HONG KONG
HONG KONG: THE FUTURE
by The RT Hon Sir Geoffrey Howe QC MP Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs
1. The horrific events in Peking on the night of 3/4 June and the repression and reprisals that followed have turned a spotlight on Hong Kong's future. There can be no doubt that these events have had a profound impact on the people of Hong Kong. The mood during my visit there earlier this month was one of shock and apprehension. I took the earliest possible opportunity to visit the territory to assure its people that, at this time of great anxiety and difficulty, Britain's commitment to Hong Kong stands unchanged.
2. I reaffirmed our conviction that the Joint Declaration, with its prospect of the greatest possible autonomy, still provides the best foundation for Hong Kong's future. It is understandable that confidence in Hong Kong has been severely shaken. But despite the events in Peking, the underlying reality remains that 92% of Hong Kong's territory must revert to Chinese sovereignty in 1997 under the terms of the original lease, and the remaining 8% would simply not be viable on its own. The Joint Declaration reflects our determination to secure the best possible agreement for Hong Kong in the face of that reality. It is clearly better that Hong Kong should be returned to China with all the safeguards contained in the Joint Declaration than without them.
3. In their report published on 30 June, the Select Committee on Foreign Affairs described the Joint Declaration as “the best and surest treaty base for the future of Hong Kong." The official members of Hong Kong's Executive and Legislative Councils (OMELCO) have also endorsed that view. The Joint Declaration spells out the kind of future we want for Hong Kong, ie the preservation of Hong Kong's capitalist system, links with the outside world and basic rights and freedoms for at least 50 years. There is no case for scrapping it, or attempting to unravel it. There is no reason to suppose that we could negotiate a better agreement for Hong Kong.
4. We shall now be working all the harder and with all the more determination to make Hong Kong's future as secure as possible. The firmest guarantee of any agreement is that it is based on common interests. China
has an
enormous stake in Hong Kong's continuing success both economically and politically. Hong Kong provides nearly a third of China's foreign exchange earnings and two thirds of their foreign investment; and the success of the arrangements for its future is vital to their objective of reunification with Taiwan. That stake in Hong Kong is all the greater in view of the current turmoil in China itself. The Chinese have said publicly-and assured us privately as well
that their policy towards Hong Kong will not be affected by recent events and that they remain committed to the Joint Declaration. We now look to them to demonstrate by their actions that they mean what they say and to repair the damage that they have done.
5. The primary responsibility for the restoration of confidence in Hong Kong has to lie with China. But Britain must, and will use the remaining years of British administration in Hong Kong to do all it can to give further assurance to Hong Kong people about their future.
6. We and the Hong Kong Government will be reviewing the rate of progress towards representative government in Hong Kong in the light of evolving opinion in the territory. As the Select Committee on Foreign Affairs pointed out in their recent report, the wishes of the Hong Kong people themselves must be crucial to our approach to this question. We have always sought to introduce representative government in Hong Kong at a pace which commands the widest possible support in the territory; and to ensure that what is built up under British administration will go on after 1997. These will remain the guiding principles as we consider the way forward.
7. It is inevitable that recent events in China have caused Hong Kong people to think deeply about democracy. This was plain before the massacre in Peking. The unanimous proposal by members of the Executive and Legislative Councils (OMELCO) on 24 May (for a 50% directly elected legislature in 1997, moving to full direct elections in 2003), was the most important indication of an emerging consensus. During my visit to Hong Kong,
OMELCO indicated that following the events of 3/4 June, they would need more time to look again at their recommendations. The views of the Hong Kong people themselves will continue to be crucial to our approach to constitutional development in Hong Kong. But it was already clear from my visit that the changes currently proposed for 1991 will now need to be re-examined and that we will also need to consider what further steps may be necessary before 1997. 8. We will also need to take a close look at the draft Basic Law once the drafting process resumes to ensure that it conforms fully with the spirit as well as the letter of the Joint Declaration. The Basic Law is to be Hong Kong's legal and constitutional framework for 50 years after 1997. If it is to command confidence, particularly after what has happened in China, it is important that the concerns of Hong Kong people are properly catered for.
9. It is understandable that people in Hong Kong should be concerned about the protection of their fundamental rights and freedom. The Joint Declaration and Basic Law provide important assurances that the International Covenants as applied to Hong Kong shall remain in force. But more could be done. Accordingly, the Hong Kong Government have now announced that a Bill of Rights for Hong Kong will be introduced. as soon as possible. This will enshrine the fundamental rights and freedom currently enjoyed in Hong Kong in a single law and will continue after the transfer of sovereignty in accordance with the provisions of the Joint Declaration.
10. Whatever steps are taken in these areas, there will of course still be concern about the future. As the Foreign Affairs Select Committee noted in their report, emigration from the territory, particularly by well qualified professionals and middle managers, is set to increase.
11. Many people in Hong Kong have expressed the view that Britain has a moral obligation to give a right of abode to all British passport holders in Hong Kong, if not to the entire population of the territory. The Government have had to make it clear that this country could not extend an
The House Magazine, JULY 17, 1989 7
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