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that we should long since have accepted these cases, and they
will want to know whether we are prepared to undertake any kind
of continuing commitment to deal with the problem in Hong Kong.
If we cannot give them a positive response, any approach we make
is unlikely to have much impact on them.
5.
It is also absolutely evident that unless the Hong Kong
Government and public opinion can see that we are doing enough
ourselves, they will not be willing to resettle in Hong Kong
the ethnic Chinese in the open camps (there are about 3000 of
them). From Hong Kong we would appear, correctly, to be forbidding
them to attempt repatriation, declining to do much to help with
the problem ourselves, and urging them to do what we are not
prepared to do.
6. In these circumstances I do not see how we can give a
convincing reply to that part of the report which urged that we
should put strong diplomatic pressure on other Governments to
help with resettlement. SCORRI seemed to consider that
acceptance of the family reunion cases would provide an adequate
basis for this. But it is quite clear, in my judgement, that
it would not. I cannot therefore honestly pretend to them that
we shall have a basis to persuade other countries to do more to
help, nor disguise the fact that it is our own unwillingness to
help which is impeding our efforts to get the problem solved
internationally. In view of our constitutional responsibilities
for Hong Kong, I believe this puts us in an indefensible position.
7. We have looked carefully at regional resettlement, and in my
view it is not a starter. Countries in the region are already
overburdened with refugees, are indignant at the burden which they
have to bear, and are pressing Western countries to accept them
for resettlement. Nor, apart from Vietnam itself, which you agree
is impossible, do "ethnic, language and cultural grounds" suggest
that regional resettlement, even if possible, would be more satisfactory. In fact they militate against it. There is great
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