TNAG-1731-FCO40-2444-Minutes-and-Hansards-of-the-Legislative-Council-of-Hong-Kong-1988 — Page 232

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They

They have zeroed in from a political angle and tried to propagate a notion that this clause will give rise to a situation whereby after 1997, Hong Kong's freedom of expression will be curtailed. opine that whereas the Administration under the British flag can be

trusted to respect the principle of freedom of expression, the SAR Administration under the Chinese flag after 1997 cannot be trusted to pay heed to this important principle as enshrined in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. They have

indeed deployed stunning persuasive tactics for such arguments, playing up and appealing to the fears of our people over the uncertainties associated with the change of sovereignity in 1997.

I can well understand those fears but we must ask ourselv

ourselves,

hon.

Male whether for the good of the community at large, we should allow

ourselves to be so overridden by fears as to lose sight of the

need to make assessments and decisions on a rational and pragmatic

basis.

the

Everyone understands that "one-country-two-system" is a

:

novel concept and Hong Kong will not be the only Special

Administrative Region of China in future. The success of the Hong Kong SAR will have an important bearing on the issue of total

unification of China and the road of total unification is a long

as the first major experiment of and hard one. Given our unique circumstances

ances in considering the thi's

Concep damage good relations clause in this Bill, should we not ponder and and think whether, without this clause, Hong Kong might unwittingly be open to the risk of becoming a battlefground for opposing

political propaganda warfare?

n

Shoulghet

Shouldnot the Administration, now or even