TNAG-2329-FCO40-3373-Hong-Kong-contacts-with-academics-and-writers-1991 — Page 78

To

those people on transfer to PRC sovereignty. In 1991, the Hong Kong legislative system will change. But to what degree in its details? what degree in its protective potential? To what degree in its ability to affect policy? Without asking these questions, it is difficult to know what is actually meant by "autonomy"; and without answers to them, the mechanisms designed to protect autonomy cannot be designed.

And as was indicated recently in the House of Lords, specific questions are more useful than empty rhetoric:-

"[Hong Kong people's apprehension] will not be dispelled by

exhortation that people must have faith and be confident of their future. Indeed for Hong Kong people, it is not easy to be tolerant of such exhortations when they come from those who share none of the personal risks.

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Precisely. Worst of all, empty exhortations may show a lack of understanding of the dilemmas which Hong Kong people face in personal terms, and a lack of policy to assist them to deal with those dilemmas, perhaps an unwillingness even to create the structures which will protect them from abuse of power. From empty exhortation to apparent lack of care is a small step. It should not be assumed, however, that it is easy for the British government. As recently as 16th February, 1990, Douglas Hurd made a statement which exemplified the difficulties facing HMG in the discharge of its responsibility towards the territory and people of Hong Kong. He said this: -

"Those who suggest that whatever we do now China would be obliged

to accept in 1997 are I think out of touch with reality. The measures which we are introducing will preserve the concept of one country, two systems, which is the basis of Hong Kong's future success. We shall continue to press the case for a faster pace of democratisation. Opinion in Hong Kong and policy in China on this matter have both moved a long way since 1984, and

there will be further evolution between now and 1997."

4.13.

4.14.

More relevant today is whether the Basic Law does all it can to preserve the concept of "one country, two systems". This needs to be examined closely. The PRC has said: -

"It will be no good if the changes make the Hong Kong government

incompatible with the Basic Law in future. We do not wish to see a melee happen."

"

I do not wish to see a melee either. But neither do I wish to see Hong Kong lose its freedoms and practical autonomy through a lack of structures and procedures which can be put into place before 1997 to everybody's advantage.

Overall, the British and Chinese positions on political structure show