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Second, Article 31 of the Constitution provides that the
systems to be instituted in special administrative regions
shall be prescribed by law enacted by the National People's
Congress in the light of the specific conditions'. It means
that Hong Kong's future systems will be free from the
restriction of the Four Basic Principles as written in the
Preamble of the Constitution. The people of Hong Kong take
they have to follow the Preamble
things too hard and think that
as well. As a matter of fact, Article 31 is a special provision.
(At that time, WANG Hanbin said to GU Angran, 'It seems that we
have to write a feature article to explain to the people that
there are special provisions in law'). Meanwhile, Article 62
of the Constitution also provides that the NPC exercises the
function and power of "deciding on the establishment of special
administrative regions and the systems to be instituted there".
It means that it is empowered to decide on the practice of
capitalist system in Hong Kong. Therefore, the practice of
capitalist system in Hong Kong has been prescribed and is allowed
by the Constitution.
From the outset when we studied the Constitution, we had taken
the problems of Taiwan and Hong Kong into consideration. We
opined that we should adopt a pragmatic approach.
As a result,
Article 31 had been included in the Constitution with a view to
consolidating the concept of 'one country, two systems' in the
form of a Constitution. Therefore, the inclusion of Article 31
does not run counter to the Constitution at all; but on the
contrary, it is the Constitution that confers the power (upon
the special administrative regions) to practise 'one country,
two systems'. At that time, we were well aware that socialist
system could not be practised in Hong Kong. Hong Kong's status
quo should be maintained, or else the people of Hong Kong would
be frightened and fled away. The same applies to Taiwan. We
will not liberalise Taiwan by force. Neither would we change
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