TNAG-2217-FCO40-3184-Constitutional-development-in-Hong-Kong-1991 — Page 131

FCO40 Hong Kong Department Records 聯邦事務部香港部檔案 All

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investors, on the other hand, are increasingly incredulous. Too

keen to project an image of decisiveness and competence even when

objective conditions would counsel otherwise, the intransigence

of the colonial government itself is part and parcel of the

problem of 'ungovernability' in Hong Kong.

Objectively speaking, there are two categories of options

available to the Hong Kong government to deal with the problem of

governance in the remaining years of its rule. The first category

involves the government to rely solely upon itself to exercise

authority. The second category comprises those strategies which

it can use to expand the authority it can practically deploy by

allying itself with other political authorities, particularly

China. Since the signing of the Sino-British Joint Declaration,

the government has tried various options or a mixture of them,

but there doesn't appear to be a consistent line of action. One

thing however is clear: as far as possible the government favors

an option or a combination of options which would provides it

with the highest degree of decision-making autonomy.

Unlike decolonization in other British colonies, the colonial

government is not going to transfer power to the local people.

Nor is there any strong demand of the Hong Kong people for the

devolution of power to them. Under the Sino-British agreement,

Britain is to maintain its rule over Hong Kong up to 1997, then

the territory will be reverted to China. China opposes any

attempt of the British to transfer power to the local people, for

fear that it will deprive Chinese sovereignty over Hong Kong of

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