Certainly theof political and economic change here has been a mixed one, with not quite that inexorable sense of forward momentum towards political democratisation and economic liberalisation that we have seen in Eastern Europe - and perhaps, for that matter, in Latin America.
But there has none the less been a litter of encouraging small examples, from Nepal to Bangladesh to Mongolia -and Burma as well before the military regime reasserted its minority authority. Even in China, what was more remarkable than the awful re- pression of June 1989 was the rapid growth and strength of feeling underlying the democratic movement; nobody really now doubts that the eventual changing of the present leadership guard will herald a reaffirmation of that democratic and hu- manitarian impulse. The point is simply as good Marxists should be prepared to concede that economic and political change are inseparable.
For any observer of the international scene, the conclusion is hard to resist that the example of democracy and economic growth is simply too infectious to contain.
While, at the level of ideas, the liberal consciousness is almost as comprehensively prevailing in Asia as in Europe, the triumph of these values on the ground is not yet remotely complete. But I suspect that, along with everything else that is happening in the world and the region, we may all stand to be surprised by the pace at which our region moves to affirm and apply in practice some of those basic political and economic values that your countries, and mine, so clearly stand for.
Currents of thought in international affairs cannot easily be imposed. It is hard these days, and not very popular, to lead by direction, but there is plenty of opportunity to lead by example.
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Part of the agenda for this meeting, as I understand it, is for the Trilateral Commission to rethink the role that it and the countries associated with it might play in the future of this Asia- Pacific region in contributing to its security, its dynamism and the development of responsive and democratic forms of gov- ernment. Perhaps you will allow me to suggest that the most valuable job you can do in this respect is to articulate, and show by example, your unequivocal commitment to multilateralism in trade, liberalism in politics and cooperative internationalism in the general conduct of international relations.
Australia, the Asia-Pacific and Hong Kong
Following is the text of an address by the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Senator Gareth Evans, to the Hong Kong Foreign Corre- spondents' Club on 22 April 1991:
An audience of foreign correspondents in Hong Kong is unlikely to contest the proposition that no country can.escape its geography. But some of us take a long time to come to terms with the full consequences of our geography. For many decades Australia thought of itself as a European outpost, and did nothing to encourage our regional neighbours to think otherwise.
Knowing the importance of a good bloodline, graziers sent their eldest sons to England to scout out their wives; the first overseas trip of Australians generally was always to Europe to drink at the wellsprings of Western culture; our foreign policy consisted in keeping the seamless web of the British Empire together because it alone would protect us in our isolation and vulnerability; and when the British could no longer do the job, it was the other "great and powerful friend", the United States, to
whom we turned to provide physical and mental reassurance.
But things have changed, and they have changed dramati- cally. We now do business extensively with the Asia-Pacific; we take more immigrants from Asia than from Europe; our tourists are increasingly spending time in the region's holiday destinations; our diplomatic focus is well and truly on our neighbourhood and, most important of all, the whole cultural mindset of the nation is gradually changing as well. Australians think of themselves these days not as being in a transplanted piece of Europe, but in the Asia-Pacific.
There are four key elements of deliberate government policy in that transformation. In the first place, since the early 1970s we have practised a wholly non-discriminatory immigration policy, and the proportion of Asian members of the Australian community - not least from Kong Kong - is steadily growing as a result.
Secondly, throughout the 1980s we have been reshaping our economy, breaking down protectionist barriers, and deregulating, loosening and opening up the economy to both the discipline and opportunity of greater trade and two-way investment. That has not only made it possible for Australia and its neighbours to do more business with each other;it has been an important component in rearranging the mental furniture of Australians in general, and Australian business in particular, forcing both to become much more outward-looking.
Thirdly, since the mid-1980s we have also been fundamen- tally reshaping our defence posture: while still wholly committed to the Western alliance, we no longer begin and end our planning - as did generations of previous Australian governments - on the assumption of reflex support from great and powerful friends. By contrast, we have now built our defence philosophy and force structure around the concept of defence self-reliance - develop- ing the capability to handle all but the most extreme contingen- cies with our own resources.
Finally, throughout the 1980s, but most visibly in the last few years, we have been conducting an energetic, independent for- eign policy in the region - built around, but not confined to, some high-profile initiatives like Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, the Cambodian UN Peace Plan, and the formation of the Cairns Group of fair agricultural traders. We have also been active on peace and disarmament issues like the establishment of the South Pacific Nuclear-Free Zone and the mobilisation of support for a Comprehensive Chemical Weapons Convention, in encouraging a new approach to dialogue on security matters generally in the region, in tackling the problem of Indo-Chinese refugee outflows and in developing new layers of depth in our various bilateral relationships, for example with the path-breaking Timor Gap Treaty with Indonesia.
Our whole approach to the conduct of our foreign policy in recent times has been to play the role not of an outsider looking into the region, but of an active participant in the region's affairs, a cooperative partner in the resolution of regional problems.
In the limited time available, let me focus by way of illustra- tion on just one of the foreign-policy initiatives I have mentioned -the launching of APEC. I do so not least because of Hong Kong's immediate interest in becoming part of that grouping - and before I conclude I would like to say a little more about Australia's policy toward Hong Kong, not only in relation to APEC, but more generally.
Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
The idea of a forum for the major trading nations in the Asia- Pacific region to cooperate in the development of mutually beneficial economic strategies has been around for some 25 years, but it only became reality after Australian Prime Minister Bob Hawke relaunched the idea in a speech in Seoul in January 1989. Following this, some sustained and energetic diplomacy resulted in the inaugural meeting, attended by 26 ministers from 12
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