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postulate, completely disregards the political traditions of Hong Kong up to-date, the nature of our society, the constraints placed on the development of new political structures by the non-soverign status of this Territory, and last but not least, the need to find the best possible accommodation with China.
These superficial generalisations also overlook the
present lack of a composite picture for the future form of our government and suggests, if I may use this analogy. Sir, that
Michelausei we are able to visualise the rest of Michaelangelo's David from
a fragment consisting only of the statue's vital parts.
The current debate should therefore be seen mainly as one between pragmatists and idealists, and we might diffuse some of its confrontational character if we abandon the other lables."
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Whatever blueprint for Hong Kong's internal political future is eventually decided upon, the machinery had better work in practice if collectively we want to maintain a high degree of autonomy based on social stability and continuous economic success, even if it does not meet all the expectations of our more idealistic compnatiots. Our idealists should also bear in mind that Hong Kong is largely a community of practical people and not of dreamers. 24 will in turn readily admit that I respect the idealists' fervour and
tenacity although I disagree with their approach and their conclusions. I also believe that. they ultimately may have more to 27 contribute to the discussions than some British Members of
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Parliament or the international media who so sanctimoniously but often in blissful ignorance of the real facts, admonish Hong Kong 30 and the Hong Kong Government.
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Sir, I have little difficulty with the proposals in the 33 White Paper for the maintenance of the three-tier government structure
and the strengthening of the advisory role of the pistrict foards. I am conscious of the arguments against the increase in the size of the
Urban Council and the future inclusion in its ranks of elected
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