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sovereignty in 1979 before Chinese ideas were formed, we
might have been able to retain British administration.
Whether or not that view is correct, the option was never open politically. As Sir Percy Cradock pointed out in his despatch.
of 12 December, 1983, such a concession would have meant
abandoning without having tried them a whole series of what
seemed at the time defensible positions.
The Future
26. I am often asked whether China can be trusted to honour
the agreement. To answer the question entails taking two views:
about China's interests and about the character of the successors
to China's present leaders. I believe that China's interests
will militate in favour of the honouring of the agreement.
What are these interests? They are cognate with the reasons
why the Chinese leaders decided to negotiate with us (paragraph
15 above). It is a Chinese interest to warp Taiwan alongside
as smoothly and rapidly as possible. If things were to go badly
wrong in Hong Kong, either before or after 1997, the prospect
of China's doing this would be seriously damaged. It is a
Chinese interest for Hong Kong to continue to prosper, not only
because China earns upwards of a quarter of its foreign exchange from Hong Kong, but also because she needs the skills
and experience of Hong Kong for her development. If things
were to go wrong in Hong Kong, China's ambitious development
programme would be set back. It is a Chinese interest for China to be regarded as responsible and reliable member of the international community. If things were to go wrong in Hong Kong, especially after 1997, China's reputation in the
world would suffer. These interests are neither ephemeral
nor negligible. As to the character of the successors, all
that can be said for certain is that Deng Xiaoping is doing
his utmost to place people of his way of thinking in positions of power. He may not succeed in placing them everywhere. And those he has placed could quarrel among themselves after
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