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into Tung or Divisions. Each council of a Tung contains representatives of the villages which make up the Tung. In addition to a council of a Tung there is a general council for the whole of the Tung Lo or Eastern Section, which is practically that portion of the district of San On contained in the map attached to the Convention. This general council is styled the Tung Ping Kuk or Council of Peace for the Eastern Section. It has its council chamber at the market town of Sham Chun, which is regarded as the centre of the Eastern Section.
If the decision of the council of the Tung or of the General Council is not regarded as satisfactory, an appeal lies to the magistrate of the district." (pp. 55-56, Extension Papers.).
32 Extension Papers, p. 34.
33 Ibid., p. 174.
34 K'ang Nan-hai Kuan-chih I (***T**), pp. 15-16.
35 Philip A. Kuhn, Rebellion and its Enemies in Late Imperial China, pp. 91-92.
36 K'ang Nan-hai, op. cit., p. 15.
37 Other evidence which supports this hypothesis is drawn from the fact that the production and distribution of agricultural produce within the tung tends to be regulated by specific and unique processes. Hence, the tau chung (#), or local measures for payment of rent in kind, differs from tung to tung. Lockhart, in his Report on the New Territory at Hong Kong (Presented to both Houses of Parliament, November, 1900), relates the problems encountered in rationalizing land tenure: "But even this tau varies in different localities. The Kun Tau, or Chinese official standard measure of 10 shing, is adopted at Tai Po, in the Sheung Yu District, and at Shat'aukok. The Ts'ong Tau, or grain measure of 11 shing, is used throughout the Un Long District. The Ts'in Tau of 8 shing is employed in the Ts'un Wan (ed. previously Kowloon District) and some other Districts. (p. 6). Moreover, the schedules of periodic markets within tung tend to complement each other, while they often clash with the schedules of markets in a neighboring tung.
38 See petition from Tung Wo Kuk ("i.e., the Committee appointed to deal with the affairs of the Shataukok Division"). pp. 318-320.
39 In a rough translation of a pamphlet obtained by the German missionary Schaub in Tung-Kuan, local gentry propose a strategy for obtaining funds for fighting the British: "It is the best plan that the six confederations (six market places) keep together as we hear. But the outlay for the soldiers should not be collected by an extraordinary field tax. It is not right that the various confederations should pay the costs.... We should use the usual field tax. Let first the six confederations come together and ask our Government for help. Will the soldiers not come to help us, then let us ask the Mandarin for the present not to collect the field tax, that we can use the money to meet the barbarians. This would not be rebellious. Afterwards in peaceful times, we could pay our duties to the Government. (Extension Papers, p. 347.) See also, K'ang Nan-hai, op cit., p. 15.
40 CSO433 in 1899,
41 The British often experienced great difficulty in distinguishing landlords from taxlords, especially since members of large, gentry clans like the Tangs were one and the same. In a memorandum on the work of the Land Court, Lockhart writes: "The most serious matter of all, however, is the stand taken by the farmers against the clans, their former landlords.
TWO ESSAYS ON THE CH'ING ECONOMY OF HSIN-AN
83
into Tung or Divisions. Each council of a Tung contains representatives of the villages which make up the Tung. In addition to a council of a Tung there is a general council for the whole of the Tung Lo or Eastern Section, which is practically that portion of the district of San On contained in the map attached to the Convention. This general council is styled the Tung Ping Kuk or Council of Peace for the Eastern Section. It has its council chamber at the market town of Sham Chun, which is regarded as the centre of the Eastern Section.
If the decision of the council of the Tung or of the General Council is not regarded as satisfactory, an appeal lies to the magistrate of the district." (pp. 55-56, Extension Papers.).
32 Extension Papers, p. 34.
33 Ibid., p.174.
34 K'ang Nan-hai Kuan-chih I (***T**), pp. 15- 16.
35 Philip A. Kuhn, Rebellion and its Enemies in Late Imperial China, pp. 91-92.
36 K'ang Nan-hai, op. cit., p. 15.
37 Other evidence which supports this hypothesis is drawn from the fact that the production and distribution of agricultural produce within the tung tends to be regulated by specific and unique processes. Hence, the tau chung (#), or local measures for payment of rent in kind, differs from tung to tung. Lockhart, in his Report on the New Territory at Hong Kong (Presented to both Houses of Parliament, November, 1900), relates the problems encountered in rationalizing land tenure: "But even this tau varies in different localities, The Kun Tau, or Chinese official standard measure of 10 shing, is adopted at Tai Po, in the Sheung Yu District, and at Shat'aukok, The Ts'ong Tau, or grain measure of 11 shing, is used through. out the Un Long District. The Ts'in Tau of 8 shing is employed in the Ts'un Wan (ed. previously Kowloon District) and some other Districts. (p.6). Moreover, the schedules of periodic markets within tung tend to compliment each other, while they often clash with the schedules of markets in a neighboring tung.
38 See petition from Tung Wo Kuk ("i.e., the Committee appointed to deal with the affairs of the Shatauk'or Division"). pp. 318 - 320.
39 In a rough translation of a pamphlet obtained by the German missionary Schaub in Tung-Kuan, local gentry propose a strategy for obtaining funds for fighting the British: "It is the best plan that the six confederations (six market places) keep together as we hear. But the outlay for the soldiers should not be collected by an extraordinary field tax. It is not right that the various confederations should pay the costs.... We should use the usual field tax. Let first the six confederations come together and ask our Government for help. Will the soldiers not come to help us, then let us ask the Mandarin for the present not to collect the field tax, that we can use the money to meet the barbarians. This would not be rebellious. Afterwards in peaceful times, we could pay our duties to the Government. (Extension Papers, p. 347.) See also, K'ang Nan-hai, op cit., p. 15.
40 CSO 433 in 1899,
41 The British often experienced great difficulty in distinguishing land- lords from taxlords, especially since members of large, gentry clans like the Tangs were one and the same. In a memorandum on the work of the Land Court, Lockhart writes: "The most serious matter of all, however, is the stand taken by the farmers against the clans, their former landlords.
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