direct elections in 1995.
desirable
So that implies recognition that it is desirable
were. There were many
that the graph should be on an upward curve, as
Zi
attractions in deciding to go for a more radical programme of
democratisation, more directly elected seats in the Legislature in the
shorter term, but I believe it would have been a mistake to do that because
the important thing is to achieve an increase in democracy after 1997 and
as full democracy after 1997 as possible. The fact is, as the Committee
knows, the system of legislation which will govern the amount of democracy
after 1997 is in the hands essentially of the Chinese authorities and it
would have been futile and I believe deeply damaging to Hong Kong for us to
have established a system before 1997 which was simply subject to reversal
and complete upheaval in 1997. The convergence, as you describe it, is
sometimes talked about as though it is almost synonymous with appeasement
and I have to say it is not. It is actually an attempt to ensure that Hong
Kong's interests are best put forward and that is very widely recognised in
Hong Kong. The reaction of OMELCO after the Foreign Secretary made the
announcement he did in February on the figures for 1991 was of broad
support and recognition that having elections which take place in 1995 for
a legislative council which remains in office as constituted then
throughout the takeover, throughout the handover in 1997, is a goal well
worth reaching. In the absence of any such convergence I think one has to
look at what the effects would be. The authorities, those legislators
elected or appointed, whether elected directly or indirectly, in 1995 would
simply stop being legislators and a complete new legislature would have to
be elected or appointed at that stage under different arrangements,
arrangements put in hand solely by the Chinese authorities. I think there
is an increasing recognition in Hong Kong that it is very desirable to have
a legislature which can run through that handover date of 1997.
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