 1955-56 See Edward Szczepanik, The Economic Growth of Hong Kong, pp. 25-27 London: Oxford University Press 1958\n\nAs Jones reveals, by 1981, more than one quarter of Hong Kong's near five million population are living in the new towns such as Tsuen Wan, Shatin and Tuen Mun See Catherine Jones, Promoting Prosperity: The Hong Kong Way of Social Policy, p. 242 Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press 1990\n\nSee Catherine Jones, op cit, Fong, Peter, K.W., \"Housing for Millions: The Challenge Ahead\", in Joseph Y.S. Cheng and Sonny S.H. Lo (Eds), From Colony to SAR: The Hong Kong's Challenge Ahead Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press 1996\n\n10 There are two lineage-based religious activities held in Fanling Wai They are Hong chao rite and Da jiao festival Hong chao rite is held annually by the Pangs in the name of the Fanling Pang lineage to placate deities in exchange for their protection of villagers' well-being (see Au Tat-yan and Cheung Sui-wai, \"The Hung Chin Ceremony in Fanling\" [Chinese], in South China Studies Vol. 1 (1994) pp. 24-39). Da jiao festival basically fulfills the same function of the Hong chao rite, but is held at ten-year intervals Through this elaborated and expensive five-day-four-night exorcising rite, the Pangs believe that their", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214042, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "77\n\nhealth and fortune would not be harmed by evil spirits. In fact, these two religious activities are held in Fanling Wai (the settlement of the Pang lineage in Fanling) by the Pangs exclusively. The Pang villagers, be they in Fanling Wai or in other settlements, will enjoy the supernatural benefit from these activities through the descent line of their father or husband.\n\nThis figure was collected from the Lands Department in the North District Office.\n\n12 See Fong, Peter, K. W., op. cit.\n\n\"But the Lees in Wo Hang, Sha Luk Kok recognised that renting village houses out would\n\ninfringe on the values contributing to the maintenance of their community as a whole. The villagers defined occupancy within the village as permanent residence, and the rights for it could only be enjoyed and inherited by their fellow villagers through the male line. Houses were not simply residential structures but constituted Wo Hang as an agnatic village community. The house was a source of the rootedness that permitted the natives to claim identity with their natal village community through their right of occupancy.\" See Allen Chun, op. cit., pp. 249-50.\n\nDavid Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society: Lineage and Village in the New Territories, Hong Kong, pp. 2-4. Hong Kong: Oxford University Press.\n\nLiao Hua Chuan, \"Xin Jie Yifan Lai Min Quan Yi Lu You\" (The Origin of the New Territories Indigenous Inhabitant's Prerogative), p. 144, in Lu Yan (Ed.), Xiang Gang Zhang Gu (Legends of Hong Kong), Xiang Gang: Guang Jia Jing, 1987.\n\n16 See GWE Jones, “Rural Housing in Hong Kong\", in Lok, S. K. Wong (Ed.), Housing in Hong Kong: A Multi-Disciplinary Study, Hong Kong: Heinemann Educational Books (Asia), Hong Kong, 1975; Kwok Kam-chau, Planning for Village Development in the New Territories, M.Sc. thesis, The University of Hong Kong, 1987; Allen Chun, op. cit.; and James Hayes, Chinese Customary Law in the New Territories of Hong Kong, paper proceedings of the fourth International Symposium on Asian Studies in 1988.\n\n18 For details, see Heung Yee Kuk (Ed.), Xin Jie Xiao Xing Wu Yu Zheng Ce Te Ji (Special Collection of the New Territories Small House Policy), 1980.\n\n**Of this total of twelve houses, four were built in 1979, five in 1980, two in 1981, and one in 1982.\n\n19 The one allowed to build ding wu on Crown land had to pay a premium of about $4,000 at that time.\n\n20 210 hectares of this new town were designated for residential and commercial development, 50 hectares for industrial development, and 140 hectares for government and community use. See Hong Kong Government, Hong Kong 1984 (Annual Report), p. 132. Hong Kong Government Press.\n\n21 Hong Kong Government, Hong Kong 1985 (Annual Report), p. 183. Hong Kong Government Press.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214043, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 111, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "78\n\n47\n\n#\n\nGovernment Press\n\nThe total land area of Fanling and Sheung Shui was 13,184 acres (20.6 square miles). See Heung Yee Kuk, Xin Jie Xiang Yi Ju Cheng Li Lu Shi Zhou Nian Jin Dian Te Kan (The Special Issue for the New Territories Heung Yee Kuk's 60th Anniversary [published in 1986]), p. 182\n\nA name list of successful applicants was posted on the village notice-board in 1991. A total of 69 ding houses were allowed to be built. But unsuccessful applicants tore down the list and then submitted objections to the District Office. They complained that some successful applicants were found to be living abroad, some came from the same family, and that most village council members of Fanling Wai (cun wei hui cheng yuan) were successful applicants. The result was considered unfair because many of these successful applicants were said to have bribed the Village Representatives for their applications. So the District Officer and Village Representatives had to set up new criteria for reconsidering the applications.\n\n\"The detail of the criterion is as follows (Data collected from the Fanling Wai village notice-board in 1994): (1) Villagers having large families and those whose present living conditions were comparatively less desirable. (1) Villagers who could afford the construction costs of the houses and were unlikely to dispose of the completed houses to outsiders. (11) Villagers who were enthusiastic towards serving fellow villagers and were benevolent towards the affairs of the village. (iv) Villagers who had submitted applications before June 1989. (v) Applicants who were or had been members of either the village committee, or Da Jiao Committee or Village Guard would be considered to have served their fellow villagers and to be benevolent towards the affairs of Fanling Wai. (Da Jiao is a lineage-based religious festival, see footnote 10). (vi) Where two or more applicants having a father and son relationship were successful in this selection exercise, only one application would be selected for allocation of a Small House site.\n\n\"Some villagers anticipated that their building rights would not be realized in their lifetime due to the keen competition or to their lack of money, so they decided to sell their \"right to build\" (ding quan) to land developers to profit. That is, land developers have offered villagers money to make use of their building rights to apply to build houses elsewhere. During my fieldwork, I found a total of seven Pangs who had successfully applied to build ding houses outside Fanling Wai. Six were built in San Wai of Lung Yeuk Tau (the Tang lineage settlement in Fanling), and one in Long Chai, Fanling. In fact, the phenomena of selling ding quan by villagers to make a profit has been a common one. For example, according to the Far Eastern Economic Review, ten villagers living abroad who had no intention of returning to Hong Kong made a total profit of $500,000 by selling their ding quan to land developers (1982: 55, quoted in Allen Chun, op. cit., p. 222).\n\n* In 1976, in order to discourage villagers from making profits by selling their ding wu, the government amended the policy to pay the government full market value premium if houses are sold within five years of the end of construction work.\n\n27. The emigrant Mans also built new village houses in San Tin as the ultimate proof of their stake in the community of their birth. See James Watson, op. cit., p. 165", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214194, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 52, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "15\n\ning is as good as a session of aerobics. Cousins' book has become a classic.\n\nIt has been said that people laugh more in a warmer climate than they do in the cold north, which, up to a point, is understandable. Opening your mouth too wide lets in the cold! But certainly, as we have seen, senses of humour can differ from the north to the south of Europe, and from country to country. They can also change considerably across Asia. There are differences even among the population of China, from one region or one sub-ethnic group of people to another. Many of the latter have their own dialects which, many insist, may be classified as separate languages in their own right. In China, jokes about politics often go down better in Beijing, the capital city of the country and the heart of Government; whereas Shanghai is the major commercial centre in the People's Republic on the Mainland.