RAS-1981 — Page 84

RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 All AI Reviewed

70

HUBERT SEIWART

39

ibid., p 20.

40 A practical consequence of this universalism can be seen in the effort of I-kuan Tao to spread beyond the borders of China proper. Of course, most followers outside Taiwan are overseas Chinese, but it also tried to gain followers among foreigners. Up till now, these efforts have not been very successful, not least because of the language barrier.

41 "Differentiation" is the key-concept in many neo-evolutionary theories. Bellah makes use of it in his theory of religious evolution which has implications also for the "secularization" of traditional forms of religion. Cf. R. Bellah: "Religious Evolution”, in American Sociological Review, 29 (1964) pp 358–374.

42 The decline of institutional Christianity does not necessarily imply a decline of religion generally. Cf. for example the considerations by Th. Luckmann, The Invisible Religion, New York 1967.

43

Cf. similar considerations in the case of a 19th century Korean religious movement by Chai Sik Chung, "Religion and Cultural Identity - The Case of 'Eastern Learning'", in Internationales Jahrbuch fur Religionssoziologie 5 (1969) PP 118 - 132.

** For other examples see Paul de Witt Twinem, "Modern Syncretic Religious Societies in China”, in The Journal of Religion 5 (1925) pp 463–482, 595 – 606 and Hsiao, loc. cit.

46

Whether it is possible to substitute for the traditional symbol system Western science and philosophy depends on several parameters. Social and intellectual stratification is just one. Another important one is the degree of internalisation of the traditional symbol system. Older people - even intellectuals who acquired their primary and secondary socialisation in terms of the traditional symbol system are less likely to be able or willing to substitute for it a new symbol system than are younger people (cf. Paul de Witt Twinem, loc. cit. p 163). It is noteworthy that the attitude toward traditional and foreign religions may change during the life of a person in the sense that he is willing to join a foreign religion during his youth but later on turns back to traditional religions. In a paper entitled "How I Happened to Join a Japanese New Religion': One Life History and its Significance for Interpreting Japanese New Religions” H. R. Earhart has analyzed an interesting example of such change. The paper was read at the XIVth Congress of the I.A.H.R., August 1980 at Winnipeg, Manitoba.

