TNAG-2714-FCO40-3920-House-of-Commons-Select-Committee-on-Foreign-Affairs-enquiry-1993 — Page 185

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SECOND REPORT FROM

maintaining a necessary degree of continuity, should be introduced as soon as possible. Our discussions in Beijing which were held in April 1989, before the events of Tiananmen Square, led us to believe that the Chinese Government had no objection to faster progress. The Chinese officials to whom we spoke emphasised that the timetable for the introduction of representative government was a matter for Hong Kong. We set out below a timetable which we believe might be appropriate, but we must emphasise that whatever timetable is chosen, the greatest possible effort should be made to ensure that it accords with the majority view in Hong Kong. However much we may now believe in the importance of full democracy as soon as possible, we also believe even more strongly that Hong Kong people must be allowed to decide on their own system of government before 1997 as well as after 1997.

3.11. Another important matter is the final shape of the electoral law. According to the second draft of the Basic Law:

“The division of constituencies, voting method, delimitation of various sectors and corporate bodies therein, allocation of seats, election method, etc shall be specified by the electoral law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region."

This law will be of great importance in Hong Kong, and must be the subject of extensive and thorough consultation. The 1988 White Paper on the Development of Representative Government states, for example, "the Government believes that direct elections are best carried out on the basis of single-seat geographical constituencies”. As the White Paper itself acknowledges, a system of geographical representation has not previously existed in Hong Kong. Although we are, ourselves, predisposed to be in favour of geographical constituencies, we do not believe that the issue should be so summarily dealt with. The system of government in Hong Kong must be seen to derive in all aspects from the views of Hong Kong; since the more the government has developed in accordance with Hong Kong's wishes, and has not been imposed by the withdrawing colonial power, the more authority will it have after 1997 to stand up to the Central Government should it be necessary.

3.12. Similarly, even a much accelerated progress might leave indirect elections (ie from functional constituencies) with a significant role. Dame Lydia Dunn said of the system of functional constituencies that "it is something of which we have experience and I would myself say it is a reasonably good experience."3 Under OMELCO's proposals, the 1995 election would see the number of functional constituencies more than double (from 14 to 30) so that they would constitute 50 per cent of the membership of the Legislative Council. The present functional constituency system (comprising 14 members) enfranchises less than 1 per cent of Hong Kong's population. We are not supporters of functional constituencies and would hope that their number is not increased even as an interim measure, but while they remain a feature of Hong Kong government every effort should be made to provide the most credible legal framework possible for them. Therefore we recommend that a Green Paper should be published as soon as possible to canvas views on a wide range of issues relating to the electoral law. The results of this exercise should be incorporated into law for the elections in 1991.

Legislative Council

3.13 There have been calls to bring forward the 1991 elections to the Legislative Council to 1990 or even to this year, in order to help accelerate the progress to full democracy. We realise there may be practical difficulties. First, because under our proposals there would be many more directly elected members in the next elections, than presently planned, it is necessary to have an electoral law suitable for general elections in place before then (see paras 3.14 and 3.15 below). Secondly after the traumatic events of recent weeks we hope there could be a period of relative calm and consolidation before Hong Kong embarks on what will be an unprecedented election campaign. Sir David Wilson told us that, in his view, to bring forward the elections would be to introduce another element of uncertainty, and we agree with his judgment.

3.14. Because we believe that full direct elections should be introduced before 1997 (see para

* Annex II para 2.

* Op cit para 29.

* Q 263.

• Evidence p 157.

* Q 920.