728905-1847-13-Feb-1847 — Page 4

•

and of the certainty that the

must laul to incronee

• until the whole frame

is rapidly increasing in population, tionale mililition to de integri}] listenos, and with lists of 00 in-

rence, must fat bo bastening to such berefore, in the attempt to arrest the disastrous circumstances, it may appear absolutely nexiful to have recourse to men-

#

$16

THE FRIEND OF CHINA AND HONGKONG GAZETTE.

.

In

៥

of the enormous anisery observation was this You plan is good, but no longer stand between your folly and your punish-sinations; and it would be effectual, fut paymeid ja

you will find that when you at your labourers ment, while your land is tenring with wealth of all punishments, that which the Irishman do work on the waste lands, in return for paro which you have not the energy of the enterprise shrinks from. As a corresponding measure, would burden every district with the whole expe chial relief, if you offer them 10d ag they to elicit from it." broken up by a sinl convulsion will immediately refuse to work for less than 1a, Lo order to casty into operation laws embodying however heavy, of the police force which its dian,

if you pay them 1, they will demand eighteen the two principles we have laid down, which would bad condition rendered necesaury.

Thuso measureg could pot, of course, bet passed pance." We replied But how will the subba opposed by the proprietors in one caso, and by

without the loudest outery, and the most velament aist during the strike, which of course forfeits the pessoutry in the other,--strong, perhaps mrsh

The landlenda their volief? His answer was-"As they now and somewhat arbitrary, measures might, in the opposition from Irish patriots.

would tremble for their estates, the magistris "do, by mendicaney on the charity of thus as outset, be required, and the Government which

would be furious at being deprived of their pre poor or outer than themselves way be has to administer such laws must be resolute mul necessary, therefore, to place a restraint upon men unflinching, and must, moreover, be strengthened power of administering law after the fashion of dicaney, though we believe it would quickly work by the undivided moral support of the whole Eng their tribe and their forefathers, and the aguating its own cure. At present, mendicants succeed in labsation. They are certain to be assailed with would be aghast at the prospect of a system which, obtaining charity from those who are "as phot or outery, and thwarted by resistance in Ireland; by ultimately pacifying Ireland, would take

brend out of their mouths,

The and the incense out of poorer than themselves' only because it takenown and they must not, in addition to these, here to cu

their nostrils We should be assailed with the subj counter tahttacks of party hostility at home. that they have no viber resources at dam!--no other allornative, but starvation. The case will be Arder to enforce the rights of the landlord against declaration about "unequal laws," "denied riches one low for the Saxon and another for the C.. very different, when men, who refuse to do the cus the tenant, and of the tenant against the landlord, tomary quantity of work for the customary wages, and to repress with due severity those outrages dcc. &c., and this declamation must be meta apply to those for aid, who are themselves subsist which even the adoption of a nów phů 'just system very different spirit from that in which we hav ing on the samo menns which to others voluntarily will not immediately put down, they must be rohitherto received it. We must meet it by onimiv reject. Our own belief is, that under such circum with all the "powers with which the constitution reminding the clamourers that a people so distracted stances menticancy would rapidly disappear, can invest then?; but the exercise of these powers | and' disturbed, canari proft By, or bent, and any 3. The administration of the law for some time will afford too tempting an opportunity and too reover are not entitled to, the institutions wich vulnerable a point to be foregone by the passique of belong to a perfectly peticeable state of society, and must not belid thaˆ hands of the Irish—at least, not without strong collateral control and assistance. party, unless all posticinos should agree to suspend can work well only any such that institutions We do not wish to make any high remarks, but their animosities as far as Ireland is concerned, and which presuppose, and are based updo, a respect those who know trehand, know how unit oven the join honourably and gencarusly in applying their for the law, are out of place among a people to upper classes of that country are to be entrusted admitted remedy, and sharing the doop responsibi. whose fedlings that respect is it stranger and that with the adeninistration of such a law, and how cor.

