HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL 28 February 1990
香港立法局 一九九0年二月二十八日
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more are saying that the secret deal between the two governments on the political model has made a mockery not only of all the people who have submitted their views but also their own trusted advisers, be it OMELCO for the British or the drafting and consultative committees for the Chinese. Others would blame the British for not trying hard enough. In spite of strong pleas from OMELCO, the British desire to remain friendly with China seemed to have taken precedence over all other considerations. But then this should have come as no surprise. Had it not been evident from Day One when the Sino-British talks started? Mr. John SWAINE said in this Council during our debate on the Joint Declaration in October 1984, "I am not persuaded that she (Britain) has done all in her power for Hong Kong. I think she went to the negotiating table with one arm tied behind her back. She disabled herself a long time ago when she closed the door for Hong Kong".
It is a posture to which Britain seems to have grown accustomed. In all fairness, the ambivalence of all Hong Kong people has not helped our cause of fighting for a more democratic Hong Kong. Whereas most people would like to have the right to elect our own leaders and representatives, most of us wish that such right could be gained through gentle persuasion rather than acts of confrontation with China. This is only in line with a long adopted Chinese dictum that we must never argue with our elders. Besides, the reluctance to do so is greatly enhanced by the possible catastrophic consequences of raising the wrath of elders in Beijing. I disagree with them. But perhaps we should try and view the recent developments from the Chinese leadership's perspective. To them Hong Kong people are difficult to deal with. For one thing, we can never agree; when we do not agree, the only cause left seems to be a combination of the acceptable parts of all the acceptable models.
Such a decision is in fact no different from the many decisions taken by the Hong Kong Government, or any other government for that matter, in the formulation of various policies. What is unfortunate with this current decision taken by China is that she has combined some of the most unpopular parts of some unpopular models. So it is not altogether correct to say that China has ignored public opinion in Hong Kong. She just picked and chose to her liking. It is our misfortune that her liking does not coincide with ours. My attempt to analyse the thinking on all sides behind secret events is not to make them more palatable. Nothing can. But at the time when our people are suffering the worst crisis of confidence over our already prolonged period of uncertainty, we have somehow to prevent ourselves from sinking further into a bottomless pit of despair. We must therefore view current events in the light of objectivity. But most important of all, we must throw our sight forward. In as much as we are
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