arguing more forcefully for direct elections; they stress need to
phase-in indirect elections. They understand unique and precarious
position of Hong Kong.
(B)
Functional constituencies not universally popular in Hong Kong.
(C) But proposals in White Paper unduly pessimistic about ability
of Hong Kong people to comprehend democratic process. Therefore
somewhat quicker pace of change needed.
6.
Hal Miller MP
(A) Green Paper aroused suspicions of Peking. Danger that China
may regard White Paper as having been produced in a hurry.
Important not to regard elections as a test of China's sincerity
about agreement. We must settle Chinese suspicions - this is not
likely to be achieved by introduction of an electoral system based
on the Westminster model.
7.
(A)
Robert Adley MP
Those in power in Hong Kong at the moment have not been
elected. Have obvious incentive to resist change.
(B) Changes must take place
take place in Hong Kong itself. Vital that people
of Hong Kong equip themselves with their own political institutions
before 1997.
8. Jack Ashley MP
(A) "Bull in a Hong Kong shop" to introduce British system of adversarial politics in Hong Kong.
(B) Must be greater involvement by Hong Kong people. Their
challenge is to produce political leaders.
9.
Ken Eastham MP
(A) Surprised that people in Hong Kong not clamouring for faster
change, but urging caution.
(B)
Registration of voters important.
10. George Robertson MP
(A)
Creation of democratic institutions been resisted because of
fear of Chinese over-reaction. With agreement, reason for caution
now gone.
(B)
(C)
However, antipathy in Hong Kong to confrontational elections.
Proposals in White Paper unduly cautious. In 1987 review,
Hong Kong Government must be prepared to consider holding direct
elections.
(D) Danger that insufficient time before 1997 to create a strong viable locally based system. But must proceed on a basis that does
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