RAS-1982 — Page 102

RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 All AI Reviewed

80

ELIZABETH SINN

Chinese patriot. This complex mixture of material interests and ideals may in fact have been shared by many Chinese leaders in Hong Kong, and is an important element in our understanding of this group in their role in Hong Kong's history.

Workers were ready to strike, and social leaders were ready to encourage and abet them. It was this combination of fears, aspirations and national fervour which responded to Chang's call for anti-French actions, and caused the initial strike. And it is very important to note that even while the general strike ended on 5th October, as late as November no one would work for the French.

The fining of the cargo boats brought the confrontation to a new level, and being unanticipated it led to a new twist of events. Most contemporaries recognized the fines as the cause of the general strike. The notice by the boat people testifies to this. First of all, it represented a miscarriage of justice; we have seen the Ordinance did not apply to workers who refused employment for whatever pay. Moreover, as Marsh himself admitted afterwards, the fine of $5 was exceptionally high.*2 It is therefore likely that in Hong Kong there was among the Chinese population a feeling of being more sinned against than sinning. True, most Chinese would not have understood the fine points of English law, but it did not take that kind of legal knowledge to have a gut-feeling of being wronged.

Fining Chinese who refused to work for the French who were at war with China also gave the appearance that the British were being pro-French. Chang Chih-tung certainly thought so. A few days before the strike began, the French admirals had been received in Hong Kong with great pomp. Dissatisfaction was expressed against the Hong Kong Government for its inability and unwillingness to prevent French ships from stopping and searching junks around Hong Kong waters. Moreover, the Hong Kong Government, upon hearing of Chinese plans to burn French ships, immediately despatched patrol boats to prevent this. To Marsh, it might be the most natural thing to protect the ships of a friendly power from attack. To the Chinese, it probably seemed over-zealous. To them, at this moment of national crisis, it was much easier to be irritated by the Government's actions.

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80 ELIZABETH SINN Chinese patriot. This complex mixture of material interests and ideals may in fact have been shared by many Chinese leaders in Hong Kong, and is an important element in our understanding of this group in their role in Hong Kong's history. Workers were ready to strike, and social leaders were ready to encourage and abet them. It was this combination of fears, aspirations and national fervour which responded to Chang's call for anti-French actions, and caused the initial strike. And it is very important to note that even while the general strike ended on 5th October, as late as November no one would work for the French. The fining of the cargo boats brought the confrontation to a new level, and being unanticipated it led to a new twist of events. Most contemporaries recognized the fines as the cause of the general strike. The notice by the boat people testifies to this. First of all, it represented a miscarriage of justice; we have seen the Ordinance did not apply to workers who refused employment for whatever pay. Moreover, as Marsh himself admitted afterwards, the fine of $5 was exceptionally high.*2 It is therefore likely that in Hong Kong there was among the Chinese population a feeling of being more sinned against than sinning. True, most Chinese would not have understood the fine points of English law, but it did not take that kind of legal knowledge to have a gut-feeling of being wronged. Fining Chinese who refused to work for the French who were at war with China also gave the appearance that the British were being pro-French. Chang Chih-tung certainly thought so. A few days before the strike began, the French admirals had been received in Hong Kong with great pomp. Dissatisfaction was expressed against the Hong Kong Government for its inability and unwillingness to prevent French ships from stopping and searching junks around Hong Kong waters. Moreover, the Hong Kong Government, upon hearing of Chinese plans to burn French ships, immediately despatched patrol boats to prevent this. To Marsh, it might be the most natural thing to protect the ships of a friendly power from attack. To the Chinese, it probably seemed over-zealous. To them, at this moment of national crisis, it was much easier to be irritated by the Government's actions.
Baseline (Original)
80 ELIZABETH SINN Chinese patriot. This complex mixture of material interests and ideals may in fact have been shared by many Chinese leaders in Hong Kong, and is an important element in our understanding of this group in their role in Hong Kong's history. Workers were ready to strike, and social leaders were ready to encourage and abet them. It was this combination of fears, aspirations and national fervour which responded to Chang's call for anti-French actions, and caused the initial strike. And it is very important to note that even while the general strike ended on 5th October, as late as November no one would work for the French. The fining of the cargo boats brought the confrontation to a new level, and being unanticipated it led to a new twist of events, Most contemporaries recognized the fines as the cause of the general strike. The notice by the boat people testifies to this. First of all it represented a miscarriage of justice; we have seen the Ordinance did not apply to workers who refused employment for whatever pay. Moreover, as Marsh himself admitted after- wards, the fine of $5 was exceptionally high.*2 It is therefore likely that in Hong Kong there was among the Chinese population a feeling of being more sinned against than sinning. True, most Chinese would not have understood the fine points of English law, but it did not take that kind of legal knowledge to have a gut-feeling of being wronged. Fining Chinese who refused to work for the French who were at war with China also gave the appearance that the British were being pro-French. Chang Chih-tung certainly thought so. A few days before the strike began, the French admirals had been received in Hong Kong with great pomp. Dissatisfaction was expressed against the Hong Kong Government for its inability and unwillingness to prevent French ships from stopping and searching junks around Hong Kong waters. Moreover, the Hong Kong Government upon hearing of Chinese plans to burn French ships, immediately despatched patrol boats to prevent this. To Marsh it might be the most natural thing to protect the ships of a friendly power from attack. To the Chinese it probably seemed over-zealous. To them, at this moment of national crisis, it was much easier to be irritated by the Govern-
2026-05-13 00:44:52 · Baseline
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80

ELIZABETH SINN

Chinese patriot. This complex mixture of material interests and ideals may in fact have been shared by many Chinese leaders in Hong Kong, and is an important element in our understanding of this group in their role in Hong Kong's history.

Workers were ready to strike, and social leaders were ready to encourage and abet them. It was this combination of fears, aspirations and national fervour which responded to Chang's call for anti-French actions, and caused the initial strike. And it is very important to note that even while the general strike ended on 5th October, as late as November no one would work for the French.

The fining of the cargo boats brought the confrontation to a new level, and being unanticipated it led to a new twist of events, Most contemporaries recognized the fines as the cause of the general strike. The notice by the boat people testifies to this. First of all it represented a miscarriage of justice; we have seen the Ordinance did not apply to workers who refused employment for whatever pay. Moreover, as Marsh himself admitted after- wards, the fine of $5 was exceptionally high.*2 It is therefore likely that in Hong Kong there was among the Chinese population a feeling of being more sinned against than sinning. True, most Chinese would not have understood the fine points of English law, but it did not take that kind of legal knowledge to have a gut-feeling of being wronged.

Fining Chinese who refused to work for the French who were at war with China also gave the appearance that the British were being pro-French. Chang Chih-tung certainly thought so. A few days before the strike began, the French admirals had been received in Hong Kong with great pomp. Dissatisfaction was expressed against the Hong Kong Government for its inability and unwillingness to prevent French ships from stopping and searching junks around Hong Kong waters. Moreover, the Hong Kong Government upon hearing of Chinese plans to burn French ships, immediately despatched patrol boats to prevent this. To Marsh it might be the most natural thing to protect the ships of a friendly power from attack. To the Chinese it probably seemed over-zealous. To them, at this moment of national crisis, it was much easier to be irritated by the Govern-

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