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year. Their migration pattern, conditioned by their political identity and personal background, is different from the two patterns already described. On the one hand, immigrants following this last pattern have cut off contacts with their native places and cannot receive any moral or material support from their relatives in mainland China; on the other hand, unlike those who practised "chain-immigration," they could not benefit from arrangements made for them before they came to Hong Kong. These factors also determined the nature of the voluntary associations which they formed.
B. Organizing Principles
According to my survey, in 1979 there were forty-nine Waichow and partly Waichow voluntary associations, of which most were organized according to the traditional principles of locality, dialect, kinship, and occupation. All of these forty-nine associations may be divided into the following categories:
1. The Waichow Hakkas' associations: As the majority group of Waichow, the Hakka have established thirty voluntary associations in Hong Kong since 1947.
2. The Waichow Hoklos' associations: Nineteen Waichow associations were organized by the Hoklos (Foklos), a marginal group of Waichow, sometimes jointly incorporated with Hoklos from other prefectures. Therefore, some of the Hoklos' associations could better be designated as “joint associations."
In the present study fourteen major Waichow associations are examined. Two of these nominally represent all the Waichow fellow countrymen; nine, the Waichow Hakka; and three, the Waichow Hoklos in Hong Kong.
Compared to their locality or dialect associations, the Waichow Hakka in Hong Kong have few associations founded on kinship principles. This is in sharp contrast to the Hakkas' clan and surname associations which I studied in Singapore (Hsieh, 1978: 1977).5 Since immigrants from mainland China after 1949 often arrived in Hong Kong without accompanying relatives, they could maintain only very limited kinship networks in Hong Kong. Furthermore, unlike that of the Hakka who settled in the New Territories during the Ch'ing Dynasty, the settlement pattern in this case is one of dispersion rather than concentration in particular areas. In addition,
PERSISTENCE & PRESERVATION OF HAKKA CULTURE
37
year. Their migration pattern, conditioned by their political identity and personal background, is different from the two patterns already described. On the one hand, immigrants following this last pattern have cut off contacts with their native places and cannot receive any moral or material support from their relatives in mainland China; on the other hand, unlike those who practised "chain-immi- gration," they could not benefit from arrangements made for them before they came to Hong Kong. These factors also determined the nature of the voluntary associations which they formed.
B. Organizing Principles
According to my survey, in 1979 there were forty-nine Waichow and partly Waichow voluntary associations, of which most were organized according to the traditional principles of locality, dialect, kinship, and occupation. All of these forty-nine associations may be divided into the following categories:
1. The Waichow Hakkas' associations: As the majority group of Waichow, the Hakka have established thirty voluntary associa- tions in Hong Kong since 1947.
2. The Waichow Hoklos' (#) associations: Nineteen Wai- chow associations were orgonized by the Hoklos (Foklos), a mar- ginal group of Waichow, sometimes jointly incorporated with Hoklos from other prefectures. Therefore, some of the Hoklos' associations could better be designated as “joint associations."
In the present study fourteen major Waichow associations are examined. Two of these nominally represent all the Waichow fellow countrymen; nine, the Waichow Hakka; and three, the Wai- chow Hoklos in Hong Kong.
Compared to their locality or dialect associations, the Waichow Hakko in Hong Kong have few associations founded on kindship principles. This is in sharp contrast to the Hakkas' clan and sur- name associations which I studied in Singapore (Hsieh, 1978: 1977).5 Since immigrants from mainland China after 1949 often arrived in Hong Kong without accompanying relatives, they could maintain only very limited kinship networks in Hong Kong. Furthermore, unlike that of the Hakka who settled in the New Territories during the Ch'ing Dynasty, the settlement pattern in this case is one of dispersion rather than concentration in particular areas. In addition,
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