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more important stage in the game.
7. The Secretary of State asked how we can influence opinion in Peking in the direction of a small proportion of direct elections.
We have to be aware of the dangers of using Hong Kong intermediaries in circumstances which could confirm Chinese suspicions that we are "Leading" Hong Kong opinion in the direction of direct elections. Nor should we prejudge the outcome of the 1987 Review itself: it is still possible that the innate caution of Hong Kong people, reinforced by lobbying from Peking, could reassert itself. At this stage perhaps the key message for the Chinese is the more general one that they should be sufficiently sensitive to Hong Kong opinion. This message is already reaching them from many different quarters in Hong Kong. I should like to discuss with the Acting Governor when he is here next week whether any Hong Kong figures could be
used in a more targetted fashion.
B
8. If the Secretary of State concludes that we should now go ahead on the basis described in the strategy paper two practical points need to be addressed. The first is the text of the message to Wu. I attach a suggested text, which has been agreed with the Acting Governor and with Peking. I should note in connection with the last sentence of the message that according to an ostensibly
authoritative book on Chinese horoscopes the Year of the Rabbit is a
congenial year for diplomacy and international relations. There is
material there for a little joke if the Secretary of State wanted to
insert one.
9.
Second, we should begin to focus on the exact timing of a possible meeting in Western Europe. Peking Telno 122 sets out this part of Wu's itinerary. The Italian Leg (16-20 March) coincides
with the meeting of the JLG in Hong Kong in which the AUSS (Asia) and I will be involved. The Secretary of State may consider it preferable to aim for a meeting during the West German Leg perhaps
between 23 and 25 March. It would be desirable not to let the meeting slip any further, so as to leave the longest possible
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