lity. As long as English faction continues, Ireland a nation, where the murderers protected and ad taiply it would fail is their hands. Moreover, the

is sure to be the vibe. But as our two great pår" mired, can, while such a blute of feeling lasts, bare class who administer the Poor Law in England,ties united to free England from the thraldom of neither part or lot in the same laws as a nation scarcely exist in Ireland-where, if left to natives, monopoly, why should they not join to rescue Iro- where the murderer is an object of thiversal abhor it would fall into the hands of landlords, land land from destitution, disorganization, and misrule? ence and animosity that, in a word, before Tre agents, or clergymen; to all of whom the objec with powers, even though apparently despotic, if it and institutions as England, she must show herself We should be prepared to arra the Government land can claim to be governed by the same wa tions are too obvious to be named,

4. And to this point we would especially request

were found necessary, for the effectual repression possessed of the simo regard for truth, the fame attention, as it is one on which Mr Scrope, so right

of existing outrage, and for securing the administra. reverence far right and justice, and the same dis in the main, appears to us to have fallen into a

tion of justice, in reality; if not in form. In the gust at crime which, thank God, are still prevailing deplorable error. He proposes to sell the reclaimed first place, we would authorise them to retain the feelings in the national character of Englishnet. land to Irishner (to the reclaimers, if they have unpaid magistracy, through at least three-fourths Moreover, we would say to Ireland, we treat you or can procure any money) in small lots of 10 acres

of Ireland, only as pupils and assessors, to stipen-only as any part of England would be treated if ai each, without any security against subsequent sub-diary and professional judges, on whom we would milarly circumstanced. When Ireland shall have division-the great existing curse of Ireland. If

confer summary and extensive jurisdiction. This, shown herself entitled to the full enjoyment of this were done, the present mischief would only

we are convinced, would be a wise and healing glish institutions, they will be cheerfully conceded be multiplied and prolonged. Our great object

measure. It would gradually educate Irish onnatry her. Till then, they would be pearls trample: would be to elerete the peasantry of Ireland from gentlemen in a knowledge of the law, and ideas of under (out, which she could neither appreciate or edhe ato da labourers, and as far as possible to

fairness and strictness in its administration, and it discourage small buldings and throw difficulties in would soon give to the lower classes that confiden. the way of subdivision." We would not make it

re in the justice of the magisterial bonch which it impossible for the peasant to busono a fariner or a

s notorious that now they have not, and have no proprietu; we would only render it impossible to reason to have, and the want of which is one great become either, except by the exercise of those

cause of that wild law which the peasants have qualitas and faenities which would be needed for

establistic! among themselves, and which they ad- the proper fulfilment of the position.

minister with such systematic atrocity. This is plain and bold language; but no one who knows the strength of religious and parry feeling, as well is the esprit du corps, prevalent among that pass from which the Irish magistracy is appointed, will hesitate to acknowledge the truth of our remarks.

sures which, in themselves, look harsh or severo, us never lose sight of the appalling alternativo which we seek to raid. Let everything be done, caly with an honest determination to bancût Ireland | and the frish, and to eluvnto them, na quickly na to a perfect equality with England, both in cirit and political rights, and in material prosperity. Now, in whatever view we look at Ireland, in staver shape we sanat the obvious causes of her

we find, as the root of all, the absence of security for capital and of personal safety; à dire pond to gand is the obligations of contracts ja reckless and

walowa inatbordbation of the people; and an entire ; repression of liberty in the application of capital and labour, by a popular tyranny, If we lank at the esimordinary nudeveloped industrial resources of fremad, at her mineral wealth, at her millions of seres of threclaimed land, at her atual capabilities for the establishment of manufactories, or at her extensive fisheries, all of which, of themselves, pre- Bent objects for the investment of capital, of the most tempting kind, we are met by the various fublures to which we have formerly alluded, all from insecuri- ty and personal danger. If we say that absentee iam is a grost evil in Ireland, more from its social than its economical consequences, again we are sold, that he want of personal security, if a land lord will manage his property in such a way as to make it most productive, renders it impossible for any man who will not pander to the worst prejudices of the country, to reside with safety opan his pro peng. If we say that the cultivated lands of re- Jand absorb far rore labour, and produce infinitely les food than other parts of the United Kingdom, cwing to the most imperfect system of agriculture, we are met by the immpossibilay of changing that system under present circumstances, because the teeming population which has accumulated upon it have no other sources of subsistence, and thus, only because they systematically render the app cation of capital in a profitable way impossible. What ever steps, therefore, are taken for the permanent improvement of Ireland, will be entirely (otile, un less accompanied by measures, which, at any cust, wiel give that neccesary security and safety. verbents may be charged with resorting to old plane of severity, which have always hitherto fail'. But they failed only when used against the rights and liberties of Ireland. They will not fai, how- ever stringent, if used honestly only to restrain the guilty in the perpetration of social Frinks, and to at- ford protection to the industrious tud unoffending, to distinguish between licentiousness and true liber- 15: to sustain equally the rights of all classes; to profect the poor against the oppression of the reli,

