Seem to be entering renewed and, probably lasting .confrontation. This situation is a tragedy for Hong Kong and while the
responsibility does not lie exclusively on one side, a considerable portion must rest with the policy pursued by the British and Hong Kong Governments since October 1992.
My case against that policy, in essence, is that it is
doing, and will do, much more harm to Hong Kong than the
alternative policy of co-operation with China on the best terms
we can get. Moreover, it will leave Hong Kong in the end worse
off than when the policy was launched.
Neither course before us now is at all attractive but, in
terms of our responsibilities to Hong Kong, which must be our
only criteria, the course we now seem to be embarked upon is the
greater evil.
I shall be happy to answer questions flowing from that and
my memorandum, Mr Chairman.
Evidence given by Sir Percy Cradock
Chairman: Sir Percy, these are strong words and you
have course spoken out in increasingly public criticism in recent
times, a course which requires, as most politicians would
recognise, courage. Therefore you must feel all the more strongly and deeply about this matter, to proceed on the lines that you have taken in your statement now and you have already
reflected in your earlier writings and utterances. How do you
think this has affected, as presumably you intend it to, the whole course of the relationship between London and Peking and
indeed Hong Kong? How far do you think that you, with the
enormous authority that you have in this area, speaking out, have
helped reinforced impressions on the Chinese side that the
British really do not have a united stand, and that therefore
there was no point in making any concessions or getting any compromise or agreement with Governor Patten's proposals?
Sir Percy Cradock: Thank you, Chairman, for giving me a chance to deal with that point. As you say, I approached this matter of going public with great hesitation, being of course
brought up as an official and therefore a creature of the culture
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