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therefore established to insulate the six Ordinances from
challenge, until they could be reviewed, and necessary
amendments made.
4. The Societies Ordinance is one of these six. It is the
most sensitive vis a vis the Chinese because it provides HKG
with its (pretty draconian) powers to ban political parties and groups.
The Chinese are likely to see any significant
weakening of these powers as opening the way for Hong Kong
to become a base for subversion against China.
5. Despite the risk of a row with China, the Hong Kong
Government have in practice no alternative but to amend the
Societies Ordinance to bring it into line with the BOR.
Otherwise, when the freeze period expires on 8 June, some of
the provisions are likely to be struck down by the Courts,
amid maximum embarrassment.
6. Earlier in the year, Ministers decided that the question of whether to brief the Chinese in advance of
publication of amendments to each of the six Ordinances
should be decided case by case. There is no requirement to
have Chinese agreement: we would argue that legislative
changes of this kind are part and parcel of administering
Hong Kong up to 1997. But a row, and Chinese statements
that they would reintroduce the old powers from 1997, would
not be good for stability. So in each case we have made a
judgement as to whether the changes in a given Ordinance were so minor as to not make it worth explaining to the Chinese in advance, or significant enough to make it work, worth
giving them the background in the hope of heading off
ill-informed, kneejerk reactions. Ministers decided that
the Societies Ordinance was sensitive enough to make it worth emphasising to them the powers that would be retained.
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