and the rich against the irresponsible tyrants of the

De Se Let us now glance at some of the means by which the introducuun of a better system could

be undertaken.

There are two simple, social rights, universally admitted in England, ahast as universally demed in Ireland, the acknowledgment, understanding, and enforcement of which, in that bind of snan elina, would, we feel convince, gradually, nay rapuily, work it out of its wretchedness:-first, the right of every man to depose of his property and manage his property as he pleaser, secondly, the night of every man to live, who is willing to work-s night which nature has given, and which society, there fore, can only regulate, not take away. right we would enforce, as the law now, does. The first againes the Irish peasants who seek to infringe it, by enabling the landlord to eject, on legal police and proof, and by legat means, all tenants who do not pay rent or who refuse to quit when their lease is expired; and, moreover, we would regard, and en- deavour to teach the public to regard, thoes land. owners who refuse to allow men to live like pigs on their property, and who reduce the population upon it to the amber required for the fullest and highest cultivation of the soil, as benefactors, and if they carry on this process with gentleness and considera tion as well as firmness-as wise and benevolent men. The second right we would enforce, se the law now does not, against the landlords who neglect Rby a powe law, similar in principle, but randified ja machinery and administration, to that of England, A peor law, in virtue of which every able-bodied mas, whether an elected cottier, or an unemployed labourer, should be entitled to food, lodging, and clothing, suitable for a Christian, but only, strict ly, and unrelentingly, IN RETURN FOR WORK. principle we are certain is irrefragable; the effect, we believe, wood fully correspond with our expec tations; the administration of the syseert would be the difficult and doubtfyl point, The details of this administration in be left to the Government. We shall not attempt to do more- lian offer a few sug gertions, attention to which seems to us indisten sable to the efficien ant measure.ccessful operation of the

The

|

;

The establishment of such a system of relief in exchange for work would he speedily felt through- out the length and breadth of the land. We do. not say that agrarian outenges would cease; but we believe that they would rapidly diminish, and Lunt the sympathy now felt for the perpetrators would diminish in a still greater ratio. While ex pulsion from a holding is starvation, we cannot deny that ale ejected tenant has an injury to avenge, though it may be an injury which he has brought upon unself But when every man can obtain subsistence for himself and his family by applying to the nearest Board of Guardians, he will no longer be able to plead destitution in those he loves, as an the plea to be a file hood, and the law will no extenuation of his outrage; every peasant will feel

with sputur morality, longer be rendered powerless by its want of unison

.

|

Secondly, we would enable the ministry to sus pend the trial by jury in the disturbed districts in all cases, both civil and criminal, connected with the peculiar feeling on agrarian subjects which exists among the peasantry, and we would autho- rise the judges to decido according to evidence, not according to testimony and there would be no dan ger, considering the strong prescriptive preposse stuns of the judicial bench, that the privilege would be abused. The suspension of the trial by sounds like a harsh proceeding, but a few moments consideration will show it to be both fair and wise The institution is based on the assumption—tru. "" The landowners wil, of course, exclaim loudly in England, but false in Ireland-tat a regard for against any such comprehensive scheme of Poor truth, and a wish to discover it,-a respect for the Law as we have advise, and will pronounce it to

law and a wish honestly to administer it pervade be a virtual confiscation of their estates. But their the community;-that witnesses on their bath will outery should be sternly disregarded for aut only will give a true verdict according to the evidence give true evidence, and that jufymen on their oath is the idea of confiscation an absurd one, but as re

of will only be given in exchange for work, and as

If these assumptions are not founded in fact, then that work will be reproductive and profluable there trial by jury is an institution, not for discovering,

