TNAG-1900-FCO40-2699-Future-of-Hong-Kong-briefing-1989 — Page 7

Joseph Y. S. Cheng

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curtailed as Hong Kong approached 1997. They saw their contribution as criticizing China's policy and influencing overseas Chinese opinion. The massive emigration of Hong Kong people to the United States and Canada and the considerable number of scholars and students from China in North America has created a potential readership which may be large enough to support publications. The two most influential news magazines in Hong Kong, which are highly critical of China--The Nineties and Cheng Ming-now sell thousands of copies in North America, and Cheng Ming even prints an American edition on the west coast of the United States. Many newspapers in Hong Kong publish overseas editions and the anti-communist ones may move overseas if they find it difficult to continue their operations in the territory. Admittedly, none of the publications can yet survive on their overseas circulation alone.

Others realized that developments within China were the most important factors influencing Hong Kong's future. With the opening up of China to the outside world and the emphasis on modernization, intellectuals in Hong Kong have had an unprecedented opportunity to pass on their ideas to their Chinese counterparts, to members of the high-level think-tanks and even to the Chinese leaders through academic visits, conferences, publications and even informal discussions. Such exchanges have enabled Hong Kong intellectuals to contribute to the Chinese decision-making process, and the experience has been a most satisfying one. After all, nationalism and patriotism still have a strong appeal. Many of those in the democracy movement were student activists in the early 1970s, when the student movement had tremendous empathy for the radical developments in China.

The contest for public support

The Chinese authorities in Hong Kong have been carefully cultivating the media since the early 1980s, and this policy has paid dividends. Top officials of the local New China News Agency branch have wined and dined the Hong Kong media proprietors; middle- and lower-ranking officials have targeted editors and reporters as important recipients of the Chinese 'united front' strategy pursued by the local New China News Agency and other pro-Beijing organizations in an attempt to win the hearts of Hong Kong people and co-opt businessmen, professionals, politicians and grassroots community leaders. During the Sino-British negotiations Xu Jiatun, head of the local New China News Agency branch, used to present influential anti-communist columnists with occasional gifts of Xinjiang melons and Guangdong lychees, accompanied by polite hand-written notes. To be fair, the Chinese officials have not made any specific demands on local media proprietors, but the successful 'united front' operation has ensured that, with the exception of a limited number of newspapers and news monthlies, few harsh criticisms have been aired of Chinese policies towards Hong Kong or of China in general. The television stations have been especially friendly.

The democracy movement, by contrast, has been much less effective in influencing public opinion. This was reflected in an opinion poll' carried out in the summer of 1988 testing the community's response to the draft Basic Law released in April 1988. A majority of 70 per cent of the respondents endorsed the statement that 'The Chief Executive and principal officials of the legislative authorities should be elected by

9. Ming Pao, 11 and 14-17 Nov. 1988.