CONFIDENTIAL
C
6.
The detailed comments below on the eight points of substance related to the Bill are made with the objectives in paragraph 5 in mind. As far as the Chinese angle is concerned, as discussed in my submission of 17 May on the overall relationship with China over Hong Kong, our strategy is to emphasise our continued readiness to listen to their concerns, while making it clear that we cannot accept delay on enactment. Our strongest card is the fact that the Basic Law itself provides that the ICCPR shall continue to apply to Hong Kong and the Bill itself reflects the provisions of the ICCPR. Provided we ensure that we do not present the Chinese with pretexts for attacking the Bill, we believe it may be very difficult, if not impossible for them to sustain their opposition indefinitely.
Mr Galsworthy has pointed out that it would be wise to let the
Chinese know in advance if Hong Kong decide to make substantial
amendments to the consultation document draft Bill (UKRep JLG
telno 114).
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National Security
7. One of the permissible grounds for limiting rights and freedoms
under the ICCPR is national security. Clause 2(1) of the draft Bill of Rights defines this as "including the security of Hong Kong".
OMELCO have commented that national security considerations should
play no part in the governance of Hong Kong after 1997. They would
prefer the references to national security to be omitted or
replaced by "the security of Hong Kong".
8. In our view however, neither suggestion would be consistent with
the ICCPR: national security may well be the concern both of the
sovereign and subordinate governments. I recommend that Hong Kong
retain their definition.
Public Emergencies
9.
Clause 5 of the Bill provides that "In time of public emergency
which threatens the life of the nation... measures may be taken
derogating from the Bill of Rights [which are not] inconsistent with
the obligations of the Government under international law". This
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