TNAG-1439-FCO40-1923-Constitutional-development-in-Hong-Kong-1986 — Page 181

G.F. 316

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8.

were:

The

(a)

(b)

(c)

arguments for proposing direct elections

it was widely expected that these would be put on the agenda for the review. Failure to include them would be construed as a sure sign of a sell out to Chines e pressure;

the only system that would work was a credible one. Direct elections would lend credibility. Even if direct elections produced an

excessive number of social workers etc. they would be balanced by candidates produced by other means;

without direct elections, it was hard to see how the grassroots could be adequately represented;

(f) although the UC and RC elections had produced disappointing candidates there was every reason to believe that better quality candidates would stand for LegCo;

(g) we had to have regard for international opinion which would be impressed by an

element of direct elections.

Electoral Colleges

9.

Members were divided about their merits. The proponents argued that it would be impossible to do away with them So soon after their establishment. Some Electoral College Members had done

had done well. The balance they had given to LegCo should not be upset. One Member of LegCo had argued that the Electoral College Members, being formed into small groups such as District Boards, were proving highly effective monitors

effective monitors of performance. The constituents of a directly elected Member would not be so favourably placed. The opponents were concerned by the signs of gerrymandering that had accompanied the Electoral College elections. The implications for the post-1997 era were obvious.

10.

There was no clear support in favour of any particular number of Electoral College Members. Figures of 10 and 14 were suggested.

Functional Constituencies

11.

There was general support for increasing the number of functional constituency Members perhaps to 14 or 16.

The functional constituencies might be refined.

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