TNAG-2445-FCO40-3560-Internal-political-situation-in-Hong-Kong-1992 — Page 30

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was going to make only after he had seen all political groups, the last being the UDHK, rather than after seeing the CRC which had been first on his list.

This may sound rather childish.

It is. But it is the stuff of present day politics in Hong Kong.

The other point is that paradoxically, the success of the UDHK in the elections last September is driving the Administration more into the hands of the CRC. As Alan Paul points out, the UDHK sees potential electoral advantage in behaving like an opposition party. Their internal discipline is holding up well. Equally, the party as a whole puts itself behind the sector or interest of any member (thus, when one member of the UDHK, for local reasons in his constituency, was against a particular alignment of a new bridge at Ap Lei Chau, the whole party used their votes, unsuccessfully, to try to block this move in Finance Committee). As the UDHK operates as an opposition over a wide range of issues, so the Government is forced to rely increasingly on the CRC to get its policies approved. The CRC has more votes than the UDHK. On issues where LegCo splits, the Government has to rely on CRC support. Increasingly, there will be a price to be paid for this. It is not a comfortable, or particularly desirable, situation. it is the logic forced on us by post-election politics and arithmetic.

But

es

Governor

Peter Ricketts Esq

Hong Kong Department

Foreign and Commonwealth Office

CC Alan Paul Esq

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