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Hong Kong: Democracy After 1997
[LORDS]
Hong Kong: Democracy After 1997
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[LORD CLEDWYN OF PENRHOS] “independent judicial power. including that adjudication”.
of final
The argument involving the Joint Liaison Group hinges on how many judges from other common law jurisdictions shall sit on the court.
I have read the speeches on the matter made to LEGCO by the Attorney-General and the Secretary of Constitutional Affairs, and it seems that strenuous efforts will be made to resolve the problem. It appears, however, that the real vote will come in a few weeks when the Hong Kong Government present LEGCO with legislation to set up the court. The proposal in the leading article in a newspaper quoted by the noble Lord, Lord Geddes, also deserves careful consideration.
We shall be glad to hear what the noble Earl has to say about all this. It seems to me that the Hong Kong Administration must get together with the Executive Council and LEGCO to seek to agree on their joint objectives. If this is not done, there could be trouble ahead. The Chinese Government will have more respect for them if they are seen to be united, and the shape and success of the years following 1997 will depend on this. It will also depend on the integrity of the Government of China and their observation of the terms of the agreement and beyond that their tolerance of different traditions, as mentioned by the noble Lord, Lord Derwent.
I was much disturbed by the words of the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Worcester when he said that the Beijing Government were beginning to harden their attitude to the Church. That would be unfortunate and damaging to our relations and the future of Hong Kong, as well as to the world view of the Chinese Government. We wish to co-operate with China and we hope that nothing will interfere with that objective.
9.21 p.m.
The Earl of Caithness: My Lords, I too am grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Wyatt of Weeford, for raising these important issues which are vital to the future of Hong Kong. I should also like to thank all your Lordships for taking part in this important discussion. I have listened to a wide range of views, as wide a range as I hear in Hong Kong. None of your Lordships will have failed to notice the speeches of those who know Hong Kong well. In particular, I commend the speech of great authority from the former Governor, the noble Lord, Lord MacLehose of Beoch, who spoke about the realism of the Hong Kong people and their links with China.
As I listened to the noble Lord, Lord Wyatt of Weeford, I felt that he was looking at the problem through the wrong end of a telescope. That is unusual for him and not the voice of reason that we have come to expect.
Your Lordships will know that the noble Lord, Lord Wyatt, originally tabled this Question for debate two weeks ago. As I wished to answer it but was due to be in Indo-China at the time, he kindly agreed to change the date. However, your Lordships lost out because although I am grateful to him your Lordships
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have suffered the loss of the noble Baroness. Lady } Dunn, from the original list of speakers. She cannot be with us today, much though she wished it. Her input into the debate would have been most useful.
One of my abiding memories of my visits to Hong Kong is the persuasive arguments put forward for the necessity of good relations between China and Britain. as this would benefit Hong Kong in the period up to and through the transition in 1997. That was a particularly clear message I received from everyone I talked to, especially during my first visit in 1990. Over the past 18 months the Sino-British relationship has improved significantly from a low point and as the noble Lord, Lord Derwent, said in an excellent speech, this has led to significant benefits for Hong Kong. It has done so against the background of the commitment by both sides to implement the Sino-British Joint Declaration signed in 1984 and registered at the United Nations. This sets out the basis agreed between Britain and China for the preservation of Hong Kong's way of life for at least 50 years after sovereignty returns to China in 1997. The implementation of the Joint Declaration is the cornerstone of our policy to ensure the continuing success of Hong Kong.
Nineteen ninety-one was an important and eventful year for Hong Kong. During the first six months tough and protracted negotiations continued with China over Hong Kong's new airport. A good agreement in which the Hong Kong Government were fully involved was eventually reached, and the Prime Minister and the Chinese Premier signed the Memorandum of Understanding in Peking in September. The Hong Kong Government are now pressing ahead with this vital enterprise and tenders for the first main works project, the Lantau Fixed Crossing, will be awarded in the next few months.
On the political side, after elections to the district boards in March and municipal councils in May, the key event was the first direct elections to the Legislative Council (LEGCO) which took place on 15th September. A total of 54 candidates contested 18 seats in a lively and hard fought campaign. The turnout at almost 40 per cent. of registered voters was a record for Hong Kong, although lower than some had predicted. The United Democrats and other Liberals won 16 of the seats, with about 50 per cent. of the votes cast, giving them overall a vote of approximately 10 per cent. of the eligible electorate.
Contrary to the impression given by the noble Lord, Lord Wyatt, the aim of the 1991 election was not to elect a government for Hong Kong, or indeed a majority on EXCO. Both the noble Lord, Lord Ennals, and the noble Lord, Lord Wyatt, are not as well informed as they usually are. It is not a question of not inviting Martin Lee onto EXCO, but rather of Martin Lee indicating clearly that he cannot accept the conventions on confidentiality and corporate responsibility that go with being a member of EXCO. I know that the Hong Kong Government want-
Lord Wyatt of Weeford: My Lords, as I understand the matter. Martin Lee was quite prepared to accept the remit on secrecy. However, he was not prepared to
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