RAS-1971 — Page 75

RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 All AI Reviewed

VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS AND KAIFONGS

69

almost invariably status-seekers, as contrasted with the ordinary, passive members whose chief aim in joining the associations is in many cases to obtain assistance in time of need. In Hong Kong, the avenues to political power are closed to the ordinary citizen, since there is no democratic government. Thus, participation in traditional social institutions has come to be the most effective means of gaining social status. When an individual has achieved sufficient prestige as a benefactor in his association, most likely he would be invited to become an office-holder in its management committees. And the more offices a person holds, through multiple holding of offices in different associations, the more likely he is to be recognized as a community leader. In fact, the number of offices held by an individual is often the index of his importance in community life. The Kaifongs are one of the many social institutions in which the traditional status-seeker desires office and prominence. They enjoy a prestige comparable to the district and dialect associations in the overseas Chinese communities.

Unlike the chambers of commerce, or the district and dialect associations in overseas Chinese communities, the Kaifongs in Hong Kong do not embrace any particular economic interests, although the Kaifong members come from a wide range of commercial activities and may reap business benefits from their increasing social contacts within the associations.

Unlike the community leaders among the overseas Chinese, the Kaifong leaders are in no sense "marginal" to the Chinese society or the European society in Hong Kong. On the contrary, the Kaifong leaders are almost completely traditional Chinese people, both in their family background, their education, their outlook and even in their personal business alliances. Unlike their overseas counterparts, few Kaifong leaders speak the official English language or are conversant with Western culture. Their leadership status is purely within the Chinese community per se, and their influence with the Hong Kong government must be traced back to the official policy of recognition and encouragement of the Kaifong movement.

To sum up, the significance of the Kaifong associations to local community life lies in their threefold functioning as welfare, political, and status agencies. However, the emphasis in Kaifong functions has been shifting in the past twenty years in response to

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VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS AND KAIFONGS 69 almost invariably status-seekers, as contrasted with the ordinary, passive members whose chief aim in joining the associations is in many cases to obtain assistance in time of need. In Hong Kong, the avenues to political power are closed to the ordinary citizen, since there is no democratic government. Thus, participation in traditional social institutions has come to be the most effective means of gaining social status. When an individual has achieved sufficient prestige as a benefactor in his association, most likely he would be invited to become an office-holder in its management committees. And the more offices a person holds, through multiple holding of offices in different associations, the more likely he is to be recognized as a community leader. In fact, the number of offices held by an individual is often the index of his importance in community life. The Kaifongs are one of the many social institutions in which the traditional status-seeker desires office and prominence. They enjoy a prestige comparable to the district and dialect associations in the overseas Chinese communities. Unlike the chambers of commerce, or the district and dialect associations in overseas Chinese communities, the Kaifongs in Hong Kong do not embrace any particular economic interests, although the Kaifong members come from a wide range of commercial activities and may reap business benefits from their increasing social contacts within the associations. Unlike the community leaders among the overseas Chinese, the Kaifong leaders are in no sense "marginal" to the Chinese society or the European society in Hong Kong. On the contrary, the Kaifong leaders are almost completely traditional Chinese people, both in their family background, their education, their outlook and even in their personal business alliances. Unlike their overseas counterparts, few Kaifong leaders speak the official English language or are conversant with Western culture. Their leadership status is purely within the Chinese community per se, and their influence with the Hong Kong government must be traced back to the official policy of recognition and encouragement of the Kaifong movement. To sum up, the significance of the Kaifong associations to local community life lies in their threefold functioning as welfare, political, and status agencies. However, the emphasis in Kaifong functions has been shifting in the past twenty years in response to Page 70 Page 75 Page 76
Baseline (Original)
VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS AND KAIFONGS 69 almost invariably status-seekers, as contrasted with the ordinary, passive members whose chief aim in joining the associations is in many cases to obtain assistance in time of need. In Hong Kong, the avenues to political power are closed to the ordinary citizen, since there is no democratic government. Thus, participation in traditional social institutions has come to be the most effective means of gaining social status. When an individual has achieved sufficient prestige as a benefactor in his association, most likely he would be invited to become an office-holder in its management committees. And the more offices a person holds, through multiple holding of offices in different associations, the more likely he is to be recognized as a community leader. In fact, the number of offices held by an individual is often the index of his importance in community life. The Kaifongs are one of the many social institutions in which the traditional status-seeker desires office and prominence. They enjoy a prestige comparable to the district and dialect associations in the overseas Chinese communities. Unlike the chambers of commerce, or the district and dialect associations in overseas Chinese communities, the Kaifongs in Hong Kong do not embrace any particular economic interests, although the Kaifong members come from a wide range of com- merical activities and may reap business benefits from their increasing social contacts within the associations. Unlike the community leaders among the overseas Chinese, the Kaifong leaders are in no sense "marginal" to the Chinese society or the European society in Hong Kong. On the contrary, the Kaifong leaders are almost completely traditional Chinese people, both in their family background, their education, their outlook and even in their personal business alliances. Unlike their overseas counterparts, few Kaifong leaders speak the official English language or are conversant with Western culture. Their leadership status is purely within the Chinese community per se, and their influence with the Hong Kong government must be traced back to the official policy of recognition and encouragement of the Kaifong movement. To sum up, the significance of the Kaifong associations to local community life lies in their threefold functioning as welfare, political, and status agencies. However, the emphasis in Kaifong functions has been shifting in the past twenty years in response to Page 75Page 76
2026-05-12 18:35:14 · Baseline
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VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS AND KAIFONGS

69

almost invariably status-seekers, as contrasted with the ordinary, passive members whose chief aim in joining the associations is in many cases to obtain assistance in time of need. In Hong Kong, the avenues to political power are closed to the ordinary citizen, since there is no democratic government. Thus, participation in traditional social institutions has come to be the most effective means of gaining social status. When an individual has achieved sufficient prestige as a benefactor in his association, most likely he would be invited to become an office-holder in its management committees. And the more offices a person holds, through multiple holding of offices in different associations, the more likely he is to be recognized as a community leader. In fact, the number of offices held by an individual is often the index of his importance in community life. The Kaifongs are one of the many social institutions in which the traditional status-seeker desires office and prominence. They enjoy a prestige comparable to the district and dialect associations in the overseas Chinese communities.

Unlike the chambers of commerce, or the district and dialect associations in overseas Chinese communities, the Kaifongs in Hong Kong do not embrace any particular economic interests, although the Kaifong members come from a wide range of com- merical activities and may reap business benefits from their increasing social contacts within the associations.

Unlike the community leaders among the overseas Chinese, the Kaifong leaders are in no sense "marginal" to the Chinese society or the European society in Hong Kong. On the contrary, the Kaifong leaders are almost completely traditional Chinese people, both in their family background, their education, their outlook and even in their personal business alliances. Unlike their overseas counterparts, few Kaifong leaders speak the official English language or are conversant with Western culture. Their leadership status is purely within the Chinese community per se, and their influence with the Hong Kong government must be traced back to the official policy of recognition and encouragement of the Kaifong movement.

To sum up, the significance of the Kaifong associations to local community life lies in their threefold functioning as welfare, political, and status agencies. However, the emphasis in Kaifong functions has been shifting in the past twenty years in response to

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