\n\nThe People's Daily is purported to have quoted the Chinese joke about an alien being captured in China (HK Standard, 1998). In Shanghai, so it was written, they would dissect it for medical research. Beijingers, conversely, would send it to a museum as an educational exhibit, while the Cantonese, who eat anything whose back faces the sky and has four legs, except a table, would ask, 'which part of the creature can be braised in brown sauce?' Part-time comedian Brent Ambacher, long-time resident in Hong Kong, told the author that he had been unable to think of any similar jokes about Hong Kong people.\n\nQuite rightly, making fun of people today because of their origins is usually frowned upon, as is the cracking of sexist and racist jokes. Many squirm at 'black humour' which is too close to the bone. Yet in Hong Kong the term gweilo (meaning 'ghost person' or 'foreign devil') may, or, as the term is so widely used, may not carry pejorative intentions. Certainly not everyone agrees with the latter, and Frank Ching, the well-known Hong Kong journalist, on more than one occasion has said he never uses the term and that to say it is not derogatory is to deny the obvious (Waters, 1995; 146). Nevertheless, a number of Westerners, especially British, use the term as a self-deprecating form of humour.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214216, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 74, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "37\n\n(15) Humour changes over time and many Chinese, for example Singaporeans, have become Westernised in various ways, including regarding their sense of humour.\n\nThe Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in China (1966-1976), and its vicious aftermath, even though it was for many Chinese largely of their own making, had a profound effect on China physically,\n\npolitically and morally. But the Chinese have considerable capacity for survival boosted largely by their philosophy of life, acceptance of realism, and capabilities to surmount the vicissitudes of life with understanding, limitless grace and (it must be stressed) with considerable humour.\n\nNevertheless, where there are differences in senses of humour, the more a Westerner learns about and appreciates Chinese culture, or when a Chinese understands Western culture, the more he or she 'extends' his or her own sense of humour in an alien culture. More rigorously chronicled jokes and more well-researched material will assist this process.\n\nBut with time, improved travel facilities and communications, including radio, television, the Internet, other forms of the mass media and information technology, the world is becoming more of a global village. In spite of Hong Kong becoming in some respects more 'Chinese' since the 1997 Handover, from Britain to China (including more use being made of the Chinese language), the merging of western and Chinese cultures will continue. This will, in the end, result in differences being narrowed and Chinese and Westerners laughing more at each others' jokes. Laughter will then cross the Great Wall more easily.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214225, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "46\n\nJones, Russell (1997), Chinese Names, the Traditions Surrounding the Use of Chinese Surnames and Personal Names, Pelanduk Publications.\n\nKao, George (1946), Chinese Wit and Humour, Coward-McCann, New York.\n\nKarlgren, Bernhard (1971), Sound and Symbol in Chinese, Hong Kong University Press.\n\nLee, Lily Xiao Hong and Sue Wiles (1999), Women of the Long March, Allen and Unwin. Edited extract South China Morning Post, 'Saturday Review,' 'Women on the March' 20 February 1999.\n\nLee, Sherry (1999, February 2), 'Reviving the art of Silent Gestures,' Hong Kong Standard, 'Life' supplement.\n\nLexikon der Ägyptologie (1997), 'Humour.'\n\nLin Yutang (1937), The Importance of Living, Reynal & Hitchcock, New York.\n\n(1936), My Country and My People, William Heinemann.\n\nLindsay, Oliver (1978), The Lasting Honour, the Fall of Hong Kong 1941, Hamish Hamilton.\n\nLittle, Jennifer (1998, June 25), 'Chinese Kiwi Comic Gags Racial Stereotypes,' Hong Kong Standard.\n\nLiu, D.H. (1995), 'The Peking Opera,' Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch Journal, Vol. 35.\n\nMathews, Jay and Linda (1983), One Billion, a China Chronicle, Ballantine Books, New York.\n\nMcGregor, Richard (1997, August 22), 'Interpreters' nightmares,' South China Morning Post.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214226, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "47\n\nMeredith, George (1956), ‘An Essay on Comedy,’ Comedy, John Hopkins University Press.\n\nMinchin, James (1986) No Man is an Island, A Study of Lee Kuan Yew's Singapore, Allen and Unwin.\n\nMuir, Frank (1990), The Oxford Book of Humorous Prose, From William Caxton to P.G. Wodehouse, a Conducted Tour, Oxford University Press.\n\nOrwell, George (1945), 'The Art of Donald McGill,' Collected Essays, Mercury Books No 17.\n\nPan, Lynn (1990), Sons of the Yellow Emperor: The Story of the Overseas Chinese, Secker and Warburg.\n\nThe Penguin Book of Modern Humour (1982), A personal anthology selected by Alan Coren, Penguin.\n\nPeters, Arnold (1998, September 25), 'Racist Remarks at Legco.' Hong Kong Standard.\n\n'Pharaoh's thigh-slapper' (c.1998), South China Morning Post, extracted from The Sunday Times (London), exact date not known.\n\nPopular Chinese Jokes (1994), ed. Tian Hengyu, Asiapac, Singapore.\n\nPotter, Stephen (1954), The Sense of Humour, Penguin.\n\nRosser, Nigel (1990, March 4), ‘Lucy Sheen, Actress,’ South China Morning Post magazine.\n\nSelected Jokes from Past Chinese Dynasties (1997) Sinolingua, Beijing, vols 1 to 4.\n\nSmith, Arthur H. (1988), Pearls of Wisdom from China, Graham Brash, Singapore, first published 1888.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214230, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 88, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "IMAGES OF SINICISED VEDIC DEITIES ON CHINESE ALTARS\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\n51\n\nIntroduction\n\nThe rear halls of two temples in the Western Hills of Peking each contains some twenty-eight images which, though predominantly Chinese in appearance and style, are Vedic deities referred to in English in Chinese temple brochures as the Deva. The main question arising from this unique pantheon asks what led to its arrangement and character?\n\nBuddhism in China numbers among its many deities several score borrowed from Brahmanism and other Indian religions, other words Hindu deities with Chinese appearance and bearing. These tend to be well-known forms, accepted by Chinese devotees as Chinese and with little suggestion that they had an alien Indian origin. The concepts and forms of Buddhist deities on altars in China were almost exclusively brought there from India either by the northern route over the mountains and deserts of North-western China or the Southern route by sea to Kuangtung or Fukien provinces. The transit of South Asian Buddhism and its statuary to China began during the first century AD with the statuary being uniquely Buddhist, taken from Hinduism via Buddhism.\n\nThe Revd. J MacGowan1, during the early days of this century wrote that \"the practical, every-day, common religion of the Chinese is idolatry, pure and simple. Ancestor worship is too profound and too ideal and not quick enough to meet the problems that constantly face the Chinese in their struggle for existence. To provide for this difficulty, idols innumerable have been enshrined in homes and in temples all over the land....and many of these idols are of Indian origin, as can be seen by their faces, as well as by the liturgies that are used, which are certainly adaptations from the ancient Sanskrit.\"\n\nWe are particularly interested here in the specifically Hindu deities referred to in English in Chinese brochures as the Devas, but in Chinese guise, on altars in two temples in the Western Hills, the Ta Pei...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214232, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "53\n\nderstood that all twenty-eight of the deities in the hall were followers or disciples of the Kuan Yin with the Thousand Arms and Thousand Eyes.\n\nThe twenty-eight images in the Bodhisattva Hall of second temple, the Pi-yun Ssu, (apart from the main deity Kuan Yin), fall into three categories: four bodhisattvas [P'u Hsien, Wen Shu, Ta Shih Chih and Ti-tsang Wang - but not including the main deity, the Bodhisattva Kuan Yin]; seventeen deities with Sanskrit titles [including four T’ien-wang Guardians] and three Chinese native folk religion deities.\n\nThe monks also explained that a stream which ran through the area had attracted imperial favour and several temples had been sited and built by palace eunuchs to enable the emperors to relax during the summer heat or visit the nearby shrines of deities of longevity and prosperity. Amongst these were the Ta Pei Ssu and the Pi-yün Ssu. They also understood that when the decision was taken to set up the images in the Hall each image was specially constructed and given a name or title all in accordance with Buddhist sacred writings.