462
THE DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT IN HONG KONG
Singapore, who tend to endorse the respective parties in power because of their contribution to the stability and prosperity of the two countries.
The alternative for the democracy movement is to treat democracy as a distant goal, and to concentrate on getting the best deal possible for the lower socio-economic strata through an active dialogue with the establishment. The latter will welcome such a dialogue as this will enhance its legitimacy and contribute to the political and social stability of the territory. Hopefully the establishment may be induced to resume its liberal policy of co-optation, as practised in the early 1980s, and to allow the democracy movement to play a substantive role in the policy-making process. Martin Lee's recent appointment to head the Consumer Council and his leading role in environmental affairs in the Legislative Council may be seen as encouraging signs, but other political figures in the democracy movement are less fortunate. Szeto Wah has still not been appointed to the Education Commission, depsite the fact that he is the elected Legislative Councillor representing the education constituency.
As the democracy movement no longer trusts and respects the British administra- tion, mainly because of the latter's failure to fulfil its moral commitment to the territory, seeking an active dialogue with and co-optation by the government may be seen by many in the movement as a betrayal of the cause. The government too will find it difficult to meet the demand for more social services. It is significant that the Basic Law Drafting Committee insists on provisions in the document guaranteeing 'a basic balance between total budgetary revenues and expenditure' and that 'the rate of increase of the budgetary revenues and the expenditure of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall not exceed that of the gross domestic product over a number of fiscal years taken as a whole'.33 Even objections from the British administration and some local business leaders failed to secure a revision of the clauses or their placement in an appendix of the Basic Law.34 An active dialogue with the government will demand political skill and sophistication from the democracy movement, which have been lacking so far in the consultations on the Basic Law.
In the long term the democracy movement will have to count on its
perseverance and integrity. It has to be prepared psychologically to remain in opposition for a decade and more, during which period it will have to strengthen its grassroots organization, demonstrate its commitment to Hong Kong's stability and prosperity while fighting for social justice and fairer distributionof wealth, and, above all, maintain its integrity under the pressure and temptation of China's 'united front' strategy and the temptation of co-optation by the local political establishment. These are no easy tasks, but the prospects for democracy in Hong Kong are certainly no worse than those in Taiwan and South Korea in the 1970s and early 1980s. Like its counterparts in almost all Third World countries, the movement will have to withstand a long period of severe tests. When the corrupt practices from China spread to Hong Kong, leaders of the movement may even have a better chance to reveal their superior moral fibre and win the hearts of the community.
Hong Kong, however, differs from other Third World countries in one major respect. The progress of democracy in the territory has to depend on the situation in China, which is in a very different stage of development. While the people in China are awakening, democracy there may require a decade or more to take root. Unfortunately the Hong Kong community cannot wait that long.
33. Article 105 of The Draft Basic Law, p. 58.
34. Ming Pao, 28 Nov. 1988 and South China Morning Post, 8 Dec. 1988.
No comments yet.
Private notes are available after approval.