RAS-1993 — Page 84

RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 All AI Reviewed

63

More so, the relation between factors of face that belong to individuals or teams with attributes of face that belong to people, nation or government is affirmed in the study. This seems to agree with the proposition posed by King and Myers (1977). These two authors argued that due to the breakdown of the traditional social networks, such as the village, the family and so on, individuals would seek to identify more with the nation, the government or other Chinese as a whole. This identification serves to connect them with a source of face too. That is to say, when an individual gains face, he may extend it to the nation, and in turn, he could also share the face of the nation, her status, honour and so on.

Such an interflow seems to have roots in the traditional Chinese character of mutual dependence (Hsu, 1981: 114). In the past, this spirit of mutual dependence was found within the family system. The social tie of parents and sons allowed the interchange of status and authority between them. In the light of piety prevalent under Confucian teachings in traditional China, the father is the one to have the upper hand in case the two come into conflict. More so, the father can enjoy the authority derived from the son even after retirement. Likewise, he could enjoy the influence, the honour, the status, the economic resources etc. obtained by the son through his own efforts. This was what happened to the concept of face in the past as has been pointed out in previous studies reviewed earlier in this paper.

But the communists advocated the party as the vanguard, preached a revolution of the feudal system, the family, and the old social networks etc. After the breakdown of the family and this strong social bond, the father-son relationship needed to be replaced, the family system required a substitute. The era then saw the creation of self-reliant rather than mutually dependent individuals, "isolated, insecure, purposeless, and therefore perpetually in search of something to which he can belong and for which he can fight" (Hsu, 1981, 471). In short, the individual under the Communist rule needed to position himself in a new setting.

The answer to this would be the introduction of another collectivity in which an individual could feel at home with. In the findings of the present study, the fact that face exhibits some collective character seems to signify the existence of such a new collective environment, a new set of relationships in which it works. The interflow of status, honour, influence, power etc. is now being placed in a new social network. Exchange between fathers and sons may still be present, it is hard to prove not, but what is more prominent in the press is an exchange in a new