\n\nHowever, these two temples in the Western Hills are not quite unique in that a further 28 deities can be seen in a cave-tunnel in a comparatively modern temple near Taipei in Taiwan, each labelled with a Sinicised Sanskrit or pseudo-Sanskrit name, similar to the deities in the two temples in the Western Hills. Such alien names mean nothing to most Chinese.\n\nIn the Ta Hui Ssu X, a third temple, within the city of Peking, statues referred to in the temple as the Twenty-eight Protectors of the Buddhist Law line the flanking walls of the main hall. These too are very similar in style and appearance to the Twenty-eight Deva in the Ta Pei Ssu in the Eight Great Places and though not individually identified as such in the Ta Hui Ssu they are probably similar Deva.\n\nAccording to Soothill's Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms Deva is a general designation of the gods of Brahmanism, celestial beings whom he lists as the Twenty Deva [+]. The Sinicised Sanskrit titles of the deities seen in the two temples in the Western Hills, compared with the list of twenty in Soothill's dictionary, con-\n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214234, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "55\n\nsaddle on his recumbent lion, holding his rattle-stick in his right hand and his pearl in his left. He wears monk's robes and the five-leaf Buddhist crown and is a benign middle-aged monk. However, in the Ta Pei Ssu he is without any unique characteristics, and is portrayed as a middle-aged deity, standing, with palms held together in prayer before his chest; he is dressed in multi-coloured robes and an ornate crown. Without his label it would not have been possible to identify him.\n\nNative Chinese Deities co-located but unconnected with the Deva\n\nTwo of the Twenty-eight deities in the Ta Pei Ssu are not Deva, being native Chinese deities. One is known as the Lord of the Purple Planet, Venus, Tzu-wei Ta-ti and the other, the Lord of the Underworld, Tung Yüeh Ta-ti.\n\nIn the Pi-yun Ssu the additional native Chinese deity, bringing the total to three, is the Spirit of Thunder, Lei Kung, though in practice he might perhaps be regarded as originally Hindu in that he is a form of Garuda, a human with wings, the beak of a bird and clawed feet.\n\nThe great majority, if indeed not all Chinese visitors to these temples, be they devotees or merely sight-seers, tend to assume that the deities were legendary Chinese figures, possibly because the sign-board outside one of the halls describes them as P'u-sa [bodhisattvas], a term Chinese are familiar with considering it to be Chinese. Having said that, a number of the deities have titles on individual tablets before them which, though in Chinese characters, are obviously not Chinese names such as Kan-ta-p'o, the Sinicised version of Gandharva. These names can be somewhat confusing if not bewildering as different Chinese characters for the alien sounds are used. In addition they are not always the full titles provided in Buddhist religious literature.\n\nThere are several major differences between the array in the Ta Pei Ssu and in the Pi-yun Ssu. Primarily, though both groups stand within a hall dedicated to Kuan Yin, the image of the goddess in the closed temple hall stands some fifteen feet tall and is the thousand-arm, thousand-eye Tantric version, standing, with two of her arms resting one each on the heads of her two attendants. The image of Kuan", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214276, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "97\n\nNOTES\n\nMacGowan J : Men and Manners of Modern China: T Fisher Unwin: London 1912\n\n2 Werner in his Dictionary of Chinese Mythology gives the Eight Classes of Dragon Kings as follows:\n\n3 Deva naga, Yaksha, Gandharva, Asuras, Garudas, Vinnaras, Mahonagas and Rakshas Soothill in his Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms lists the Eight Classes of Supernatural Beings as follows: Deva, Naga, Yaksha, Gandharva, Asura, Garuda, Kinnara and Mahoraga.\n\nMajor well known Brahmanist deities not included in the groups of Deva in the Western Hills of Peking include Hanuman, Parbati and Ganesh.\n\n* A Student Interpreter: Where Chineses Drive : English Student Life in Peking Wm Allen & Co : London: 1885\n\n6 As with a number of titles the romanised spelling varies depending upon the form used and, as examples, we have Siva and Shiva, Pancika and Panchika. He is the esoteric cult Deva, a masculine form of the wife of Siva. He is the tutelary god of Mongolian Lama Buddhism, and is also said to be an incarnation of Vairocana for the purpose of destroying demons.\n\n7 Werner, ETC: A Dictionary of Chinese Mythology:\n\n8\n\n9 x stands for an illegible character. Although images iconographically look like the standard Buddhist image of the Temple Guardian, Wei T'o, they have been identified as being one of three Vedic deities. Lessing in his Yung-Ho-Kung [Stockholm 1942] and the Taiwanese guide to The Guan Yin Hall of the Ta Pei Ssu both identify Wei T'o's origin as Skanda whilst Soothill claims that he is Viharapala.\n\n10 Occasionally Yüeh T'ian-wang, that is the 12th century hero Yüeh Fei, takes the place of Li Yüan-shuai.\n\n\"Chin-se are the Five Primary Colours permutated in various ways to represent various ideas; also, a five coloured emblematic cord, a Brahman sign worn on", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214336, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 194, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "158 days later, coincidentally, on 23 September 1861, a small postscript to the China coverage of The Illustrated London News established that there was indeed a link between Hong Kong and British actions in China.\n\nThe item took the form of an illustration of a Monument to the Royal Marines, erected in the Cemetery at \"Hong Kong, China\". In explanation of the illustration, it read: “The front inscription is as follows; 'In memory of the officers, non-commissioned officers, buglers, and privates of the Brigade of Royal Marines (Light Infantry); and the non-commissioned officers, buglers, and gunners of the battery of Royal Marine Artillery, who fell in the execution of their duty in China during the years 1857, 1858, 1859, and 1860. Erected by their comrades.' The slab on the right-hand side gives the names of three officers and 48 men killed in action; whilst that on the left shows the total loss from all causes to have been 257; and the numbers wounded were 27 officers, 16 sergeants, 20 corporals, four buglers, and 155 gunners and privates. The rear slab records the services of the brigade, from the taking of Canton in Dec. 1857, with the various expeditions in the neighbourhood, the Taku Forts in 1859, the defence of Shanghai, and the brilliant campaign in the north, which ended in the Treaty of Peking on Oct. 24, 1860.\"\n\nHong Kong, SAR, China\n\nAt midnight, 30 June 1997, Hong Kong was returned by Britain to China.\n\nThe Monument to the Marines \"who fell in the execution of their duty in China during the Years 1857, 1858, 1859, and 1860\" still stands, known only to the few Hong Kong residents today who take an interest in things of the past. And to most of these few, the past events which the Monument records are too distant in ethos as well as in time even to be uncomfortable; but are felt rather as irremediably alien.\n\nThis brief survey and commentary on the contemporary China coverage in one British periodical during the period 5 January to 23 September 1861 may perhaps offer reassurance that, like us today, the contemporary British public before, during and after Lord Elgin's China Campaign was also more comfortable when the soldiers could come", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214376, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 234, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "200\n\nunderwent many changes both in scope and organization. However, one thing which remained constant throughout its life was its racial composition. It was always a Chinese force. As such, in the context of the colony's private security heritage, it is an important organization even though its numbers never exceeded 160. Not surprisingly, because of its traditional origins, it was also a gendered 'Force' and no District Watchwomen were ever employed even when, in 1949, women were permitted to join the Hong Kong Police.