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last week (ATTC Taipei Telno 121).
7. The problem of recognition and diplomatic relations arises
most obviously in Ministerial contacts, particularly if they
involve FCO Ministers. This lay behind our reluctance to
contemplate an official letter from the President of the Board of
Trade to the President of the "Republic of China". This also
underlies our reluctance to have Ministerial meetings with Taiwan
Ministers on UK Government premises, and our avoidance of any
call by the Taiwan representative here at the FCO. The Taiwanese
do not always help themselves in these matters by their tendency
to publicise any move which might seem to imply greater UK
recognition of the "Republic of China". If we did in fact
overstep the legal limits and if this were picked up by the
Chinese (probably via the Taiwan press), we would face more
serious Chinese protest since it would strike at the heart of
their position on sovereignty. This might affect our other
interests in Hong Kong and trade with the mainland (which grew
last year at 35%). (The Japanese ran into trouble recently for
example over a private visit by the Taiwan "Foreign Minister").
In practice however, we have so far found ways of getting the necessary business done without overstepping the limits.
8. The Taipei telegram reports a Taiwanese request effectively
to station a Defence Attaché in London and for us to allow
private visits by their service chiefs. Purely private visits,
eg to play golf, are not a problem: one has already taken place.
But the intention behind the Taiwanese request seems to be more
than that - visits to UK companies and "private" contact with the
MOD. Equally, it is hard to see what a "Defence Attaché" would do except look for defence equipment to purchase or defence technology to transfer.
SBTAIWAN
CONFIDENTIAL
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