YỀN will be no ultimate loss of property at all, but the but for concealing truth, not fat administering, but Moreover, did the restoration of Ireland for evading justice. Now there assumptions are to a sound and wholesome state demand the sa

not corrent in Ireland, and it is notorious that they crifice of half their property, the sacrifice ought to

In that country it is well known that be in-de without a murmur. For the existing evils where party feeling, religions hostility, or class of its condition, which we are now called upon to sympathies intervene, neither the statement of ® cure, are in great measure the fruits of their own

witness, nor the path of a juryman can be relied or their progenitófe' mismanagement, and if suffer

on and moreover, that in that

;

class of crees to property at all. It is a burning disgrace to them, ed to continue will soon leave them without any which we have referred both witnesses and jury, men habitually, not and speak in terror, and on swell the base ory which, in the face of facts, attri-proof of these statements, but they are almost 100 to desert and neglect their country for years, and peril of their lives. We might adduce lengthened hates Irish misery to Buglish oppression and hard. generally acknowledged to need proof. The follow- heartedness, and then, when years of famine suing will suffice. The statement is Mr O'Connell pervene, or generations of wretchedness, to come and, we believe was made in the House of Con whining or bullying to England, to ask her to sup mons; but we quote from memory. On one of. poor gehom they have made, and to lend her powerful port the poor whom they have neglected, and the casion said the great agitator, "I was counse at to punish the crimes they have provoked; to protect them from the consequence of their selfish- entreat her, in a word, to bear their burdens, and

resolutely and inflexibly to Ireland - Irish land It is high time for England to say- shall support the Irish poor-Irish revenue shell pay for the repression of Irish crime-England will

ness and sin.

*

are not so.

for a mag on bis cial for murder only called "onewimees for the defence, but that one, any "whore fuvolin Freland, would have been suflicient,

put the murdered, man into the witness 2602":"ip *prove that he was kill alivo. No doubt existed us to his identity, but my client was fouad gully.” In the third place, in any case of outrage where the criminal was not discovered, we would levy fine on the inhabitants of the district fa which the compel the wealthy of his strict to support him. How

Once give destitate man right to relief, and you occurrence took place. This would be conformable will this operate? Let us sae. The landlord very oftends the Hon discovery, of the delinquent woukt almost to old English practice; it would be justcfrasmuch the only man of apparent substance la a district an int certainly be owing to his being sheltered by the and a few shopkeepers, and soine few large farmers, would! 1. The railroade, public werks, and still more

fali the support of the destitute. Let us suppose we are misdirected sympathy of the adjacent population, arrived at the terrible mates of things just, previous to a permsorntly, the chluvation of the four millions of clearance the land b-divided and sub-let, and swarming ev

as is now notoriously the case in all agratiam assas- warte, bar redeemable, land scattered throughout

with a pauper tenantry. They are cleared of well Ireland, afford the means of employment for those says the landlord, this will never do, they did partly keep

what then They are destitute and demand ieliet Woh rates, in ample mea. themselges before, but now they are entirely to dece su The return of the security and peace,

the chief part of the cost comes out of my pocket Pac I uudustry, which the pro-ing to pay, owing to his clearance towards the app

be is badgered by the shopkeepers and farmers, who hav bring obcul—30 opening of the poor people, am, of course, very indignans some aduction and ension of thing mom be done. Rather than keep them in

work of some land or other will be found for them, and the but Irish landlord finding himself compelled to freep theme of ble in banigh höherto, people created chiefly by his neglect, will begin to look