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70 HUBERT SEIWART 39 ibid., p 20. 40 A practical consequence of this universalism can be seen in the effort of I-kuan Tao to spread beyond the borders of China proper. Of course, most followers outside Taiwan are overseas Chinese, but it also tried to gain followers among foreigners. Up till now, these efforts have not been very successful, not least because of the language barrier. 41 "Differentiation" is the key-concept in many neo-evolutionary theories. Bellah makes use of it in his theory of religious evolution which has implications also for the "secularization" of traditional forms of religion. Cf. R. Bellah: "Religious Evolution”, in American Sociological Review, 29 (1964) pp 358–374. 42 The decline of institutional Christianity does not necessarily imply a decline of religion generally. Cf. for example the considerations by Th. Luckmann, The Invisible Religion, New York 1967. 43 Cf. similar considerations in the case of a 19th century Korean religious movement by Chai Sik Chung, "Religion and Cultural Identity - The Case of 'Eastern Learning'", in Internationales Jahrbuch fur Religionssoziologie 5 (1969) PP 118 - 132. ** For other examples see Paul de Witt Twinem, "Modern Syncretic Religious Societies in China”, in The Journal of Religion 5 (1925) pp 463–482, 595 606 and Hsiao, loc. cit. 46 Whether it is possible to substitute for the traditional symbol system Western science and philosophy depends on several parameters. Social and intellectual stratification is just one. Another important one is the degree of internalisation of the traditional symbol system. Older people - even intellectuals who acquired their primary and secondary socialisation in terms of the traditional symbol system are less likely to be able or willing to substitute for it a new symbol system than are younger people (cf. Paul de Witt Twinem, loc. cit. p 163). It is noteworthy that the attitude toward traditional and foreign religions may change during the life of a person in the sense that he is willing to join a foreign religion during his youth but later on turns back to traditional religions. In a paper entitled "How I Happened to Join a Japanese New Religion': One Life History and its Significance for Interpreting Japanese New Religions” H. R. Earhart has analyzed an interesting example of such change. The paper was read at the XIVth Congress of the I.A.H.R., August 1980 at Winnipeg, Manitoba.
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70 HUBERT SEIWART 39 ibid., p 20. 40 A practical consequence of this universalism can be seen in the effort of I-kuan Tao to spread beyond the borders of China proper. Of course, most followers outside Taiwan are overseas Chinese, but it also tried to gain followers among foreigners. Up till now, these efforts have not been very successful, not least because of the language barrier. 41 "Differentiation" is the key-concept in many neo-evolutionary theories. Bellah makes use of it in his theory of religious evolution which has implications also for the "secularization" of traditional forms of religion. Cf. R. Bellah: "Religious Evolution”, in American Sociological Review, 29 (1964) pp 358–374. 42 The decline of institutional Christianity does not necessarily imply a decline of religion generally. Cf. for example the considerations by Th, Luckmann, The Invisible Religion, New York 1967. 43 Cf. similar considerations in the case of a 19th century Korean religious movement by Chai Sik Chung, "Religion and Cultural Identity - The Case of *Eastern Learning" ", ", in Internationales Jahrbuch fur Religionssoziologie 5 (1969) PP 118 - 132. ** For other examples see Paul de Witt Twinem, "Modern Syncretic Religious Societies in China”, in The Journal of Religion 5 (1925) pp 463–482, 595 606 and Hsiao, loc. cit. 46 Whether it is possible to substitute for the traditional symbol system Western science and philosophy depends on several parameters. Social and intel- lectual stratification is just one. Another important one is the degree of internal- isation of the traditional symbol system. Older people - even intellectuals who acquired their primary and secondary socialisation in terms of the traditional symbol system are less likely to be able or willing to substitute for it a new symbol system than are younger people (cf. Paul de Witt Twinem, loc. cit. p 163). It is noteworthy that the attitude toward traditional and foreign religions may change during the life of a person in the sense that he is willing to join a foreign religion during his youth but later on turns back to traditional religions. In a paper entitled "How I Happened to Join a Japanese New Religion': One Life History and its Significance for Interpreting Japanese New Religions” H. R. Earhart has analyzed an interesting example of such change. The paper was read at the XIVth Congress of the L.A.H.R., August 1980 at Winnipeg, Manitoba.
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70

HUBERT SEIWART

39

ibid., p 20.

40 A practical consequence of this universalism can be seen in the effort of I-kuan Tao to spread beyond the borders of China proper. Of course, most followers outside Taiwan are overseas Chinese, but it also tried to gain followers among foreigners. Up till now, these efforts have not been very successful, not least because of the language barrier.

41 "Differentiation" is the key-concept in many neo-evolutionary theories. Bellah makes use of it in his theory of religious evolution which has implications also for the "secularization" of traditional forms of religion. Cf. R. Bellah: "Religious Evolution”, in American Sociological Review, 29 (1964) pp 358–374. 42 The decline of institutional Christianity does not necessarily imply a decline of religion generally. Cf. for example the considerations by Th, Luckmann, The Invisible Religion, New York 1967.

43

Cf. similar considerations in the case of a 19th century Korean religious movement by Chai Sik Chung, "Religion and Cultural Identity - The Case of *Eastern Learning" ",

", in Internationales Jahrbuch fur Religionssoziologie 5 (1969) PP 118 - 132.

** For other examples see Paul de Witt Twinem, "Modern Syncretic Religious Societies in China”, in The Journal of Religion 5 (1925) pp 463–482, 595 – 606 and Hsiao, loc. cit.

46

Whether it is possible to substitute for the traditional symbol system Western science and philosophy depends on several parameters. Social and intel- lectual stratification is just one. Another important one is the degree of internal- isation of the traditional symbol system. Older people - even intellectuals who acquired their primary and secondary socialisation in terms of the traditional symbol system are less likely to be able or willing to substitute for it a new symbol system than are younger people (cf. Paul de Witt Twinem, loc. cit. p 163). It is noteworthy that the attitude toward traditional and foreign religions may change during the life of a person in the sense that he is willing to join a foreign religion during his youth but later on turns back to traditional religions. In a paper entitled "How I Happened to Join a Japanese New Religion': One Life History and its Significance for Interpreting Japanese New Religions” H. R. Earhart has analyzed an interesting example of such change. The paper was read at the XIVth Congress of the L.A.H.R., August 1980 at Winnipeg, Manitoba.

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