\n\nEarly Days\n\nThere is little doubt that in the 1860s the growing number of wealthy Chinese merchants residing in Hong Kong required the services of a security force since this was not provided by the Hong Kong Police. Lethbridge claimed that by the mid-1860s there were 'numerous private watchmen and street guards already employed by merchants, shopkeepers, householders and Kaifong. The need for these private security personnel was distressingly obvious. Members of the regular police force, which was composed mostly of European and Indian policemen with a few Chinese, were more concerned with the safety of the European dominated central business district of the city than with the protection of the occupants of the Chinese quarter. Language was another barrier since most of the non-Chinese police were unable to speak Cantonese, a situation which made effective communication with the local population an impossibility. However, even if the Hong Kong Government had possessed the funds, manpower and inclination to provide the Chinese quarter with sufficient policemen, it is debatable whether the Hong Kong Chinese merchants of the 1860s would have welcomed the attention of members of the predominately foreign Hong Kong Police. It is more likely that they would have resented men of an alien culture intruding into their business and private lives even if this resulted in a decrease in crime. The ideal solution to this local security problem was a 'police force' made up of Chinese men whom the merchants knew and could trust.\n\nAt the beginning of 1866 in the weeks before Chinese New Year, Hong Kong's English language newspapers reported rumours of unrest in Canton.3 There was also considerable alarm that an uprising would spread to the colony but this fear proved to be unfounded. Whether these rumours were 'massaged' to suggest a more serious state", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214551, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 409, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "378\n\nthe Xuan-wu Gate. The church was built by Adam Schall and completed in 1652. Emperor Shun Zhi visited it 24 times, and often had heart-to-heart talks with Schall. On our visit the church was packed. The 7 o'clock mass was just finishing and the 8 o'clock mass then started, but many of those attending the first mass stopped for the second, for that was the Bishop's mass. After the distribution of communion he moved amongst the congregation, shaking hands, including those of several of our party. Emotional moments captured superbly on video by Allan Painter. [Also Illustration Three].\n\nThis was followed by a quieter visit to the massive National Museum of Chinese History, fortunate to have a superb view over Tien An Men Square. The many different objects set out on display in traditional museum style fascinated different members of our group. It was lovely to see a large number of children, some with parents, busy drawing different articles in the collection with notable artistic talent. At the main entrance we saw long queues of children in uniform going into an exhibition marking the 100th anniversary of Chou En Lai's birth.\n\nAfter lunch amongst the spring blossoms of Bei Hai (North Sea) Park we drove north to Prince Kung's Garden (Gongwangfu). Prince Kung (Gong), a Late Qing Dynasty statesman and reformer, was the Garden's second owner. Exquisitely designed, the mansion exhibits a high level of classical Chinese architecture. The buildings are joined together by winding corridors whilst there is also an opera hall decorated with delicate wisteria patterns, however, the actual gardens were rather dry, dusty and crowded.\n\nThen we visited the nearby Changqiao Community Service Centre in Liu Yin Street where the Society was presented with the scroll painted by elderly members of the Centre. We heard about the various activities organised by the Centre. This was followed by a short walk and then the group divided up to go to individual homes in the hutongs for a meal. This was a delightful experience, enjoyed equally by both hosts and guests alike.\n\nThe long day came to a delightful end with a visit to the Huguang Hall at 3 Hu Fang Qiao Road, Xuan Wu District. First built in 1807 it was also known as the Guangdong and Hunan Guildhall and was a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214553, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 411, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "380\n\nMD\n\nIllustration One. The Beijing visit party by Matteo Ricci's tomb with Madam Gao Zhiyu in the centre. Photograph by Allan Painter.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214555, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 413, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "382\n\nIllustration Three Young Communicants outside the Cathedral on Easter Sunday. Photograph by Allan Painter.\n\n59\n\n1", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214824, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 239, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "205\n\nphilosophy and ethics among the Chinese\", p.298.\n\n2 A convenient modern summary of all Chinese religions, past and present, is provided by D. Howard Smith in his Chinese Religions (London, Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1968). Useful summaries are also contained in the relevant sections of Trevor Ling's A History of Religion: East and West; An Introduction and Interpretation (London, Macmillan, 1968).\n\n3 Arthur H. Smith, The Uplift of China (London, Church Missionary Society, 1908 and revised new edition 1914). Both are used in this paragraph, pp.83-4 and 41 respectively.\n\n4 Hu Shih, The Chinese Renaissance (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1934), p.79.\n\n5 Smith, op.cit., 1908, p.84. Professor Latourette adds one more element: \"The average Chinese has long been and still is an animist, a Buddhist, a Confucianist and a Taoist with no sense of incongruity or inconsistency\", he wrote, in the first edition of his survey The Chinese, Their History and Culture (New York, The Macmillan Company, 1934), Vol.II, p.125.\n\n6 However, this \"intertwining\", as Smith called it, did not extend to the temples and monasteries of the three religions. As the 19th century English missionary cleric Archdeacon Moule observed, they were each characterized by a different atmosphere and possessed a different significance, which he summarized as follows: \"Confucian and ancestral temples generally are for the commemoration and reverence and cultus of the great departed. Buddhist and Taoist temples and monasteries are open for the worship singly or in company of the people generally, addressed to images representing deities of living and present power\". Ven. Arthur Evans Moule, The Chinese People, A Handbook on China (London, Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1914), p.212. Rev. F.W.S. O'Neill, The Quest for God in China (London, George Allen & Unwin, 1925), p.33.\n\n7 This was a truly enormous field of endeavour, as practically every woman in every household in China and its Dependencies would have recourse to Taoist magic in one form or another to ward off evil from the home. The propensity was so marked that it could extend to converts to Christianity who, used to pasting up protective words and phrases, could include “Emmanuel” and “Trust in God” above the doorways and windows where hitherto Taoist charms had", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214963, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "14\n\n4) Had Commissioner Lin adopted less drastic measures in suppressing the opium trade? A difficult course to predict. However, knowing Elliot's repugnance of the opium trade, it is possible the two might have joined forces in fighting the infamous trade. It was Lin's methods, in particular laying siege to the foreign factories, that alienated Elliot's respect, not the end he sought to gain by adopting them.\n\n5) If China had suddenly developed a strong interest in British goods? Tin, wool, and cotton were imported from Britain, but not in sufficient quantities to balance the export of tea. A strong public opinion against opium had been building up in Britain. A greater demand for British goods might have shifted the British official position from laissez faire to oppose opium, dealing a serious blow to the opium trade.\n\nNo doubt, many other alternative courses of history can be suggested, but the few above show how the two addictions—to opium and tea—had determined the course of history of that period and region, and how easily that course might have been altered, preventing the conflict, and possibly subsequent imperialist policy of western nations in China.\n\nConclusion\n\nOf all the foods, solid or liquid, tea has had great influence over the centuries around the world. It has played a part in history, medicine, politics, manners and customs. British interests in the 19th century kept the opium supply line open and the manufacture of opium in India solvent in order to pay for China's tea. Britain went to war with China to protect those interests. In this sense the war was also the Tea War. When Sir George Staunton, an authority on Chinese-British relations and a member of Macartney's mission to China in 1793 (aged 15, he went as a page-boy), declared in Parliament: 'If there had been no opium, there had been no war,' he might well have added: \"And if there had been no tea, there had been no war.\"\n\nSELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY\n\nALLEN, N.:\n\nThe Opium Trade, Lowell (2nd Edition), U.S.A., 1983.