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63 More so, the relation between factors of face that belong to individuals or teams with attributes of face that belong to people, nation or government is affirmed in the study. This seems to agree with the proposition posed by King and Myers (1977). These two authors argued that due to the breakdown of the traditional social networks, such as the village, the family and so on, individuals would seek to identify more with the nation, the government or other Chinese as a whole. This identification serves to connect them with a source of face too. That is to say, when an individual gains face, he may extend it to the nation, and in turn, he could also share the face of the nation, her status, honour and so on. Such an interflow seems to have roots in the traditional Chinese character of mutual dependence (Hsu, 1981: 114). In the past, this spirit of mutual dependence was found within the family system. The social tie of parents and sons allowed the interchange of status and authority between them. In the light of piety prevalent under Confucian teachings in traditional China, the father is the one to have the upper hand in case the two come into conflict. More so, the father can enjoy the authority derived from the son even after retirement. Likewise, he could enjoy the influence, the honour, the status, the economic resources etc. obtained by the son through his own efforts. This was what happened to the concept of face in the past as has been pointed out in previous studies reviewed earlier in this paper. But the communists advocated the party as the vanguard, preached a revolution of the feudal system, the family, and the old social networks etc. After the breakdown of the family and this strong social bond, the father-son relationship needed to be replaced, the family system required a substitute. The era then saw the creation of self-reliant rather than mutually dependent individuals, "isolated, insecure, purposeless, and therefore perpetually in search of something to which he can belong and for which he can fight" (Hsu, 1981, 471). In short, the individual under the Communist rule needed to position himself in a new setting. The answer to this would be the introduction of another collectivity in which an individual could feel at home with. In the findings of the present study, the fact that face exhibits some collective character seems to signify the existence of such a new collective environment, a new set of relationships in which it works. The interflow of status, honour, influence, power etc. is now being placed in a new social network. Exchange between fathers and sons may still be present, it is hard to prove not, but what is more prominent in the press is an exchange in a new
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63 More so, the relation between factors of face that belong to individuals or teams with attributes of face that belong to people, nation or government is affirmed in the study. This seems to agree with the proposition posed by King and Myers (1977). These two authors argued that due to the breakdown of the traditional social networks, such as the village, the family and so on, individuals would seek to identify more with the nation, the government or other Chinese as a whole. This identification serves to connect them with a source of face too. That is to say, when an individual gains face, he may extend it to the nation, and in turn, he could also share the face of the nations, her status, honour and so on. Such an interflow seems to have roots in the traditional Chinese character of mutual dependence (Hsu, 1981: 114). In the past, this spirit of mutual dependence was found within the family system. The social tic of parents and sons allowed the interchange of status and authority between them. In the light of piety prevalent under Confuscian teachings in traditional China, the father is the one to have upper hand in case the two come into conflict. More so, the father can enjoy the authority derived from the son even after retirement. Likewise, he could enjoy the influence, the honour, the status, the economic resources etc. obtained by the son through his own efforts This was what happened to the concept of face in the past as has been pointed out in previous studies reviewed earlier in this paper. But the communists advocated the party as the vanguard, preached a revolution of the feudal system, the family, and the old social networks etc. After the breakdown of the family and this strong social bond, the father-son relationship needed to be replaced, the family system required a substitute. The era then saw the creation of self-reliant rather than mutually dependent individuals, "isolated, insecure, purposeless, and therefore perpetually in search of something to which he can belong and for which he can fight" (Hsu, 1981, 471) In short, the individual under the Communist jule need to position humself in a new setting. The answer to this would be the introduction of another collectivity in which an individual could feel at home with. In the findings of the presentstudy, the fact that face exhibits some collective character seems to signify the existence of such a new collective environment, a new set of relationships in which it works The interflow of status, honour, influence, power etc is now being placed in a new social network. Exchange between fathers and sons may still be present, it is hard to prove not, but what is more prominent in the press is an exchange in a new
2026-05-13 07:20:33 · Baseline
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63

More so, the relation between factors of face that belong to individuals or teams with attributes of face that belong to people, nation or government is affirmed in the study. This seems to agree with the proposition posed by King and Myers (1977). These two authors argued that due to the breakdown of the traditional social networks, such as the village, the family and so on, individuals would seek to identify more with the nation, the government or other Chinese as a whole. This identification serves to connect them with a source of face too. That is to say, when an individual gains face, he may extend it to the nation, and in turn, he could also share the face of the nations, her status, honour and so on.

Such an interflow seems to have roots in the traditional Chinese character of mutual dependence (Hsu, 1981: 114). In the past, this spirit of mutual dependence was found within the family system. The social tic of parents and sons allowed the interchange of status and authority between them. In the light of piety prevalent under Confuscian teachings in traditional China, the father is the one to have upper hand in case the two come into conflict. More so, the father can enjoy the authority derived from the son even after retirement. Likewise, he could enjoy the influence, the honour, the status, the economic resources etc. obtained by the son through his own efforts This was what happened to the concept of face in the past as has been pointed out in previous studies reviewed earlier in this paper.

But the communists advocated the party as the vanguard, preached a revolution of the feudal system, the family, and the old social networks etc. After the breakdown of the family and this strong social bond, the father-son relationship needed to be replaced, the family system required a substitute. The era then saw the creation of self-reliant rather than mutually dependent individuals, "isolated, insecure, purposeless, and therefore perpetually in search of something to which he can belong and for which he can fight" (Hsu, 1981, 471) In short, the individual under the Communist jule need to position humself in a new setting.

The answer to this would be the introduction of another collectivity in which an individual could feel at home with. In the findings of the presentstudy, the fact that face exhibits some collective character seems to signify the existence of such a new collective environment, a new set of relationships in which it works The interflow of status, honour, influence, power etc is now being placed in a new social network. Exchange between fathers and sons may still be present, it is hard to prove not, but what is more prominent in the press is an exchange in a new

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