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12.
These steps should keep the public momentum behind the
Governor's proposals up to the point at which they are tabled,
but also ensure that alternatives which move in the direction of
Chinese concerns are discussed privately with China and then
tabled. It will then be up to LegCo to establish the best point
of balance. This puts a considerable responsibility on them. There is no guarantee that it will produce a satisfactory result.
The best outcome would be the emergence of a compromise package with which no one faction in LegCo was entirely content but which
met our objectives of free and fair elections, and also dealt
with the points which the Chinese have indicated privately cause
them most difficulty. I would expect such an amended package to
be greeted with considerable relief in Hong Kong. That may make
it easier to build a respectable LegCo majority for it although the risk remains that an amended package will satisfy neither of the main camps in LegCo.
13.
It is almost certainly too much to hope that we would be
able to secure Chinese acquiescence in whatever emerges from LegCo. But their latest comments suggest that they will be prepared to calibrate their reactions to reflect the outcome of
LegCo discussion. Direct discussions with China will still be desirable at some point to make the most of any changes which LegCo intend to adopt. My next six-monthly meeting with the Chinese Foreign Minister (which is due to take place in the
Easter recess) should be well timed for that: provided that the
Chinese do not make a meeting impossible by imposing unacceptable
preconditions.
14.
We should not overlook the levers we hold. The main one is
the risk of international pressure on China from Hong Kong's
economic partners if the Chinese push too far in Hong Kong. We
do not want to exacerbate Chinese conspiracy theories. Our
objective should be to ensure that the Chinese would pay a high
price in international terms if they damage Hong Kong by their
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