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that we should long since have accepted these cases, and they will want to know whether we are prepared to undertake any kind of continuing commitment to deal with the problem in Hong Kong. If we cannot give them a positive response, any approach we make is unlikely to have much impact on them.
5. It is also absolutely evident that unless the Hong Kong Government and public opinion can see that we are doing enough ourselves, they will not be willing to resettle in Hong Kong the ethnic Chinese in the open camps (there are about 3000 of them). From Hong Kong we would appear, correctly, to be forbidding them to attempt repatriation, declining to do much to help with the problem ourselves, and urging them to do what we are not prepared to do.
6. In these circumstances I do not see how we can give a convincing reply to that part of the report which urged that we should put strong diplomatic pressure on other Governments to help with resettlement. SCORRI seemed to consider that acceptance of the family reunion cases would provide an adequate basis for this. But it is quite clear, in my judgement, that it would not. I cannot therefore honestly pretend to them that we shall have a basis to persuade other countries to do more to help, nor disguise the fact that it is our own unwillingness to help which is impeding our efforts to get the problem solved internationally. In view of our constitutional responsibilities for Hong Kong, I believe this puts us in an indefensible position.
7. We have looked carefully at regional resettlement, and in my view it is not a starter. Countries in the region are already overburdened with refugees, are indignant at the burden which they have to bear, and are pressing Western countries to accept them for resettlement. Nor, apart from Vietnam itself, which you agree is impossible, do "ethnic, language and cultural grounds" suggest that regional resettlement, even if possible, would be more satisfactory. In fact they militate against it. There is great
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