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214965, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 61, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "PROUDFOOT, W.J.: Notes from Biographical Memoir of James Dinwiddie, LL.D, embracing his account of travels in China as a member of Macartney's Embassy, Edward Howell, Liverpool, 1886.\n\nWALEY, A.: The Opium War Through Chinese Eyes, Allen and Unwin, London, 1958.\n\nWONG, J.Y.: Deadly Dreams: Opium and the Arrow War (1856-1860) in China, Cambridge University Press, 1998.\n\nWOODWARD, N.H.: Teas of the World, Collier Macmillan, London, 1980.\n\nThis paper was presented at the \"International Conference on Lin Zexu, the Opium War and Hong Kong,” held at the Hong Kong Museum of History in December 1998.\n\nAmong his many other accomplishments, Dr. S. M. Bard, OBE, ED, is also a historian.\n\nHis published works include the following: In Search of the Past: A Guide to the Antiquities of Hong Kong (Urban Council Hong Kong 1988); Traders of Hong Kong: Some Foreign Merchant Houses, 1841-1899 (Urban Council Hong Kong 1993); and Garrison Memorials in Hong Kong: Some Graves and Monuments at Happy Valley (Antiquities and Monuments Office, Hong Kong: Occasional Paper No. 4, 1997).\n\nSome scholars prefer to divide the Wars into the Opium War, 1839-1842, and the Arrow War, 1856-1860.\n\n* A Dutchman, Dr Cornelius Decker, advocated 40-50 cups a day.\n\nPortuguese Princess Catherine is credited with introducing tea to Britain when she married King Charles II.\n\nA story is told of German Radio, during the 2nd World War, which announced that due to shortage of tea in Britain, the British were ready to sue for peace, not having access to their 5-o'clock tea. It only served to amuse the British, for the Germans got the time wrong!", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215078, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 174, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "131\n\nconnection with Chinese history when comparing the same with the Western system. There was also a slight derangement of time over the year, by one day only, with the intercalary moon being so arranged as to have only one solar period in it.\n\nAlthough the months were divided into two fifteen-day periods, markers for rituals, these periods had no particular relevance to the lives of the common man. What did have marked relevance for the majority of the population was the artificial division of the month into three ten-day periods, used mainly to mark rest days. However, as the seven-day week of the Judeo-Christians does not follow the natural laws by which events and phenomena operate, it was an alien concept to the majority of Chinese until 1911 when the western Gregorian calendar was introduced by the Republic.\n\nThe day was divided into twelve equal hours, each of 120 minutes - though the concept of such minuscule divisions as minutes within an hour used to be beyond the comprehension of the great majority of Chinese. Short periods of time used to be described as the length of time it took for a standard incense stick to burn down.22\n\nThese twelve Chinese hours were referred to using the twelve 'branches' or horary characters. These not only provided names for each of the twelve hours of the complete day but also, in combination with the ten celestial 'stems,' they gave titles for the years.\n\nMonths were referred to by twelve [or thirteen in intercalary years23] ordinary and literary names completely unconnected with the stems and branches.\n\nThe twelve hour day began with 11p.m. to 1 a.m., the hour of the rat and known by the first of the 'twelve branches' Zi; the second hour, 1 a.m. to 3 a.m. was the hour of the ox and known by the second 'branch', Chou. The remainder of the twelve branches' were Yin, the hour of the tiger; Mao, the hour of the hare; Chen, the hour of the dragon; Si, the hour of the snake; Wu, the hour of the horse; Wei, the hour of the sheep; Shen, the hour of the monkey; You, the hour of the cock; Xu, the hour of the dog; and finally, Hai, the hour of the pig.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215079, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "132\n\nThe cycle of years consists of sixty possible combinations of pairs of characters, a system used since remote antiquity. A second system used reign periods similar to that used in England until fairly recent times. In the sixty-year cycle, the Chinese have used individual characters, the ten stems [tiangan] and the twelve branches (dizhi), paired to provide sixty combinations; thus, the first of the stems, Jia, and the first of the branches, Zi, together form a combination for the first year of the sixty, Jia Zi, and each successive year has another pair designating it for the whole sexagenary cycle when the combination begins again.24 The 'branches' were originally used to designate successive days; however, since the Han, they have been used in combinations for successive years.\n\nAlso within that sixty-year repetitive cycle, each individual year, with the five sequences of twelve years, was known, not only by the combination of stem and branch but also, for simplicity, by the animal of the year. Thus, the year 2000 is the Gengchen year as well as being the year of the Dragon. 1988 was and 2012 will also be the year of the Dragon, but neither will be Gengchen years, as this only comes round once every sixty years. For example, the year 2000 was Gengchen, as was sixty years earlier in 1940 and will be again in 2060.\n\nThe Chinese years are also referred to cyclically by one of the twelve named animals. Thus, we have the years of the Rat, Ox, Tiger, Hare, etc., the change taking effect from the Lunar New Year, which can fall any time between late January and the middle of February on the Gregorian calendar.\n\nAlthough the months were divided into two fifteen-day periods, markers for rituals, these periods had no particular relevance to the lives of the common man. What did have marked relevance for the majority of the population was the artificial division of the month into three ten-day periods, used mainly to mark rest days. However, as the seven-day week of the Judeo-Christians does not follow the natural laws by which events and phenomena operate, so it was an alien concept to the majority of Chinese until 1911, when the western Gregorian calendar was introduced by the Republic.\n\nChinese used sun dials and water clocks from an early date, the latter dependent upon a constant and steady flow through control", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215273, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "Hsiao, YÀ, 1894- \n\nMao Tse-tung and I were beggars; illustrated by the author, Siao-yu; with a foreword by Lin Yutang; preface by Raymond F. Piper, and historical commentary and notes by Robert C. North. [Syracuse, N. Y.]: Syracuse University Press, c1959.\n\nJohann Strauss\n\nThunder & lightning. [Xianggang]: Xianggang Lin shi shi zheng ju, c1999.\n\nJohnston, Tess\n\nFar from home: western architecture in China's northern treaty ports. Hong Kong: Old China Hand Press, c1996.\n\nJohnston, Tess.\n\nFrenchtown Shanghai: western architecture in Shanghai's old French concession. Hong Kong: Old China Hand Press, c2000.\n\nJohnston, Tess\n\nGod & country: western religious architecture in old China. Hong Kong: Old China Hand Press, c1996.\n\nJohnston, Tess.\n\nThe last colonies: western architecture in China's southern treaty ports. Hong Kong: Old China Hand Press, c1997.\n\nJohnston, Tess\n\nA last look: western architecture in old Shanghai. Hong Kong: Old China Hand Press, c1993.\n\nLai, Tim-cheong\n\nDreamscapes: the art of T. C. Lai, Hong Kong: University Museum and Art Gallery, University of Hong Kong, c[1999].\n\nLai, Tim-cheong\n\nHong Kong rhapsody: the art of T.C. Lai, Hong Kong: Hong Kong Book Centre, c[1997].\n\nLiddell, T. Hodgson\n\nChina: bits marvel and mystery. London: Allen, c1909.\n\nxlvii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215573, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 350, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "300\n\nRecreation\n\nCertainly man cannot live by rice alone and provision had to be made for recreation and welfare. What facilities were there? One imagines in the early 20th century a limited amount. But in the years leading up to Waglan becoming automated, in the 1980s, colour television, stereo music, radio, a small library, darts, ping-pong and mah-jong, all accommodated in the air-conditioned recreation room, were available (Port Services Division; 1987).\n\nLet us now turn to the actual men who manned the lighthouses.\n\nLighthouse personalities\n\nIn 1838, Grace Horsley Darling (1815-1842) became the heroine of Britain when she and her lighthouse keeper father rescued nine of the crew of the good ship Forfarshire. It was wrecked near the Longstone Lighthouse on one of the Farne Islands off the Northumberland coast, England. It is fitting that Darling's name is still recorded in English dictionaries and encyclopaedias although today people are more likely to hero-worship figures like astronauts, film stars and footballers.