areed over the strictly afar, the management of his, patate, Impartiality and

every enterprise with alachty, with real because it will dort tmobymen nvali

been

I

the

whom otherwise he must bel

from this simple cause wasts

nes

is

Now, severe he such a course may appear, we believe it would lead to no real hardships, but that on the contrary, it would be hailed, though perhaps secretly, by not an inconsiderating portion of the best classes of society in those disturbed districts, with real satisfaction. In travelling through. Le land, even in the worst districts of the south, there is nothing that we have been more struck with, than the contrast between the recklessness of the pensants and the prudence and strong sense of the email portion of what inny be termed the middla classes, including shopkeepers in villages and small towns, the farver description of farmers, millers, and others. To all such, we feel certain, that nothing would be more acceptable, than the inter- position of the executive in whatever way may be necessary in secure order and peace, and to repress outrage and crime. Let that be done, and we su- cerely believe Ireland has within herself the aces of her own regeneration. What we have seen of these classes, to which we now allude, in Ireland, has convinced us that there are not wanting in thense numbers who would be ready immediately a profit by any general system of reclaiming wasth lands, and otherwise developing the obvious resour- was restored, that they would be secure in their ces of their country, as soon as perfect confidenco

undertakings, is notorions, fact that Leland, is the only part of the United Kingdom whore ed; not because Irishmen are less desirous to profit there is any considerable amount of money hoard by their capital, but because they have less security in its use. To draw that capital toto setive use, and to attract additional capital from England are the most likely if not the only, means of really in proving the condition of the great masses who de pend for their fond upon their

on their unity labour. And, therefore, any measure of restraint which would tur a time be required, 14 der to bring about such a desirable object, could only be viewed as a real and lasting benefit, and the greatest of blessings to the Irish people. Marover we believe, and our opinin is sustained by all past experience, that the bare very influential in preventing those existence, of a suficient check would, of itself, ba e crimes which convinge, the Irish that the it would be intended to suppress and punish Onco

for its aim, and has certainty in its execution, and

has only justice we believe, there is not a people and F

e is not a people on earth that would be more easily reduced to a state of perfect order provided, the stringent policy which we have suggested... reljef f we have pointed

by

WALE HOSP measures of

We have

not overlooked the da

daggers and Ji culties attendant Hppy, a pa

loval claim to parochiat relief. In a future nomber, we will devote some consideration, to the means, by which we should guard against the obvious abuses which such a right would otherwise lead and go to the best

the present very distressing Ap means of applying these, permanent measures to tuslincholy emer- geney of

of the country, Boonámist, Qciaber 3.

**Nothing can show more clearly the actual state of bar- barzan of these people than a parliamentary paper, contain- anning an account of the curages in 1945, in the five wurst

simply assets, and Brigg as persons prtal Awellings, mai- counted in Ireland: They do not include murdere, itircular- ing notices, or offences directly connected with; land; be

ming of cattle, facendiary afes, &c. A past proportion them are brutally bauling comentumotimes millimaids, for

od Devenle Commission on both have beautfially castral Mover having when the trouble to bbaut them, state (P, 400)*thes in 1060 Instances the statements made before dicted or oth

existence among the people of the most cowardly and savage jacent &anties are disgraceful to the nation-they mark this “14. The outrages and shooting of Tipperary and some adsending is the order market instead of selling brutality. It is fully to apply to such a society the humane orderly, and independent community. No man is indepen-pment of debt, for not being given b sufficient dowry and modersje provisions of laws adapted only for a peaceful, dent in Tipperary, 11e dare not set justly for fear of bla lifes However much he may hate the crime, he must aineld the mozderer for fehr of this life. Redare not turn away a ser. vant that robe him for fear of his life. Be dare not compel the fulfilment of a contract, or enforce the payment of a debt,

lifes or the Lord Lieutenant jo-talk

got canviand

to the neighbours poften en widows for letsing lodgings to m obnoxions individual de transferring his pastom from end smith to another, or becs has their sons held a situation which anolber man, wented Other used vils.ore for having ask

whom the mesilas had & grudge, against frf they cannot ta daugther who lind eloped for working for a landin

wife the latter by preference. In fact, the mere list of thes find the clarious individual, they beat his brother or his

fülrages inakes an Englishnan sick the cowardice and the brunelify are so characteristic of the lowest features of the mest degrated of one paces, hand-jet, tussamen consider themert DOCRINENE ICOstion, their fitness for the pre- enjoyment of all Eorlab Jostitutions

ted and. Published by JOHN CARR

China, and Hongkong este, Printing Office, COUGH STRENT

VICTORIA, HONGKONG, 1847,