elections and see fair play.
That does not mean that the
elections were irrelevant. On the contrary, they have given ordinary people a direct say, through their representatives in LegCo, in the way Hong Kong is run. LegCo has real powers and the Hong Kong administration will now have to work all the harder to build support for
its spending plans and legislative proposals. So one
result of the election should be to encourage responsible
cooperation between LegCo and the Hong Kong administration in the interests of the people of Hong
Kong.
The present
Second, the development of democracy in Hong Kong
after 1997 needs to reflect Chinese acquiescence.
Whether the pace is faster or slower, the essential point is that it is in the interests of Hong Kong's long-term stability that democracy should develop in a steady and
sustainable way both before and after 1997.
LegCo is thus a transitional body. The 18 new
directly-elected members of LegCo will sit alongside 21
members elected from functional constituencies, and 18
appointed by the Governor. At the next elections in 1995, all members will be elected by one means or
another.
I think it was clear to most of the Hong Kong voters (even if not to some in the Western press) that in the elections for 18 out of 60 LegCo seats they were not voting for an alternative government, but for members who would represent grass-roots interests in the new LegCo
and keep the Government on its toes. Nor was the election held on the basis that if one group won a majority of directly-elected seats they should dictate the Governor's choice of appointed members for LegCo. In fact, the Governor made his appointments on the basis of
No comments yet.
Private notes are available after approval.