THE FOREIGN AFFAIRS COMMITTEE
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and vital to Hong Kong that China continues its economic reforms and closer relationship with the West. Political progress will hopefully follow, and in the meanwhile the West should never forget its horror at what happened in Tiananmen Square or hesitate at any appropriate time to take a robust line with China over that and also the question of human rights generally.
4.26. As already indicated we take the view that the British Government, as signatory to the 1984 Joint Declaration, is entitled, indeed obliged, to pursue all measures necessary to maintain confidence, prosperity and stability in Hong Kong. It is also entitled to insist that such measures should continue to be pursued, in as far as they fall within the competence or under the aegis of the Government of the PRC, for the 50 years period of the Treaty after 1997.
4.27. The principal forum for the British Government's work in implementing the pro- visions of the Joint Declaration is the Sino-British Joint Liaison Group (JLG). Annex II to the Joint Declaration provides for the establishment of the JLG, and sets out its purposes and functions. Annex B of the FCO's memorandum to the Committee contains a list of the agreements so far reached by the JLG.2 The list includes such items as agreement that Hong Kong should be a separate contracting partner to the GATT, agreement on the principles for separate Air Service Agreements and on four specific Air Service Agreements. The JLG will continue to work not only to 1997 but beyond to 1 January 2000.
4.28. The work of the JLG, of necessity, takes place behind closed doors. Press notices are issued after each meeting but many people in Hong Kong felt that they were unnecessarily brief and uninformative. Mr Vincent Lo told us: “Hong Kong people are kept in the dark. We do not know what is going on behind closed doors, and we have got an agreement. We have fragmented information and very often this creates rumours."3 His suggestion was to set up an "advisory group comprised entirely of local people to put forward the views of Hong Kong on the implementation of the Joint Declaration and the future Basic Law". We would add that it might be thought that a more democratic legislature would be the appropriate body to put forward the views of Hong Kong in this regard. The call for such a group, however, seems to us to be clear indication that the British Government must make greater efforts to be responsible directly to the people of Hong Kong in informing them and consulting them on the implementation of the Joint Declaration.
4.29. In our view, the development of representative government in Hong Kong, as we proposed above, will go some way towards meeting this need, but we must also consider other ways in which the British Government's role in implementing the Joint Declaration could be presented more positively in Hong Kong. It would not be possible for the Joint Liaison Group simply to take on this role, since its purpose is to be a negotiating body, and negotiations cannot be conducted in the full glare of publicity. Nevertheless, we do believe that the British side of the JLG could be more forthcoming about its activities without prejudicing its ability to negotiate. Neither can this function fall principally upon the Governor although he is Britain's political presence in Hong Kong. At this time it is more than ever important that he should be seen to be speaking for Hong Kong interests-so that he is perceived, as wearing only one hat, a Hong Kong hat. In the end the responsibility falls upon British Foreign Office ministers. We believe that they must make every effort to present British views and policies vigorously to Hong Kong, to listen to the views of Hong Kong people, and to take account of those views.
British Representation in Hong Kong
4.30 Mr Henry Keswick, speaking on behalf of the Hong Kong Association, told us “we perceive a great gap in British representation in Hong Kong". Clearly, the representation of British interests is a matter of secondary importance in considering the future of Hong Kong, and no doubt British interests in the Territory will be affected to a far greater extent by the manner in which Britain performs its responsibilities for Hong Kong, up to and beyond 1997, than by the British Mission in Hong Kong, however active. British representation cannot take on a political character before 1997, because Hong Kong is a British dependent territory. After
• Evidence, p 3.
2 Evidence, pll.
3 Q 203.
• Q 180. Q 682.
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