CONFIDENTIAL
Initiating debate on Hong Kong in the UN pre 1997 is a
high risk option. It would raise the international profile of
the issue and could lead some countries to question the Joint Declaration approach. It might conceivably goad the Chinese into an early takeover. But post-1997, UN monitoring (eg on human
rights) could be useful.
HMG's Position
3.
Internationalisation is not a new concept. Hong Kong's
economy is dependent as no other on links with the outside world.
Hong Kong's economic partners naturally take an interest in the
territory's future and in the arrangements we have negotiated
with China. Our policy towards Hong Kong has also over the years
attracted close political attention (some of it critical) from eg the US, Canada, Australia and Japan. We have kept friendly countries briefed primarily to sustain confidence in Hong Kong,
but also because international interest provides one of few means
of influencing Chinese behaviour.
4.
The focus of our contacts with international partners has changed over the years since 1984. Initially we concentrated on
explaining the Joint Declaration (JD). We have continued to
brief a small group of friendly countries after each Joint Liaison Group (JLG) meeting. Following the events in Tiananmen Square we secured a supportive mention of Hong Kong in the CHOGM
communique from Kuala Lumpur in November 1989.
5.
In 1990 we put a lot of effort into gaining international support for the Nationality package. (Some partners responded by developing parallel schemes offering passports for Hong Kong
people.) We have also consistently lobbied the Americans for
unconditional renewal of Most Favoured Nation status (MFN) for China, in view of the damaging consequences for Hong Kong of failure to renew. Most recently, the international focus has
been on Mr Patten's proposals for broadening democracy.
These
internat.NAT
JEB
CONFIDENTIAL
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