\n\nWhat about Hong Kong's keepers and others associated with lighthouses? What sort of men were they? Let us look at some of them.\n\nJames Arthur William Deakin's father was a British soldier who married his Chinese wife in 1935.42 He served as a gunner on Mount Davis when the Japanese attacked in December 1941. Later, as a child, James was called upon by his mother to put food parcels through the wire fence of the Shum Shui Po Prison Camp where his father was incarcerated.\n\nWhen he grew up, after attending the then Government King George the Fifth Secondary School, Jimmy Deakin went into government service. In the late 1950s he was posted to the Marine Department from the Electrical and Mechanical Engineering Division of the Public Works Department.\n\nAllen Lack informed the author that he had known Deakin earlier, as", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215584, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 361, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "311\n\n43\n\n+ At King George V School the medium of instruction was (and still is) English.\n\nMost of the pupils, when Deakin attended, were Europeans.\n\n44 Allen John Stockman Lack is a Master Mariner who served in the Hong Kong Government's Marine Department. He became Deputy Director.\n\n45 Conversation 25th February, 1999, between author and Paul Brown, a family member then working as Chief Information Officer in the Hong Kong Government Information Services Department.\n\n46 Lai Tak-wah interviewed by author on 12 February 1999.\n\n47 Lighthouse keepers frequently had mechanical engineering backgrounds.\n\n48 Tam Cheong-wai interviewed by Author on 23rd February 1999,\n\n49 Some old seafarers have requested permission to have their ashes scattered in Hong Kong Harbour. This has been done on several occasions.\n\n50 Interview by author with Master Mariner Roger Henry Parry who joined the Government Marine Department in 1973.\n\n51 Observations by author.\n\n52 Hong Kong Government Marine Department caption under picture of Waglan with no title and no date.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215779, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "11\n\nsocieties;72 William Pickering was appointed as Chinese Interpreter in 1873, and as Chinese Protector in 1877. These examples also illustrate the gradual introduction of the English system of laws (an alien system) being drawn into and manipulated to serve the purposes of an Eastern society.\n\nHowever, although the problem was reduced, it still exists until the present day. Nevertheless, the Colonial Office did try to improve the situation; a beginning was made, and hence, it could be deduced that the transfer meant a positive step in this area. In this sense, the grounds of the petition were justified.\n\nFurther to the last paragraph of the preceding section, I note again that there were several systems of law regulating the society of the Straits Settlements. In addition to the laws passed by the Indian regime,74 there was also the intervention of the British Parliament from time to time;75 and there were the Chinese secret societies which had their own courts of justice, which provides an example of an alternative system for settling disputes. Thus, amidst radical change in the mainstream administration of justice, there was also continuity in the Chinese system, and it did not die out after the transfer, but instead became a subterranean practice which still continues to exist.\n\nIndian convicts\n\nThis was the last of the problems cited in the petition, and also another hazy issue. Although the merchants complained of the fact that the 'felons sent here [were] being those whose crimes are those of the deepest dye' and that many were sent to the Straits Settlements on a permanent basis, analysis shows that in actual fact the convicts were not as dangerous nor as disadvantageous as they were made out to be.\n\nThe convicts were a source of cheap labour, and hence economically viable. Furthermore, even though they were loosely guarded, very few ever tried to escape. There were occasional violent incidents but these were few and far between, and convicts rarely rebelled against authority. Many of them settled down in the Straits Settlements after serving their prison sentences, as no provision had been made on the Indian government's part, before 1859, to repatriate", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215792, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "24\n\nTreaty of Holland (Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1824), (Hertslet's Treaties Vol VIII) Pangkor Engagement of 1874 (Treaties with Native States Part II)\n\nBill:\n\nStraits Transfer Bill (House of Commons), 1866, V (Session 1 Feb - 10 Aug 1866)\n\nStatutes:\n\nAct 24th George III Cap 25 (1784)\n\nIndian Charter Act of 1833\n\nIndian Act No. XVII of 1855\n\nCharters of Justice (1807, 1826, 1855)\n\nThe Colonial Laws Validity Act, 1865, 28 & 29 Vic, Cap 63\n\nThe Government of the Straits Settlements Act, 1866, 29 & 30 Vic, Cap 115\n\nThe Courts (Colonial) Jurisdiction Act, 1874, 37 & 38 Vic, Cap 27\n\nThe Straits Settlements Offences Act, 1874, 37 & 38 Vic, Cap 38\n\nCase:\n\nRegina v Willians Esq (1858) (3 Ky 16)\n\nSecondary Sources:\n\nAllen, Richard H S, 1968, Malaysia, Prospect and Retrospect. The Impact and Aftermath of Colonial Rule, Oxford University Press\n\nAuber, P, 1826, An Analysis of the Constitution of the EIC and the Laws Passed by Parliament for the Government of Their Affairs at Home and Abroad, London\n\nBlythe, W L, 1969, The Impact of Chinese Secret Societies in Malaya, Kuala Lumpur\n\nBraddell, Roland St John, (1915) 1982, The Law of the Straits Settlements. A Commentary, Oxford University Press (Kuala Lumpur)\n\nBraddle, T, (1853) 'Notices of Singapore', JIA, vii, 1328\n\nBuckley, Charles Burton, (1902) 1984, An Anecdotal History of Old Times in Singapore, Oxford University Press", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215793, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "25\n\n225\n\nCady, John F, 1964, Southeast Asia: Its Historical Development, McGraw Hill, New York\n\nCameron, J. (1865) 1965, Our Tropical Possessions in Malayan India, Kuala Lumpur\n\nCampbell, Persia Cranford, 1923, Chinese Coolie Emigration to Countries within the British Empire, PS King & Son, London\n\nCavenagh, O, 1844, Reminiscences of an Indian Official, London\n\nCavenagh, O, 1867, Report on the Progress of the Straits Settlements from 1859 - 60 to 1866 - 67, Singapore\n\nChan, Helena H M, 1986, An Introduction to the Singapore Legal System, Malayan Law Journal Pte Ltd, Singapore\n\nChiang Hai Ding, 1966, 'The Origins of the Malayan Currency System', JMBRAS, xxxix, no 1, 1-18\n\nCollis, Maurice, 1966, Raffles, Faber and Faber, London\n\nComber, Leon, 1961, The Traditional Mysteries of Chinese Secret Societies in Malaya, Eastern Universities Press, Singapore\n\nCoupland, Sir Reginald, 1946, Raffles of Singapore, Collins, London\n\nCowan, 1950, 'Early Penang and the Rise of Singapore 1805 - 1832', JMBRAS, xxiii\n\nCoyajee, JC, 1930, The Indian Currency System, Madras\n\nCrawfurd, J, 1967, History of the Indian Archipelago, Cass, London\n\nDavidson, G F, 1846, Trade and Travel in the Far East, London\n\nDesai, Tripta, 1984, The East India Company, A Brief Survey from 1599 to 1857, Kanak Publications, New Delhi\n\nDe Vere Allen, J, 1968, \"The Colonial Office and the Malay States, 1867 - 73', JMBRAS, xxxvi, no 1, 1 – 36", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215797, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "29\n\nSeton, Sir Malcolm, 1926, The India Office, G P Putnam's Sons, London and New York\n\nStrang, Lord, 1961, Britain In World Affairs, Faber and Deutsch, London\n\nSwettenham, F, 1948, British Malaya - An Account of the Origins and Progress of British Influence in Malaya, Allen and Unwin\n\nTan, Ding Eng, 1986, A Portrait of Malaysia and Singapore, Oxford University Press\n\nTarling, N, 1962, Anglo-Dutch Rivalry in the Malay World, 1760-1824, Cambridge\n\nThio, Eunice, 1969, British Policy In the Malay Peninsula 1880-1910, Vol 1, University of Malaya Press\n\nThio, Eunice, 1960, 'The Singapore Chinese Protectorate: Events and Conditions Leading to its Establishment, 1823-77', Journal of the South Seas Society, xvi, 40-80\n\nTregonning, K G, (1964) 1972, A History of Modern Malaysia and Singapore, Eastern Universities Press Sdn Bhd, Singapore\n\nTripathi, Amales, 1956, Trade and Finance in the Bengal Presidency 1793-1833, Calcutta\n\nTurnbull, C M, 1960, 'Bibliography of Writings in English on British Malaya, 1786-1867', JMBRAS, xxxiii, no 3 327-424\n\nTurnbull, C M, 1958, 'Communal Disturbances in the Straits Settlements in 1857', JMBRAS, xxxi, no 1, 96-146\n\nTurnbull, C M, 1970, 'Convicts in the Straits Settlements, 1826-67', JMBRAS, xliii, no 1\n\nTurnbull, C M, 1969, 'The European Mercantile Community in Singapore, 1819-67', Journal of Southeast Asian History, x, no 1, 12-35\n\nTurnbull, C M, 1957, 'Governor Blundell and Sir Benson Maxwell; a Conflict of...