RAS-1996 — Page 155

RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 All AI Reviewed

126

47

form of incense ashes rather than tablets suggests that the ancestor halls did not use tablets to represent ancestors individually. It is also found in the Yingsheng ("Reception of the Holy") dedicated to the main honoured gods during the Jiao festivals, and the Yingshen Guiwei ("Escorting gods to their places") during the Hongchao festival of Fanling, both conducted by Cantonese Daoist priests in the New Territories. An elder of Kam Tin compared the Yingsheng ritual with the ancestral hall ritual found in the Qingle ancestral hall of Kam Tin, to which I shall refer below. I am not sure if a cloth “bridge” is used in this ancestral hall ceremony.

Op cit pp 142-144. In a recent visit to Cheng Tau, a woman in her 60s referred to the ancestral hall as a-gong ha ("the Place of Ancestors"), which seems to have been the more usual expression for ancestral halls among the Hakka. Compare the expression with Bak-gong ha ('the Place of the Bak-gong earth god'). It is interesting that the title of this category of earth god, whose territory is more limited than the dawang, shares the expression for "elder brother of grandfather".

ibid p. 224 » 10

174

ibid p 160

Discussion of this aspect of ancestral worship is summarized in C Fred Blake, Ethnic Groups and Social Change in a Chinese Market Town, The University Press of Hawaii, 1981, pp 92-93, 115 n 1, 116 n 2. A possible example is the case of Wo Hang, N. T. where an ancestral hall of the second fang houses the spirit tablets of the first and second generation. See Allen John Lueck, Lun Chun, Land is to live: A study of the concept of isu in a Hakka Chinese village, New Territories, Hong Kong, unpublished PhD dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Chicago, 1985, p 273.

Compare H G H Nelson, "Ancestor Worship and Burial Practices", in Arthur P. Wolf ed., Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society, Stanford University Press, 1974, pp. 263-267, on the shen-ting which fulfilled the functions of domestic altars for the households in each area” in a Cantonese village in the New Territories. He observes that the shenting "occupy a place half way between [tang ancestral halls] and domestic altars”.

Vol under Donga jie ("Winter festival")

TON Op cit. pp 147-148

Op cit. p 12

Op cit. p 176

100

It is interesting to note the distribution and context of Mountain Songs. It is interesting to note that Mountain Songs were sung only by the male villagers (in some festivals with women hired from other villages) in the Cantonese villages whose dialect is known to others as daaih ga wo ("big family language"), and which correspond to the area of the five big clans. In some of the other Cantonese villages, e.g. in Shatin and Saikung, Mountain Songs were sung by the women on the eve before a wedding at the bride's home. Mountain Songs, and related pre-marital courtship, was more popular among some female Cantonese villagers in the Kowloon area who cut grasses for sale as fuel. The livelihood of these women, like that of the Hakka immigrants, depended more on the city. I know much less

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126 47 form of incense ashes rather than tablets suggests that the ancestor halls did not use tablets to represent ancestors individually. It is also found in the Yingsheng ("Reception of the Holy") dedicated to the main honoured gods during the Jiao festivals, and the Yingshen Guiwei ("Escorting gods to their places") during the Hongchao festival of Fanling, both conducted by Cantonese Daoist priests in the New Territories. An elder of Kam Tin compared the Yingsheng ritual with the ancestral hall ritual found in the Qingle ancestral hall of Kam Tin, to which I shall refer below. I am not sure if a cloth “bridge” is used in this ancestral hall ceremony. Op cit pp 142-144. In a recent visit to Cheng Tau, a woman in her 60s referred to the ancestral hall as a-gong ha ("the Place of Ancestors"), which seems to have been the more usual expression for ancestral halls among the Hakka. Compare the expression with Bak-gong ha ('the Place of the Bak-gong earth god'). It is interesting that the title of this category of earth god, whose territory is more limited than the dawang, shares the expression for "elder brother of grandfather". ibid p. 224 » 10 174 ibid p 160 Discussion of this aspect of ancestral worship is summarized in C Fred Blake, Ethnic Groups and Social Change in a Chinese Market Town, The University Press of Hawaii, 1981, pp 92-93, 115 n 1, 116 n 2. A possible example is the case of Wo Hang, N. T. where an ancestral hall of the second fang houses the spirit tablets of the first and second generation. See Allen John Lueck, Lun Chun, Land is to live: A study of the concept of isu in a Hakka Chinese village, New Territories, Hong Kong, unpublished PhD dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Chicago, 1985, p 273. Compare H G H Nelson, "Ancestor Worship and Burial Practices", in Arthur P. Wolf ed., Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society, Stanford University Press, 1974, pp. 263-267, on the shen-ting which fulfilled the functions of domestic altars for the households in each area” in a Cantonese village in the New Territories. He observes that the shenting "occupy a place half way between [tang ancestral halls] and domestic altars”. Vol under Donga jie ("Winter festival") TON Op cit. pp 147-148 Op cit. p 12 Op cit. p 176 100 It is interesting to note the distribution and context of Mountain Songs. It is interesting to note that Mountain Songs were sung only by the male villagers (in some festivals with women hired from other villages) in the Cantonese villages whose dialect is known to others as daaih ga wo ("big family language"), and which correspond to the area of the five big clans. In some of the other Cantonese villages, e.g. in Shatin and Saikung, Mountain Songs were sung by the women on the eve before a wedding at the bride's home. Mountain Songs, and related pre-marital courtship, was more popular among some female Cantonese villagers in the Kowloon area who cut grasses for sale as fuel. The livelihood of these women, like that of the Hakka immigrants, depended more on the city. I know much less
Baseline (Original)
126 47 form of incense ashes rather than tablets suggests that the ancestor halls did not use tablets. to represent ancestors individually. It is also found in the Yingsheng ( Reception of the Holy") dedicated to the main honoured gods during the Jiao festivals, and the Yingshen Guiwer ("Escorting gods to then places") during the Hongchao festival of Fanling, both conducted by Cantonese Daoist priests in the New Territories. An elder of Kam Tin compared the Yingsheng ritual with then ancestral hall ritual found in the Qingle ancestral hall of Kam Tin, to which I shall refer below I am not sure it a cloth “bridge” is used in this ancestral hall ceremony Op or pp 142-144 In a recent visit to Cheng Tau a woman in her 60s ietered to then ancestral hall as a-gong ha (77the Place of Ancestors"), which seems to have been the more usual expression for ancestral halls among the Hakka. Compare the expression with Bak- gong ha ('the Place of the Bak-gong earth god") It is interesting that the title of this category of earth god, whose territory is more limited than the dawung, shares the expression for "elder brother of grandfather' fhid p. 224 » 10 י+ 174 hid p 160 Discussion of this aspect of ancestral worship is summarized in C Fred Blake Ethnic Groups and Social Change in a Chinese Market Town, The University Press of Hawao. 1981, pp 92-93, 115 n 1, 116 n 2. A possible example is the case of Wo Hang, N. T. where an ancestral half of the second fang houses the spirit tablets of the first and second generation tablets See Allen John Uck Lun Chun, Land is to dive. A study of the concept of isu in a Hakka Chinese village. New Tertones Hong Kong, unpublished PhD dissertation, Department of Anthropology. University of Chicago, 1985, p 273 "Compare H G H Nelson, "Ancestor Worship and Burial Practices', in Arthur P. Woll ed Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society. Standford University Press. 1974, pp. 263-267. on the shen-ting which fulfilled the functions of domestic altars for the households i each area” in a Cantonese village in the New Territones. He observes that the shenting "occupy a place halt way between [Tarang ancestral halls] and domestic altars” Vol under Donga jie ("Winter festival") TON Op ut.pp 147-148 נון Op ct. p 12 Op car p 176 י 100 It is interesting to note the distribution and context of Mountain Songs. It is interesting to note that Mountain Songs were sung only by the male villagers (in some festivals with women hired from other villages in the Cantonese villages whose dialect is known to others as data nk we “big family language”, and which conespond to the area of the five big clans" In some of the other Cantonese villages, eg in Shatin and Saikung. Mountain Songs were sung by the women in the eve before a wedding at the brides Mountain Songs, and related pre-marital courtship, was more popular among some temale Cantonese villagers in the Kowloon area who cut grasses for sale as fuel. The livelihood of these women, like that of the Hakka immigrants, depended more on the city. I know much less
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126

47

form of incense ashes rather than tablets suggests that the ancestor halls did not use tablets. to represent ancestors individually. It is also found in the Yingsheng ( Reception of the Holy") dedicated to the main honoured gods during the Jiao festivals, and the Yingshen Guiwer ("Escorting gods to then places") during the Hongchao festival of Fanling, both conducted by Cantonese Daoist priests in the New Territories. An elder of Kam Tin compared the Yingsheng ritual with then ancestral hall ritual found in the Qingle ancestral hall of Kam Tin, to which I shall refer below I am not sure it a cloth “bridge” is used in this ancestral hall ceremony

Op or pp 142-144 In a recent visit to Cheng Tau a woman in her 60s ietered to then ancestral hall as a-gong ha (77the Place of Ancestors"), which seems to have been the more usual expression for ancestral halls among the Hakka. Compare the expression with Bak- gong ha ('the Place of the Bak-gong earth god") It is interesting that the title of this category of earth god, whose territory is more limited than the dawung, shares the expression for "elder brother of grandfather'

fhid p. 224 » 10

י+

174

hid p 160

Discussion of this aspect of ancestral worship is summarized in C Fred Blake Ethnic Groups and Social Change in a Chinese Market Town, The University Press of Hawao. 1981, pp 92-93, 115 n 1, 116 n 2. A possible example is the case of Wo Hang, N. T. where an ancestral half of the second fang houses the spirit tablets of the first and second generation tablets See Allen John Uck Lun Chun, Land is to dive. A study of the concept of isu in a Hakka Chinese village. New Tertones Hong Kong, unpublished PhD dissertation, Department of Anthropology. University of Chicago, 1985, p 273

"Compare H G H Nelson, "Ancestor Worship and Burial Practices', in Arthur P. Woll ed

Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society. Standford University Press. 1974, pp. 263-267. on the shen-ting which fulfilled the functions of domestic altars for the households i each area” in a Cantonese village in the New Territones. He observes that the shenting "occupy a place halt way between [Tarang ancestral halls] and domestic altars”

Vol under Donga jie ("Winter festival")

TON Op ut.pp 147-148

נון

Op ct. p 12

Op car p 176

י

100 It is interesting to note the distribution and context of Mountain Songs. It is interesting to note that Mountain Songs were sung only by the male villagers (in some festivals with women hired from other villages in the Cantonese villages whose dialect is known to others as data nk we “big family language”, and which conespond to the area of the five big clans" In some of the other Cantonese villages, eg in Shatin and Saikung. Mountain Songs were sung by the women in the eve before a wedding at the brides Mountain Songs, and related pre-marital courtship, was more popular among some temale Cantonese villagers in the Kowloon area who cut grasses for sale as fuel. The livelihood of these women, like that of the Hakka immigrants, depended more on the city. I know much less

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