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215936, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 235, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "169\n\nindependently of each other, with little communication. History is written about those who create documents, not by those whose duty was to leave no trail. Nonetheless, it does appear that there were several groups quietly focussing on different aspects of resistance, not all military, should the day come when the Japanese took over.\n\nUsing his cover as a businessman working for Butterfield and Swire, where his \"manager,\" Mike Turner, also seems to have had SOE connections, Kendall also travelled through China, setting up contacts and listening posts, including those installed by Chauvin and Chinese intelligence. Indeed, because SOE tapped into an existing Chinese network, the intelligence it was able to access was far more sophisticated and accurate. SOE continued to fund another Chinese organisation, the RII (Research and Information Institute) throughout the duration of the war. This was a Chinese operated service using British equipment and a small British staff, working for, not in charge of, the Chinese. Many of its reports still exist, showing just how detailed was the information they gathered: exact ammunition supplies and strengths of Japanese units, area by area, names of officers, postings and movements. When, later in the war, efforts were made to amalgamate various British agencies operating in China, SOE managed to insist that RII was to remain separate and unaffected because it was a Chinese force.\n\nDespite what seems to have been a working relationship between the SOE and various forms of KMT intelligence, it is evident that Kendall also cultivated strong links in the hinterland of Hong Kong where KMT influence was weak. These areas were relatively remote and fiercely resistant to central government influence. The villagers were clannish, and their communities closed, united internally by family and traditional ties. Many of these villagers had emigrated overseas to work in places like South America and Malaya. They also had traditional systems of defence and security, but piracy and banditry were endemic, almost part of the economy. These regions were alien territory to urban Hong Kong people, European or Chinese, who as outsiders would have been treated with suspicion. Political loyalties varied, and before Hong Kong was attacked, people had no automatic regard for the British who were not yet ‘Allies, and whose record in China was not edifying. In many ways, this work was much easier after the occupation when locals and British forces, though humiliated by defeat, shared common ground. Kendall went into these areas, often alone, meeting and talking\n\n+", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216034, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 333, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "267\n\nThe force despatched up the Yangzi in 1629 by Koxinga's father was led by Zheng Huigui, Koxinga's uncle. It arrived off Zhenjiang just as the Manchu army was crossing over to Jin Shan [Golden Island], causing the Manchus to pause, change their plans and move further upstream for their crossing. However, the Manchus, having taken Nanjing, upstream, they floated downstream on rafts and after coming under fire from Zheng's force, still went on to capture Zhenjiang. Zheng fled downstream and back down the coast to Fujian. It was just at that moment that Koxinga's father deserted to the Manchu side. With most of Fujian province within his power Zheng, despite his submission to the alien Manchus, welcomed the Ming emperor who was fleeing ahead of the southward advance of the Manchus as a means of augmenting his power. Despite his protestations of loyalty he failed to aid the emperor's restorationist cause by the simple expedient of inactivity.\n\nOur next episode begins fifteen years after the execution of Koxinga's father in Beijing where he had been held hostage, with Koxinga himself vigorously opposing the Manchus. In 1659, Koxinga hearing that the Manchu forces were preoccupied in Yunnan province sailed to the mouth of the Yangzi where he remained whilst a portion of his fleet commanded by Zhang Huangyan, sailed up the Great River, captured Zhenjiang before sailing on to Wuhu, far upstream beyond Nanjing. Koxinga, himself, landed on Congming island near the mouth of the Great River and having marched across country, he entered the old Ming capital of Nanjing in triumph, where he proclaimed the restoration of the Ming. However, he was promptly besieged in Nanjing for four long months before surrendering the city and being able to escape. The failure of the second raid up the Yangzi led the Manchus to install large garrisons within the major walled cities down the Yangzi, Zhenjiang being but one. In each city a special quarter was set aside for the Manchu garrison, members of which were forbidden to have too much intercourse with the native Chinese and quite categorically were forbidden to marry them. The Manchus at first were merely feared but as the years passed so they grew to be heartily disliked. And in their later years they were despised. There was a remnant of the Manchus still in Zhenjiang in the 1920s, whose poverty was a burden on local charities and the authorities and whose extensive burial grounds down the centuries of both the Manchu White and Yellow Banners were still standing in the city's south-west suburbs. It was claimed that Zhenjiang reflected typical Jiangbei culture with a dash of Peking from the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216050, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 349, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "283\n\ndoctors in charge, and a Lifesaving institution possessing six well-equipped, well-manned boats always on the river near the port, and ten others dodging about above and below. There was also a free ferry, with thirteen big boats, for crossing the ofttimes stormy and dangerous Yangzi. The city also had a winter 'soup kitchen', a Widows Relief Society and Widows' Home, the latter connected with a Boys' Orphanage.\n\nAnother of the many Western visitors to pass through Zhenjiang was one of the first British Indian Army officers to study Chinese in Peking.\" Colonel Wingate eventually retired from the Indian Army as the Director of Military Intelligence but not before he had accomplished, among other things, a journey back from Peking to India overland between September 1898 and May 1899 to collect information of all kinds'. In the October during his journey up the Yangzi he disembarked from the Butterfield and Swire boat at Zhenjiang and was met by the British Consul, E. L. B. Allen who put him up in the consulate. [One of Allen's claim to fame was his hatred of the maddening noise of cicadas which he disposed of by shooting them with his pistol]. Wingate remarked in passing that Zhenjiang was unique among treaty ports in that it had only a British settlement; consequently most of the trade was divided between British and Chinese.\n\nConsulates were set up in Zhenjiang not only by Britain but also by France, Germany, Austro-Hungary and, for a short while, by America.\n\nBritish Consuls and the Consulate\n\nIn 1858 the ruins of Zhenjiang were declared a treaty port open to foreign trade, and in 1861 a site was leased and laid out for a British concession. The British Consul first lived in the temple on Jiao Shan before renting a house on the slope near Guan Yin's Cave, the site which some sixty years later became the premises of the Chinese Life Saving Association which professed to be part-owner of most of the river foreshore.\n\nLater, a purpose-built Consulate was built on land acquired on the side of Yin Tai Shan [Consular Bluff] together with offices for the foreign employees of the Chinese Maritime Customs erected at the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216051, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 350, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "284\n\nopposite extremity of the foreign settlement. Some years passed before the site was occupied. On 5th February, 1889, the Consulate building was burnt in a riot together with several neighbouring houses. The final Consulate of a main building and four houses was erected on the same site in 1890. Built predominantly of red brick with white and grey bricks forming the decoration, it had double windows to keep the rooms warm during the bitter winters and a royal reign tablet on the rear wall. This white oval plaque bearing the enjoined letters VR is still in place a century or so later.\n\nAll the British consuls serving in Zhenjiang from its opening in 1860 found time hanging heavily and a number became medically unfit within a short time of taking up their posts. Adkins, the Consul writing to his father in December 1861 wrote in passing that 'the office of Consul at a thriving port is no sinecure I can tell you. He is judge, bishop, police magistrate, coroner etc. etc etc.' As is usual his own countrymen give him the least possible support and abuse him like a pickpocket.' It was also soon realized just how unimportant Zhenjiang had become to foreigners and by 1867 it was decided to post a junior consul to the port under the aegis of the senior consul at Shanghai. However, ten years later the number of British residents had increased sufficiently to warrant a return to the consular post being restored to its former independent status. It was by no means a comfortable place to live though PD Coates wrote that all in all Zhenjiang would have been a pleasant enough post had the [foreign] community been more congenial.24 One incident in the history of the consulate in Zhenjiang related by Coates, tells how in 1879 the Chairman and Treasurer of the Zhenjiang Concession Council, Bean, a British merchant who held several of the nineteen concession leases, physically assaulted H. J. Allen, the British consul, in the Club when the latter as Consul had asked to examine the Council's books before approving its accounts. Duff, another merchant, was the Secretary to the Council. Coates describes the constant and major friction between Bean and Duff, Bean and the Consul, and between other foreign residents of the Concession and this was reiterated by William Mesny as we shall soon see. Oxenham, a subsequent Consul in 1886, described Bean as a coarse, cantankerous, uneducated man of low tastes and malignant disposition who had insulted practically every Consul and Customs commissioner serving at the port.\n\nAdkins described in one of his letters to his father how English", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216068, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 367, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "301\n\ngaol on Amoy Road, at the end of the Kueichou Road, and he probably occupied a cell that had previously been prepared to receive me.\n\nMesny was commanded to appear before Her Britannic Majesty's Supreme Court for China and Japan in Shanghai on the 8th day of October 1891 to give material evidence and testify what he knew concerning the charge that Charles Henry Allen Welch Mason of Shanghai on or about the 13th inst. did have in his possession or under his control five pounds or thereabouts of an explosive substance under circumstances that gave reasonable suspicion that he did not have it in his possession for a lawful purpose. He attended as requested with the result that Mason got nine months imprisonment, at Shanghai and to be deported from China for ever thereafter or something like that. Thus it happened, added Mesny, 'that this biter was bitten.'\n\nMesny added that he had suffered ever since from the evil effects of this monstrous attempt to involve him in a treasonable plot. 'I have never been able to obtain employment from the Chinese Government since those days and many of my Chinese friends have cut me dead under the impression that I must have been guilty of some collusion with Mason in some inexplicable manner.\n\nThus in 1892 when I called on Earl Li Hongzhang at Tianjin he accused me of being the head centre of all the Gelao Hui men in China.\n\n'Last winter [noted as 1892 but printed a number years later] I was in Nanjing and in a fair way of getting a good command when Zai Jun, the Daotai of Shanghai, I believe, telegraphed to the Viceroy to beware of me as I was a dangerous character, the friend of Mason, the plotter. My own wife has told me hundreds of times that she is in dread of the awful fate that awaits me on this account and has begged me to grant her a letter of divorce and let her take the children away, she has worried the life out of me during the past few months with this clamour for a divorce and I believe that she is being incited thereto by designing people who take advantage of her weakness of mind to thus annoy me, and when they have got my wife away from me by divorce she ceases to be British [i.e. post-1898], then will they do to her what they do not dare to do now, and probably kill my children.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216376, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 135, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "84\n\nfrom China. Hart complained that it was difficult to get proper private tutors for their elder daughter, Evey. In his letter to Campbell on 2 July 1875 he said: \"I fancy Evey will be a grandmother by the time you find my rara avis!” (ibid: 198) Hart also wanted to concentrate on his work without disturbance. When he was finally reunited with his wife and children after almost a quarter of a century's separation, he did not feel completely comfortable and even hoped that they would be gone soon \"for I want to be alone to attend to the hundred and one things.\" Thus, during the period 1879-1881 when Lady Hart lived with Hart in Beijing, the couple must have discussed seriously future plans for her to return to settle in London. This is when Hart wrote to Campbell and insisted that his three wards should not be sent back to London to live with the Davidson couple.\n\nFrom this it can be seen that it wasn't just a matter of kindness, generosity, or even love that motivated Hart to make such expensive provisions for his three wards by Ayaou. Hart had always been cautious and gave mature consideration to his arrangements for his wards, not just in 1866 when he prepared to go home and marry a European, but also during the period 1875 to 1879 when he began to make plans for his wife's return to live in London permanently. He was kind to his wards; but he was also rational and determined to prevent both his married life and his career from being troubled by the wards.\n\nREFERENCES\n\nBell, Stanley. 1985. Hart of Lisburn. Lisburn: Lisburn Historical Press.\n\nBell, Gertrude. 1903. The Gertrude Bell Archive.\n\nBickers, Robert. 1999. Britain in China. Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press.\n\nBruner, Katherine F, Fairbank, John K, Smith, Richard J. 1986. eds. Entering China's Service - Robert Hart's Journals, 1854-1863. Cambridge and London: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University.\n\nFairbank, John K, Bruner, Katherine F, Matheson, Elizabeth M. 1975. eds. The I.G. in Peking - Letters of Robert Hart, Chinese Maritime Customs 1868-1907. Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.\n\nFerguson, Niall. 2002. Empire: the rise and demise of the British world order and the lessons for global power. London: Allan Lane. Pp 185\n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216387, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "96\n\non Civil and Political Rights, and the International Covenant on Social, Cultural and Economic Rights, in claiming that rights inhere in individuals and in communities to a fair allocation of the earth's resources and opportunities. This includes access to the legal system.\n\n6.1 Distributive Justice and a Fair Trial\n\nMany international conventions and other instruments emphasise the right to a fair trial, although they may differ in practice as to what such a trial might involve. Article 13 of the Agreement of March 2003 refers to the right to a fair and public hearing, to be presumed innocent until proved guilty, to engage a counsel of his or her choice, to have adequate time and facilities for preparation of defence, to have counsel provided if lacking means to pay for one, and to examine the witness against him or her.\n\nThe issue which caused the United Nations to withdraw from negotiations with the Royal Government was the question of a fair trial. The Khmer Rouge had particularly targeted intellectuals of various kinds, including lawyers. The courts formed in the aftermath of the Khmer Rouge regime were created using judges with few if any legal qualifications. Prosecutors had even less legal formation.1 Besides the lack of trained personnel, participants and commentators have drawn attention to the lack of independence of judges and prosecutors, who are subjected to government interference.1 The recent history of Cambodian governments suggests that the concept of judicial independence is an alien concept: courts are expected to respond to government directives.1 Even in the absence of interference, the prosecutors may claim that they lack the funds to carry out investigations.\n\n6.2 Distributive Justice and Fair Trials\n\nDistributive justice requires that like cases should be treated alike. But the proposed tribunal for the Khmer Rouge is limited in jurisdiction to one period in Cambodia's history, the period of Democratic Kampuchea. Yet commentators have pointed out that there may have been breaches of law committed by other participants in the long-running wars which have affected Cambodia.12 If these are excluded from scrutiny, then the legal process becomes a kind of \"victor's justice\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 } ]